Khuba Movements and the Karen in Northern Thailand: Negotiating Sacred Space and Identity
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Khuba Movements and the Karen in Northern Thailand: Negotiating Sacred
Space and Identity1
by Kwanchewan Buadaeng2
The Khuba Movement is led by a Khuba, a Buddhist monk who is believed to be a
ton bun, literally meritorious person, in the construction of monasteries and other
related infrastructure throughout northern Thailand. Through the construction of
sacred monuments in the peripheral areas of the nation-state, the Khuba's
reputation as a ton bun and the number of followers has increased. The paper puts
forward the idea that sacred space has been constructed by Khuba and his
followers based on localized Buddhist legends, myths and local practices. The
ruins of stupas and monasteries which were reportedly visited by the Buddha
when he was alive, and which were subsequently cared for by former local
royalties, were renovated and thus had the sacred power restored with the act of
Khuba rituals. The Karen, Lua and other local ethnic groups participate in these
rituals to gain protecting power and to take part in the construction of the
millennium on earth. This millennium can be realized by the equal and respectful
relations among varied ethnic groups during the construction, by the expression of
cultural identities, thus the civility, of many marginalized groups, and by the sense
of prosperous space which is created outside the control of the state and the
Sangha. Thus, the construction of monasteries is not only the means to achieve the
finished product -- the constructed or renovated buildings -- but the activity is the
ends in itself. However, by exploring details of the construction projects and the
relationship between Khuba and the Sangha and the state of Khuba Movements
led by Khuba Siwichai, Khuba Khao Pi and Khuba La, I would also argue that
characteristics of sacred space and participants' identity can be variant from one
to another Khuba movement as a result of different strategies -- the cooperation,
contestation and negotiation, among powerful parties within different
socio-
economic and political context. This confirms the non-essentialist nature of space
and identity and that their boundaries could change as the result of the negotiation
of its meanings.
Paper presented at the international workshop on the "Cultural Diversity and Conservation in the
Making of Mainland Southeast Asia and Southwestern China: Regional Dynamics in the Past and
Present", Luang Prabang, Lao P.D.R., 14-21 February 2002
2 Researcher, Social Research Institute, Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai 50200, Thailand. Email
address: srxxo012@chiangmai.ac.th
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Introduction
I started my research project on the Khuba Khao Pi movement and the Karen
people for my M.A. in 1987 (Kwanchewan 1988; 1989a, 1989b, 1993). I had a chance
to look at this topic again when I did my Ph.D. thesis on the Karen's religious practices
(Kwanchewan 2001). Although only a few Karen in my study community have joined
the movement by making pilgrimage to Khuba and participating in construction
projects, they are those who have higher socio-economic status -- being religious
specialists or wealthy respectful people. Thus the sacred power of Khuba Khao Pi and
also his disciple, Khuba Wong, is widely recognized in the community.
Another recent Khuba who was very popular among the Karen during the time
of my Ph.D. study is Khuba La. He is a Karen-Burmese monk, reputed to be a
reincarnation of Khuba Chao Raat, a charismatic monk who was popular among the
Karen in the 1950s-1970s or during the time of Khuba Khao Pi. Although he was very
young -- 21 years old at the time of that ceremony -- he was believed to be a ton bun, the
meritorious sacred person, by Khon Muang (Northern Thai) and Karen followers, which
is evidenced by the popular use of the title Khuba. I had a chance to attend a big
ceremony organized by Khuba La to celebrate his new residence and for laymen to give
him a sacred bath at Wat Yong Kue (Wat = temple), Omkoi District, Chiang Mai in
April, 1998. On that day, the temple ground, which was a recently cleared forest area
was crowded with thousands of people attending the ceremony. A stupa in ruins on the
hill close to the temple ground, along with many huge temporary chedi, were decorated
with colorful cloth and flags, all adding to the sacred and grand atmosphere of the
ceremony. The sacred bathing ritual began. Khuba La was sitting alone in a shrine, built
up approximately seven to eight meters above the ground, so that everybody could see
him. Karen in their traditional costumes lined up in procession, singing their traditional
songs, while waiting for their turn to put special water prepared from their home into a
bucket to be pulled up to the shrine and poured over the Khuba's body. Water passed on
Khuba's body was collected as sacred water which Karen were to fill in bottles to take
home. The bathing of Khuba is similar to the Khon Muang bathing of Buddha images
and stupas which contain Buddha relics on Songkran days.
It is amazing for me to see that the belief in ton bun, a charismatic Buddhist
leader who combines the Bodhisattava ideal with sacral kingships, is still alive in these
modern times. The Khuba tradition seems to have a continuation from the time of
Khuba Siwichai (1878-1938) to Khuba Khao Pi (1889-1977), Khuba Wong (19132000) and other recent Khuba. But the belief in ton bun alone may not be enough to
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understand the Khuba movements which focus their activities on the construction of
sacred space. As sacred space are identified and the construction of monasteries
expanded, the reputation of Khuba as ton bun is increased. However, most studies and
analysis done until now have focused on the concept of ton bun, the charisma of Khuba
and the political crisis at the turn of the twentieth century when the Khuba Siwichai
movement emerged (cf. Keyes 1971, 1977; Renard 1980; Sopha 1991; Tanabe 1986,
1992; Cohen 2001) but not about the construction practice. Although Tanabe (1992)
mentioned about the construction activity which led to the construction of Buddhadesa
(Buddha-land) which imply the materialized a this-worldly Buddhist space, there has
been no further discussion about this space.
Thus this paper is an attempt to focus on the construction activity of the
movements. I would argue that the construction of sacred space, in separation from that
of the centralized Sangha as the official organization of Buddhist monks, conducted by
Khuba and the followers, is the meaningful basis for the formation and the continuation
of Khuba movements. This construction of sacred space is based on the meanings of
sacred space from reworked and reproduced religious texts and local practices. By
exploring Khuba Siwichai, Khuba Khao Pi and Khuba La movement's actual
construction projects, the paper however shows that the sacred space has been
constructed in competition, contestation and negotiation between the Sangha and the
State which have different natures in different historical periods. Therefore the ton bun
Khuba and movement have not always maintained the same form and the meaning
throughout time.
The Nature of Khuba Movements
The Khuba movement is the movement led by a Khuba to construct and renovate
Buddhist monasteries in many places. There are three important components here which
form and sustain the movement. First the movement is led by Khuba who is believed to
be ton bun, the Bodhisattava - one manifestation of the future Buddha. This can be seen
also by the terms used to called Khuba Siwichai and Khuba Khao Pi as naw pha buddha
chao, a scion of the Buddha, or pha chao, the Buddha. The two Khuba were also called
phaya dham, Bodhisattava who were born to disseminate dhamma to lay people, and to
give them opportunities to make merit, in order to build up the moral community to
prepare for the coming of the future and fifth Buddha, Phra Sri Ariya Metreya. In fact,
Khuba is a title of Buddhist monk, literally ‘revered (venerated) teacher’, in the
traditional Lanna Sangha. The Khuba has also been prevalent and still held among
Buddhist Tai groups in Burma, Laos and Sipsong Panna of Southern China (cf. Tanabe
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1992). However, after the centralization of the Sangha, in Thailand in early twentieth
century, Khuba is no longer an official title and is used less by people. The central Thai
title 'luang phaw', revered father, or 'luang poo', revered grandfather are used to call
meritorious monks instead. Presently, a few monks who are popularly called Khuba can
be categorized into two groups: first, meritorious senior monks who have stayed in
monkhood for long time, been seen as meritorious and sacred and whose knowledge and
practices are in 'traditional' Northern Thai style. The second group are those who relate
to Khuba Siwichai, Khuba Khao Pi and other Khuba. Unlike those in the first group,
they are perceived as ton bun and carry out monastery construction and renovation
projects. They have just emerged, could be very young and known widely across many
communities.
Being a ton bun is associated with having a supernatural sacred power. Four out
of eight charges which led to Khuba Siwichai's confinement in Bangkok in 1920 related
to the popular belief about his supernatural power: 1) he is not wet when walking under
the rain; 2) he possessed the Sri Kan Chai sword which was given by the deity; 3) when
walking his feet are 2-sok above the ground (1 sok = 50 centimeter; and, 4) he can walk
on the water surface (Wat Srisoda 2000). Khuba Khao Pi was also rumored for his
magical eyes and for a miracle that occurred because of his unusual innate power.
Stories about his sacredness are, for example, that he and his followers were not harmed
by the firing from Japanese troops during the World War II and that he could stop a
huge rock which fell from the top of a hill.
The second component of the movement is the construction and renovation of
monasteries in many places. As the leader of the movement is believed to be a ton bun,
it is likely that more people would come to make merits by contributing their resources
and labor to construction projects. At the same time, successful construction would
contribute to the widespread of the reputation of Khuba as ton bun. When Khuba
Siwichai became an abbot of Wat Ban Pang, in Li, the remote district of Lamphun, he
initiated the construction of Ban Pang monasteries in a new place in 1899, based on the
justification that he had to move it farther from the community so that he could
concentrate on his meditation. However, only after 1920 when he came back from
confinement in Bangkok and when his reputation to be a ton bun increased, did he
begin to travel to renovate and construct important monasteries in various places of
Lanna: Chiang Mai, Lamphun, Lampang, Phrae, Phayao, Chiang Rai, and Mae Hong
Son. According to the list in the book on Biography and Works of Khuba Siwichai and
History of Wat SriSoda, Khuba Siwichai had constructed or renovated not less than 52
monasteries including monastery facilities. These monasteries and facilities include
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famous monasteries which contain relics of the Buddha or footprints, and which were
supported by Northern royalty in the past, such as Wat Phra That Hariphunchai and
Wat Phra Buddha Bat Tak Pha in Lamphun, Wat Phra That Chaw Hae in Phrae, Wat Sri
Khom Kham in Phayao, Wat Phra That Doi Tung in Chiang Rai, Wat Phra That Doi
Kham, Wat Phra Singh, Wat Suen Dok and Wat Sri Soda in Chiang Mai. The most
famous work at the end of his life is the construction of 12-kilometer road to Wat Phra
That Doi Suthep. There were however many more wats constructed in the remote
mountainous areas around which the Karen, Lua and other cultural groups lived3.
Khuba Khao assisted Khuba Siwichai in many projects including the construction of the
road to Doi Suthep and also conducted his own projects, in total not less than 117
projects in the area of Chiang Mai, Lamphun, Lampang, Mae Hong Son, Tak and even
in the borderland of Burma.
The last component is the large number of followers from many ethnic groups
and communities who contribute to the success of the project. That Khuba is able to
convert people from many cultural backgrounds, formerly without a ‘religion,’ to
Buddhist laymen is often cited as evidence of Khuba's parami (perfection). This parami
is the virtue accumulated by those who attain high Buddhist status, such as the Buddha
and his great disciples4. I often heard Khuba Khao Pi's intellectual disciples explain that
the Karen and Lua and other 'non-religious' people follow Khuba because they realize
the essence of Khuba's parami.
The construction and renovation of monasteries is the main activity which
differentiates the Khuba movement from other religious-political movements which
may also similarly relate to the belief in ton bun and the coming of the fifth Buddha,
Phra Sri Ariya Metreya. As Tanabe (1992) and Cohen (2001) view it, the Khuba
movement is rather characterized as the Buddhist revivalism than the millenarism
because while millenarian movements totally negate this-worldly existence and long for
utopia society in next life, the Khuba movement were directed toward this-worldly
construction. As Buddhism is seen as deteriorating, with a need for revival, Khuba
movements have political implications —in light of their rejection from the centralized
Sangha and state.
3Chao Suriyawong Sirorot who wrote the biography of Khuba Sriwichai in Yuan script summarized all
money used in various projects until 1929 was total to 393,440 rupia (former currency used in the North
of Thailand) and 63,931.91 baht.
4 This perfection can be seen in 10 aspects: giving, morality, renunciation, insight, endeavor, endurance,
truthfulness, self-determination, loving-kindness, and equanimity.
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Religious Space in Lanna texts
Anderson (1983: 22, 25) sees the importance of the sacred languages in making
religious community imaginable5. Regarding Buddhism in LannaYuen scripts, which
were traditionally used for Buddhist texts, may also play the same role. Among famous
texts written in Yuen scripts, which related to Lanna Buddhism and the religious
community are Tamnan Mulsasna (the legend of the origin of the religion)
((Buddhaphukam and Buddhayan 1970) reprinted in many versions such as Mulsasna
of Wat Pa Daeng, which describes the Buddhist history and the history of how
Buddhism spread in Lanna; the legend of Phya Dhamma which describes the
emergence of Phya Dhamma, a Bodhisattava predecessor of Phra Sri Ariya Metreya;
and the legend of Buddha relics which are present in famous monasteries such as Wat
Phra That Doi Suthep in Chiang Mai and Wat Phra That Lampang Luang in Lampang.
These texts which are used for preaching, project some important aspects.
Firstly, they provide the map of Buddhist community in which Lanna is integrated. For
example, one part of Tamnan Mulsasna describes that after the Buddha died, Phra
Mokkhalee, the Buddha's main disciple sent monks to disseminate Buddhism in all
directions, including Yonok Pradesh which means the Lanna, Pha Kho in Burma and in
Lanka. The text also states that when the Buddha was still alive, he foresaw that 1008
year after he died, his religion will be prosperous in Hariphunchai, the old name of
Lamphun province and he would give local people his relic to be beneficial for the
world (p. 133). He then went to Chiang Mai-Lamphun area by air 'ma thang aa kat' and
presented an opportunity for local people to give him alms. While he was walking and
reaching the west of the Ping river, he foretells that in the future at that place there will
be a great city and during the period of King Athitraj, his relics will come so that the
King can arrange for the worship conducted by the deities and human beings (p. 134).
That local areas and people become an integral part of the Buddha's land also
appear not only in religious texts but also in mural paintings at varied temples. These
paintings tell the stories of the Buddha's life in connection with the locales of such
temples. As Thongchai (1994: 22) puts it:
The particular locality of the temples and the universal land of the Buddha in these
paintings are tied together, apparently becoming a Buddhological geography which does
not necessarily correspond to the terrestrial earth we know. The painting is similar to an
According to Anderson(1983), the fall of Latin exemplified a larger process in which the sacred
communities integrated by old sacred languages were gradually fragmented, pluralized, and territorialized.
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indigenous genre of legend, known as Tamnan in Thai or Thamaing in Burmese, which
connects the place and time of the Buddha to each locality.
Besides those represented in Buddhist texts and paintings, stupas which contain
Buddha's relic, phra that, and the Buddha's footprints, phra bat, which were found in
many monasteries all over Lanna areas are also visible maps of the religious community.
Secondly, based on the legends of the visit of the Buddha to various places, it is
clear that Buddhism had been localized. In these legends, as examples taken from
Aroonrat (1972) below, the name of certain local places and monasteries were created
by and reminded of the visit and activities of the Buddha in the area. The legends also
show the interaction between the Buddha and local people such as the Lua.
Phra That Lampang Luang, Lampang
The Buddha came and gave his hair to Lua named Ai Khon and promised to give
him his relic when he died. In the legend, "Ai Khon saw the Buddha so he fill a bamboo section
with honey and gave it with another four coconuts to the Buddha" (Aroonrat 1972).
Phra That Chae Haeng, Nan
The Buddha was said to come from Chomphu Taweep, the south continent
where the Buddha was born and disseminated his religion which may cover India,
Nepal, Pakistan and Bangladesh. He was passing many local areas: Muang LanKa,
Muang Suen Tan, Muang Haw, Muang Lue, Muang Khoen, Phra Yak, Chiang Saen,
Chiang Rai, Doi Phra Yao, Muang Chom Wae, Doi Kha Sao, Nam Phang, Phrae,
Nanthaburi and Nan. Local people offered the Buddha dry fruit which had to be soaked
in water before eating. Thus the name of "chae haeng" or ‘soak the dry’. The Buddha
gave his hair to bury in the ground. After he died, a relic of his left wrist would be
brought there.
Phra Bat Huai Tom, Lamphun
At the time the Buddha came, this place was ruled by two Lua Kings, named
Kaew Ma Mueng and Milangka. On that day, eight hunters got a wild game and when
they met the Buddha offered him a piece of wild meat. The Buddha did not accept it nor
eat it. Therefore the hunters put the meat aside. This meat later became a piece of stone
meat. Then the Lua boiled rice beside the stream and offered rice to the Buddha. After
the meal, the Buddha blessed the Lua. The Lua asked to have a piece hair but the
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Buddha did not permit it. They then asked to have a footprint. The Buddha then gave his
two footprints on a stone. (Phra Chaya Wongsa Nussati 2000)
Thirdly, Lanna texts also stress on the potential power of Buddha's relics,
footprints and other objects relevant to Buddha. This power however could be restored
only by meritorious people, usually the righteous King or Phya Dhamma, the
Bodhisattava, whose duty is to develop religion and restore order in the society to
prepare for the coming of Phra Sri Ariya Metreya, and moreover, by correct practices.
Some of Buddha's relics are said to be brought to many places by either the senior
monks or the royalties. But some may mysteriously come and go to various places by
themselves.
Lastly, the texts specify the linkage between individuals with sacred monasteries
where the Buddha's relics are present. The birth year of an individual determines where
one should make pilgrimage to a certain stupa containing Buddha’s relics (Keyes 1975):
Animal year
The Buddha's relic stupa
Location
Rat
Cow
Chom Thong Buddha's relics
Lampang Luang Buddha's relics
Chom Tong District, Chiang Mai
Koa Kha District, Lampang
Tiger
Rabbit
Big snake
Small snake
Chaw Hae Buddha's relics
Chae Haeng Buddha's relics
Phra Singh Buddha's relics
The Great Bodhi Tree
Horse
Goat
Monkey
Chicken
Ta Gong Buddha's relics
Doi Suthep Buddha's relics
Phanom Buddha's relics
Hariphunchai Buddha's relics
Muang District, Phrae
Muang District, Phrae
Muang District, Nan
Buddha Khya, India/
Chet Yod temple, Chiang Mai
Rangoon, Burma
Muang District, Chiang Mai
Nakhorn Phanom
Muang District, Chiang Mai
Dog
Elephant
Chula Manee Buddha's relics
Doi Tung Buddha's relics
Dawadung Heaven
Chiang Saen District, Chiang Rai
The places of pilgrimage cover Northern and Northeastern Thailand, Burma,
India, and even outside the human world. The geography of pilgrimage as Thongchai
(1994: 23) put it, provided a framework for conceptualizing space. I think that this
encourages the practice of pilgrimage although I am not sure how much people really
practice it. Besides, this specification would confirm the importance of these sacred
places and also of a king or ton bun who renovate and care for them. It is noted that
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traditionally, the King has to assign people to stay around sacred places to guard and
take care for the Buddha's relics.
In fact religious texts can be revised and even rewritten and open for
interpretation, such as when and where ton bun will be born. As found by Aroonrat
(1972), most legends including legends of Buddha's relics in local monasteries are of
unkown writers and published year. The practice of donation of Buddhist scripts to
temples as the great way to gain merit, and the duplication of these scripts by manual
writing without specifying the writer of the conscription, allow for the absence of the
name of an original writer and open an opportunity to modify the content of the legends,
especially to integrate local places and people in the overall history of the religion. This
is clearly seen in the Legend of Yonok Lok, the palm scripts which were popularly
sought out and duplicated by Khuba Khao Pi's followers. The legend described the
emergence of two Phya Dhamma, the Boddisatva, which had similar characteristics to
Khuba Siwichai and Khuba Khao Pi, in Chiang Mai-Lamphun area. Another example is
the text in Tamnan Phya Dhamma which was copied in 1954. The text begins with a
description of the disorder in the Lanna society under its unrighteous rulers. Phya
Dhamma is then requested by Indra to be born as a savior. Phya Dhamma is born in the
year of the tiger somewhere near Chiang Dao District of Chiang Mai. His crucial
qualification is that he has great compassion and a meritorious mind. Indra and all
powerful superior divinities all bless and assist him, for example they let the wells of
silver and gold open so that Phya Dhamma can distribute silver and gold to the poor.
Religious Space in Local Practices
The texts mentioned above stress the origin of Buddhism in Lanna and
emphasize the rulers of Chiang Mai and other Lanna cities. They thus represent the
spatial ideas of rulers. But they also open the chance to have not only one but many
religious centers, due to the presence of the Buddha's relics in many places near to
lowland towns and far mountainous areas. The texts however are more meaningful to
Khon Muang who read and listen to the texts during various religious occasions. But
how they affect non-Buddhist people’s notions and practices regarding religious space is
what I will now discuss.
Exploring the Karen's landscape, I found from many communities that they live
on the land belonging to others prior to their settlement. This is evidenced from burial
places in which they found many valuable utensils, ornaments, personal belongings and
usable items. These places are considered sacred and occupied by spirits of others,
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usually assigned to Lua, who formerly resided on that land. In my study at a community
in Mae Chaem District of Chiang Mai, artifacts collected from burial places are
important offerings in the ritual to worship local guardian spirits. The rituals are also
organized from time to time to worship the Lua when somebody falls ill. A black dog is
sacrificed particularly for the Lua spirits. Ruins of chedis were also found and regarded
as related to the Buddha or to chaw pa, Karen Kings which often appear in the Karen
myths. There is no regular ritual organized at these chedis. But the sacred power of these
chedis can be restored by charismatic leaders to suppress other spirits. For example,
around 65 years ago, a charismatic Karen leader in a village near my study village
mobilized the Karen people to build a temple at the site of chedi ruins. With more
power restored from the chedi, and under possession by a spirit, he told villagers to
discard the ancestor spirits. He officiated in the ritual in which chicken and pigs raised
specifically for ancestor rites, were brought along by villagers, were killed, cooked and
eaten. The ancestor spirit cult was then given up by the villagers in a number of villages.
However, it was resumed after the charismatic leader was killed by the police.
In addition to human built ruins, there are natural places associated with both
great and minor spirits. For example, Kaw Ka Cha is the Lord of land which includes
mountains, forest and all wildlife. Thee Ka Cha is the Lord of water which includes
swamps, wells, streams and all aquariums. These two Lords own and look after the
whole environmental realm of the Karen. Besides, there are other spirits which own
more bounded realms such as watersheds, mountains, or streams. Rituals to propitiate
these spirits who 'own' these resources are regularly conducted to ensure the fertility of
land and the protection of the people's lives and properties.
As many natural places are associated with spirits, the practice of journey and
pilgrimage is also another way to gain strength and invulnerability. Within the Karen
community, those who have journeyed to many places, have vast experiences of others'
way of life and embody unusual strength, are usually recognized as leaders6. Religious
specialists are those who traveled to many places and learned the way to gain
supernatural power from many teachers. It is not surprising that the Karen accept the
supernatural power of Khuba Siwichai, Khuba Khao Pi and other Khuba who had
traveled across different geographical and cultural spaces, in defeating spirits and
maleficent human beings.
This is the same with the traditional practice of the 'ox caravan' trading of which the leader usually
increased his reputation as the strong and invulnerable man following more rounds of travelling, as he had
to win over bad spirits and robbers in unknown places.
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Although there have been questions based on scientific thought about the actual
travelling of Buddha, the view of the Buddha as exists beyond time and space has not
been overridden. This is also sustained by the official and royal recognition of the
monasteries which have Buddha's relics and footprints by assigning royal and class
status to these monasteries. The annual ceremony is also organized to give a sacred bath
to the Buddha's relics for the relics to retain their restorative power and for people to
gain that power. These monasteries are now the site for exercising power from many
powerful parties. For example, in the annual ceremony of Wat Phra That Hariphuchai in
Lamphun, formerly the first sacred water to bath the Buddha's relics, had to come from
a sacred well on Doi Kha Maw, the local hill. Now sacred water given by the King is
the first bath followed by sacred water from Doi Kha Maw.
The Karen's Participation in the Construction of Sacred Space
When being asked why they follow Khuba Khao Pi, the Karen commonly
answer that because their ancestors followed Khuba Siwichai, they thus follow their
ancestors' way. Besides, Khuba seems to be their 'God', different from other monks
who may have different kinds of practices that are not as ascetic as Khuba. Khuba is
also viewed as the monk of the forest and mountainous people in comparison with other
monks who prefer to stay in town temples, or to serve only a surrounding community.
This can be explained by the Karen's experiences and everyday practices. As Khuba
initiated construction projects which expanded across difficult-to-access land of many
marginal cultural groups, his power would be greater than the Karen's great and small
spirits which are attached to Karen territory or natural objects at the village level.
Traditionally the Karen would have he kho, a village leader, a representative of Kaw Ka
Cha and Tee Ka Cha, Lords (owners) of Land and Water, who protect the lives and
properties of members of a community and bless them with prosperity, on the condition
that they act in accordance with moral regulations. The Karen would also have ancestral
spirits which have control and protection at the lineage or household level. Khuba are
certainly perceived as the Lords, as seen from the terms used to call Khuba Siwichai,
Khuba Khao Pi, and Khuba Wong Ka Cha Bang, Ka Cha Wa and Ka Cha Pho, the
‘Yellow-Robed Lord’, the ‘White-Robed Lord’ and the ‘Little Lord’, respectively.
These Lords are certainly more powerful than their traditional Lords because they own
sacred places represented by stupa remains and monasteries scattered throughout the
land. These stupa remains described above are associated with myths of Karen's Kings
or Jaw Pa and the Buddha’s visit. The construction projects are clearly seen as an
attempt to revive and construct the areas which were prosperous in the past.
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For the Karen, the participation in the construction projects is the creation of a
utopiatic society on earth, because as they related to me, participants came from many
cultural groups which had not previously known each other and sometimes could not
even communicate with one another. But everybody mutually engaged in the
construction, some by contributing food and other construction materials, others especially the Karen - by contributing their labor. Phaw Bue, a follower of Khuba Khao
Pi told me how participants unselfishly dedicated themselves to construction projects
which entailed a great deal of hard manual labor. Furthermore, the community of the
followers behaved well toward one another. For example, Khon Muang did not tease
Karen girls who did not understand Thai. All were united in the purpose of dedicating
themselves to Khuba Khao Pi.
The narratives on the construction of 12-kilometre road to Doi Suthep led by
Khuba Sriwichai during 1934-1935 reflect how millenium or utopiatic society is made
visible through the construction of sacred places (Luang and Mrs. Sriprakat 1964; Saw
1975; Wat Srisoda 1990 -- translated by the author):
The construction started on November 9, 1934 at 10:00 am. and finished on April 30,
1935, altogether five months and twenty two days... In the ceremony to start the
construction, Khuba Siwichai addressed the crowd that "this is the big project, it will be
successful if deities and angels come to help", somebody asked "deities and angels are all
in heaven, how can they come to help." Khuba Siwichai pointed to men which stood
there and said "those are deities" and to women "these are angels"... At the beginning
not many people participate, other high-rank people who initiated the construction were
not quite sure about the success of this difficult project. However, Khuba Siwichai said
"don't be so concern, deities will come to help." After harvesting, people increasingly
came... the Karen comprised most of participants.. These tribes were familiar with local
people and had faith in Khuba Siwichai...they came as a group 20, 30, 40. Each group
would have koy (a Karen trumphet), a gong, a drum, a pair of ... They blew koy, beated
drum and gong along the way to construction site. Participants in the construction
increased to not less than 5000 people a day and had to compete to do the work. They
were later divided into many groups, one group was responsible for only 10 wa (20
metres), those who came later could work for only 5 or 2 wa. Everybody did not show
any tiredness...Khuba Siwichai stayed at Wat Srisoda, sending food, rice and other
materials to participants everyday.
Hetherington's (1998: 130) explanation of 'utopia' in relation to 'space' and
'identity' could be used to apply to the above scene of the construction site and process.
Khuba Movements and the Karen in Northern Thailand: Negotiating Sacred Space and Identity
Page 13 of 23
He said, "The Utopic is a spatial practice in which ideas about a better society...are made
visible through the spatial practice associated with the identity performances that occur
there".
What is the participants' identity which is performed in the spatial practice of
Khuba Movements? I believe that the participants identify themselves as members of
the religious community which constructs the prosperous and righteous society on
earth, which is led by a ton bun Khuba, and which separates them from normal religious
community under the control of the centralized Sangha. This community has no fixed
space but it is a space outside the control of the Sangha and the state. All Khuba's
construction projects have been conducted without the official support from the Sangha
although individual monks from the Sangha may join in. The construction of the road to
Doi Suthep described above is one example. Khuba Siwichai did not agree to invite
senior monks from Chiang Mai Sangha to pray at the start of the construction. While
constructing the road, he also constructed three new wat, along the way to the top of Doi
Suthep mountain7. It was at Wat Srisoda, one out of the three, where he stayed and
received a donation from participants. During the construction many monks joined,
many asked him to ordain their children and around 60 wat wanted to transfer control
under the Sangha to under him. As a result, after the construction finished, he was
'invited' to be confined in Bangkok to defend many charges. Similarly, Khuba Khao Pi,
during the construction projects, most of which take places in remote mountainous
areas, was sitting long, call 'nang nak' literally ‘to sit heavy’, at temporary shelters. If
the construction is done inside a wat, these shelters had to be built outside the wat
boundary. The recent Khuba, Khuba La constructed many new wat close to the stupa
ruins. If the building to be constructed belonged to an official wat, he also built
temporary shelter outside the wat.
As the sacred space which has been constructed is outside the control of the
Sangha and the state, it is the space in the periphery occupied at random by many small
ethnic groups. The Khuba movements are religious movements but they are also made
to represent many marginal/peripheral ethnic groups, not one single ethnic group.
However, Khuba himself may represent an ethnic figure which appears in the myth. For
example, Khuba Raat was perceived as the reincarnation of Chao Ratt, probably Karen
King in the old myths, while Khon Muang may also regard the Chao Ratt as Khon
Muang according to their traditional texts. The performing and projection of many
Two wat have been deserted later. Only wat Srisoda has been continued and later became the center for
Dhammacharik program, which disseminates Buddhism among the hill tribe people and also for hill tribe
monks and novices to study.
7
Khuba Movements and the Karen in Northern Thailand: Negotiating Sacred Space and Identity
Page 14 of 23
cultural identities in the religious community, as intended by Khuba and the people
themselves, is meaningful because it contributes to the construction of utopiatic society
in which many ethnic groups live together respectfully and peacefully. Two scenes show
the projection of ethnic identity in the movement activities. First is the Khuba La's
ceremony that I described above. The scene on that day represented a prosperous utopia
society as thousands of Karen in their special traditional costumes, some of which are
no longer used in daily life, came from many villages to participate in the ceremony. At
the same time, large crowds of Khon Muang and other lowland cultural groups had also
come. The outstanding feature in the wat compound were many large temporary chedi
made of bamboo and decorated with Karen clothes: blouses, turbans and shoulder bags.
Before the sacred bath, the Karen circumambulated around the wat while singing tha,
the traditional songs. When Khuba La walked around the wat, he was guarded by 10-15
teenage Karen men who had formal education but also dressed in Karen costumes.
Cohen (2000: 146) who studies Khuba Bunchum whose construction areas are along the
border of Thailand, Laos, Southern China and Burma, also notices the Lue ethnic
component in Khuba Bunchum's movement. He describes the welcoming ceremony in
which the Lue people performed traditional circular Lue dances while holding glossy
photos of Khuba Bunchum. The Tai Lue of both Northern Laos and Sibsong Panna
claimed that Khuba Bunchum was not only a Buddhist saint, but a Lue saint who was a
reincarnation of a famous Lue royal.
The Karen who identify themselves with Khuba movements can also be
classified into three groups according to the distance to Khuba himself and thus the
intensity of the participation in the movements' construction activities. The first group is
in the periphery of the movement, comprises of those who occasionally participated in
the construction projects, mostly near their villages. In terms of religious practices,
people in this group mostly continued their traditional practices. The second group is in
between periphery and the center of the movement. Karen in this group frequently
participated in the construction projects wherever they took place. They would practice
Buddhism in Khuba's way when they stayed at construction sites or at Khuba's places
but practice traditionalism when at home. The last group is at the center of the
movement comprises of those who, after following Khuba to many construction sites,
relocated near to Khuba's residence. The Karen in this group would give up all
traditional way of religious practices including the propitiation rites with chicken and
pig sacrifice. Some of the Karen who moved to stay around Khuba Khao Pi's Wat Pha
Nam in Li, Lamphun would also cultivate upland rice. The propitiation rite conducted
Khuba Movements and the Karen in Northern Thailand: Negotiating Sacred Space and Identity
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for the field spirits, as I observed in 1987, was also done with the offering of rice and
sweets only.
In what level to which one Karen should identify themselves is dependent on
how much they can cut themselves off from the old spirits and community whom they
are obliged to worship. As I found in 1987, the Karen who relocated to Wat Pha Nam
are those who needed to stop their ancestor spirits. The women who were heads of
matrilineages, the ther mue khae khu, who officiated at ancestor spirit rituals for all
members of their matrilineages were the first to relocate. Their relocation and
termination of the cult had direct impact on the practices of other households in the
same matrilineage. These households decided to follow suit. Similarly, Phaw Man, the
man in his seventies, whom I met in 1998 also told me he wanted to cut off his ancestor
spirit cult because it was not practical to continue as his children worked in distant areas
and would be unable to attend ceremonies. In 1974, his family, was one out of three
from the village which moved to live near Khuba Raat at Huai Sa Lae in Lamphun.
Phaw Man had lived there for around ten years and when Khuba Raat died, returned to
his original village ten years ago. He said he had given up all spirit feeding rituals. The
traditional wrist-tying ritual was the only one that he has maintained but he conducts it
without animal sacrifice.
As exemplified by the case of Phaw Man, there has been changes in levels of the
identification from periphery to center and vice versa. When Khuba Ratt died, many
Karen who relocated to the Khuba's place came back to their villages. Some of them
may continue to follow Khuba La, who is regarded as the reincarnation of Khuba Ratt,
but some may not. Many of the old Karen who had followed Khuba Siwichai or Khuba
Khao Pi may also become Christian or active members of local Buddhist wat.
The Relations between Khuba and the Sangha and the State
The relationship between Khuba and the Sangha and the State can be described
in many strategic forms: confrontation, competition, cooperation, or negotiation. This
can be different from one to another place and time as seen from cases of Khuba
Siwichai, Khuba Khao Pi and Khuba La.
The movement of Khuba Siwichai started during the time the Thai state had
centralized the Sangha. Khuba Siwichai had resisted the Sangha authorities by not
following their commands which were based on new rules. For example, Khuba
Siwichai still presided over the ordination ceremony although he was not appointed a
preceptor as required by the new rule. He also refused to decorate his temple on the
Khuba Movements and the Karen in Northern Thailand: Negotiating Sacred Space and Identity
Page 16 of 23
King's birthday reasoning that it was not a 'monk's matter.' However, Khuba Siwichai
had a large space to move on because he was supported largely by Northern royalty and
high-rank businessmen and local politicians who also wanted to rehabilitate important
wat which associated with the foundation of the city, as written in tamnan, and had
been patronized by the past Northern royalty. For example, Chao Kaew Naowarat
(1862-1939), the then Chiang Mai ruler in cooperation with other well known figures in
Chiang Mai including Luang Anusan, the wealthy businessman (1867-1937) and Luang
Sri Prakat (1885 -1969), an official turned politician, all had faith in Khuba Siwichai
and invited him to renovate and build more halls at Wat Phra Sing, an ancient 600-year
old wat, Wat Suen Dok which is a place to keep relics of the past Northern royalties,
Wat Phra That Doi Kham which was, as written in tamnan, the place of the Lua King,
Khun Luang Wilangka and Wat Chiang Man the first wat built after the foundation of
Chiang Mai city.
Thus during Khuba Siwichai, many wat which housed the Buddha's relics and
footprints and located in the cities were renovated and constructed. In this sense, both
Khuba and the group of the royalty and wealthy local people, have a shared interest in
constructing the sacred space. This group of people also helped mediate with the Sangha
so that the Sangha could allow Khuba Siwichai to carry out his projects.
Unlike Khuba Siwichai, Khuba Khao Pi had less protection from the royalty or
the influential people who had been gradually replaced by officials from central and
other parts of Thailand. Khuba Khao Pi had confronted the local Sangha during the
1940s-1950s and was disrobed by local authorities in cooperation with local Sangha on
charges of infringement of the state law such as having no recruited soldier's certificate.
He was later re-ordained by Khuba Siwichai but was disrobed again and thus remained
in white-robed for the rest of his life. In comparison with Khuba Siwichai, Khuba Khao
Pi's construction areas, though some of which cover Wat with phra that and phra bat,
are more in mountainous and the then remote districts such as Chom Thong, Hod and
Mae Taeng in Chiang Mai and Mae Tha, Thung Hua Chang and Li in Lamphun. No
Khuba Khao Pi's construction project took place in important wats of the cities, because
these wat had become centers of Sangha in various ecclesiastical levels. There was less
space for Khuba Khao Pi to conduct construction activities in the towns. However, his
movement has two features which are more outstanding than his predecessors. Firstly,
he has a large number of followers, being the Karen, Lua and other traditional ethnic
groups due to his extensive travel in peripheral areas. Secondly, he creates his
distinctive religious practices which he made clear in his writings, preaching and his
own practices that these were genuine traditional Lanna Buddhism, and thus in
Khuba Movements and the Karen in Northern Thailand: Negotiating Sacred Space and Identity
Page 17 of 23
accordance with the dhamma than those of the centralized Sangha. He, for example,
determined the Sabbath days differently from the Sangha. As a result, in the same wat,
there could be two groups of congregation, one belonging to the normal Sangha, another
to Khuba. Each group organized the ceremony on different days with different ways of
practice. At least until 1987 when I did my fieldwork and ten years after Khuba Khao Pi
died, in some wat, there were still two congregations in the same wat.
However, in the later part of his life, especially after he settled at Wat Phra
Buddhabat Pha Nam from 1963 to 1977, Khuba Khao Pi did not have any direct
conflict with either the State or the Sangha. On the contrary, he helped mobilize
resources for the construction of local government facilities such as schools, bridges,
police stations, etc. He gave rice which was donated to him to army officers and
mobilized resources for them to construct the monument to Phra Cao Kawila in Chiang
Mai. When he died at the age of 88, while conducting a project in a remote district of
Sukhothai, the army arranged vehicles to carry his body back to his wat in Lamphun.
Other Khuba after Khuba Khao Pi have seldom confronted the Sangha and the
State. They all properly registered with the centralized Sangha, basically complied with
the state and Sangha law and are patronized in one way or another by the State and the
monarchy. One of the new interesting religious phenomena in Thailand is that urbanbased well-off people increasingly patronize forest monks or monks of the local/ethnic
traditions who usually live in peripheral areas8. This is the result of at least two factors:
firstly, with increased modernization in the way of life, people feel that there is an
increasing deterioration of ethics and morality leading to more social and psychological
problems. More urban people look for religious solutions to solve problems and often
find that there has been also moral deterioration among urban-based monks. Secondly,
with the modernized transportation and communication, the news about 'bad' and 'good'
monks spreads very fast. And travel to make merits with meritorious monks often at
peripheral areas can be done very easily.
The patronization of Khuba by urban-based wealthy people from central
Thailand bring about vast resources for the construction of monasteries. Construction
projects undertaken by recent Khuba are usually very grand and sophisticated and could
The book published to commemorate 100 day after the death of Khuba Wong collects articles from
Khuba Wong's supporters mostly businessmen/women from Central Thailand (Phra Chaya Wongsa
Pattana 2000). In one article, the author, an owner of a business company, mentions that he knows Khuba
Wong via another woman who finished her bachelor degree from a prestiqious university in Thailand and
master degree from a famous university in U.S.A. and had a high-rank official position. But because she
wanted to devote herself more to Khuba's construction project, she resigned from her work 'without
thinking about the social status'.
8
Khuba Movements and the Karen in Northern Thailand: Negotiating Sacred Space and Identity
Page 18 of 23
be finished within a short period. However, as compared with their predecessors, the
recent Khuba had focussed their construction in less extensive area but deeper in the
mountainous remote places, where no official wat was established. But Khuba
themselves, with modern transportation, may travel across regions and even out of the
country to gain experiences and raise money for their own projects. For example, Khuba
Wong was invited by a business company to lead the tour group to India, Nepal, Sri
Lanka and Burma during the 1990s.
The Controversial Case of Khuba La
During the second week of July 2001, Thai News, the largest newspaper in
Chiang Mai, stated in the headlines and an extensive report on the Khuba La's cheating
to get money from Karen followers. The news started on the 5th of July as summarised
below:
On the 3th of July, Mr. Mowkhee Nithibarameewong, aged 41, the headman of Huai Pla
Kang, ..Mae Hoa Subdistrict, Mae Sariang District with other six villagers report to the
head of Mae Sariang District Police Office that Khuba La had embezzled their money for
many hundred thousands baht. He also said that there will be more people from Dong
Ku, Dong Luang, Khun Wong, Omkha Nua and Omkha Tai in Mae Hoa Subdistrict to
come to sue Khuba La.
Mr. Mowkhee revealed that at the end of 2000, Khuba La and ten of his disciples came
in two minibuses to his house motivating them to donate money. For 1 baht donated, they
will get 500 baht in return.
Khuba La stresses that every villagers who donate money
will get additional money back. But altogether the donated money should not less than
120,000 baht. With the belief in Khuba, villagers collected and donated money. Khuba
gave one package for each person back in exchange and stressed that this package should
not be open.
Last June, Khuba La asked villagers to bring these packages along to conduct ceremonies
at Wat Yong Kue. He still stressed on the change from 1 to 500 baht and if anybody
donates more than a hundred thousand, he/she will get a Toyota Tiger pick-up truck.
There will be 23 trucks altogether to give away. Thus some villagers sold their fields and
cattle to donate money. Khuba La said that they could open the packages they gained
earlier on the 22nd of June at 21.29 hrs.
Villagers open the packages on the determined date after lighting 29 candles. They saw
only a Dhamma scripts and papers cut at the bank note size. They then went to Khuba La
Khuba Movements and the Karen in Northern Thailand: Negotiating Sacred Space and Identity
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who explained that villagers broke the promise and practiced wrong procedure. If they
still wanted money, they should give Khuba 300 baht per person to give apology.
Mr. Mowkhee also said that villagers from Sob Mei District and Tha Song Yang District
have also been cheated.
On the 7th of July, the news reported the reaction of the Provincial
Sangha:
Khuba La has cheated villagers for many years until "Thai News" revealed the issue.
There had been even the sexual harassment case with female layman resulting in his
escape to Wat Mae Ngood, Hod District in 2000...
Reporters from Mae Hong Son came to Wat Yong Kue and found that Khuba La's
disciples obstructed the road. Each disciple had a long sword and did not allow reporters
to enter but later allow them to enter...
Mae Hong Son Sangha by the Deputy Provincial Ecclesiastic...ordered to all local
Sangha in Mae Hong Son prohibiting the invitation of Khuba La to attend religious
ceremonies until the case was clear.
Phra Khru Suthorn Wiphat, the abbot of Wat Saen Thong, Omkoi District who is the
direct supervisor of Khuba La said that the case is to be handled by government officials.
He said that Wat Yong Kue is not an official Wat. It is only a resting place of monks. He
had never been reported how many monks stayed there. Monks there seem to be so free
that they travel to any place they like, as if they have no affiliation with the Sangha.
Then on the 9th of July, the reaction of the Provincial Governor is reported:
The Provincial Governor did not set up any committee to inspect the matter but ordered
the District Officer to take care. He said "I always follow up this matter and do not
believe that there is the embezzling case; there seem to be some misunderstanding" He
continued "on the 6th of July, the District Officer also went to the Wat and there has
been no obstruction"
The news continued for another two days, 10-11 July, reporting more examples
of how Khuba La cheated his followers. For example, Khuba La sold a pack of dried
sticky rice for 1,900 Baht claiming that it would cure the "Y-2-K" disease. Altogether in
nine villages, villagers lost around 700,000 Baht to Khuba La. An owner of a
Khuba Movements and the Karen in Northern Thailand: Negotiating Sacred Space and Identity
Page 20 of 23
construction material shop also reported that Khuba La did not pay him around 400,000
Baht.
The news was also reported in some of the national newspapers but only on one
or two days. After this, until present, there has been no report.
The case of Khuba La described above shows two main developments which
happen also in other controversial cases of monk's behavior. First, it is noticed that
presently the media played more of a ‘police like’ role by detecting monks' 'wrong'
behavior. This is because the issue is of wide interest by general readers and thus the
increasing selling rate of the newspaper or television broadcasting time. However, the
assessment of 'wrong' or 'right' is usually based on journalists' scientific standard such as
it is impossible that Khuba La could turn 1 baht to 500 baht9. Second, the Sangha and
government offices concerned usually moved very slowly to handle the matter like this.
Each usually denied that it is under its mandate but another's. They certainly do not want
to run into conflict with people and wealthy influential people who support famous
monks. Only when there are more complaints and increasing pressure from the public
will they act upon controversial cases.
I visited Wat Yongkue in October 2001 and found that the Wat was almost
deserted. However, a few Karen households which moved from Tha Song Yang
District, the border District to Burma, still remained. They said that Khuba moved to
another remote village to carry out his construction project there; Khuba would certainly
come back. These Karen did not cultivate any land. I asked one elder what did they do
to make a living. He said, "yoo bun kaw kin bun" (literally, living with merit, (I) also eat
merit). Then I visited another Karen village and went to see an unfinished ceremonial
hall at the edge of paddy rice fields. The hall was constructed by Khuba La a few years
ago near a stupa ruin. Being there alone for a few minutes, I was approached by some
Karen villagers who said that they thought that it was Khuba La who came; they always
waited for him to come to finish the project.
Conclusion
Despite of the increase in modernization and the conversion of people from
many ethnic groups who formerly had their traditional religion, to Christianity and
I am thinking of some of the government projects which promise the same. The news in the mid of 2000
reported of some people who were asked to invest in stock markets by the government's bank but lost all
his many hundred thousand Baht without any return. How about the lottery project ? People are motivated
to buy lottery in order to change a few Baht to large sum of money, 'if they win'.
9
Khuba Movements and the Karen in Northern Thailand: Negotiating Sacred Space and Identity
Page 21 of 23
Buddhism, there is still a space for Khuba movement which has distinctive practices
from the Sangha. As described above, the movement space can be created and sustained
by various strategic ways of cooperation, contestation and negotiation with the Sangha
and the authorities. There are at least four important practical components in relation to
the construction of the space which draw a large number of followers and supporters
into the Khuba movements. Firstly, these people have a shared repertoire (cf Wenger
1998: 82) on the history of their sacred places as a part of the Buddhological geography
as existed in reworked tamnan and evidenced by the ruined building and artifacts. The
meanings of these sacred places have always been negotiated in the new situation by
rituals and everyday practices.
Secondly, the followers have engaged in the construction activity by
coordinating and communicating with each other. The construction activity creates
boundaries and identity of the utopiatic society in which a participant is a part of. The
mutual engagement of participants (cf. Wenger 1998: 73) in the construction creates and
sustains the community of practice which is real but not imagined. Thirdly, the
Khuba's construction projects took places at the periphery of and usually in competition
with the centralized Sangha and the central administrative center. Nevertheless, the
construction project has created the social centrality out of that marginal space. The
periphery became the center of multi- cultural, spiritual prosperous and righteous
people who were not selfish but devoting themselves to construct the utopiatic society.
The deserted land became sacred expressly for the millennium on earth. Lastly, the
belief in ton bun has still existed in the modern time and pervaded in all classes in the
society. This belief is sustained by the patronization and support of forest monks and
meritorious ton bun monks by the monarchy, the highly educated urban-based people,
wealthy people from business sectors, and the farming and ethnic hill communities.
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