THE INADEQUACY OF CONCEPTS:
THE RISE OF YOUTH INTEREST
IN CIVIC PARTICIPATION IN QUEBEC
by
Madeleine Gauthier
Observatoire Jeunes et Société
INRS Urbanisation, Culture et Société, Quebec City
Introduction
Polls have often shown that concern for political matters is on the decline among modern youth.
When this decline is at issue, the sense of the word “politics,” in the kind of democracy found in
our society, usually derives from a strict definition involving political parties, government
authorities, electoral participation and the rallying of support for electoral platforms or political
ideologies. But the tendency among recent studies has been to expand the concept of politics, in
what Fernand Dumont qualified not too long ago as un déplacement sémantique or semantic shift
that extends the scope beyond the strictly political arena. “Discussion of civic participation,” he
says, “has been expanded to such a degree that it now involves the very foundations of society”
(1970: 5, 6). While the strict definition retains a certain relevance and heuristic value, the
expanded sense allows one to question whether interest in civic participation is being applied
elsewhere or expressed in a different manner.
A variety of theories support a hypothetical link between these two definitions of politics,
especially between political participation and an expanded concept that includes social
participation. Despite the claim of some scholars that interest in politics and interest in social
participation are not entirely related phenomena (Bier and Roudet, electronic document), history
shows that they are not entirely unconnected either. It could even be that social participation,
under certain conditions, paves the way for (or at least conditions) an interest in political matters.
The theory of political generations, too, could be used to establish a working hypothesis along the
same lines. Richard Braungart and Margaret Braungart have defined political generation as “a
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historical age-group that has mobilized itself to effect social and political change” (1989: 9). This
concept of mobilization applies to both civil-society organizations and spontaneous popular
demonstrations. Vincent Lemieux has illuminated this theory by correlating it with the various
stages of Quebec political history and distinguishing the different phases involved in the
development of a political generation: emergence, progression, stagnation, eclipse (Lemieux,
1986: 329). During the final stages, a new generation arises and takes the place of the one whose
cycle is ending. Lemieux goes so far as to identify the place of youth within this cycle:
If we focus more specifically on youth, we find their involvement is highest during the
stages of emergence and progression; and this involvement in state affairs is of real
significance only during the latter. (Lemieux, 1986: 332)
1. The hypothesis of the emergence of a new commitment of young people
Are young people truly so disinterested when issues of state government are involved?
Certainly there are some youth cohorts which, as recent history demonstrates, have had to protect
their private interests—especially as they relate to the hunt for employment—at the expense of
devoting time to the pursuit of collective ideals. But a close look at what is happening at present
among youths on the verge of entering their adult lives suggests that a new political generation is
forming. The timing could not be more propitious. At both the provincial and the federal level,
the established political parties are in a state of stagnation, at least in the eyes of public opinion.
And like their predecessors, the upcoming generation will face a basic choice in how it negotiates
its political inheritance: to renounce that inheritance, embrace certain aspects or advance new
solutions.
History also shows that once a political generation has passed through its periods of
stagnation and eclipse, civil society, by way of its associations or seemingly spontaneous
demonstrations, assumes the mantle of protest and insistence upon emerging issues. This is the
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hypothesis that we will advance by bringing to light certain data drawn from recent or current
studies of social participation, the forms of which may signal the emergence of a new
commitment on the part of young people to civic participation. For the purposes of our
observations, we have defined these young people as those who are at the end of adolescence and
the start of adult life.
Scholars have demonstrated their interest in the social participation of youth in various
ways over the past few years. This has certainly been the case for work carried out at the
Observatoire Jeunes et Société. A symposium organized last May by the Association francophone
pour le savoir, entitled Participation, insertion et migration des jeunes (youth participation,
integration and migration), featured six papers delivered entirely on the subject of youth
participation at the higher levels of power and decision-making. Some of these papers were based
from the outset on the strict definition of political involvement described above: the role of young
people in regional government and their involvement in a political party. Others embraced
instead the expanded definition of social participation, although, as we shall see, the distinction
between the two is not always clear, as in youth participation in regional development and the
social responsibility of young people. Other contributions brought time factors into play, e.g. the
history of youth movements and the militant protest actions in evidence today. A round table
brought together involved youths and scholars in a discussion of the role and influence of young
people in areas of participation and decision-making. Emerging issues were outlined and new
areas of dispute, demands or basic socialization to civic participation were taken up.
2.
Youth’s role and degree of participation in places of power: an initial report
Gauthier et al. (2001) carried out an inquiry (by telephone interview and questionnaire) of
over 5000 young adults aged 18–35 on the issue of youth migration. In terms of the
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representation made by young people of their home region, one result stands out in particular: the
negative evaluation which respondents make of the decision-makers. In response to the statement
that “decision-makers are too slow,” 55.5% of respondents said they “totally agreed” and
“basically agreed” (Id., 2001: 57). In addition, nearly 40% believed that their home region was
too controlled by older generations. This belief was especially evident among people of rural
origin, job seekers and students; overall, the younger the subject, the greater the agreement.
These various findings led the same group of scholars to undertake an exploratory study
in the form of an inventory of the areas of power and decision-making where young people of the
region could gain access and an evaluation of their degree of participation, in order to understand
better their emotional stance against decision-makers and the position held by older adults in
decision-making areas. Roughly 300 organizations were contacted by telephone or e-mail; 103
organizations agreed to questions requiring more in-depth involvement. The questions covered
four different aspects:
 The places allotted in the organization to young people aged 15–30 (membership,
leadership, positions of responsibility);
 The way in which young people participate in deciding the direction of the
organization;
 The influence that young people can have on their living environment by means of
this organization;
 The assistance provided by the organization to young people so that they can
exercise this influence.
The place allotted to young people in the organizations is classified as either structured or
spontaneous. The degree of involvement ranges between learning how to participate through
basic socialization of group living, at one extreme, and committed militancy at the other. The
following typology is used to express the degree of involvement:
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Typology of participation levels in decision-making areas1
o Participation learned through socialization of group living.
 Learning how to express social and political opinions: Théâtre Mise au Jeu
 Learning the roles of political parties through mock parliaments (international,
national, municipal)
 Learning the management of commercial administrative councils: Jeunes
Entreprises (JE)
o Participation in decision-making bodies where youth participation is highly controlled by
adults or even merely symbolic.
 Symbolic presence in areas of management: no possibility for change beyond
college matters: Comité des jeunes dans un syndicat
o Representative participation, i.e. where young people are delegated by their peers to
represent them in a decision-making body.
 Representing young people who have social-integration issues at sectoral working
groups: Regroupement autonome des Jeunes (RAJ)
 Representing an ethnic minority: First Nations student associations (UQAM,
Université Laval, McGill, Concordia, Chicoutimi)
 Representing the views of young people to government: Conseil permanent de la
jeunesse, Concert'Action Portneuf
o Advisory participation, where a youth group has a mandate to advise a decision-making
body.
 Advice on economic sectors in the region: the Forums jeunesse under the aegis of
the Conseil régional de développement (CRD)
 Consultation on the place of young people in decision-making bodies: Commission
Jeunes et Ville (Quebec City)
o Partnership, where adults and young people fill the same decision-making positions (or
their equivalent) and are comparable in number or less
 Implication of youth–adult partnership: Au bas de l'échelle (community-based
group)
 Institutionalization of youth–adult partnership (space reserved): Maison des jeunes
o Social commitment, or fully-realized participation. The act of a citizen who, having
recognized that he or she is an essential part of society, refuses to remain a mere spectator
and applies thought and skill in service to a cause.
 Political parties: Youth forums and commissions of the Bloc québecois, the Parti
québecois, and the Quebec Liberal Party
 Committed/dissident movements: CLAC/CASA, Groupe Germinal
1
This typology was developed by Angèle-Anne Brouillette, a student of political science at the Université Laval and
a research assistant in the Community–University Research Alliance program (CURA) dealing with the integration
and participation of regional youth..
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3.
Emerging issues and their areas of expression
While youth involvement maintains its traditional form in many long-lasting
organizations such as the youth wings of political parties, advisory committees, groups 2 such as
volunteer and student associations,3 etc., it has displayed a more militant aspect in certain issues
prevalent over the last decade. How can these issues be defined? Two extremes are evident:
activities at the local and regional level, and struggles that focus on a global scale. The same
activity sometimes pertains to both extremes, as clarified by this young militant advocate of the
women’s movement:
There are things we do every day that are very political, like taking the subway instead of
a car, or buying coffee that hasn’t been fairly traded, or eating clementines from
Morocco—they’re all political acts.
– Young women (aged 27) recorded by Quéniart and Jacques, 2001: 50.
3.1 Interest in local issues
Among the social preoccupations categorized as local that have been most evident in
recent years, two have had a significant impact on youth involvement in organizations and led to
various form of mobilization: professional integration and the occupation of territory linked to the
decreasing demographic load of young people. The two areas sometimes overlap; the exodus of
young people from outlying regions4 (often a result of the impoverishment of these regions) and
the unstable employment situation have given rise to interventions on the part of activist
associations and community-based movements. Organizations and pressure tactics have brought
2
The Conseil permanent de la jeunesse has identified no less than 1,675 youth organizations (2001). These
organizations cover a variety of types; they are more or less removed from political participation but often represent
a chance to learn how to work in a group and even to be a part of the decision-making processes in their area.
3
The inquiry into charitable contributions, volunteerism and social participation in Canada revealed that the rate of
participation among people aged 15–24 doubled between 1987 and 1997, rising from 18% to 33% (1998).
4
Most of the Quebec population is concentrated in the St. Lawrence River Valley, between Quebec City and the
Ottawa River. The territory is divided into metropolitan regions (Montreal, Quebec City, Gatineau), intermediate
regions, those regions which are immediately adjacent to metropolitan regions, and outlying regions (those farthest
north and east).
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to light the territorial reality of Quebec, the demographic load of young people and the place they
occupy in an aging population. In most cases, structured associations are involved, ones that are
regionally based and situated in Quebec alone. They institutionalize rapidly and draw their
financing from government programs, as is the case for the majority of community-based
organizations.
We shall quickly describe two of these organizations and the results obtained from a study
of political participation, ranging by order of involvement from political interventions to simple
committees and reports and the activities of partisan groups.
a. Among the more active associations mention must be made of the Forums jeunesse
régionaux (regional youth forums) which arose through the Sommet du Québec et de la jeunesse
(Quebec youth summit) and are now represented in each of the regional development committees
found in the 17 administrative regions of Quebec. Two young from the Forums are full members
of the administrative board and have to promote the place and the interests of young people in the
region. Will these associations endure and maintain the tide-turning enthusiasm they displayed at
the summit (Gauthier, 2000)? These forums are currently working on a study of the place of
youth in the decision-making bodies of their respective regions. For the island of Montreal, a
questionnaire was sent out and 104 different organisations agreed to respond. The authors of the
study found levels of youth influence were higher in the education and socioeconomic
development sectors than in political and trade union areas. This influence was rarely found in
executive committees of organizations. According to the study, young people associate
involvement with the management of organizations with partisan activities and feel that work in
such areas is pointless (2001: 53–54). Despite its relative shortcomings in time and funding, this
study has provided a rough indicator of the youth presence in decision-making areas and the
obstacles they face in trying to improve their level of participation.
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b. One group which has done very well in Montreal is Force Jeunesse (youth power),
which brings young workers and professionals together (either individuals or their associations)
in the aim of improving not just the work conditions and job prospects for youth, but anything
which may have a significant impact on their lives. This pressure group has enjoyed a very high
profile at the Sommet du Québec et de la jeunesse, which organizes an annual colloquium, open
to all, on a subject which affects the quality of life for young people. Force Jeunesse is present
whenever the opportunity arises—at parliamentary commissions, through reports, in letters to the
media, etc. Pressing issues include the use of “orphan” clauses in labour contracts, the working
conditions of young people (especially non-unionized youth, who represent the majority of
workers under age 30), the reconciliation of work and family life, public finance and its
repercussions on younger generations, and health care reform.
c. In the matter of political commitment in the exact sense, one study among the few now
under way must be mentioned, that of Anne Quéniart and Julie Jacques on the political
commitment of young Quebec women (2001). Their research was carried out with 20 female
subjects aged 18 to 30 who belong to the Parti québecois (Quebec’s nationalist party), the
federalist Liberal Party, or the Fédération des femmes du Québec. A qualitative, grounded-theory
method of evaluation was used; this primarily exploratory research aims to make up for a lack of
studies on young women’s political commitment that make distinctions according to type.
The results of this inquiry belie the traditional representation of commitment to a political
party based on collective issues, and support the idea that such commitment has now taken on
other forms. The authors summarize some of their results as follows, echoing the comments of
the French sociologist Jacques Ion:
“The denial of a certain unity of thinking, the need for free speech, the lack, we might say,
of absolute loyalty to the party—all of these represent a change in the concept of political
commitment, especially for young people, and represent “a protest against the idea that an
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organization must speak with one voice alone and cannot allow its adherents to express
themselves specifically and individually” (Ion, 1994: 33)
3.2 Interest in global issues
There are other groups, however, that rally the support of young Quebec residents to other
issues, most notably that of globalization and its impact on individuals and the environment.
These groups generally keep a low profile until the opportunity arises to stage protests against
international organizations and major corporate and financial interests. It is not always clear how
these groups are funded—certainly they receive no money from the state, but they may
sometimes secure backing from trade unions or the more militant groups in civil society.
Protest or pressure groups are reluctant to respond to questionnaires or be interviewed for
fear they will be infiltrated by government agencies or the police, as seems to have happened at
the Summit of the Americas held in Quebec City in 2001. Because of this, our research team
searched through newspaper articles (from 2001 to the present) that report on the various forms
of public demonstration by young people and the issues involved. These demonstrations range
from the demands made by the Fédération étudiante universitaire du Québec (FEUQ) for a tuition
freeze (among other things) to those of its dissident members like the Association générale des
étudiants de l’UQAM (AGEUQAM) in favour of free tuition and a rejection of private-sector
intrusions into education and of the introduction of market forces.
The alternative summit to the Sommet du Québec et de la jeunesse afforded an
opportunity to see how groups drew influence from the left-wing discourse of certain trade
unions and university professors who had been invited to speak during the meeting (Garneau,
2000).
During the Summit of the Americas it was possible to see groups in action that, while not
made up entirely of young people, were nevertheless composed primarily of people under 30.
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This was the case for the Germinal group, the Black Bloc (anarchists identified as violent), the
CLAC (Convergence des luttes anticapitalistes), the Alternatives group (an action and
communications network for international development based on solidarity and justice) and other
groups that came into being for the event, such as the Coalition OQP 2001 (which dealt with
accommodations for demonstrators).
While their precise number is unknown, many young people are involved in the various
committees of the Union paysanne (farmers’ union) set up in order to break the monopoly of the
Union des producteurs agricoles (the established farming syndicate), which is considered to be
too conservative and overly focused on market issues at the expense of the local economy and the
environment.
From those results and that of Pierre Noreau (1994: 304-305), a number of constant
factors emerge. In order to meet the desire to participate – a desire which is not found in all
generations of youth – a measure of political socialization is required, along with historical
circumstances favourable to mobilization.
Conclusion
This brief overview of recent research results shows that, despite commonly-held
opinions, modern young people are far from apathetic. They are active at various levels of
involvement in community life, although political partisanship is often considered suspect, even
sometimes by those who officially belong to a political party. This revival of interest should
come as no surprise if we accept the remarks made by Vincent Lemieux in 1986 on the issue of
young people and political generations:
If the proposed generational approach is correct, then the future looks bleak for young
people over the next five or ten years. For a few years we shall remain in the so-called
stagnation phase, in which the party of the current political generation, the
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Parti québecois, has not had the ability—for around five years now—to motivate the
majority of new voters.… (Lemieux, 1986: 332–333)
If we apply the Lemieux hypothesis to youth movements we find the same stages in evidence:
emergence, progression, stagnation, eclipse. But the time sequence is different. When the
generations of youth groups were in the progression stage and reaching their zenith (in the middle
of the 1940s and 1960s), the political generations were in their stagnation phase. When the
student movement was in the process of disintegrating and stagnating in continued forms of
resistance (at the end of the 1960s), the Parti québecois arose as a mobilizing force and would
eventually take power in 1976. It remains to be seen whether the results of research now under
way will allow a confirmation of the Lemieux hypothesis, and whether the current level of social
commitment on the part of young people already provides a glimpse of the major characteristics
of the next political generation.
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