Siobhan Lehotta
History 288
McCarthyism in Nebraska
On February 9, 1950 Senator Joseph McCarthy from Wisconsin gave a speech at the
McLure Hotel in Wheeling, West Virginia. In that speech, Senator McCarthy talked about the
current Cold War involving the United States and Russia that had been rising since World War
II. After briefly discussing the Cold War, he made his infamous accusation that he held a list of
205 names of people working in the State Department that were members of the Communist
party. This accusation gave way to a time of confusion and fear throughout the United States,
infiltrating the political views of many Americans. Throughout the mid 1900’s, Senator Joseph
McCarthy and his ideas of Communism largely affected politics in Nebraska, shaping the way
many Nebraskans viewed significant political ideas.1
It was during 1919 and 1920 that America encountered its first mass fear of Communism
known as the Red Scare. This Red Scare was the result of increased suspicion of Communists
infiltrating the United States and seizing power, similar to that of the Bolshevik revolution in
Russia. Radical Americans, especially those who took part in strikes, were labeled Communists
and the problems of the country were blamed on them. When the Great Depression hit the United
States in 1929, it was a general consensus that loyal Americans could not be responsible. That
placed the blame on the anti-capitalistic Communists. The first undisruptive out lash of blame
increased, ultimately turning into blatant hunting. 2
Hunting for Communists changed into hunting for Nazis in America when Adolf Hitler
rose to power in Germany in 1933. Congress investigated the hunting, concluding that there
should be a committee designated to investigate people and organizations that were taking part in
un-American propaganda. The Omaha World Herald had done studies on Congressional
spending to find that money towards investigations by numerous different offices had risen by
more than one million dollars in ten years. The study noted that the Constitution does not
prevent Congressional investigation, but it puts limits on the way it can be used. This act of
pulling Congress into the mess is a demonstration on the power the Red Scare had on politics. In
1938, the House Committee on Un-American Activities, HUAC, was created. In 1945 Congress
voted to make this committee a permanent one. It was the HUAC that gave way to many
methods Senator Joseph McCarthy picked up as a Senator during Roosevelt’s Administration
and would use in his hunt for Communists in America during the 1950s. 3
In August, 1948, the HUAC heard a testimony from Whittaker Chambers, Time
magazine’s editor, who claimed to know eight former government officials that belonged to his
cell of the Communist Party. Of the eight names given by Chambers, Alger Hiss was the most
famous. An honorable man, Hiss had once worked in high positions at the State Department.
Chambers was able to provide enough information to the HAUC that Hiss was found guilty of
having spied for the Communists in January, 1950. Around the same time, Senator Taft
suggested that the State Department had been influenced by a leftist group to give China up to
Communists. With these two pieces of evidence, Americans felt that they were being betrayed
and that Communists were beginning to overtake the government. It was during this second Red
Scare, five years after the end of World War II, that Senator McCarthy revealed to the people in
Wheeling, West Virginia that he had a list of names of people in the government who were
sympathetic to or were Communists.4
When the United States joined World War II, Joseph Raymond McCarthy was young
enough to serve in the armed forces, but his status as a circuit judge in Wisconsin exempted him
from serving. Knowing that the military experience would boost his reputation and appeal for
Senator, McCarthy decided to request a commission in the Marine Corps. He was sworn in as
2
first lieutenant. He was a captain when he became the intelligence officer for a dive-bomber
squadron. As the intelligence officer, McCarthy’s job included briefing pilots before their
flights, interrogating them when they returned, and preparing intelligence reports.5
During his time serving as intelligence officer in the South Pacific, McCarthy managed to
suffer two accidental injuries but he transformed them into war-related injuries which could
display his heroism. Besides his injuries, McCarthy was able to provide Wisconsin with
photographic proof of his so-called duties abroad. Before missions, McCarthy would pose for
pictures in the cockpit of planes, wearing the necessary gear of a pilot of rear gunner and
eventually was able to sit in the rear gunner position during real missions. The pictures were
sent to the Wisconsin newspapers where the press created the image of “Tail Gunner Joe.” 6
When McCarthy returned from war in 1945 with stories that he had never really lived
through, he was easily reelected as a circuit court judge. He spent the months he served as judge
planning his next Senatorial race. With his lack of legislative experience, McCarthy campaigned
by spreading literature and speaking to as many people as he could. His stands on issues were
weak and influenced by the people he wanted to win over. McCarthy won the primary by a
slight majority but he won the Senatorial seat easily against his Democratic opponent. During
his first years in Congress, Senator McCarthy took on important issues with a resiliency that
helped build a reputation for himself, showing many Senators his quick wit and harsh temper that
were powerful when unleashed. To build a more respectable reputation, Senator McCarthy took
on an issue that was popular to many Americans as well as being a serious political issue. That
issue was Communism. 7
There are several stories of how Senator McCarthy came across the issue of Communism.
One story tells of a dinner party in 1950 where Senator McCarthy and friends plotted a way to
3
sweep him into an easy reelection in 1952. Anther story tells of an intelligence officer who
found McCarthy after trying a few other Senators. He had disturbing information regarding
Communism in America that had gone uninvestigated for two years. Whatever the story,
Senator McCarthy began his crusade against Communism with a drive and commitment that
many Americans had been waiting for. His enthusiasm penetrated the political opinions of many
Americans, including those in Nebraska. 8
Nebraska was created in 1854 as part of the Kansas-Nebraska Act. It was officially made
a state in 1867. Originally, Nebraska was a Republican state in every way. The capital was
named Lincoln after the famous Republican President and Republican candidates were selected
to serve the people from the local to the national level. Only a few years after it was granted
statehood, Nebraska began having agricultural problems which led people away from Republican
ideas and closer to Populist ideas.9
When Populism began to spread in Nebraska, both the Republican Party and the
Democratic Party were forced to reevaluate their positions. By the late 1800s, the Populist Party
was fading out of Nebraska as well as the rest of America. The Republican Party regained
control in Nebraska but both the Republican Party and the Democratic Party had made changes
to the parties that Nebraska had turned its back on just several years before.10
Both parties held strong anti-railroad and anti-corporation positions, echoing the wants of
Nebraskans. Until 1920, Nebraskans would flip-flop their votes from Republican to Democratic
and then back again. The parties were dealing with the growing divisions within themselves
while trying to maintain control in the state by appealing to the voters.11
Throughout the 1920s, Republicans held most of the offices in Nebraska. As a whole,
Nebraskans were against American involvement in European problems. Democrats had their
4
turn in congressional districts that faced agricultural problems. When the depression set in,
Nebraskans turned to Democratic candidates for help. They held control of most offices until
1938 when Republicans began to revive themselves. By 1940, Republicans had regained
superiority in Nebraska giving way to popularity of the new Senator, Hugh Butler.12
Hugh Butler’s first real involvement with politics came in 1929 and 1930 while he served
as president of the Omaha Grain Exchange. The Omaha Grain Exchange was against the Federal
Farm Board and their ideas of government regulation of grain. Gaining fame through his vocal
oppositions, Butler was elected president of the Grain and Feed Dealers’ National Association in
1930. During his service to both parties, Butler’s interest in local and national issues increased.
The event that cemented his interest in politics was a speech given by John B. Maling to the
Omaha Rotary Club. Maling declared that socialism and communism were infiltrating every
industry in Nebraska and he called for businessmen to prevent the spreading of it.13
Butler became heavily involved with the Republican Party in Nebraska after the 1932
elections. By 1936, his involvement in the party was widely known and he was elected to the
position of Republican National Committeeman for Nebraska after the retirement of Charles A.
McCloud. With the Party splitting, Butler worked hard to create a solid party organization while
building an even better reputation.14
The 1936 elections found Butler and his Republican supporters in opposition of
reelecting both President Roosevelt and Nebraskan Senator Norris. By 1938, it was clear that
Nebraska was becoming more Republican. Butler felt that an anti-New Dealer might be
victorious in the upcoming 1940 Senate race because Nebraskans felt the New Deal was too
liberal and almost pro-Communist. After a careful evaluation of voter trends and successful
5
elimination of his highest competitors, Butler decided to announce his candidacy for the Senate
on June 14, 1939.15
With five names on the Republican primary ballot, it was clear that the two front runners
were Butler, backed by the conservatives, and former Governor Weaver, backed by the
progressives. Both candidates supported similar ideas. Butler wanted more rights and freedoms
for farmers and stressed economy in the government. He also opposed American involvement in
European fights. Weaver held similar stands.16
On the local level, it was clear that Butler had organized a very successful political
campaign. He organized committees and relied on key people in every part of the state with the
responsibility of distributing literature and information regarding Butler’s stands. He was always
careful to answer questions and write letters in an optimistic tone. His background served as a
valuable tool because he appealed to many voters.17
Immediately following his election of Republican candidate for Senate, Butler began
campaigning for the fall election. He used the same tactics as in the primary race. Butler
appealed to the agricultural population of Nebraska, concentrating on the problems of the
farmers, by introducing proposals for helping agriculture. Governor Cochran’s campaign
involved the support of the New Deal’s agriculture program. Both candidates, again, were
against war in Europe.18
Senator Butler was elected to the Senate in 1940 with the support of 84 out of 93 counties
in Nebraska. The main reason for his election was the move of Nebraskan voters back to their
traditional Republican ways. The Nebraskan Republican party was growing back together while
the Democratic Party continued to split. While the trend in voting helped Senator Butler win the
6
race in 1940, his win can largely be attributed to his greatly organized campaign. Once in office,
Senator Butler would remain a loyal Republican in the Senate until his death in 1954.19
While in the Senate, Senator Butler built himself a reputation as a conservative
Republican who was against the New Deal and Fair Deal experimentation. It was felt by many
throughout America that the New Deal was pro-Communist. Senator Butler was also against the
growth of the government and believed that there needed to be economy in the government.
Being from Nebraska and heavily involved in agriculture, Senator Butler was an ardent supporter
of any price supports for agriculture and any programs involving irrigation. As far as his stand
on foreign policy, Senator Butler was against any American involvement in European affairs
except when the direct defense of the United States was vital.20
These stands remained fairly the same from the moment he became Senator until his
death. He felt that the United States needed a strong defense but he opposed legislature and
programs that might lead the United States to an involvement in European war. The spread of
Communism needed to be stopped but without an American war in Europe. Senator Butler was
also part of the Aiken Statement, which was sent to the President, suggesting that there were
members of the President’s cabinet who were leading the United States to war without the
consent of Congress.21
During his second term, Senator Butler began to speak out against the State Department.
He felt that it was not right of our government to be fighting against Communism in a cold war
with Europe while we were neglecting the Chinese Nationalists who were fighting a hot war
against Communism. His disagreement with the State Department became more evident when
he attacked the Secretary of State, Dean Acheson. Because he felt that Secretary Acheson was
7
prolonging peace in China, Senator Butler called for his removal from office, suggesting that
Secretary Acheson might be sympathetic to the Communists in China.22
Although Senator Butler was opposed to American involvement in Korea, he was deeply
disappointed when General Douglas MacArthur was removed from command by President
Truman in April, 1951. He issued a statement declaring that Nebraskans were also deeply
disappointed and somewhat confused with the decision. General MacArthur felt that it was
important to continue the American fight against Communism while President Truman was
satisfied with the stabilization of South Korea, even if that meant a stalemate. Since he was
against American involvement in the first place, Senator Butler argued that the government
should pull their forces completely out or let General MacArthur lead the troops to win the battle
against the North Korean and Chinese Communists.23
Because of the many factors facing the United States, including the suspicions against the
Russians and the fall of China to the Communists, Senator Butler was one of many people who
became increasingly anti-Communist. His views, shared by many Nebraskans, led Senator
Butler to support all legislature that would hurt the American Communist Party. Like many
people of the time, Senator Butler supported anyone who fought Communists. His antiCommunist feelings echoed the feelings of Senator Joseph McCarthy.24
Throughout Senator McCarthy’s attacks on Communists, Senator Butler remained behind
him. Although he did not necessarily agree with the way in which Senator McCarthy went about
his investigations or attacks, Senator Butler agreed with the issue of investigating anyone that
might demonstrate sympathy towards or support of Communists. Even when the criticism
against Senator McCarthy grew, especially to the height of the investigation done against him by
the Eisenhower administration, Senator Butler stayed firmly in favor of McCarthy’s
8
investigations. Senator Butler felt, like many others, that if there were people working in the
government who were possibly disloyal to the United States, they needed to be found and
expelled from their positions.25
Senator Butler’s anti-Communist stand was also a part of his opposition to making
Hawaii a state. Senator Butler was the chairman of the Committee on Interior and Insular
Affairs, which made him the leading Republican when Hawaii’s statehood came into question.
His question of Hawaii’s loyalty was initially based on its’ location. Being so close to Asia, he
felt that Communist influences from China would reach Hawaii quickly. After visiting Hawaii
in 1948, Senator Butler felt that Hawaii was overrun with Communism already, that the
statehood of Hawaii was part of a plan coming from Moscow, and that Hawaii’s statehood
should be postponed until the people of Hawaii put down the Communism which dominated the
islands. Because of his loyalty to the Republican Party, Senator Butler reversed his stance on
Hawaiian statehood in 1952.26
Up until his death on July 1, 1954, Senator Butler remained completely dedicated to
Nebraska Republican politics. Throughout his life, he stayed close to his traditional Nebraska
ways, never getting too involved with the politics in Washington unless they were of great
concern to Nebraskans. After the death of his family, Butler dedicated his life to the politics he
supported. Because he was never really a leader in the Senate, like his counterpart Senator Ken
Wherry, his success came from the support of Nebraskans.
Kenneth Spicer Wherry was born in Liberty, Nebraska on February 28, 1892. He
attended public school and high school in Pawnee City, Nebraska. From there, Wherry attended
the University of Nebraska where he graduated with a Bachelor of the Arts degree in 1914.
After graduating from the University of Nebraska, Wherry was accepted into Harvard and took
9
courses in Business Administration for only a year. Following his courses at Harvard, Wherry
returned to Pawnee City where he worked at the Wherry automotive agency. He also worked as
a funeral director and a lawyer in not only Nebraska, but also Missouri, Iowa, and Kansas.
When the United States got involved with World War I, Wherry enlisted in the navy but disliked
boot camp, claiming that it was too slow for him. He decided to go into naval aviation only to
find that he could not finish training and earn his wings before the war was over.27
After the war, Wherry returned to Nebraska and quickly earned the nickname “Lightning
Ken” because of his bright personality and his ability to charm people with his public speaking.
The public liked Wherry and his reputation grew quickly. He was elected city-council member
and mayor. Speaking out against muddy roads landed Wherry a spot as Senator in 1929.28
After taking the spot, the Nebraska Legislature quickly named Senator Wherry a “wildeyed maverick” because he was constantly fighting for the Republican leadership. He became a
close friend and follower of George Norris, the leading Nebraskan Republican of the time.
Senator Wherry lost the race for governor in 1932 against George Norris and then the
Republican nomination for State Senator in 1934. By this time, Wherry had made so many
friends in the Republican Party that when George Norris decided to leave the party and become
an Independent, Wherry was made state chairman in 1939.29
In 1940, Wherry decided to organize a political caravan, stopping at 200 towns in
Nebraska. At each town, he would put on a show of debates which heightened his recognition
even further. His extravagant shows brought life back to the Nebraska Republican party and
Nebraskans were captivated. Republicans swept the elections of 1940, pulling Democrats out of
offices throughout the state. Wherry was an exact opposite of Senator Butler, who was elected to
10
the senate in 1940 during the Republican sweep. Senator Butler had a calm control that people
loved, but it was very different than the alluring appeal of “Lightning Ken” Wherry.30
In May, 1942, Senator Wherry demonstrated to Nebraska his opposition of the New Deal.
He claimed that, although the programs were providing money, the programs designed for
Nebraska and the Midwest were not what they seemed. Senator Wherry shared his view of the
programs stating that they were not just to help Nebraskans, but to gather Democratic support
and turn the people of the Midwest against their Republican views.31
Throughout his career, Senator Wherry admired, supported, and defended General
Douglas MacArthur. He had been a part of the correspondence between Dr. A.L. Miller, a
representative from Nebraska’s Fourth Congressional District, and General MacArthur which
discussed the possibility of General MacArthur running for president. When President Truman
removed General MacArthur from Pacific command, Senator Wherry challenged the President
and Secretary of State, Dean Acheson. Senator Wherry never questioned the President’s right to
remove General MacArthur, but he did question the reasons and judgment, hinting that the
Truman Administration was hiding a pro-Communist agenda from the public.32
Senator Wherry firmly believed that General MacArthur was simply asking the American
people to stand up and take a chance. He offered that America’s purpose was to fight for
freedom and democracy. General MacArthur, Senator Wherry argued, was taking a risk based
on America’s purpose in the world and Senator Wherry felt that Americans should be behind
him. Senator Wherry felt that the risks of having to deal with the Russian Communists were far
greater than taking a stand behind General MacArthur’s command.33
When Senator Wherry found out about the removal of General MacArthur, he decided to
try and give General MacArthur a chance to express his views. Americans, including
11
Nebraskans, were shocked at the dismissal of General MacArthur. Introducing a resolution in
the Senate, Senator Wherry wanted to give General MacArthur a time to speak his mind about
his views on politics and courses in Korea and Asia in a joint session of Congress. With this
resolution, Senator Wherry gained the support of many Americans who were anxious to know
how General MacArthur viewed the future and any recommendations as to what should be done.
MacArthur eagerly agreed to the meeting.34
When it became clear that Democrats in Congress were prolonging General MacArthur’s
speech to Congress, Senator Wherry spoke to the nation on behalf of the Republicans on April
12, 1951. He questioned President Truman’s removal of General MacArthur and Secretary of
State Dean Acheson’s feelings of the dealings in Korea, adding that it called for an examination
of foreign policy. After hearing Senator Wherry’s speech, it was clear to President Truman that
Nebraskans, led by Senator Wherry, as well as the rest of America wanted to hear what General
MacArthur had to say about the situation in Asia. He allowed the Democrats to quit their stalling
and let General MacArthur speak to Congress.35
General MacArthur spoke to Congress on April 19, 1951. He supported Republican
thought of foreign policy in the Far East. He also suggested that Red China was acting on its
own, not being controlled by Soviet Russia. In reaction to his speech, both Republicans and
Democrats in the Senate introduced resolutions which called for hearings regarding the foreign
policy of the Far East and Secretary Acheson’s removal from office. The Democrats, led by
Senator Richard Russell, pushed for secret hearings while the Republicans, led by Senator
Wherry, pushed for open hearings.36
The hearings were necessary, Senator Wherry argued, because he believed that the
Truman Administration was overlooking the real problem being faced by the United Nations and
12
the United States. Without putting down Red China’s aggressive actions in Korea, Communism
was sure to spread and prolong tension in the Far East. His views of foreign policy differed
greatly from the powers in command.37
Communism was a hot issue, especially during the attacks on foreign policy and
Secretary Acheson. Senator Wherry was one of the most passionate men when it came to
removing Secretary Acheson from office because of his foreign policy. Senator called for a
thorough investigation of not only Secretary Acheson but also the State Department.38
The State Department, Senator Wherry argued, had never completely answered any
questions Senator Wherry asked of it. Because of their lack of response, he felt that there was a
possibility that the government might be in danger of sabotage because of the possibly betrayal
of the State Department. He also argued that the State Department and the Truman
administration were operating in secret in regards to their foreign policy. Senator Wherry, the
same as Senator Butler, felt that Secretary Acheson and the State Department were being
influenced by outside sources to give up China to the Communists.39
Aside from his direct effect on politics in Nebraska, McCarthy had found a way into the
lives of every Nebraskan. Nebraskans already had a fear of Soviets going into the Cold War and
the age of McCarthyism. Nebraskan scientists were part of the Manhattan Project, which
developed nuclear bombs, and there were atomic bombs stationed throughout Nebraska. With
the beginning of the Cold War, Nebraskans were fearful of a Communist attack. It was during
this fear that McCarthy introduced his Communist investigations, completely overwhelming
Nebraskans.40
As a result of McCarthyism, there were several legislative bills that were introduced in
Nebraska. The first three, Legislative Bill 48, Legislative Bill 49 and Legislative Bill 50,
13
pertained to the loyalty oaths made popular by President Truman. LB 48 declared that
professors, instructors, and teachers at the college level needed to take the oath. LB 49 declared
that all public school teachers needed to take the oath. LB 50 declared that all county and state
employees needed to take the oath. All three bills were referred to a committee but withdrawn.41
Another piece of legislature in Nebraska that was a direct result of the Red Scare that was
powered by Senator McCarthy was Legislative Bill 82. LB 82 required all Communists or
people who worked for a Communist Front Organization in Nebraska to register as Communists
with the Secretary of State. It also called for the outlaw of sabotage, requiring the terms of
sabotage to be listed. LB 82 was sent to a committee and postponed indefinitely. A member of
the House called for a motion which would keep LB 82 on general file but the motion failed.
This failure did not keep Nebraskans from being a part of the Red Scare.42
When McCarthy had started his hunt for Communists, he helped create the second Red
Scare which is nicknamed the period of McCarthyism. During the Red Scares in the United
States, Americans faced numerous acts of xenophobia. College campuses were not immune to
these acts. The University of Nebraska-Lincoln was one of many colleges around the United
States to experiences McCarthyism first hand.
Throughout the United States, everyone was on the lookout for suspicious people who
could be part of a Communist plot to infiltrate America and start a revolution. At the University
of Nebraska-Lincoln, several students faced investigations. After student writers for the Daily
Nebraskan unintentionally criticizing Police methods, State Sheriff Endres told the Daily
Nebraskan that he would be investigating the students. He claimed that the students had been
active members in a Communist group at the University and that he had brought in the Federal
Immigration Authorities to help investigate. The Federal Immigration Authorities reported that
14
they had found students active in Communistic meetings but could do nothing because they were
U.S. citizens. Sheriff Endres claimed that the comments made by the student writers were in
response to investigations being held throughout campus, hunting students linked to
Communism. Dean Thompson from the University reported that although there had been
investigations, no students had been “dropped from the University” as a result.43
Students were not the only targets to investigations on college campuses across the
United States. At the University of Nebraska-Lincoln, professors were also under investigation
for allegedly trying to organize Communistic meetings or groups. The State Commander of the
American Legion at the time, Robert Armstrong, claimed that college professors were trying to
recruit college undergraduates. Armstrong claimed that professors who were Communist
sympathizers or linked to the Communist party were a menace. He charged that professors with
that kind of link were harmful to the educational system in the United States.44
Apart from professors and students, the University of Nebraska-Lincoln has also
encountered anonymous acts of Communism. One morning on his rounds, a janitor found the
Russian flag flying on a flag pole. The people who hung the flag had made it almost impossible
to get down. The janitor called the University Police who, in turn, called the Fire Department.
The flag’s strings had been cut and required a tall latter to get it down. When the flag was
removed, it was kept in the University Police station. There was never any clue as to who had
hung the flag.45
The reality of Senator McCarthy and his Red Scare was not fully felt until the ArmyMcCarthy hearings which lasted for about two months. In 1953, Senator McCarthy began a
tirade against the United States Army. He began investigating civilians who were employed by
the army and propaganda. McCarthy felt that he had found a case of espionage in an Army base
15
of Fort Monmouth, New Jersey, but the Secretary of the Army, Robert Stevens, denied any
evidence of espionage. From that moment on, McCarthy was at war with United States Army. 46
Senator McCarthy went on a tear, investigating anything and anyone who seemed
suspicious to him. The investigating escalated, creating a tension between McCarthy and
Secretary Stevens that was seen throughout America. Republicans were frantically trying to
keep McCarthy from destroying the party. The tension came to a head on March 9, 1954 when a
documentary on McCarthy was aired on television. Two days later, the Army issued a report
claiming that McCarthy’s investigations were really attacks and blackmail toward the “Army
career of subcommittee consultant G. David Schine”. Over the course of several weeks,
McCarthy’s subcommittee and the Army subcommittee battled over demands. The ArmyMcCarthy hearings began on April 22, 1954, bringing about the end of McCarthyism.47
Throughout the United States, Americans were “kept on their toes” with Senator
McCarthy’s “over concerned” views on Communist infiltration. Nebraska was not immune to
those concerns. Infecting the every day lives of Nebraskans, McCarthyism was able to change
the political issues Nebraskans felt strongly about. With Communism as the main political issue
of the mid 1900s, the government’s actions were harshly examined and the public’s ideas behind
politics were changed.48
16
Notes
1
Roberta Strauss Feuerlicht, Joe McCarthy and McCarthyism: The Hate that Haunts America (St. Louis: McGrawHill Book Company, 1972), 7-9.
Thomas C. Reeves, The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy: A Biography (Lanham, Maryland: Madison Books, 1997),
222-226.
2
Feuerlicht, Joe McCarthy and McCarthyism, 41-53
3
Feuerlicht, Joe McCarthy and McCarthyism, 41-53
"Investigating by the U.S. Government Has Become Big Business." Sunday World-Herald 25 March 1951.
4
Feuerlicht, Joe McCarthy and McCarthyism, 41-53
5
Feuerlicht, Joe McCarthy and McCarthyism, 10-18.
Reeves, The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy, 42-54.
6
Feuerlicht, Joe McCarthy and McCarthyism, 10-18.
Reeves, The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy, 42-54.
7
Feuerlicht, Joe McCarthy and McCarthyism, 19-29.
Reeves, The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy, 54-62.
8
Feuerlicht, Joe McCarthy and McCarthyism, 27-29.
9
Justus F. Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism (Lincoln: Nebraska State Historical Society,
1976), 1-3.
10
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 1-3.
11
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 1-3.
12
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 1-3.
13
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 6-8.
"Hugh Butler."Nebraska State Historical Society. 47,56,59,60,69. 1966, 1975, 1978, 1979, 1988.
14
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 8-9.
"Hugh Butler."Nebraska State Historical Society. 47,56,59,60,69. 1966, 1975, 1978, 1979, 1988.
15
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 9-12.
"Hugh Butler."Nebraska State Historical Society. 47,56,59,60,69. 1966, 1975, 1978, 1979, 1988.
16
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 12-20.
"Hugh Butler."Nebraska State Historical Society. 47,56,59,60,69. 1966, 1975, 1978, 1979, 1988.
17
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 12-29.
"Hugh Butler."Nebraska State Historical Society. 47,56,59,60,69. 1966, 1975, 1978, 1979, 1988.
18
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 12-29.
"Hugh Butler."Nebraska State Historical Society. 47,56,59,60,69. 1966, 1975, 1978, 1979, 1988.
19
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 25-29.
17
20
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 94-122.
21
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 30-44, 94-122.
22
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 30-44, 94-122.
23
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 59-76, 94-122.
24
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 59-76, 94-122.
25
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 116-122.
26
Paul, Senator Hugh Butler and Nebraska Republicanism, 116-122.
27
Stromer, The Making of a Political Leader, 3.
"Kenneth Wherry."Nebraska State Historical Society. 47, 56, 59, 66. 1966, 1975, 1978, 1985.
28
Stromer, The Making of a Political Leader, 3.
"Kenneth Wherry."Nebraska State Historical Society. 47, 56, 59, 66. 1966, 1975, 1978, 1985.
29
Stromer, The Making of a Political Leader, 3-4.
"Kenneth Wherry."Nebraska State Historical Society. 47, 56, 59, 66. 1966, 1975, 1978, 1985.
30
Stromer, The Making of a Political Leader, 4-5.
"Kenneth Wherry."Nebraska State Historical Society. 47, 56, 59, 66. 1966, 1975, 1978, 1985.
31
Stromer, The Making of a Political Leader, 34-38.
"Wherry Flays 'Perpetuation of New Deal'." Nebraska State Journal 6 May 1942.
32
Stromer, The Making of a Political Leader, 57-78.
33
Stromer, The Making of a Political Leader, 57-78.
34
Stromer, The Making of a Political Leader, 57-78.
35
Stromer, The Making of a Political Leader, 57-78.
36
Stromer, The Making of a Political Leader, 57-78.
37
Stromer, The Making of a Political Leader, 57-78.
38
Stromer, The Making of a Political Leader, 112-125.
39
Stromer, The Making of a Political Leader, 112-125.
40
"The Red Menace." Nebraska Studies. 08 10 2004. Nebraska Department of Education, Nebraska State Historical
Society. 22 09 2007 <http://www.nebraskastudies.org>.
41
"Legislative Bills 48, 49 and 50 ." Legislative Journal of the State of Nebraska Sixty-Second Session84-619.
42
"Legislative Bill 82." Legislative Journal of the State of Nebraska Sixty-Second Session84-619.
43
"Communist Probe Involves Students Declares Endres." Daily Nebraskan 07 April 1933.
44
"Armstrong Scores 'Reds' at University." Daily Nebraskan 09 April 1933.
18
45
"Communist Flag Flies on Campus Pole." Daily Nebraskan 07 April 1940.
46
Feuerlicht, Joe McCarthy and McCarthyism, 114-148.
Reeves, The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy, 505-506.
47
Feuerlicht, Joe McCarthy and McCarthyism, 114-148.
Reeves, The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy, 513-526, 536-559.
48
John Drusedum, telephone interview by author, December 1, 2007.
19