Session 7 Carl Riskin, China’s Political Economy: The Quest for Development since 1949, 1987, Chapters 1 and 9-14 Chapters 14 and 15 Chapter 14: Reform 1. Introduction Since 1979, the Chinese government had begun to implement reform measures, a key theme of which was to make greater use of the market and reduce reliance on administrative planning. But such measures tended to conflict with one another and with the unreformed aspects of the economy, creating as many problems as they solved. 2. Industrial Reform The main approaches to reform of the industrial management system were: 1. Expansion of enterprise autonomy. 2. Expansion of the role of the market in guiding output and motivating producers. This was done in recognition of the importance of commodity production in the socialist economy. 3. Handing down considerable authority over budgetary revenues and expenditures to provinces and localities. 4. Enterprises’ use of a variety of means to break down horizontal and vertical administrative barriers to specialization and division of labor. 5. The practice of budgeting all fixed and circulating capital free of charge was replaced by the use of repayable bank loans bearing interest. 6. Enterprise management urged to stress material incentive schemes; develop strict systems of work-place discipline; and promote personnel with higher levels of education and technical training. 7. Reform of the system of incentives and property rights concerning the development and diffusion of knowledge. 8. Price reform. Reform efforts and resultant problems: Give enterprises authority over a portion of their own profits in order to provide them with an incentive to be more innovative and responsive to the market. Problems: A very complicated system of profit retention developed, resulting in disputes among officials at different levels of government. Also, the central government was losing control of investment priorities and the inflation rate. Enterprises began individually negotiating “profit contracts” with the state. Problem: These contracts further complicated reform of the price structure. They aggravated inflation and state deficit, and compromised enterprise autonomy. “Tax for profit” system, in which enterprises would pay a series of taxes and keep net profits. Problem: The only substantive change the system brought was to guarantee that the state would get at least 55 percent of enterprise profits. The system ultimately failed, and the government switched to a pure tax collection regime beginning in 1984. Readjustment of the industrial and commercial tax and the introduction of a “resource” tax on coal, oil, and metallurgical enterprises, a value-added tax, and some local taxes. Problem: A compromised form of this plan, in which enterprises experiencing temporary difficulties were exempted from tax, was implemented. Price reform. Problems: Planners restructured fixed prices to reflect relative costs and realigned them frequently. Also, there was debate over the extent and method of controlling prices. Banking reform to restore more centralized control of the money supply and to differentiate the central bank function of the People’s Bank of China (PBC) from the new investment functions of various specialized banks. Problem: Loss of PBC’s central control of investment after 1979. As a result, the Industrial and Commercial Bank of 1 China was established in 1984 to take over fro the PBC the handling of industrial and commercial credit and bank deposits. In sum, industrial reform was only partially achieved and left many problems unsolved. 3. Policy towards labor Attention shifted away from elected congresses of representatives of workers and staff, towards strengthening the authority of the enterprise director and the management committee. Piece rates and bonuses were the preferred methods of tying income to work. Large-scale open unemployment became a public issue in the late 1970s. The state no longer guaranteed employment, even in principle. Growth of employment in urban collectives and in private sectors, and decrease in state sector employment between the mid-1970s and mid-1980s. The Ministry of Labor in 1983 called for the hiring of contract workers rather than fullstatus employees to eliminate “iron rice bowl” lifetime employment. The old system, in which industrial workers per se enjoyed relative privileges, was ending, and the industrial labor force itself was becoming highly stratified. 4. Commerce Goods circulation system was weak in China even under mandatory planning. Since the onset of reform, difficulties encountered by the commercial system stemmed from the decline of central planning, the spread of bureaucratism, the inability of state agencies to handle goods distribution, and from the biases of socialism against trade. Reform concentrated on breaking the state trade monopoly and giving the market a larger role. Specialized companies in charge of specific goods were playing a bigger role in linking buyers and sellers. Administrative reform created regional economic zones organized around core cities. This was an attempt to break down restrictions on goods circulation and planning by permitting city governments to manage the entire surrounding prefects. In 1984, urban wholesale companies (state-owned) and trade centers were given the task of facilitating direct links between producers and consumers. Individual and collective commercial activity has proved a lucrative alternative to farming for many rural residents. Increasing number of people were leaving the rural labor force to work in non-agricultural pursuits in cities by the mid-1980s. 5. Financial effects Various reforms impacted negatively on the central government in two ways: 1. They produced a series of budget deficits. 2. They channeled an increasing proportion of investment into the hands of local governments, which used it to complicate the planned reduction in the national investment rate. Main causes of the budget deficits were: 1) Decline in profits of state enterprises; and 2) the border war with Vietnam in 1979, additional spending required by the higher farm procurement prices, and the additional subsidy granted urban workers to offset inflation. Main causes of decline of direct central command of resources: 1) The proliferation of financial resources available to localities and enterprises; 2) low efficiency and low profitability of state enterprises; and 3) growing state price subsidies of large grain harvests. Decline in central control of investment priorities was due to the decentralization of financial authority, which gave localities access to an increasing amount and variety of funds. The result was that the center lost the ability to direct resources to key projects and sectors. In 1983, the central government re-imposed administrative restraints on investment to regain control of priorities. Its measures were largely effective, and by 1984 the government against gave up control, leading to a new boom. 2 Problem with Chinese industry remains: there is excessive investment and demand in excess of supply, which are symptoms of ineffective planning. The result has been a lack of progress in improving indicators of efficiency. 6. Industrial performance Gross industrial output grew somewhat more slowly between 1978 and 1982 than it did between 1952 and 1978 as a result of a deliberate intent to curb excessive growth in keeping with the readjustment policy. The government succeeded in increasing supplies of consumer goods of various kinds to meet the growing incomes of rural and urban households, improve living standards, and provide incentives to workers. Chapter 15: Conclusion In terms of per capita income, China has made significant progress since the start of the reform period. However, “sustaining such growth rates of income will be difficult if not impossible” (we know in retrospect that Riskin was completely wrong!). The author argues that there is little room for improvement in both the share of consumption in national income and in rural-sector growth. Furthermore, the fruits of reform have been enjoyed first and foremost by “high officialdom,” or high government cadres. The author ends with a pessimistic note, that “there had been no substantial improvement in efficiency of industrial performance through 1984 under the reform regime.” 3