William H. Watkins, The White Architects of Black Education: Ideology and Power in
America, 1865-1954 (New York: Teachers College Press, 2001), 224 pp.
Reviewed by Joy Ann Williamson, School of Education, Stanford University
This book is a welcome addition to the growing literature on the ideological
history of Black education. The major players and thinkers, all White men, each saw
themselves as enlightened, even progressive, reformers. The fact many did not have any
background in education or education policy was not a detriment, particularly since they
were more interested in social policy. Each of the ideologues responded to the post-Civil
War hysteria over how to integrate Blacks into the existing social order and maintain
racial, economic, and political peace. Northerners rightfully saw their future bound up
with the South, and Northern philanthropists and Southern thinkers formed an alliance
with regard to their position on Black education. Not only did Black lower intelligence
merit a particular kind of curriculum, the social reality of the South demanded it. Backed
by scientific racism and worried about national reconciliation these White thinkers
banded together to devise and finance a program for Black education that included
industrial education only. Through this kind of schooling Blacks would be forced into
the existing social order and take up the bottom rung of the social ladder. Theirs was a
kind of racist benevolence that demonstrated a person could be in favor of mass
schooling but racist to the core.
The book can serve as a resource guide for those interested in the history of
philanthropy in Black education. It does a good job of identifying some of the major
players in industrial philanthropy and teasing out their ideas on social policy. Also, the
short biographies of the men and families involved provides the reader with a glimpse of
how personal motivations connect to political motivations. Watkins demonstrates how
these men were influenced by and adopted particular notions regarding African American
inferiority. They then translated those ideas, bolstered by scientific racism, and devised a
proper social/educational policy for African American adjustment to the racial hierarchy
in the United States.
Another strength is that Watkins provides a discussion of little known figures.
Though these men often do not appear in writings on Black education Watkins is able to
show their wide influence on the issue. What is most provocative is how these
ideologues on Black education, little known or otherwise, were interconnected personally
as well as professionally. Watkins does not label the web a grand conspiracy, but their
interconnectedness does make it clear that theirs was something more than simple interest
in education. These men sought to both dominate and determine the path of the nation
through a coherent social policy facilitated by their wealth.
However, these supporters of industrial education did not trump educational
policy. This is a book written from a top-down perspective in that it investigates
ideological history. This in itself is not the issue; indeed, Watkins himself states that this
is only one perspective on Black educational history after the Civil War. However, what
the book misses is that ideology was not always translated into practice. Yes, these
ideologues wielded power and wealth that gave them a place at the table to decide the
future of African Americans. But, they were not alone at the table. Other Whites,
notably White missionary associations, supported a liberal arts education for African
Americans and set up schools for that purpose. African Americans also set up and
funded schools with a liberal arts curriculum and more egalitarian notion of Black life in
America. Further, some schools only pretended to maintain an industrial education and
hierarchical view of American racial relationships while relegating industrial arts to a
corner of the curriculum. At universities like Fisk, students actually went on strike when
the President attempted to alter the liberal arts focus of the curriculum in order to pander
to White industrial interests (see James Anderson, The Education of Blacks in the South,
1860-1935. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988; and Raymond
Wolters, The New Negro on Campus: Black College Rebellions of the 1920s. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1975). Watkins gives the impression that industrial
ideologues completely dominated education. They may have won some of the battles,
but they lost the war.
Also, Watkins describes how these architects were influenced by their historical
context, namely the ascendancy of scientific racism. However, including a discussion of
the power of religion, popular culture, and the United States government can make the
claim that these ideologues were part and parcel to their historical reality much more
strong. For instance, almost all of the ideologues Watkins discusses use religion to
bolster their involvement in Black education. It was their “Christian” duty to involve
themselves in the education of those less fortunate. Religion also bolstered their support
of a racial hierarchy. Evidently, religious righteousness and scientific evidence were a
powerful mix. When paired with the 1896 Plessy versus Ferguson decision and the 1910
debut of the popular film, Birth of a Nation, the historical reality in which these men
existed comes into clearer focus.
Though these pieces are missing from the book it is a worthwhile read for those
interested in deepening their understanding of post-Civil War discussions on Black
education. It was an incredibly interesting and important time in Black educational
history, and this book offers a good glimpse of one perspective on the issue. In
particular, it strengthens the point made by others: far from benevolent, these
philanthropists were accomodationists more interested in national reconciliation than the
advancement of African Americans.