Contrastive Verb Repetition and Related Constructions in Mandarin Chinese
Shu-ing Shyu, National Sun Yat-sen University
Verb repetition that has been widely studied cross-linguistically has been termed in
various ways such as V/VP-topicalization, V/VP -fronting, V/VP -focus, V-copying, or cleft
predicating. While the so-called verb-copying construction is widely studied (e.g. Huang
(1988), Cheng (2004), Su (2005) among others), verb repetition containing focus markers in
Mandarin Chinese is less studied, except a similar pattern attested in Cantonese by Matthews
& Yip (1994) and Matthew (2004). Aiming to draw finer distinctions among verb repetition
related constructions, this study shows that type I sentences in (1), hereafter termed as the
Contrastive Verb Repetition Construction (CVRC), should be distinguished from other three
types: the so-called VP topicalization lacking the marker of shi in (2) (e.g. Huang (1993)),
and VP-focus, in which the repeated VP either occurs in sentence-initial position, in (3), or
clause-internal position as in (4), containing the marker of shi.
Semantically, like the cleft construction which conveys ‘identification’, rather than
‘predication’ function (e.g. Lambrecht (2001:12)), the CVRC, having the identification
function, bears an emphatic or concessive interpretation and implies speaker’s moderate
acknowledgement of the predicate vis-à-vis his/her assumed higher expectation in a
pragmatic scale. The main clause then specifies the expected property. In contrast with
VP-topicalization (type II) and S-initial VP-focus (type III), in which no stative predicate is
allowed, shown in (5), both dynamic (stage-level) and stative (individual-level) predicates are
allowed to occur in CVRC (6). While the internal argument tends not to be repeated in type
I as in (7), other types in (8) require (bare) VP copying. Syntactically, the
clause-boundedness (9a) and island sensitivity (9b) suggest the local movement involved in
the CVRC, in contrast with type III VP-focus in (10).
It is proposed that a Focus Projection heads shi in CVRC, which should be distinguished
from shi…de cleft construction in which shi can be placed in front of subject, adjuncts and its
predicational function type. Adopting Nune’s (2004) Copy+Merge Theory of Movement
analysis, this study proposes that the verb is copied and merges with the light verb v (if not
lexically realized) to form [V-v] and then this complex V is further copied and merges with
the head of FocusP shi. Furthermore, since the complex V does not asymmetrically
c-command the trace copy, thus being invisible to Kayne’s (1994) Linear Correspondence
Axiom (LCA), the lower copy must not be deleted; hence, the phonetic realization of both
copies is explained, in the sense of Nune’s theory. The analysis helps explain the question
why both verb copies are obligatorily phonetically realized (11a), but verb repetition in
Cheng’s subject-result of the resultative construction is optional in (11b). Further
comparisons show that other VP-focus types and VP-topicalization allow base-generation
structure, in addition to Huang’s movement analysis for VP-topicalization. The result of the
study elucidates the asymmetries between nominal clefts and predicate clefts, the nature of
light verbs, (e.g. Ting (2006)).
(1)
b.
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
a. (紅樓夢)張三看是看過 (但是沒看完)
(功課)小華寫是寫了,(但是寫不好)
‘(As for the homework, it is write that Xiaohua did, but he didn’t finish.’
批評張三的朋友,李四絕對不會
洗窗戶他是會洗
他騎馬是騎了三次
a. *漂亮,瑪莉是漂亮,…
b. ?*漂亮,瑪莉很漂亮.
瑪莉漂亮是漂亮, 但是不夠有智慧
?*張三看紅樓夢是看過 (但是沒看完)
a. *批評,李四絕對不會張三的朋友
b. *洗,他是會洗窗戶
c. *他騎是騎了馬三次
(9) a. *(功課)我寫想小華是寫了,(但是寫不好)
b. *喝我知道很多天天是喝茶的人
‘Lit: It is drink that I know a lot of people who drink tea.’
(10)a. 吃壽司,張三認為李四(是)吃過了.
b. 飲茶,我知道很多天天(?是)飲茶的人
(11) a. 張三*(看)是看過 (但是沒看完)
b. 他(騎)馬騎的很累
(6)
(7)
(8)