The Religious Reformation of Mass and the Sacraments
and Its Secular Impacts on European Society
Emily Vrooman (0670308)
HIST*3750, The Reformation
Daniel MacLeod
November, 16, 2011
The Protestant Reformation changed both the religious and secular lives of
Christian Europeans. Prior to the Reformation, Catholic life was secularized by the Seven
Sacraments that governed how Christians were meant to conduct themselves within their
daily lives, and according to the Liturgical year made up established saints’ days:
…it gave meaning to daily life by marking out religiously the key stages
in the human life cycle and in the cyclical rhythms of the seasons, thus
providing a form of cosmic order for human existence.1
As a result, the changes that were made to these sacraments by Martin Luther, Andreas
Karlstadt, Ulricht Zwingli, and John Calvin had significant secular effects on the
Christian populace in Europe during the Reformation. The way in which both the Mass
and daily Christian life were conducted changed due to the revision of these sacraments.
The changes included a reduction in the number of sacraments that were recognized as
being true and ordained by God. The sacraments that were recognized were interpreted
differently by each reformer, and these varying interpretations also had secular effects on
Protestants. Overall the changes resulted in an increase in the power of the laity as well as
a decrease in the power of the liturgy, including an equalizing of their statuses within and
outside of the church. The meaning of being a Christian changed in accordance with new
doctrines, which affected how individuals conducted themselves.
Catholicism was traditionally practised according to the Seven Sacraments that
organized and structured the spiritual existence of a Catholic; Baptism, Confirmation, the
Eucharist, Penance, Matrimony, Last Rites and the Holy Orders. Although these
1
Scribner, R. W., “The Reformation, Popular Magic, and the “Disenchantment of the World,”” The
Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, no. 3 (1993) 475, accessed November 7, 2011, url:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/206099.
1
structures were designed for the spiritual aspects of life, they were also often considered
“social operations.”2
Baptism of a child at the beginning of its life created a secular bond of “kinship”
between the child and its godparents.3 Along with its religious connotations, this
confirmed the child’s position in the community, secured their status in society, and
determined who they could or could not marry. Marriage was another sacrament that was
“at once secular and sacred.”4 Marriages were used by families as a means of reconciling
conflict between families or other involved parties, in lawsuits as well as in many of the
wars of the princes; however “the idea of marriage as an alliance was also embedded in
the rites of the church,” and the use of it in social alliances most likely stemmed from this
Catholic source.5
The sacrament of Last Rites also dealt with conflict, and affected the families of
those to whom those rites were being administered. Within Last Rites both the “seeking
and giving of pardon for offences committed against others or those committed by
others” against the dying individual was required for final absolution.6 This often left the
family of that individual with the task of reconciling residual conflicts. This was critical
as the soul of their loved one hung in the balance; “confession and restitution were, for
the dying, an essential incident in the passage of the Christian towards an unsullied
membership of the community of believers,” if conflicts were not resolved, the dying
would not be admitted into that eternal community of believers.7 The resolution of these
2
Bossy, J., Christianity in the West, 1400-1700 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 21.
Ibid, 14-18.
4
Ibid, 22.
5
Ibid, 20-21.
6
Ibid, 46.
7
Ibid.
3
2
conflicts, even after the death of the individual involved, aided in maintaining peace and
unity in the community.
Penance was another social tradition that applied to both the individual and the
community. The committed sin would only require penance from those involved, as sins
in general were regarded as “a stain on the community of Christians” and “required
penance from the population at large” as was practiced during Lent.8 These acts of
penance joined individuals in a community together, repenting with the intent to receive
their Easter communion. These sacraments ensured the unity of communities, creating
“bonds of Christian kinship among those who would otherwise be at enmity or feud” and
“agricultural co-operation” in towns and rural communities.9
The Holy Orders created a structured hierarchy of the church that was extended
into the secular community. In Unam Sanctam, Pope Boniface VIII declared that “the
spiritual authority and the temporal are in the power of the church,” reasoning that
spiritual power is greater than any earthly power in terms of both dignity and honour.10
This meant that temporal authorities were controlled and judged by the ecclesiastical
authorities. Boniface explained that as the highest spiritual power, the pope was greater
than every other earthly and spiritual power and could not be judged by any man on
earth, “but by God alone.”11
Ecclesiastical members acted as an intercession between God and the laity, and
their Masses reflected the superiority and authority this principle entailed. The church
was arranged so that there was “a great distance between the clergy on the altar and the
8
Bossy, J., 60.
Ibid, 60-61.
10
Petrey, “Pope Boniface VIII: Unam Sanctam (1302),” in the European Reformations Sourcebook, ed.
Carter Lindberg (Malden:Blackwell Publishing, 2000), 10.
11
Ibid.
9
3
laity in the nave of the church,” often with screens to further inhibit the ability of the laity
to observe the priest’s actions. 12 Masses were not recited in the vernacular but in Latin,
and the church did not encourage the laity to attempt understanding “exactly what the
priest was saying.”13 The result was that, for the laity, Mass became a series of regulated
actions, often indicated by the ring of a bell, without any significance, “the Medieval laity
had some physical, but no intellectual involvement with the words of the Gospel or the
doctrine of the eucharist,” creating a ritualistic system of gestures and symbols. 14 The
priests also gained an elevated status in society since they were the ones who understood
the Mass proceedings. It was therefore also required that members of the Holy Orders
were educated and able to understand and recite these Latin Masses.
The Catholic Eucharist involved transubstantiation and a literal interpretation of
the “sacred words “This is my body,”” in which Christ was actually present in the
bread.15 This concept was not thoroughly explained to the laity however they understood
the general concepts involved within the Eucharist. Many of them considered it to be a
“sacred rite uniting them with God, the Church, and each other,” ingraining a sense of
community between individuals.16 The elevation of the host “was intended to express the
real presence of Christ on the altar, in the midst of those attending Mass,” and was a
visual representation of Christ on the Cross.17 Many of the laity admitted that they were
Reinburg, V., “Lithurgy and the Laity in Late Medieval and Reformation France,” The Sixteenth Century
Journal, 23 no. 3 (1992):527, accessed October 19, 2011, url: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2542493.
13
Bossy, J., 68.
14
Reinburg, V., 527.
15
Ibid, 533.
16
Ibid, 540.
17
Reinburg, V., 537.
12
4
“compelled to belief and action through visual experiences inspired by art and
ceremony”18 during Mass.
This sensory experience of Mass relied greatly on the presence of relics and
saints. Large stained glass windows decorated these churches containing scenes of the
crucifixion and images of various saints. The nave, the main part of the building, “often
housed subsidiary altars dedicated to popular saints” 19 that individuals could pray to for
specific purposes or on specific saints’ days. Catholicism was conducted according to this
calendar of saints’ days, known as the Liturgical year. This calendar determined the
Masses that were said and brought communities together under one unified structure, “To
live the Liturgical year as a community is to journey through this life in full awareness
that God is present in all times and in all seasons.”20
These established structures of the Catholic religion were criticized by Protestant
reformers and were reduced, changed, or simply redefined in terms of what they meant to
both the laity and liturgy. Luther, Zwingli and Calvin agreed on many of the initial
changes made to these structures, the Eucharist excluded. Martin Luther specifically
criticized the Catholic sacraments, reducing them to two out of seven: Baptism and the
Eucharist.21
The essentiality of Baptism was that through Baptism every man was a
“consecrated priest.”22 Each individual had a relationship with god and spiritual power
was universally distributed among the liturgy and laity alike, “All Christians are truly of
18
Ibid.
Ibid, 30.
20
Deeley, M. K., “Living the Liturgical Year,” Liturgy, 26, no. 1 (2010): 20.
21
Luther, M., “The Babylonian Captivity of the Church,” in The European Reformations Sourcebook, ed.
Carter Lindberg (Malden: Blackwell Publishing, 2000), 38.
22
Luther, M., “To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation Concerning the Reform of the Christian
Estate,” in The European Reformations Sourcebook, ed. Carter Lindberg (Malden: Blackwell Publishing,
2000), 37.
19
5
the spiritual estate, and there is no difference among them except that of office.” 23 Priests
were encouraged to conduct the Mass in the vernacular providing laity with
understanding of scripture and doctrine and encouraging their participation.24 The laity
was also encouraged to read and learn the bible “Is it not the only right that every
Christian man know the entire holy gospel by the age of nine or 10?” 25 Luther believed
that man should derive his life and how he conducts himself from scripture; without
knowing and understanding its contents he can not successfully act in God’s image.
Scripture was an integral component of Lutheran faith and man’s connection to God.
Luther also contested the superior nature of the Holy Orders in the governance of
communities. Instead Luther supported a system made up of 2 governments, the spiritual
which produced righteous people and Christians by teaching ethics and morality through
scripture, and a temporal government which would restrain “the unchristian and
wicked.”26 This idea reduced the power of the church as a spiritual authority over the
temporal authorities. Luther reduced the power of the pope specifically by contesting his
authority to award absolution in return for penance and indulgences, “The Pope himself
cannot remit guilt, but only declare and confirm that it has been remitted by God.”27
Instead Luther explained that the only true source of absolution for sins was God himself.
When it came to Penance Luther argued that repentance was not meant to be a
single act, “When our Lord and Master Jesus Christ said, ‘Repent’, he called for the
23
Ibid.
Reinburg, V., 529.
25
Luther, M., “To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation Concerning the Reform of the Christian
Estate,” 37.
26
Ozment, S., The Age of Reform 1250-1550 (Westford: Murray Printing Company), 268.
27
Jacobs, J., “The Rationalization of Christian Theology,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 10,
no. 1 (1971):6, accessed October 19, 2011, url: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1385312.
24
6
entire life of believers to be of penitence,”28 and was instead to be considered a way of
life. Luther believed that repentance was also not meant to be an act in the hopes of
receiving something in return, as was done with Lent and Easter Communion. Instead, an
individual was meant to repent as a way of displaying their faith in God’s grace to God.
Luther’s doctrine replaced the group Penance of communities with a more individualistic
concept focussed on bettering oneself through faith and scripture.29 As individuals
became more focused on personal reform, they became less focussed on reforming their
communities as a whole.
Just as Luther had rejected Penance as being a sacrament, he regarded Marriage as
a civil contract rather than a sacrament. More importantly Luther, Zwingli and Calvin all
believed marriage should be open to the clergy, who according to Catholic doctrine were
ordained to stay celibate; however they could find no source for this celibacy in the
scriptures. This meant that women who were previously concubines to the members of
the clergy who failed to adhere to the rules of celibacy could now lead a less shameful
life as a married woman, and the children fathered by the priests would have the
legitimacy of being born from two people under the sanctity of marriage.
Ulricht Zwingli agreed with Luther concerning clerical marriage but he disagreed
with him on the nature of Baptism. Zwingli felt that infant baptism was a blasphemous
concept; “God’s Word, wisdom and commands which says only believers should be
baptised,”30 infants did not have the capacity to understand the meaning of their baptism,
scripture, or their relationship with God, and could therefore not be considered true
28
Ibid.
Ozment, S., 262.
30
William G. Naphy, ed., “Conrad Grebel to Munzer, 5 September 1524,” in Documents on the Continental
Reformation (Hampshire: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1996), 35.
29
7
believers, “This promise has nothing to do with babies and therefore their baptism is
meaningless”31. Instead Zwingli argued it was better to wait until the individual had a
thorough understanding and true relationship with God; then they could be baptized and
provide God with their promise of faith. According to this system however, without an
infant baptism the infant could not be given traditional godparents, and there would be no
established kinship within the community.
European society was structured according to a hierarchy of authority. Zwingli
disrupted this structure with his argument that human rules and the laws of the temporal
authorities ultimately did not matter in terms of salvation. Although secular authorities
and laws should be obeyed, Christians were not obliged to obey any laws that were “in
opposition to God.”32 He suggested that any laws or rulers that oppressed the divine
rights of Christians could be “replaced by God.” This created the basis for political
reform, under the premise of acting in God’s image.
Zwingli, along with Andreas Karlstadt, contested the use of images and false idols
in Catholicism. Karlstadt stated angrily, “That we have images in churches and houses of
God is wrong and contrary to the first commandment. Thou shalt not have other gods.”33
Karlstadt was concerned that these Saints were being prayed to as if they had the power
of God himself, a blasphemous, but popular, notion. In 1524 images were banned from
the churches in Zurich; objects that could be associated with idolatry, even statues of
Mary, were removed and acts of idolatry were punished. This caused a collapse of the
William G. Naphy, ed. “(1525) Balthasar Hubmaier to Oecalampadius.” in Documents on the
Continental Reformation (Hampshire: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1996), 35.
32
Noll, “Zwingli: The Sixty-Seven Articles (1523),” in the European Reformations Sourcebook, ed. Carter
Lindberg (Malden:Blackwell Publishing, 2000), 113.
33
Karlstadt, A., “On the Removal of Images,” in A Reformation Debate: Three Treatises in Translation, ed.
Bryan D. Mangrum, Giuseppe Scavizzi (Ottawa: Dovehouse Editions Inc., 1991), 19.
31
8
Liturgical year and the calendar system that had been used throughout daily life.34 Within
the church the iconoclasm also created a totally new experience of Mass for Christians:
All alters which were still in the churches were stripped bare; and all the
week was no more singing nor reading, but all the books were taken out of
the choir and destroyed.35
The senses were no longer engaged in these Masses, and the only thing that the
laity had been able to understand, the very thing that had “compelled them to
faith” disappeared.
John Calvin was also opposed to Catholic Masses. Calvin felt that the removal of
images was not enough, the use of music in Mass was a distraction from its important
message and would “hinder the preaching of the word.”36 He was also worried that in
them God was not properly explained to the laity, “…our Lord is outrageously
blasphemed and the people misled and blinded,” in fact Calvin felt that the clergy were
inhibiting the relationship between the laity and God.37 This issue stemmed from the way
the Eucharist was considered and explained. Calvin believed that the Eucharist was
symbolic memorialism, Christ was not really present in the bread or wine:
That sacrifice cannot and should not ever be repeated by any visible
sacrifice. This would totally renounce the original as though it were of no
value or power, insufficient and incomplete.38
In fact Christ’s sacrifice was so effective that it provided members of the Christian faith,
known as the elect, with absolution for their sins without any work on their own part.
This idea of Predestination meant that certain individuals were among the elect and were
34
Todd, M., The Culture of Protestantism in Early Modern Scotland (New Haven: Yale University Press,
2000), 31.
35
J. Kidd, ed., “The last Mass in Zurich, 12 April 1525,” in Documents Illustrative of the Continental
Reformation (Oxfod: Clarendon Press, 1967), 433.
36
Todd, 71.
37
William G. Naphy, ed., “Marcourt’s Placard (1534),” in Documents on the Continental Reformation
(London: Macmillan Press Ltd., 1996), 54.
38
Ibid.
9
preordained for heaven, while others, the reprobate, were destined for hell. Unfortunately
there was no concrete form of confirmation on the nature of an individual’s
predestination, “only God knew who the Elect were,” and individuals could only have
faith that they were among the elect. 39 Calvin’s understanding of the church was very
legalistic in its organization; one was either among the elect or the reprobate.
One could only have “sure knowledge” of Predestination through scripture, and as
a result “bringing people to an understanding of the Bible had to be the reformers’ first
priority.”40 This meant individuals had to either be literate enough to read the bible, or
present at sermons to establish their faith. The Consistory was created as a means of
enforcing sermon attendance; elders were charged with the task of seeking out absentees
and punishing them.41 People were then motivated to attend church, and encourage their
family and friends to attend church for fear of the severe punishments that were
employed. This created an organized community of united Christians, with a more
thorough understanding of the Masses they attended.
This organized structure was maintained and its integrity ensured through
Calvin’s Ecclesiastical Ordinances. The Ecclesiastical Ordinances outlined the
hierarchical structured of the Calvinist Church and the responsibilities of all its
members.42 It was a clear outline of how the liturgy should conduct themselves and what
the laity should expect of their church. The Ecclesiastical ordinances created a universal
structure of Catholic practice that everyone had access to.
39
Jacobs, J., 7.
Todd, M., 24.
41
Ibid, 32.
42
Kingdon, “The Ecclesiastical Ordinances of 1541,” in the European Reformations Sourcebook, ed. Carter
Lindberg (Malden:Blackwell Publishing, 2000), 170.
40
10
The reformation gave the laity much greater access to and a deeper understanding
of the inner workings of their faith. The translation of the bible and Mass into the
vernacular created a “new reading public” that did not require an education in Latin. 43
Luther’s scholasticism regulated all aspects of life by applying “the standards of a
supernatural revelation” and modelling society off of the bible. 44 This elevated the
knowledge of the laity and lessened their reliance on the liturgy in understanding Mass.
Luther’s concept of every man being a priest and Zwingli’s ideas on the direct connection
with God meant there was very little need for a priest at all, greatly disrupting the
established social hierarchy of spiritual over secular. Luther separated the responsibilities
of secular and spiritual authorities by explaining that he “Expected religious values to
inform secular life and the sword of the magistrate to defend religious truth.”45 Spiritual
equality meant a decrease in the superiority of religious works over secular labour which
was more applicable to and beneficial for the agricultural economies of Europe. 46
Some changes to authority also caused a great deal of disruption. Luther
encouraged passive resistance to tyrannies which may have instigated violent urban
reforms including Peasants’ Revolt of 1523.47 Also, as none of the reformers considered
the Last Rites to be a necessary sacrament, the motivation to resolve conflicts would have
decreased and lasting family feuds may have been more prominent. The iconoclasm was
a violent affair that caused disorder in communities and would have disrupted daily
rituals.
Reid, W. S., “The Transmission of Calvinism in the Sixteenth Century,” in Articles on Calvin and
Calvinism, ed. R.C. Gamble (New York: Garland Publishing Inc, 1992), 36-44.
44
Ozment, S., 262.
45
Ibid, 268.
46
Ibid, 263.
47
Ibid, 272.
43
11
The changes made by the Reformers also stimulated various aspects of European
society. Many historians believe the changes to clerical celibacy helped increase the birth
rate and created a more ethical and personal form of marriage that affected family life. 48
Luther and Calvin both did their part to create social welfare within communities in their
reformation, urging communities to “assume full responsibility for the needy within their
walls and subject them to programs for rehabilitation and vocational training,” creating a
more effective system of taking care of the poor. 49 As part of Predestination Calvin also
encouraged individuals to immerse themselves in “God’s work;” staying busy would help
individuals avoid temptation. 50
It is interesting to note that the true nature of the Eucharist, the most greatly
contested sacrament between Protestant Reformers during this reformation, was the issue
that had the smallest direct impact on secular European life.
48
Ozment, S., 262.
Ibid, 268.
50
Jacobs, J., 7.
49
12
Primary Sources:
Karlstadt, A. “On the Removal of Images.” In A Reformation Debate: Three Treatises in
Translation. Ed. Bryan D. Mangrum and Giuseppe Scavizzi. Ottawa: Dovehouse
Editions Inc., 1991.
Kidd, J. “The last Mass in Zurich, 12 April 1525.” In Documents Illustrative of the
Continental Reformation. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967.
Kingdon. “The Ecclesiastical Ordinances of 1541.” In The European Reformations
Sourcebook. Ed. Carter Lindberg. Malden: Blackwell Publishing, 2000.
Luther, M. “The Babylonian Captivity of the Church.” In The European Reformations
Sourcebook. Ed. Carter Lindberg. Malden: Blackwell Publishing, 2000.
Luther, M. “To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation Concerning the Reform of
the Christian Estate.” In The European Reformations Sourcebook. Ed. Carter
Lindberg. Malden: Blackwell Publishing, 2000.
Naphy, William G., ed. “(1525) Balthasar Hubmaier to Oecalampadius.” In Documents
on the Continental Reformation. 1st ed. London: Macmillan Press Ltd., 1996.
Naphy, William G., ed. “Conrad Grebel to Munzer (5 September 1524).” In Documents
on the Continental Reformation. 1st ed. London: Macmillan Press Ltd., 1996.
Naphy, William G., ed. “Erasmus to J.Botzheim.” In Documents on the Continental
Reformation. 1st ed. London: Macmillan Press Ltd., 1996.
Naphy, William G., ed. “Marcourt’s Placard (1534).” In Documents on the Continental
Reformation. London: Macmillan Press LTD, 1996.
Secondary Sources:
Barton A. B. “The ornaments of the altar and the ministers in late-medieval England.” In
Mass and Parish in late Medieval England: The Use of York. Ed, P.S. Barnwell,
Claire Cross and Ann Rycraft. Oxford: Spire Books Ltd, 2005.
Bossy, J. Christianity in the West, 1400-1700. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985.
Deeley, M. K. “Living the Liturgical Year,” Liturgy 26, no. 1 (2010): 20.
Jacobs, J. “The Rationalization of Christian Theology.” Journal for the Scientific Study of
Religion 10, no. 1 (1971): 6-8, accessed October 19, 2011. url:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/1385312
Ozment, S. The Age of Reform 1250-1550. Westford: Murray Printing Company, 1980.
Petrey. “Pope Boniface VIII: Unam Sanctam (1302).” In The European Reformations
Sourcebook. Ed. Carter Lindberg. Malden: Blackwell Publishing, 2000.
Reid, W. S. “The Transmission of Calvinism in the Sixteenth Century.” In Articles on
Calvin and Calvinism. Ed. R.C. Gamble. New York: Garland Publishing Inc, 1992.
13
Reinburg, V. “Lithurgy and the Laity in Late Medieval and Reformation France.” The
Sixteenth Century Journal 23, no. 3 (1992): 527-545. Accessed October 19, 2011.
url: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2542493.
Scribner, R. W. “The Reformation, Popular Magic, and the “Disenchantment of the
World.”” The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, no. 3 (1993): 475. Accessed
November 7, 2011. url: http://www.jstor.org/stable/206099.
Todd, M. The Culture of Protestantism in Early Modern Scotland. New Haven: Yale
University Press, 2000.
14