SMALL FARMS, WOMEN AND TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGEEXPERIENCES FROM KUMAON HILLS
Rakesh Agrawal
Abstract: Traditional knowledge system has been a key to the survival of the hill
society, be it in cropping, forestry or health. It has not only ensured continuous
livelihood of farm households but also ecological sustainability. Farming in the
hills is highly interdependent with forestry and animal husbandry, and women
have been the backbone to this totally integrated system. They have a high
workload but have successfully preserved transformed and carried traditional
agricultural knowledge from generation to generation. However, over the last few
decades, this entire knowledge system has been threatened due to various reasons.
Any way, women’s role as the preservers and carriers of this knowledge has not
been adequately recognised so far. The paper is the presentation of a study carried
out in 10 villages of a micro watershed in the hills in Uttarakhand—a north India
state. It studies women’s role as the carriers and preservers of traditional
agricultural knowledge, including the links to forestry and animal husbandry and
agents of change.
Background
It is widely accepted that the development processes in India in the last few years
have contributed to the growth of poverty by promoting economic and gender
inequalities and thus have degraded the environment. The fact that environmental
degradation has affected women's lives in ways different from men is well
established now. Women have been identified as main victims of overall
ecological degradation by many environmentalists, and this has been mainly
attributed to the fact that they are responsible for producing, processing and
gathering food, fetching water and carrying fuelwood. But Krishna (1996) has
questioned the emphasis of eco-feminists on the biology of women.
Nevertheless, when we talk about managing and preserving traditional knowledge
system, the pivotal role played by women cannot be ignored. It is true that women
have much more pragmatic knowledge of the practices in which they are
engaged, leading to a kind of specialisation; but whether the knowledge so
produced is affected more by specialisation or by gender is not an easy question to
answer (Gupta: 1996). Does gender make a difference to the nature of knowledge
on the environment? It is a question on which research needs to be done.
Venkateshwaran (1992) points out that their conservative approach is not
something inherent, arising out of their being women, but because of their role
and work tasks. The close association between women and natural resources
exists because of their social and economic roles which have for generations
required them to provide food, fuel, and fodder from the surroundings. Except
ploughing, women carry out almost all crop production tasks to help their menfolk
(Chandra: 1981).
Women’s role becomes all the more important in the traditional society of
Kumaon Hills, located in the mountainous region of the Himalayas, where the
livelihood of the people is still dependent on the sound management of its natural
resources and their sustainable utilisation. Subsistence farming still remains
peoples’ main source of livelihood, but it cannot be seen in isolation. Forest,
grasslands, farms, livestock and water all were organically linked with each other
and everybody respected this link. Farming was done at a subsistent level with
forest provided a strong support base. They provided leaf-litter for manure to be
used in agriculture and fodder for animals. In turn, the livestock manure enriched
forests and farms. Good forest especially the broad-leaved forest, was essential for
the preservation of water in springs, which was in turn necessary to irrigate the
fields. Knowledge and practices in a traditional society, living in a close
proximity with nature, functioned like a well-oiled system. Unlike the modern
knowledge it is neither atomised nor isolated. Rather, it was a highly
interdependent network of actors.
The linkage between these sectors is well understood by women as they work
between sectors and perform multiple tasks. Foreign travellers were invariably
struck by the importance of women in rural economic life, unlike male-dominated
European agriculture (Kennedy: 1886).Women’s work and knowledge is thus
central to bio-diversity conservation and sustainable utilisation of resources in hill
agriculture. But despite this, as farmers, they remain invisible (Shiva: 1993).
Women in Kumaon Hill Farming Systems
Traditional knowledge was the cornerstone of the society and its survival in the
Kumaon hills. It provides locally manageable, sustainable and cost effective
survival strategies for local community, especially to the poor. Women's
knowledge has been the mainstay of crop production, animal husbandry, dairy and
forestry. They have excellent knowledge about collection, storage and use of
seeds as shown by a study done by Sahayog, an NGO based at Almora (Sahayog:
1995) and Das (1995).
Despite all this, their immense contribution to subsistence based rural societies
remained veiled. Very few efforts have been made to analyse their contribution to,
rural economy, traditional hill agriculture, continuance of traditional knowledge
etc. (Gulati: 1975, Agrawal: 1985). Gurang (1990) also makes an attempt to
understand how women can be considered "invisible" actors in agriculture and
natural resource management in the hills.
Condition of women: In Kumaon hills, the condition of women is somewhat
different from their counterparts elsewhere. Some development indicators
pertaining to women are very favourable compared to the elsewhere in the State
of Uttar Pradesh (Uttaranchal State was carved out of Uttar Pradesh in November
2000). For example, the sex ratio is comparatively better with a couple of districts
even reporting a reverse sex ratio. Literacy rates and age at marriage is also
higher. The practice of 'purdah' (veil) is more or less absent and the mobility of
women is greater.
But despite these advantages women remain the 'second sex ' in this traditional
hill society. The most important feature of a woman's life in Kumaon Hills is her
workload. Women are expected right from girlhood to do all the household chores
and contribute substantially to agriculture. The 1991 Census has recorded high
female workforce participation rate in the hill districts. While it is quite low in the
U.P plains (12%), in the hills the rates are comparatively higher with highest in
Almora district: 49.6% (Bose: 2000). They are responsible for gathering fuel,
fodder, leaf-litter and for caring of animals. They often work up to 14 hours a day.
Still, , women do not have much right to either domestic or personal decisionmaking, thanks to the patriarchal nature of the hill society. Even the education of
girls has not led to any significant changes in their socio-economic status: the
educated daughter-in law is expected to be working as hard in fields and forest,
and is as much under the prohibitive taboos as any other woman.
The economy: The economy of Kumaon Hills is largely depended on natural
resources. Over the years, the region has suffered a major loss of its pristine
natural resources. And the ever shrinking forest and water resources have hit
women in Kumaon hills real hard. For one, they spend longer hours gathering
fuelwood, fodder and fetching water. Then, the loss of forest cover and
proliferation of chir pine has made agricultural activities more cumbersome.
Women have directly borne the brunt and their workload has multiplied. The
problem has compounded in the wake of most able-bodied men migrating to the
plains and leaving the task of running the households squarely on the shoulders of
women.
This economy was largely based on traditional knowledge system that is in
disarray today. With the forest cover gone, the organic linkage between cropping
and forest was lost, resulting in the reduction of transfer of biomass. The so called
scientific knowledge system has been thrust upon the people which has threatened
the very survival base of the hill society because people are fast losing natural
sources and traditional knowledge to utilise them whilst the modern system
remains inadequate and inaccessible to most people. Moreover these ‘imported
scientific solutions’ have proven to be inappropriate, ineffective and irrelevant.
Government interventions, market forces, cash economy are some of the reasons
amongst several others, are responsible for the downfall of traditional knowledge.
Market forces and government interventions have also focussed on crops for the
market. Therefore very little improvisation has been made in the technology
which mainly concerns women such as processing food, cooking, fetching
firewood, carrying water. Besides, external forces have completely marginalised
women from the control and management of natural resources. These have not
just added to women’s workload but have also made a dent in their status and
power and made them loose control over their labour and knowledge. Her role as
a carrier of traditional knowledge remains largely ignored by researchers
The Study
The present study is an attempt to understand traditional knowledge system used
in managing small farm systems in a micro watershed in the Kumaon Hills and
the role women pay in preserving, transforming and carrying this knowledge
system, with a particular focus on the following issues:
 Traditional knowledge system as it evolved in relation to different crops,
farming systems, forestry and animal husbandry;
 Role of women in all major enterprises of the farming system;
 How women preserve, transform and transfer this knowledge from generation
to generation; and
 The agents of change.
To evaluate women’s contribution and analyse the existing status of traditional
knowledge system in present day Kumaoni society, a study was conducted in 10
of the 27 villages on a micro watershed called Vamanswal Micro Watershed of
Almora district in 1999. The 10 villages were selected on the basis of altitude and
distance from the roadhead. Some were closer to the metalled road, situated
almost on the road, while others were at a distance of 2 to 5 km. Their altitudes
ranged from 1400 to 2200 m. To understand the role of women better in the
farming sector, we also included their roles in animal husbandry and forestry as
these enterprises are organically linked with one-another and cannot be
understood in isolation. The key findings of the study are presented in the
following section.
Study results
Crop production. Women have been traditionally involved in all cropping
activities, because crop production is central to the agrarian economy in Kumaon
hills. Even young girls contribute a big share of their time to help their mothers in
the field.
Women’s workload: The study revealed that women's contribution in various
cropping activities right is higher than men’s, both with respect to number of tasks
performed and in terms of time spent. This applies to both subsistence farming
(millets, lentils etc.) and commercial crops (potato peas, onion, garlic etc.).
During the peak season when agree work is in full swing (in the month of 'asauj'
or September-October), women’s workday exceeds 15 hours.
Except for ploughing and harrowing, which are predominantly male activities, as
well as sowing and occasionally harvesting wheat and mandua (a coarse grain)
there is domination/ dominance of women's labour in land levelling, manuring,
planting and sowing, weeding, harvesting and post harvesting activities like sun
drying the stalks, winnowing, pounding, separating the husks from grains again
and again. Some of the operations such as manuring, weeding, harvesting,
transplanting are quite arduous, and different from those carried out in the plains
such as the land levelling exercise. Even in male dominated operations, women
perform a supportive role.
Division of labour: According to women in the area, paddy cultivation takes up
their maximum time, followed by wheat and then vegetables. In comparison,
coarse millets like mandua and madira and other traditional crops are much less
demanding (although they respond very well to increased labour inputs and
manuring.
Interestingly, the division of activities in most of the crops has been such that all
jobs of status are performed by men. Men have monopolised the skill in plough
culture in Kumaon hills, and there is even a certain kind of taboo attached to
women handling ploughs. Thus, women are fully dependent on men to initiate the
crop production cycle. Interestingly in almost all the crop operations where males
perform a dominant role, draught animals are deployed, while women always
depend on manual labour.
Social Capital: Inter- and intra-village co-operation constitute an important
element of both on and off-field activities. Inter-household reciprocal labour
exchange, carried out mostly by women and popularly known as 'palta', is a
manifestation of traditional support mechanisms which exist in hill villages. It not
only provides an opportunity to women to socialise and share concerns and
experiences with one another, but also promotes community participation. This
kind of exchange was an important component of traditional farming system but
is less popular in the cultivation of new crops. However, this practice is still very
much visible in highly labour intensive activities such as in paddy transplanting,
weeding and thinning out mandua, wheat harvest, and the harrowing operation or
'danali in paddy crop. Shared labour arrangements have traditionally been an
important coping strategy for farmers, particularly women, as there is a chronic
labour shortage in this part of the hills.
Food Security: In earlier years women practised mixed and inter-cropping. It
ensured a better nutritional balance and more food security in terms of variety and
quantity. Even on the small farms of the study area, where land holdings per
household varied between 0.2 ha to 1.0 ha, farmers used to grow a significant
number of crops. This system was known as baranaaja where at least 12 different
crops would grow on a single farm, and women were well aware of the different
production practices including seed preparation of each variety of each crop. It led
to better food security, especially as the region was somewhat isolated. Given the
adverse geographical condition, it was considered best to grow as many varieties
as possible in order to reduce vulnerability.
Today food insecurity looms large in Uttarakhand. FAO (1996) defines food
insecurity as, ‘food insecurity exists when all people, at all times, do not have
physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their
dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life’. More and more
regions in Uttarakhand are becoming food insecure today with net-sown area, per
capita food availability and access to food declining, especially in the hill districts
(Chopra and Pasi: 2002). The availability of pulses (a major source of protein)
and cereals (the most readily food available to the poor) has significantly
declined.
The key agents of change are the government and the market. The government is
promoting high-yield and hybrid varieties of seeds. The market, on the other hand,
puts emphasis on cash crops such as potato, thereby creating a narrow market
oriented production base and putting a big question mark on the traditional
knowledge involving traditional seeds. This has also altered women’s role in
managing traditional crops, and the emphasis on cash cropping has resulted in
making men even more powerful.
Crop inputs: Another very essential operation in subsistence farming systems is
the preparation of farm yard manure (FYM) which is again done by women. Pine
needles and oak leaves (which were very easily available in the past) are gathered
from the forests for animal bedding. These materials, when mixed with dung and
household organic refuse, serve as excellent manure. This practice contributes to
waste management and recycling, and provides macro-nutrients and micronutrients. The government has encouraged the use of chemicals (fertilisers and
pesticides) in the area by making them available to the farmers at highly
subsidised rates. However, women believe that artificial fertiliser cannot
substitute the moisture retaining capacities of dung and humus and the use of
artificial fertiliser alone is harmful.
Seed preparation, collection and storage have been intrinsic parts of traditional
lifestyles in Kumaon Hills. Like other indigenous practices, women farmers here
have a remarkable know-how of the unique traditional methods which have
evolved over the years to collect, prepare and store seeds. They are either stored
in ‘tumri’ (hollowed gourd shells, prepared by villagers) or bhakars (wooden
boxes made by pinewood) and occasionally in covered bamboo/ ringal (bamboo)
baskets lined with cow dung (that are not much in use now). Seeds are usually
mixed with cow dung (gobar) ash or walnut leaves or even smeared with oil to
ward off insects and pests. Seeds of most of the crops are still prepared at home
by women or exchanged within the village or with nearby villages or with
villages with which women have natal kinship (maite).
Forestry. Women's role in agriculture has traditionally involved integrating
forestry with food production. Forest resources augment the nutritive value of the
fields both directly through its foliage and indirectly through the dung of the cattle
fed with forest grass and leaves. Thus forests are central to the successful practice
of crop and animal husbandry in Kumaon Hills. Even today, older women are a
storehouse of information of different types of trees, leaves, grasses and lopping
practices, which unfortunately is not being transferred to the younger generation.
They have the knowledge of lopping cycles and practices to maximise fodder and
leaf production. Moreover they know how lopping could be used as a forest
management strategy, which under appropriate conditions could actually increase
forest canopy as well as forest productivity. Besides, they also manage local
fodder trees growing on their farmlands. Through systematic pruning they procure
maximum fodder yield without damaging the growth of healthy stems.
Animal Husbandry. In the hills, animals are reared primarily to provide draught
power for land preparation, tillage, sowing, intercultural and threshing farm
activities besides of course manure production. Again, women's role is significant
not just for the number of tasks they perform but also for their traditional role in
integrating agriculture with animal husbandry. Women realise the contribution
animals make to crop yield, due to which they are ready to undergo the drudgery
of walking miles to get the fodder, making quantities of hay and utilising crop
residues for their animals. Women know which leaves and grasses are best for
fodder, which can help milch cattle, which plants have veterinary uses. The whole
technique of haymaking from 'paral' (rice stalks), madira, mandua stalks and
building haystacks or 'lutha' to tide over the crisis months especially long winters,
are within the domain of women's expertise.
Women are also well aware of the traditional techniques and methods of
preparing highly energetic concentrates comprising coarse millets, lentils and
vegetables. These home made concentrates are fed to animals for enhancing milk
yield, provide them energy especially during arduous activities such as ploughing
etc. Besides, cattle and goats are traditionally fed a very healthy and nutritious
home-made concentrate after the delivery and in the days following it. Since most
of the land is small and fragmented with hardly any space for growing fodder
trees, the significance of home made concentrates and thereby traditional crop
residues becomes all the more important.
A very interesting revelation has been the presence of animal or pashu vaids in
almost all the villages of the area. They treat the livestock of people using home
remedies, mostly herbal. As already explained, animals are an integral part of the
farming system in the Kumaon hills. People cannot afford to have sick animals
and government allopathic dispensaries are few and distant. Most pashu vaids are
women and they have a good understanding of animal diseases and what
treatment to accord. They usually give a prompt and free of cost treatment to the
ailing animals. This enables the farmers to plough their fields on time and to make
good manure. Being sufficiently knowledgeable and proficient, these women are
preferred over allopathic doctors in most of the villages. The demand for their
services has definitely gone down in the past few years. Though they are still
popular, the increasing belief in the allopathic medicine has affected these
traditional curative methods.
Conclusions
The study has clearly demonstrated that women are the backbone to the farming
system of the Kumaon hills as they have intrinsic knowledge different farming
activities viz., how to make seeds and how to preserve them, how to prepare
manure, how/when to sow seeds of different varieties and different crops,
qualities of different crop varieties, how to get intra and inter village co-operation
and how/when to harvest different crops. It is clear that while men mostly know
about cash crops and new seeds, women are a reservoir of traditional knowledge
system of not only farming but also forestry and animal husbandry, despite the
highly skewed division of labour and decision making. This knowledge has so far
provided good food security and ecologically sustainable farming. However, the
region now grows only two-thirds of its total food requirements, the productivity
of most crops is diminishing and this agricultural knowledge system is threatened.
Key agents of change include the government, the market and the high rate of
male out-migration from the region to the plains of India. As peoples’ dependence
on forests, animals and their own farms is decreasing, the new generation has less
incentive to learn about the traditional knowledge system, thereby posing a real
challenge for the policy makers and stake-holders in the region.
The study has certain limitations in its scope. Further research needs to be done on
the following issues:
 What motivates women to carry this knowledge from one generation to
another: the role of religion, kinship, society and men should be explored;
 Traditional knowledge and farm productivity: Does the traditional farming
system actually lead to a greater productivity in the hills? How can ‘modern’
practices be incorporated, if at all?
 What support systems and social capital are needed by women in the 21st
Century Uttarakhand to preserve and carry this reservoir of knowledge; and
 Gender and nature of knowledge: Why women are supposed to know
‘traditional’ knowledge, while men would know modern, scientific and
commercial knowledge system.
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First name of corresponding author: Rakesh,
Last name of corresponding author: Agrawal,
Affiliation: Institute for Mountain Research and Development,
Mailing address: O-124, Vasant Vihar, Phase-I,
City: Dehra Dun,
State: Uttaranchal,
Postal Code: 248 006,
Country: India,
Phone number:++91-135-761848,
FAX number:None,
Email address : imrad@sancharnet.in
Oral presentation
Theme category:Farming systems knowledge and information systems