History Repeats Itself: A Cultural Examination of the Copan Valley Maya
Dynasty and the Recurring Social Ideologies of the Past
Jeremy Crim
The accumulating clouds began to darken in the early afternoon sky,
forcing the creatures of the forest to seek shelter from the ensuing downpour.
Soon the rains would come and relinquish the intensity of the relentless heat.
The dense intimidating forest loomed like a protecting fortress, hiding mysteries
that had been buried for over a thousand years. Almost nine hundred years later
however its secrets were soon to be rediscovered.
In 1839 John L. Stephens, a New York lawyer, would travel into the
depths of the Central American rainforests of Honduras and what he found would
demand the attention of the world. This trip would give Stephens and his
expedition their first experience with the tropical rainforests and rugged mountain
ranges of Central America, in their quest for the Copan Valley. Upon reaching
the Copan River and Valley, Stephens gave some brief descriptions of the
aesthetics of the land today know as the Copan Ruins. A good vivid picture of
the vegetation is depicted in Stephen’s descriptions of his first encounters of the
buried city and the wall of the acropolis.
“Fording the river, we rode along the bank by a footpath encumbered with
undergrowth, until we came to the foot of the wall. The wall was of cut
stone, well laid, and in a good state of preservation. We ascended by
large stone steps thrown down by trees, which had grown up between the
crevices, and reached a terrace, the form of which it was impossible to
make out, from the density of the forest in which it was enveloped. Our
guide cleared a way with his machete, and we passed, as it lay half buried
in the earth, a large fragment of stone elaborately sculptured, and came to
the angle of a structure with steps on the sides, in form and appearance,
so far as the trees would enable us to make it out.”
Stephen’s also comments on the wildlife of the region, giving another vivid
picture of the valley at the time of its rediscovery.
“The only sounds that disturbed the quiet of this buried city were the noise of
monkeys moving among the tops of the trees, and the cracking of branches
broken by their weight. They moved over our heads in long and swift
processions, forty or fifty at a time, some with little ones wound in their long arms,
walking out to the boughs of the trees.”
These two examples are significant in the fact that they give a clear
picture as to the state of the forest as it was in 1839 almost a thousand years
after the collapse of the Mayan Empire at Copan. These examples would have
been greatly contrasted to the extensiveness of forest and wildlife in the year
1000 A.D. From Stephen’s discoveries many questions were set in motion, that
over the next one hundred and sixty years would be uncovered little by little. Any
time we speak of the ruins of a once great civilization, it is imperative to consider
why they are today ruins and still not a functioning dynasty. When examining
cultures it may appear that different ones hold nothing in common, but with
careful consideration they can all be linked by one thing, humanity, if not more.
This “human nature” dictates the rise and fall of civilizations by the ideologies and
practices to which they are accustomed. Throughout history a pattern has
developed in which every great and powerful civilization has fallen due to
conflicts within or outside the civilization. It is not unreasonable to compare the
Copan valley civilization, who at the time of their existence were one of the most
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powerful and intellectually advanced peoples of their time, with the United States
or many other world powers that exist today. It is also not unreasonable to
conjecture that the ideologies of the Mayan society, however different they may
be from yours or mine, were still governed by the same principles that exist
today. These principles, ideas, beliefs are all factors that led to the inward
collapse of the Copan valley Maya.
This paper was written with the intention to stimulate the imagination, to
look at the way people live today and, who like the Maya could never have
envisioned the collapse of their civilization. Another cause for major concern is
the environmental degradation, which is directly related to human ideologies, that
is occurring around the world, which was in the Maya’s case the root of all the
problems leading to their downfall. Many questions come to mind when viewing
the ruins firsthand and witnessing the once beautiful structures of the Acropolis,
now a gray crumbling mass of broken blocks. Who were these people living in
this once great city? What caused this once great and powerful city to collapse?
The ruins of Copan are situated in the valley of the Copan River, in the
extreme western part of the Republic of Honduras. It is at this point where the
river emerges from a narrow canon and flows in a westerly direction through an
open valley, which is about 2.5 kilometers wide at its widest point and 13
kilometers long (Morley 1920). The principle group of the ruins and the modern
day town of Ruinas de Copan are situated at an elevation of 2000ft above sea
level and surrounded by steep rising rugged mountains on all sides reaching
heights of over 3000ft. The entire floor of this valley containing possibly thirty to
thirty-five square kilometers is covered with the remains of former occupation
(Morley 1920). In approximately the center of this thirty-five square kilometer
stretch lies the Principal Group of the ruins. This Principal Group, consisting of
the great plaza and the Acropolis, served as the political, civil, and religious
center of the Copan Valley Civilization (Fash 1998). Residential groups flank this
Principle Group on two sides. To the north is Las Sepulturas and to the south is
El Bosque. A causeway leading directly to the principal group connected the two
residential groups. In addition to the residential groups innumerable small
villages and scattered huts have been found spanning throughout the entire
Copan Valley. Morley felt that not enough emphasis could be laid upon the fact
that every available spot in the valley was intensively occupied in ancient times.
“Whenever one strays from the beaten trails one encounters the vestiges of
former occupation, fallen buildings, pyramids, platforms, terraces, and mounds.”
Morley stated. This has led archaeological experts to believe the entire valley
from Santa Rita in the eastern end to Hacienda Grande in the western end was
one continuous settlement (Morley 1920). It has been documented that the
earliest settlement in the Copan valley is dated back to 1300 B.C., however little
too nothing is know of these people (Baudez 1994).
With the beginning of the middle classic period (A.D. 400-700) the Mayan
Civilization as we know it today was established. This awakening has been
deciphered from hieroglyphic text to begin with the arrival of the founder and first
of sixteen kings of the Copan valley dynasty, K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’ (Quetzal
Macaw) in A.D. 426. Although there is little evidence of Quetzal Macaw’s origins,
scientists believe a migration from the southern part of Mexico can explain some
of the early architectural style of the Copan valley Maya. Quetzal Macaw, as
denoted in hieroglyphic text, is responsible for the dedication of two important
structures the Motmot and the Margarita. The latter containing a spectacular
death chamber speculated to hold the remains of the wife of K’inich Yax K’uk’
Mo’ who could be called the “founding mother” of the Copan Dynasty (Fash
1998). The second ruler, son of Quetzal Macaw, is credited with commissioning
the first stelae of the Principal Group, numbers 18 and 63.
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Information about the third ruler is almost non existent, except the date of
the end of his reign in A.D. 485 and the succession of the fourth ruler Cu Ix.
Virtually all is a mystery concerning the reigns of the fifth and sixth rulers. Two
other rulers who are also practically unknown were the eight and ninth rulers, two
brothers, who combined to rule for a time of only nine years (Fash 1998).
Beginning With the seventh ruler Water lily Jaguar (A.D. 504-544) we are
introduced to the first construction of the hieroglyphic stairway along with stelae
E and 15. The hieroglyphic stairway is what some would call Copan's claim to
fame for structure 10L-26, as archeologists refer it to, contains the longest
inscribed text of the new world (Fash 1998). Structure 26 consists of 62 to 63
inscribed steps, with more than 1250 glyph blocks, documenting the lives and
times of the Mayan rulers. These steps are also adorned with six seated statues
presumed to be former rulers depicted in war clothing. The ninth ruler whose
name is unknown is credited with addition to structure 26 and alter X.
The Tenth ruler, Moon Jaguar, who came to power in A.D. May 26, 553 is
associated with stela 9, additions to structure 26, and one of the most famous
structures of the ruins, The Rosalila Temple (Fash 1998). It should be noted that
the Mayans had a peculiar practice of destroying the monuments erected by
earlier rulers and building over them, this in turn a reason for the lack of
knowledge of earlier rulers (Fash 1998). One exception is the Rosalila. The
Rosalila, which lies underneath structure 16, remains the only entirely intact
structure of the ruins. For reasons still unknown to archaeologists when the
proceeding ruler came into power, great care was taken to bury the structure
without it being destroyed. This act has resulted in an almost perfectly
preserved, whole, structure still possessing adequate amounts of its original
paint. The eleventh ruler Butz’ Chan (Smoke Serpent) was enthroned at the age
of 15, and reigned for a period of forty-nine years (Fash 1998). He is credited
with additions to structure 26, alter Y, and stelae P and 7. In A.D. 681 the twelfth
ruler “Smoke Jaguar” a long-lived and energetic ruler came into power (Fash
1998). In his sixty-one year reign he is responsible for the erection of more than
ten stelae, five altars, and additions to structure 26.
The thirteenth ruler, one of the most well documented, who is know by the
name 18 Rabbit would assume accession of the throne in A.D. 695 and have it
abruptly ended on May 3, 738 when he was captured and decapitated by a rival
tribe called the Quiriqua. Among the great achievements of the thirteenth ruler
was the transformation of Copan's sculpture from relatively low relief to the high
relief style for which Copan is famous for, earning him the name “King of the
Arts” (Fash 1998). Under 18 Rabbit’s leadership the great plaza was given the
form it now retains (Fash 1998). The majority of the stelae in this area were
portraits of the ruler himself. Two major architectural structures commissioned
by 18 Rabbit were the final version of the Ball Court and “Temple 22” of the
Acropolis. The ball court served as a stadium for the Maya’s sacred ball game.
The object of the game was to keep the ball in motion without using hands or
feet. The eight-pound rubber ball was a symbol that represented the sun, moon,
and stars. It was believed if the game were played right the gods would be
pleased and insure successful agricultural cycles, such as the setting and rising
of the sun. “Temple 22” also commissioned by 18 Rabbit has been concluded to
be a frame for the live king to appear to his subjects or to perform sacrificial rites.
Structure 22 appears to be a royal palace in the largest sense (Baudez 1994).
Some evidence of cult activities has been unearthed there. The traumatic ending
of the reign of 18 Rabbit did not have drastic negative effects immediately,
however it would set the stage for a leveling off of the prosperity of the Copan
valley civilization.
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The fourteenth ruler “Smoke Monkey,” assuming power after 18 Rabbit’s
death, ruled for a short and turbulent eleven years, with only structure 22-A being
erected during his reign. This structure know as the “Council House” is where
“Smoke Monkey”, not having the powerful leadership of 18 Rabbit, would meet
with a council to determine important decisions for the city. The fifteenth ruler
“Smoke Shell” (Squirrel) dedicated the hieroglyphic stairway in its entirety and
erected stelae M and N. The sixteenth and final ruler, Yax Pasah (Rising Sun),
took power in A.D. February 18, 763. Despite the noticeable decline in prosperity
of the civilization Yax Pasah would commission more structures and alters than
any other ruler, practically rebuilding the entire Acropolis, giving the final form to
almost all the presently visible structures (Fash 1998).
Yax Pasah is credited with the erection of structures 11, 16, 18, and 21A; altars D, F, G1, G2, G3, O, and Q; and Stelae 8 and 11. Structure 16, which
is the highest point in the ruins, is believed to have served as a temple-pyramid
dedicated to the previous ruling kings and the founder of Copan K’inich Yax K’uk
Mo’ (Baudez 1994). Of all the monuments left by Yax Pasah none are more
important than altar Q. Altar Q is a rectangular structure that depicts the dynastic
succession of all officially recognized rulers of Copan, with Yax Pasah at the
sixteenth position being handed a Jaguar scepter by the founder of the dynasty
signaling a rite of passage to the new king (Buadez 1994). Yax Pasah would be
the final ruler of the collapsing Mayan dynasty at Copan, only followed by a
pretender to the throne U Cit Tok’ in A.D. Feb 10, 822, whose only contribution to
the city is the unfinished altar L.
The Mayan culture for over a thousand years was one of sustainability. At
the center of this sustainability was corn or maize. From 75 to 85 percent of
everything a Mayan eats is Indian Corn in one form or another (Morley 1947).
The Mayan’s believed that the gods had made them from corn. A statement by
Sylvanus Morley avidly describes the importance of the corn for the Maya,
“Nature’s richest gift to man was Maize, the Maya staff of life, without which they
never could have developed their highly distinctive cultures the most brilliant
aboriginal civilization of the new world”. Although maize was the keystone crop
of the Maya the Copan valley was a melting pot of innumerable natural
resources. These resources allowed the civilization to prosper and grow rapidly.
Two other agricultural staples of the Mayan diet were Ayote (squash) and the
Common Bean (Phaseolus vulgaris). The Maya’s also held high regard for the
cocao bean, not so much for its nutritional value, but for its taste. The Maya’s
loved this drink so much that cocao beans were used as a source of currency
throughout the city. The Maya also had availability to many other agricultural
crops such as sweet potato, cassava, pineapple, and papaya.
In addition to the numerous cultigens present the surrounding forests
provided the early Maya with sources of wild food and raw materials for building
needs. Certain forest animals were favored by the Maya’s, the Jaguar was even
looked upon as a god, and used for many different things. Two favored bird
species were the Quetzal and the Scarlet Macaw; both sought after for their
brilliant plumage. Favored meat of the Maya was the white-tailed deer. Two
more valuable resources that would prove to be invaluable would be the timbers
of the surrounding forest and the abundant lime of the foothills. This building
material would serve as a medium for their religious and governmental buildings,
while timber and thatch would be used for the common house and household
needs (Morley 1947).
In A.D. 822 the last dated inscription was written at Copan. The once
great dynasty was no more. Why, only two hundred years after the Copan valley
civilization's golden age did this city collapse? Archaeological investigation
indicates that during its final decades, the city of Copan saw an unprecedented
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demographic growth (Fash 1998). As with any civilization this growth would
place a greater demand on the Mayan agricultural system. Because of the
practice of continued agricultural production for longer periods of time at the
same place, which is what made it possible to occupy the ceremonial centers
longer, the fertile valley of the Copan river was now exhausted (Morley 1947).
This forced the expanding population to cultivate areas, hardly suitable for
settlement or agriculture, on the steep slopes of the hills and mountains of the
surrounding valley (Fash 1998). Large areas of the sparsely covered valley were
now being totally deforested for construction, firewood, for food preparation,
lighting in houses, and the production of lime for plaster floors and building
facades. Paleoecologists’ samples have provided drastic evidence of the
disappearance of the forest (Fash 1998). With the loss of the forest it was only a
matter of time before the steep hills and slopes of the valley would give way to
massive erosion regimes. This lack of vegetation was to cause change in the
pattern of the river, resulting in floods during the rainy season and droughts in the
dry season. As the forests dwindled so did the once abundant wildlife of the
region. Skeletal remain specialists have documented marked evidence of
malnutrition in remains at the time of Copan’s demise (Fash 1998). A tragic
example of declining animal population is illustrated by the sacrifice of fifteen
baby jaguars at the beginning of the reign of Yax Pasah, in dedication to the
fifteen rulers that preceded him. The reason for the sacrifice of these young
animals, which would have spawned the next generations, is presumed that 15
adult jaguars could not be easily found in the region. By A.D. 1000 the entire
Copan Valley had been deforested signaling the end of the Mayan dynasty.
In 1839 when Stephen’s rediscovered Copan, after an eight hundred and
thirty-nine years of sleep, the resilient forest had repaired itself. Animal
populations were once again sustainable and monkey troops were once again
abundant. The Copan valley in 1999 is once again under attack. The previously
almost impenetrable forest is no longer. Exploding human population has again
forced the cultivation of steep hillsides, whose fertility has been exhausted. No
Jaguars have been seen anywhere near the Copan valley in the last thirty years
and the monkey troops of Morley’s description no longer exist. Plans have been
mentioned for the construction of golf courses and hotel resorts to accommodate
the increasing number of expected tourists to the region.
Addressing human ideology and the ancient Maya at the beginning of the
reign of Yax Pasah the final ruler of Copan, the declining status of the Copan
dynasty had to have been evident, however Yax Pasah is responsible for
erecting more structures than any previous ruler. This caused a great
acceleration in the decline of the forest. The Maya also had an obsession of
plastering their building and plazas with lime stucco. It is no coincidence that this
lime stucco requires tremendous amounts of heat to turn it into a paste, this heat
coming from wood. Why would a civilization insist that this practice continue
even though they are staring in the face of disaster? The Ancient Maya
civilization during their occupancy of the Copan valley possessed the greatest
technology and thinking minds of their day. Yet because of neglect and
superficial needs this once great Acropolis now lays in ruins. Today we as a
people are lucky enough to have obtained knowledge not possessed by earlier
generations of such subjects as; ecology, hydrology, forestry, and countless
other scientific pursuits that make it possible for us to sustain our way of life as
we know it. We are able to learn from the mistakes and triumph of past
civilizations. Yet in today’s society we still find it necessary to build houses that
are ten times larger than we actually need, drive our cars two blocks, instead of
walking to the store, and eating until our stomachs hurt at an all you can eat
buffet.
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Some valuable lessons can be learned by examining the ancient Maya‘s
ideologies and beliefs and then examining our own. Look into the future a
thousand years from now. Will our civilization as we know it today still exist if
ideologies don’t change? If not what will this new civilization be thinking when
they look upon our ruins and try to decipher our bizarre culture. “All History
consists of successive excursions from a single starting-point, to which man
returns again and again to organize yet another search for a durable scale of
values”(Leopold 1946).
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