CHANGE AND DEVELOPMENT
ANTHROPOLOGY & DEVELOPMENT
These notes relate closely to the recommended text:
Social Change in Melanesia: development and history by Paul Sillitoe. (Cambridge
University Press, 2000)
SECTIONS.
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I. Introduction: anthropological perspectives on change and development.
II. Issues, terms of debate & anthropology's contribution to change and
development.
III. Technology, innovation, development & change.
IV Theories of change and development: modernisation and dependency
V. Land, change & economic development
VI. Theories of change & development: the entrepreneurial model
VII. Rural regions: the peasant condition
VIII. International, national & local levels: multinationals, governments &
communities
IX. The urban areas: migration & urbanisation
X. Indigenous responses to change and development
I. INTRODUCTION: ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON CHANGE AND DEVELOPMENT.
An introduction to social change & economic development : various relevant distinctions and
the issue of poverty.
1. Light- & dark-skinned brothers myth - we shall concern ourselves with the return of the
former's descendants (Europeans) = social change in the Pacific (oral history).
2. EXTERNAL/INTERNAL CHANGE: All societies dynamic & changing - source,
extent & speed of change critical factors.
Internally generated change - gradual (unless revolution) = evolution.
External induced change, but is gradual = diffusion.
Fast & chaotic change caused by invading outside forces = today's economic
development (modernisation/ dependency).
3. THREE ASPECTS
OF CHANGE
a. technological innovations
b. social consequences
c. indigenous rationalisations
Technological innovation = when technically superior procedure introduced into
tribal/peasant society (usually today through the intrusion of the industrial world).
Social consequences flow from technical changes & also socio-cultural modifications forced
on traditional society by outside powers; relations with outside authorities.
Indigenous rationalisations = people trying to make sense of changes in terms of what they
know, and to manipulate them (not daft!).
4. POVERTY:
Poverty = chronic problem of lesser developed countries.
Eradication of poverty = major reason given for
promoting economic development & associated social
change
5. CAUSES OF POVERTY:
a. lack of modern technology
b. lack of 'modernising outlook'
c. physical & environmental limitations.
d. governmental & administrative obstructions
e. dependency relations between First & Third Worlds
f. local socio-economic relations of exploitation
Vicious cycles of poverty: the difficulty of breaking them
II. ISSUES, TERMS OF DEBATE & ANTHROPOLOGY'S CONTRIBUTION TO CHANGE AND DEVELOPMENT.
1. SOME TERMS DEFINED:
Economic development = more properly technological
development -usually reckoned beneficial (poverty alleviation).
Social change = changes in social order - cannot be
judged as good or bad (culturally relative issues).
Applied anthropology = how can we apply
anthropology? What anthropology has to contribute to development/change issues. Only
advise on social consequences.
Third World = world's less technologically developed
nations, though not easy to define.
North-south debate = division of world into developed
& undeveloped, but woolly.
Colonialism & neo-colonialism = industrial political
suzerainty over colonies, transformed later to insidious economic control (via multi-nationals
etc.)
2. TWO LEVELS OF DEVELOPMENT:
Nationally planned macro-level development - concern of economists &
politicians.
Grass-roots micro-level development – where anthropologists' interests
centre.
3. PARTICIPATORY DEVELOPMENT:
a. Relatively new viewpoint - people, not capital, centred
b. A direct role for anthropology. Primacy given to indigenous knowledge (IK).
c. Approaches to participation:
i. local people contribute to programmes
ii local people organise themselves
iii empowering local populations
4. PROBLEMS WITH PARTICIPATION:
a. Political obstacles
b. Administrative obstacles
c. Social obstacles
d. Project obstacles
5. BENEFITS OF PARTICIPATION:
a. More efficient, cost-effective projects
b. More effective use of resources (esp. local)
c. Promotes self-reliance, breaks dependency relations
d. More sustainable development
III. TECHNOLOGY, INNOVATION, DEVELOPMENT & CHANGE.
The role of technology, and technological innovation, in socio-economic change: causes and
effects.
1. TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE
Factor Substitution: change in inputs, output constant
Technical Change: resources same, output increased
'Neutral' Technical Change: ration of inputs remains the same (at given factor prices)
'Biased' Technical Change: favours using more of one productive resource than another
(maybe capital-saving, labour-saving or neutral)
2. INDUCED INNOVATION
When certain resources become scarce, their scarcity induces the search for technical
innovations to overcome their relative shortage of supply.
Criticism = assumes perfect competitive market, which not so for poor Third World
farmers
3. LABOUR-SAVING INNOVATIONS
a. From stone to steel axes:
1. Indirect change, before Europeans actually arrive : instructive because relatively few
forces at work. Cannot observe directly - conditions reliability of studies.
2. The Siane, typical New Guinea highlanders (see R. Salisbury From stone to steel);
discovered 1933, by 1950s administrative control established and directly induced change
taking place
3. Most profound indirect change = arrival of steel axes, exchanged over large distances.

According to Salisbury steel 3 or 4 times quicker, reducing time Siane men
engaged in subsistence work from 80% to 50% of their lives. Wola
research suggests wildly askew - steel only 1.4 times faster. But this
statistic not much use because of problem of comparison.

Not only steel tools would have saved time, but arrival of new crops too
and other manufactured items (like cloth).
b. From axe to plough:
1. The Lala of Zambia (see N. Long 1968 Social change and the individual): introduction
of ox-plough and tobacco cash crop (previously swidden farmers)
2. Resulted in: changes in labour organisation, land tenure, village fragmentation,
dissolution of matrilineal groups
c. From ox-plough to tractor:
1. The introduction of tractors to farmers in Asia (see H.P. Binswanger 1984 Agricultural
mechanisation)
Economic factors favourable (government distorted)
2. Substitution versus net contribution views: either tractors increase farm size & reduce
employment (bad), or increase net output by increasing cultivation efficiency (good)
4. LAND-AUGMENTING INNOVATIONS
a. The Green Revolution (modern crop varieties - HYVs)
1. Modern varieties involve net technical change, have substantially increased yields. They
require complementary inputs (fertiliser, water etc.). Although scale neutral (inputs infinitely
divisible), poor peasants adopt at slower rate.
2. Reliance on purchased inputs locks peasants into unpredictable market = risk (also yields
more variable)
3. Problems observed, more to do with imperfect factor markets than the technology (v.
impressive plant breeding)
5. TRIBAL RESPONSE TO TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE
Steel-changed behaviour: How did Siane use time saved?
They did not increase subsistence production, being content with their lot
According to Salisbury by fighting more wars & increasing ceremonial exchange activity.
 Warfare argument unconvincing.
 European import of shell wealth very important regarding ceremonial exchange
inflorescence.
 Salisbury speculates that women flowed against wealth towards those living around
European centres.
 See no reason why number of exchanges should have increased, as opposed to
inflation in their size.
 Furthermore Salisbury maintains that stimulus to ceremonial exchange resulted in
increased pig production, which is where men may have used time saved (to produce
more wealth).
IV THEORIES OF CHANGE AND DEVELOPMENT: MODERNISATION AND DEPENDENCY
Socio-economic changes in production proceed as series of discontinuous jumps as capital
investments/technological developments made, but overall trend is increasing material
prosperity = growth and modernization
1. STEP-DEMAND CHANGES
Regardless of criticisms, significant point is that Siane did not increase production
Instead they increased ceremonial exchange related activities - great social pressure to do
so.
Left alone, no reason why Siane should break out of this madly inflating situation - but
industrial world inevitably breaks in.
In paying Siane, Salisbury noticed shift in preferences from wealth to consumable luxuries
to manufactured consumables to cash - his explanation unsatisfactory, but he noticed
changes occurred as jumps.
2. JUMPING DEVELOPMENT
Economist's abstract model linking tribal subsistence economy to monetary one. Assumes that
subsistence economies have concealed surplus.
Developers considers ways of encouraging people to exploit potential surplus. Aim to stimulate take-off
(Rostow) and growth. Distinguish between incentive & response factors:
Incentive = effort needed to earn cash & opportunity to spend it.
Response = traditional attitudes influencing reactions, & manner in which introduced by outside
agencies.
Development economists concentrate on incentive factor.
Returns initially so low & effort so great that people reluctant to increase production - need capital
investment to make more profitable to stimulate it, problem is : who will finance such developments
initially when no profit to be made given low output in any region?
Either profit opportunities expand locally to make it viable eventually. Or, more likely, governments
will finance.
Similarly regarding incentives to earn money to spend it - where few retail outlets incentive to earn low but who will establish low turnover store hoping to stimulate production & become profitable?
Such capital investments cause jumps in output. To break through stagnation points developers urge
substantial investment in region by advanced economy - either private or government.
3. THEORIES OF MODERNIZATION
Neo-evolutionary - assumes linear transformation of 'traditional' societies to 'advanced'
(i.e. Western) ones
The 'structural differentiation' model (after Smelser) = process whereby more specialised
and autonomous social units develop (i.e. development = more differentiated structure &
its integration)
Development occurs by:
a. modernization of technology
b. commercialization of agriculture
c. industrialisation
d. urbanisation
Essentially ethnocentric (i.e. development = what happened in Western capitalistic
nations). We have to set assumptions within other unique cultural and historical
contexts
4. DUALISTIC THEORIES
Traditional-modern dichotomy represented as rural (or folk)-urban duality (originates in
anthropology with Redfield's continuum)
Dualistic theories of development postulate two different sectors in LDCs: the modern,
capitalist, industrial sector and the traditional, non-profit, largely subsistence agricultural
sector
5.THEORIES OF DEPENDENCY
Associated with Marxist thinking and sets LDCs within wider socio-historical context,
arguing that lesser developed nations are dominated economically & politically by, and
dependent upon, outside industrial powers (= neo-colonialism)
The metropolitan-satellite relationship (after Frank) - the former expropriates economic
surplus of latter - marked by sharp class structure (both external & internal to any nation)
Criticisms = i. assumes (like modernism) that traditional forms of organisation are
eliminated by 'intrusion of capitalism', which untrue.
ii. overlooks co-operation within and between opposing interest groups
(classes), overlapping interests.
iii. metropolitan-satellite relations not arranged in simple hierarchy
iv. satellites may manipulate resource allocation too, to some extent.
The modes of production approach considers multi-structural nature of LDC economies
through the analysis of production systems. Seeks to explain why traditional arrangements
of production persist with intrusion of commodity markets, the articulation of different
productive systems
6. NORMATIVE APPROACHES
A concern with how development should proceed, rather than theories about how it has
occurred (i.e. practioners versus academics)
Some of the issues:
a. a concern with global interdependence
b. the basic needs approach - concentrating on poverty
c. eco-development - concerns with environmental issues and sustainability
d. transformation of power relations (the haves giving to the have nots)
e. autonomy and interdependence - participatory development
f. the ignored, largely women (WID)
g. people first, not capital
V. LAND, CHANGE & ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
The ways in which traditional land tenure conflict with objectives of economic development,
& how the latter might be modified to accommodate the former rather than obliterate it (&
the societies concerned).
Abstract economic plans and social theories all very well but 'response factors' also vital peoples' responses to development particularly heated regarding land.
1. LAND ALIENATION
Land alienation obvious source of tension.
In early colonial days large-scale annexation for expatriate planters but national
governments alienating land today face same problems
Areas alienated in the Pacific vary –
New Caledonia = 80.5%, Fiji = 17.6%, PNG = 4.8%
But figures based on total land area - large regions physically beyond development.
Annex best land and leave natives with poorer less developable areas.
One region badly affected = Gazelle Peninsula region of Tolai people (see A.L. Epstein
1969 Matupit)
2. TRIBAL LAND TENURE
Traditionally tribal people cannot sell land, that is cannot alienate it - therefore when
accepted goods from Europeans for them to use it, they did not think they were handing
over title in perpetuity - this argument forms basis of many indigenous land claims
Rights to land depend on kin connections to land holding corporations - e.g. with Tolai =
matrilineal vunatarai group; system very flexible (as throughout the Pacific) - a wide
range of varyingly connected people claiming land on any territory.
Fundamental point is that all tribal people traditionally have access to all the land
they need.
3. TENURE AND DEVELOPMENT
Developers maintain that traditional tenure hinders development.
They maintain that individual freehold tenure essential to encourage people to invest in
land - an erroneous ethnocentric judgement.
Also need individual freehold so land can serve as collateral to raise loans for
development - but financial institutions could change conditions.
Also traditional tenure results in small fragmented holdings that militate against
economy-of-scale developments - but no individual farming household could finance
these anyway.
The perennial cash crops now cultivated on considerable scale (for market sale) are
introducing undesirable rigidity into traditional tenure where flexibility an essential
feature = detrimental change.
Cash crops also take land away from subsistence crops & threaten nutritional & health
problems.
4. LAND & SOCIETY
Changes to land holding arrangements certain to have social consequences.
Land Tenure Conversion Ordinances & nucleus estate settlement schemes = two
strategies to undermine traditional tenure.
Land not merely an economic asset, is fundamental to tribal social organisation - e.g.
Tolai where it maintains people's cultural identity.
To try and change traditional land tenure is to assault entire culture - no wonder people
resist it?
5. SHARECROPPING TENANCY
Peasant tenure where rent = percentage of crop yield.
Involves contractural arrangements between landowners and tenants
The pesistence of these tenancy arrangements a socio-economic puzzle, the answer to
which relates to inter-locked factor markets
The tenant viewpoint = labour use sub-optimal & sharecropping inefficient (at
landowner's expense)
The landowner viewpoint = landowner sets labour input (subject to market wage rates) &
sharecropping efficient - but assumptions doubtful
Both models unsatisfactory - notion of risk-aversion helps solve puzzle (uncertainty due to
imperfect labour markets, crdit difficulties, management problems



Interlocked factor markets = range of transactions covered by sharecropping
contract (e.g. labour services, loans, cost sharing etc.)
Neo-classical economic viewpoint = allows profit maximising landlord to
overcome inefficiencies of fragmented markets
Marxist viewpoint = ensures exploitation of poor tenant family 'semi-feudalism'
6. LAND REFORM
Drastic re-organisation of land holding arrangements intended to free peasants from
dependence on landlords
Many problems attend land reform - e.g. land areas involved, compensation
arrangements, evasion etc.
It has only really been effective where bloody revolution has occurred - can socioeconomic equalities ever be controlled?
VI. THEORIES OF CHANGE & DEVELOPMENT: THE ENTREPRENEURIAL MODEL
The role of local entrepreneurs in promoting change and the limiting conditions imposed on their
endeavours by their culture's structure values and so on.
1. ENTREPRENEURS
An economic concept = risk-taking innovators/brokers
Socio-economic studies focus on two themes:
i. socio-cultural values that promote entrepreneurial behaviour (after Weber)
ii. individual factors that promote the rise of entrepreneurs, what in their social background encourages
their emergence?
Two broad approaches to these issues:
i. the transactional approach
ii. the decision-making approach
Some motivating factors:
a. religious beliefs (e.g. the Protestant work ethic)
b. marginal social status (e.g. lack of esteem)
Some problems faced by would-be entrepreneurs:
a. insufficient familiarity with modern business organisation
b. reluctance/inability to delegate responsibility
c. estrangement from kin and cultural roots
Small-scale entrepreneurial activity of the kind that typifies LDCs is important aspect of the 'informal
sector', now recognised as important issue in urban contexts
2. ENTREPRENEURS IN THE PACIFIC
1. Not all traditional aspects of Melanesian society impede development, some - like the
achieved leadership system - promote it.
2. Big men as entrepreneurs (see B. Finney 1973 Big-men and business).
Goroka region: region suited to coffee, crop on which rapid development depended (easy to
grow, demanded very high price, & individuals can grow it). European settlers supplied
required capital & assistance
In short, incentive factors very good.
3. BIG-MEN TO BUSINESSMEN
Some internal response factors favourable too - big man role significant
Traditional big man role = status achieved by those who excel in certain fields.
But today's business leaders not necessarily yesterday's big-men - more than motivation &
opportunity to achieve significant.
The chance historical encounters today's business leaders had with Europeans very
important.
Also, in saving earnings they acted aberrantly, not like big-men.
Today's businessmen acted like disenchanted innovators described elsewhere.
4. INDIVIDUALITY OF INNOVATORS
Through individual efforts that men succeed, not relying on kin-group. Enterprises centre
on individual business big-men.
The place of individual action in traditional society very important for promoting
developments (incorrect to suggest social groups co-operate, rallying behind big-men).
What big-men do is mobilise investment potential of several people - each helping as an
individual & expecting individual reward - i e based on reciprocity
5. EXCHANGE INVESTMENT
The ability of businessmen to raise capital from relatives very important.
When confident in their abilities, relatives invest in their enterprises, in anticipation of
individual return payment
Exchange ethos initially promotes development (encouraging development) and later
hinders it (demanding repayment) - e.g. returning indentured labourers
Successful ventures are those not depending heavily on kin contributions.
6. FLAGGING DEVELOPMENT
Businesses grow so far and then stop
One reason centres on nature of status in an egalitarian society - if too successful offend
egalitarian ethic & fear violent reprisals.
Another reason is Highlanders have very limited demand for manufactured items & need of
cash.
Other demand for cash is as wealth to give in ceremonial exchange - initially great, but soon
fell off because of inflation & subversion of exchange system by working for, not
transacting for, wealth.
Traditional Highland society initially promotes favourable response to commercial growth
& later an unfavourable one, causing developments to flag.
Outside factors have also been significant, contributing to flagging of development : fall in
coffee prices, independence & expatriates leaving.
Change was too swift - need steady change built on education to have lasting effect.
While entrepreneurs significant in promoting change & growth, they can only achieve
limited amount if society does not change with them.
VII. RURAL REGIONS: THE PEASANT CONDITION
The transition from tribesmen to peasants with the intrusion of industrial powers; the
implications of this change in status, and its socio-economic consequences.
1. TRIBESMEN CONTRASTED WITH PEASANTS
Tribesmen = Small-scale, kin-ordered, self-sufficient social orders.
Peasants = communities encapsulated within larger economic & political order - produce
own subsistence & surplus for sale.
2. PEASANT SOCIETY
Characteristics of peasant society:
a. communities in transition
b. engage in market, part of larger economic system
c. relations of subordination; exploited (by both external & internal agents)
Peasant household = unit of production & consumption:
a. have access to land (land tenure arrangements)
b. family supplies labour
c. no profit motive prominently evident
d. part of output used for subsistence
e. only partially integrated into markets
f. reciprocal transactions prominent
g. face imperfect markets (e.g. credit problems, input
supply irregular, market information & communications
poor etc.)
3. PEASANTS DEFINED
Peasants live in family farm household units, having access to land, using family labour
largely in production; they are always situated peripherally in a larger socio-economic
system, being engaged partially in markets which function with a marked degree of
imperfection.
4. SUBSISTENCE DEVELOPMENT
The urge of peasants to maintain subsistence self-sufficiency indicates need for
development of traditional agriculture. Peasants hang on to subsistence self-sufficiency vital that not jeopardised before stable economic alternative established.
Not evidence that peasants fatalistic - is sensible insurance in unpredictable world
Suggests that peasant status is terminal phase?
As inevitable dependence on traditional subsistence regime, need to develop its potential to
give growth firm basis
Various ways of improving swidden systems:
1. new crops;
2. technology improved;
3. fallow cover improved;
4. shifting pattern rationalised;
5. combining subsistence & cash crops.
5. PEASANT SOCIO- POLITICAL STATUS
Persistence of peasant lifestyle, two opposed views:
a. social differentiation inevitable under capitalist pressure (= Marxist position)
b. peasant life capable of indefinite existence (due to reciprocal norms, demography,
control over means of production [land, family labour], flexibility etc.)
6. PEASANT EXPLOITATION
Surplus appropriation by wider system (by various rent arrangements, price fixing,
usury, taxation etc.)
The state: frequently controlled by small interest groups, using state apparatus to keep
peasants in place
Some commentators maintain that Pacific islanders changing from egalitarian
tribesmen to exploited peasants, with a trend, as peasant lifestyle emerges, for a classlike hierarchical structure to evolve. With cash crops have new order arriving simultaneous evolution of a hierarchy.
Business big-men become rich peasants = revolution of traditional order
But for class structure need evolution of hierarchy principle.
7. CLASSES SUBVERTED
Customary land tenure preventing landlessness & emergence of landlord class.
Commercial ventures centring on one man collapse with his death, preventing empire
building (also means ventures unlikely to grow to enjoy benefits of scale).
Demands of ceremonial exchange also tend towards equality - for to achieve renown men
still have to excel in this field (so dispersing ambitious entrepreneur's profits).
Warfare subverts class development - if too successful men fear revenge and in periodic wars;
big-men lose their capital.
8. CLASSES PROMOTED
It is on national not local rural level that we find pressures towards evolution of classes
The colonial era has left central governments.
The business big-men invariably run for political office, whence they can co-ordinate attack
on those features of traditional society preventing the consolidation of their commercial
ventures & emergence of a class structure.
Central governments legislate against customary land tenure, encourage companies, no
single businessmen, stamp on tribal warfare, and erode away the ceremonial exchange
system.
VIII. INTERNATIONAL, NATIONAL & LOCAL LEVELS: MULTINATIONALS, GOVERNMENTS & COMMUNITIES
The centre versus the periphery - mineral mining (from gold to copper) taken to illustrate the
dilemmas of development as seen from the central government's perspective.
Centrally planned & directed projects involving multinational companies, control passes
outside country.
1. EARLY DEVELOPMENTS: GOLD PROSPECTING
Large-scale developments in the Pacific previously centred on plantations, now on mining
of minerals.
Initially interest in minerals centred on gold - treatment of Pacific Islanders (local pops. &
labourers) very bad.
Prospectors hardly promoted development, but were responsible for initiating social
change, especially in uncontacted regions.
Bulolo Dredging Company in 1930s - precursor of mining developments to come.
2. NATIONAL INCOMES:
On occasion gold was a significant export from the Pacific, foreshadowing later
situation with minerals.
Copper & nickel now major minerals - make significant proportion of earnings of PNG,
West Irian & New Caledonia.
Governments keen to promote mineral extraction to reduce reliance on aid - but remain
dependent on industrial finance & technology from overseas.
Governments & companies aim to make profit - local people feature insignificantly in
plans.
3. BENEFITS & COSTS
BENEFITS = Greatly increased services in region of mine.
Increased incomes, from both compensation &
opportunity to earn wage.
Education & technical training opportunities.
Multiplier effect - stimulating local production
of food etc to sell.
COSTS =
The loss & destruction of their land, which no
compensation can make good.
Social adjustment problems - influx of
strangers preying on local women, drinking etc.
Breakdown in law & order, racial & tribal
strife.
4. WHO IS RESPONSIBLE?
Some maintain minerals should be left in ground until indigenous people can mine
themselves - but many years before they could, & in meantime where is money for
development to come from?
Double-bind of development - new nations have to co-operate in project severely
disruptive to citizens - cannot opt out of modern world.
Some argue local people should decide - but they are unaware of consequences & cannot
reach informed decisions, to do so need several years of education, which demands time
that is not available.
If fate of local population ignored will ferment discontent & trouble disruptive to project.
Cannot transform traditional culture in a generation - if change too fast anomie & apathy
result.
We cannot stop 'progress' as anthropologists, only ameliorate its worst effects
IX. THE URBAN AREAS: MIGRATION & URBANISATION
The migration of people to seek work elsewhere (on indentured labour contracts etc.), and
drift to urban areas, which is proceeding at an alarming rate & threatening social disorder.
1. MIGRATION
Previously encouraged, now seen as problem
Reasons for migration:
a. social factors
b. physical factors
c. demographic situation
d. cultural considerations
e. communication improvements
Characteristics of migrants (personal background, education etc.)
Policy implications - rural versus urban development
International migration and refugees
2. MIGRANT LABOUR IN THE PACIFIC
Those who go elsewhere to work, usually briefly, although some become permanent wage
labourers - maintain home ties.
In some regards blackbirding a precursor, especially given dubious recruiting practices
well into this century.
But employers realise that bad recruitment & management will ruin labour supply although their conditions still spartan & hard.
Governments also intervened to protect both labourers' & employers' interests - with
institution of indentured contracts.
Still problem of inducing labourers to work & co-operate - some try paternalism, others
intimidation.
3. MIGRATION & SOCIAL CHANGE
Governments also intervened to protect rural subsistence base - if too many men left
could collapse.
Migration of labour disrupts social organisation - especially of families
Also experiences of young migrants lead them to question traditional authority &
custom - a potent source of social change (e.g. refuse initiations).
4. URBANISATION
A major problem in many LDCs
Shanties & slums: places of hope or despair? - the evolution of communities - danger
of inappropriate ethnocentric standards
The informal sector - the dual economy concept - small-scale production and services precarious conditions - transitional phase?
5. TRIBESMEN AS TOWNSMEN
Some migrant labourers become long-term urban residents - but majority maintain rural
connections, intending to return home (ensures economic security, if out of work).
Rural focus extends into towns - those from same culture reside & interact together.
Gives rise to ethnic enclaves - tribalism = wantok system in the Pacific.
Wantok system perhaps inevitable, but militates against stable urban environment.
 Results in many isolated ethnic groups within which people are safe, but relations
between which are potentially hostile
 Wantok system also promotes nepotism in employment - workers happiest when
they are all of the same cultural background.
6. TRIBALISM VERSUS CLASS
Wantok obligations also prevent individuals amassing large savings - have to share (is
form of insurance against unemployment).
What inter-ethnic interaction there is, taking place on nascent class lines (particularly
concerns elite).
But demands of wantok system prevent efflorescence into class system - effecting
somewhat equal distribution of wealth (to opt out, someone would have to sever links
with home).
It is between groups that have class-like formations - because of uneven regional
development, some cultural groups are better off than others.
Needs urgent attention because breeds hostility - tribal fighting common.
7. FROM FOREST TO URBAN JUNGLES
Violence unavoidable with clash of cultures - and revenge ethic exacerbates.
The alienated atmosphere of urban centres also partly attributable to colonial history,
when indigenes were banned.
Pacific urban centres, in reverse to European ones, have grown up without industry which they are desperately seeking, to maintain their growth.
They are rapidly expanding, with no work for the ever increasing population - combined
with wantok insularism results in very volatile social situation.
Governments need to arrest urban flow - to promote rural development.
X. INDIGENOUS RESPONSES TO CHANGE AND DEVELOPMENT
Millenarian movements one response to change. The reactions of Pacific Islanders to social
change & development as exemplified by cargo cults - illustrated by the John Frum
movement of Tanna.
Letter from John Frum - to convey Melanesians' confusion, and to contextualise their
response to change.
1. MILLENARIAN MOVEMENTS - THE CARGO CULT
Definition = short-lived & frenetic (often repeating) millenarian movements - the
millennium notion. Feature prophets who predict cataclysm.
Not merely wish for material goods, but express dissatisfaction with relations with
Europeans, whose abilities they cannot comprehend - protest against inferior status.
Cults = search for ritual formula to rectify situation & secure people rightful share of
wealth & power.
2. THE JOHN FRUM CULT
Occurred on Tanna, from ~1940 (intermittently) to present.
Islanders boycotted missions etc. - incited by mysterious John Frum figure, who said to
appear at night to predict cataclysm, & encouraged return to traditional customs- casting
away money, & wild feasts.
Administration imprisoned supposed leaders, but cult flourished other John Frums, his
sons and his prophets appeared (airstrips cleared etc.).
When U.S.A. entered during Pacific war & recruited islanders, they were very generous
& rich in cargo - resulted in cult developing fixation on U.S.A.
U.S. identification persists today - mock parades, red crosses etc.
3. STRESS EXPLANATIONS
Commentators have put forward a variety of explanations.
Early reports interpreted as responses to intolerable stress = collective madness.
Some have interpreted mass hysteria positively, as promoting rapid adjustment to change.
4. MATERIAL EXPLANATIONS
Others have concentrated on material emphasis of cults.
When Pacific islanders become aware of their material poverty breeds envy, which,
unable to rectify, prompts escape in cult fantasies.
5. CONSERVATIVE EXPLANATIONS
Reverse of above - argue that cults a rejection of European ways = nativism.
Crude version = cults filled void left by missions forbidding customary practices.
Another version centres on exchange = cults to accommodate inflation in wealth.
Whatever role of conservation, cults have roots in traditional culture (e.g. myths used to
justify cult behaviour) people predictably try to explain what they cannot understand in
familiar terms.
From this perspective can see cults not irrational.
6. STATUS EXPLANATIONS
Pacific islanders expressing discontent with newly imposed order & their lack of status
- they abhor European/elite dominance & racism.
In cults islanders wish to oblige Europeans/elite to treat them as equals & share (find
here exchange emphasis).
Cults = protest over deprivation of status - wish to instate big-man model of behaviour.
Big-men also important in generating cults, as leaders.
7. NATIONALISTIC EXPLANATIONS
Marxists argue cults are nascent nationalistic movements, wish to cast off
colonialism/neo-colonial legacy.
Promote this by bringing together stateless groups into one protesting group, and
articulating their feelings of frustration with their situation.
However you interpret cults, they undoubtedly play important role in allowing people to
cope with massive change.