Running head: CHEROKEES
Cherokees:
Myth, Culture, and
Implications for Intercultural Interaction
Curtis B. Livesay
Illinois State University
Cherokees 2
Cinderella, Rocky Balboa, Scarlet O’Hara, and Davy Crockett all share at least one thing
in common. All of these individuals, whether real or fictitious, have become cultural icons and
are a part of (white) American mythology to a greater or less degree. The distinction of “white
American mythology” is an important one because multiple American mythologies may exist,
and the characters mentioned above may be viewed differently and/or may play a very different
role in those mythologies, if they even exist in them at all. Moreover, cultural myths convey
very specific meanings to, and for, the cultures in which they exist.
According to R.T.G. Hill (1997), scholars have examined mythic characters, types of
myth, themes in myth, values reinforced by myth, cultural functions of myths, relationships
between myth and religion, and archetypes in myth.1 Because the extant literature on myth is
quite extensive it should come as no surprise that there are a plethora of definitions of “myth.”
Lopez Austin (2004) described myth as, “a narrative, but it is more than that. It is also an
idea or belief whose elements are manifest throughout social life” (p. 603). Stafford (2006) cites
several authors who define myth in various ways: “‘a story which embodies a timeless and
profound truth about a given people’s view of the world and of their place in it’” and “a
traditional source of power and empowerment and provides those who believe in it with ‘efficacy
in a hostile world’” and finally as, “an alive, interactive event that is present in the everyday… [it
is] at the root of an event. It’s the shimmering framework for all else to occur” (p. 195). Reist
(1997) explained myth as
[a] critical concept, embedded in the culture, which helps individuals make sense of the
world, particularly by acting as a link between one’s direct material experience and one’s
concept of the unseen force(s) that are believed to shape or at least influence that
experience (The Significance of Myth).
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Seidel’s (1985) understanding of myth emphasizes its function in terms of relating to
and/or explaining the divine and/or cosmological. In sum, Seidel concludes, “Myths… help
accout for order and disorder in the universe and man’s place in it” (p. 19). Burke (1970) also
emphasized the cosmological influence on myth:
Insofar as calamities defy man’s governance, these can be explained as the acts of the
higher authority. Such a theory does not dispose of the possibility that one such “myth”
may be “true” while others are “false.” It merely explains the verbal mechanisms by
which such myths can arise, regardless of whether they are true or false (p. 241).
Ramsey (1999) claims that myth is “an essentially conservative way of grasping and
ordering reality, for all of its apparent imaginative wildness” (p. 161). One of the world’s most
renowned scholars on the subject of myth, Roland Barthes, described it far less generously. He
argued that myths are (whether intentionally or not) tools of the bourgeois to pass on the
normative values of any given culture (1972, pp. 148-149). However, on a more positive note,
Barthes also believed that myth was a commonly held conception or idea around which people
unite—myth is a point of identification and unification.
For the purposes of this analysis, myth can be understood as a narrative which conveys
cultural ideology and/or values. Additionally, it may or may not be polysemic (see Meyer, 2003,
for a discussion of the polysemic nature of myth). Furthermore, it may or may not be
accompanied by act(s) of performance. Finally, regardless of whether or not it contains one truth
or multiple cultural truths, and is or is not accompanied by performative acts, I argue that gaining
a better understanding of a culture’s myth can potentially offer insight into that culture.
In an examination of Mesoamerican myth, Lopez Austin (2004) arrived at five
conclusions regarding myth2 and argued that these characteristics could be “sought in other
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indiginous mythologies of the Americas” (p. 614). Moreover, because myths are a powerful
method of conveying cultural ideology and values, Reist (1997) argued that understanding the
myths of a given culture may lead to a better understanding of that culture.
Before analyzing and discussing any culture’s myths it is important to appropriately
consider a cautionary note. Lankford (1994) makes a very important point about the importance
of not essentializing Native American literature through any given collection of stories:
In assessing the oral literature of Native Americans of North America, it is always
tempting to treat the collections from a given tribe or nation as a synchronic corpus to be
accepted as ‘their lore,’ if only because it is so difficult to deal with the diachronic reality
that the materials change over time. Nowhere is that temptation greater than in the
Southeast, because the last four centuries have been a period of extraordinary upheaval
for the Native Americans of that area (p. 83).
Similarly, Barthes (1972) argued that myths are, by their very nature, transient (p. 110) and that
they necessarily, grow, change, and adapt with the culture in which they are embedded.
However, while one must be careful to avoid drawing broad conclusions or of making
sweeping historical generalizations, it is also true that mythic analysis offers unique insight into a
culture. Additionally, Stafford (2006) explains that examining the historical stories of Native
American culture in particular may offer insight that cannot be gained in other ways.
American Indian cultures seek the remembering of the old stories as a framing context for
contemporary culture. Many Native cultures do not adhere to the Western model of
inevitable progress and the privileging of the present over past as the site of superior
knowledge. The idea of the inexorable march forward into a more and more highly
developed world does not serve as a model for traditional Native values, and Native
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writers do not look to the future for answers, but often to the past, especially when the
preseent and future of Native peoples, as scripted by powerful colonial interests, leads
either to assimiliation or disappearance. As a result, Native writers will often place a
much higher value on the past as a source of identity and political resistance. American
Indian intertextuality may transpose the new backward into the old in a way that revalues,
rejuvenates, even refigures the old, building cohesion rather than erasing it (p. 197).
Moreoever, Cherokee culture in particular seems to be one that lends itself well to a mythic
analysis because Davey Arch, a contemporary Cherokee writer explains in an interview with
Duncan (1998),
the Cherokees used storytelling and legends and communicating in that way to educate
and even to pass on our history… And in this way our history was kept by word of mouth
and passed from generation to generation. And today this is something that is very
important still to us because the same stories that have been passed down for thousands
of years still teach the same vital lessons that people need to be good human beings and
to understand what it takes to live in the world around them (pp. 75-76).
Thus, it seems that a mythic analysis of a Cherokee Indian text is an appropriate and effective
means of analysis that may offer insight into implications for intercultural communication with
that group.
In this paper I begin with an overview of a myth that is prevalent (in a variety of forms)
in several Native American cultures, before next examining several myths that are unique to
Cherokee tribes. Ultimately, I argue that the Cherokee myths examined here expose a cultural
view of women that is both similar to, and vastly different, white culture’s conception of women.
Cherokees 6
The paper concludes with an examination of possible implications of the messages contained in
the Cherokee myths for intercultural communication.
The “Trickster” Myth in Native American Culture
Lowe (1994) posits that Trickster is known to nearly all Native American cultures.
Babcock and Cox (1994) also argue that Trickster is an ambiguous yet nearly ubiquitous
character in Native American mythology. According to Lankford (1994) the Cherokee Trickster
occasionally resembles the Algonoquin cultural icon, Rabbit. At other times, the Trickters is
reminiscent of the relatively more pure African Hare (p. 86). Moreover, Radin (1956) argues
that the Trickster figure is not only central to many Native American cultures’ myths, it is also
appears in cultures from Greece to China. While Trickster seems to be common in a multitude
of cultures, he/she/it is a particularly prominent figure in southeastern Native American Indian
texts. Because of the specificity of this location (i.e., the Southeast U.S.) some have argued that
the origin of the Trickster in Native American myth actually may have derived from African
culture and was received when Africans were brought to America as slaves. However, this
assumption is quite controversial and hardly supported with any confirmable factual basis (see
Vest, 2000, for a discussion of this controversy).
Defining Trickster is tricky business (pardon the pun) for at least two reasons. First,
Trickster appears differently in different cultures. Secondly, Trickster him/her/itself is an
ambiguous and polymorphic being. These two facets of Trickster are part of the reason that
Babcock and Cox, (1994) refer to Trickster as “the most popular, problematic, and powerful
figure in Native American literature” (p. 99). Trickster can manifest itself in virtually any
form—human or animal. Babcock and Cox (1994) argue that regardless of what form Trickster
decides to embody at any given moment he is always understood to be ultimately human—“a
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human, however, who can shift his shape at will and for whom the human/animal boundary does
not exist” (Babcock & Cox, 1994, p. 100).
It seems that Trickster is best described and understood by the many qualities that he
commonly possess. Lowe (1994) argues that “transformation and trickery are his hallmark, yet
he bears aspects of the divine” (p. 194). Lowe goes on to explain that Trickster is believed to be
immortal. However, he has been known to die in some tales; although he is resurrected. Thus,
Lowe concludes, “Trickster is between God and man, and as such is both a link to God and a
comic butt who mirrors man’s own failings and glories” (p. 195). Radin (1956) claims,
Trickster is at one and the same time creator and destroyer, giver and negator, he who
dupes others and who is always duped himself. He wills nothing consciously. At all
times he is constrained to behave as he does from impulses over which he has no control.
He knows neither good nor evil yet he is responsible for both. He possesses no values,
moral or social, is at the mercy of his passions and appetitites, yet through his actions all
values come into being (p. ix).
The existence of such an odd character merits further analysis; and the outrageousness of
such a character most likely leaves the non-Native reader wondering, What purpose does he
serve? What does he mean? Babcock and Cox (1994) argue that Trickster serves a very
important social role in Native American culture and that his antics, “constitute metasocial
commentary, for by breaking rules, he/she throws into sharp relief the relationships, categories,
and patterns of his culture” (p. 101). Lowe (1994) is slightly more graphic and explicit in his
description of the place of Trickster in Native American culture. He argues that “Trickster tales
frequently center on bodily functions, and man’s [sic] inability to control them; indeed, Trickster
is generally blamed for all things that go wrong, which loss of body function symbolizes” (Lowe,
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1994, p. 195). However, Lowe is also quick to point out that Trickster is not merely some crude
or crass form of humor among Native Americans, but that he serves a greater social purpose
(much like Babcock and Cox’s argument above). Lowe (1994) states,
[Trickster] tales actually support the norms they rupture, while providing comic ‘release’
from societal pressure. The tales, moreover, no matter how scabrous or obscene, were
told in the presence of children, for they were meant to be instructive as well as
entertaining (Lowe, 1994, p. 194).
In other words, consistent with the way that myth is conceptualized for the purposes of this
paper, Trickster appears to be a mythological tool which Native Americans use to convey
cultural ideology and values to their younger generations.
Another noteworthy aspect of the Trickster myth is sexual ambiguity. As mentioned
above, Trickster can seemingly morph into a variety of creatures and/or personas. This ability
apparantly allows Trickster to transcend sexual boundaries as well. While Trickster is usually
referred to with the generic “he,” he is definitely capable of changing sexes, and often does
(Babcock & Cox, 1994). In fact, Babcock and Cox (1994) note, “Tricksters frequently transform
themselves into women and are sometimes represented as hermaphrodites. Moreover, female
[Tricksters] are not unknown in either traditional or contemporary Native American literatures”
(Babcock and Cox, 1994, p. 100). The sexual ambiguity of Trickster represents a bridge into
another fascinating aspect of Native American (specifically, Cherokee) myth—the role of
women.
Cherokee Culture, Myths, & The Role of Women
Cherokee culture is a particularly interesting Native American culture for several reasons.
According to Starr (1921) when the early Christian missionaries began to work among the
Cherokees 9
Cherokees, they were astonished at the similarity between the religious views of the Cherokees
with biblical accounts. Rather than the polytheistic views that the missionaries expected to find,
they found that the Cherokees had a similar creation story to that of Christianity, believed in a
form of the Trinity, had a story of the flood, and essentially had a parallel story to practically
every one of the biblical narratives (See Starr, 1921, pp. 22-23). However, for all of the
similarities to the Christian faith, Cherokee culture also had a much different understanding of
“family.” Additionally, some argue that the Cherokees engaged in much more liberal sexual
practices than what the missionaries were most likely comfortable with (or at the very least, the
missionaries interpreted Cherokee customs this way); and women played a more prominent role
in society in general than they did (and some might argue, still do) in white culture.
S.H. Hill (1997) explains that Cherokees established family lineage (for the purposes of
identification as well as property rights) matrilineally. S.H. Hill goes on to explain that language
barriers were a common source of frustration for Christian missionaries because of the Cherokee
conceptualization of family. Cherokee culture used one noun (translated, “father”) to describe
bilogical father, father’s brothers, mother’s brothers step-father, and all other males with a close
degree of relationship. Similarly, all female relatives were called, “mother.” However, what
missionaries initially failed to realize was that Cherokee language,
actually identified clan position so precisely that anyone ‘could tell you without
hesitating what degree of relationship exists between himself and any other individual of
the same clan.’ Specific terms distinguished mothers, their parents and siblings, older and
younger brothers, and sisters and their children… Each relationship presecribed different
kinds of behavior and varied responsibilities (Hill, S. H., 1997, p. 27).
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Additionally, Cherokee culture’s understanding of family was further differentiated from white
culture in that the entire clan was thought of as close family. For example, if a woman died in
child birth, any of the woman’s relations that could (i.e., were lactating) would take the child and
nurse it as her own. Thus, “among Cherokees, there were no ‘improper’ children. All belonged
to a clan” (Hill, S. H., 1997, p. 30).
S.H. Hill argues that what the white Christian missionaries found perhaps most troubling
however, was the relative sexual freedom that Cherokees (and particularly women) enjoyed. She
states, “Within the constraints of the clan system, women exercised considerable autonomy and
sexual freedom… Some took partners for love and life, others changed marriage partners with
ease and frequency, and non suffered punishment for divorce or adultery” (p. 31).
It important to point, however, that S.H. Hill’s arguments may give us a clear example of
intercultural prejudice. S.H. Hill fails to mention the fact that nearly all of her information relies
heavily on tales recounted from a distinctly white perspective. In other words, the accounts from
which she draws her conclusions are hardly objective, and in fact are quite heavily tainted from a
white, Christian, European perspective. Mails (1996) offer an altnerative interpretation and
explanation of Cherokee culture. He argues that the whites’ perception of sexual promiscuity
among the Cherokees may be more than slightly exaggerated. He claims that,
the only second marriages considered honorable were those involving a brother’s widow
who needed a man to provide for her. [This] custom may account for white claims of
polygamy being practiced, for many men were killed in war, and the women greatly
outnumbered the men (p. 73).
Mails (1996) also claims that divorce and adultery were taken far more seriously, and carried far
heavier consequences, in Cherokee culture than S.H. Hill (1997) does.3 Regardless of the debate
Cherokees 11
about the sexual freedom of Cherokee women, one thing that is certain about the Cherokees is
that they held very different perceptions of women than did (and perhaps does) white culture.
The different status and place in society held by Cherokee women vis-à-vis white women
was manifest in several ways. First, women who were menstruating were “considered
extraordinarily powerful and dangerous” (Hill, S.H., 1997, p. 32). Second, several Cherokee
myths make the connection, whether implicit or explicit, between Cherokee women and
medicine and healing, and good fortune in general. Third, it was apparently not at all surprising
for women to hold positions of high authority in Cherokee culture. Fourth, women reportedly
engaged in warfare and were often described as fierce warriors. Finally, while Cherokee culture
did have normatively prescribed sex-roles to some degree, it seems that these roles were less
rigid than in (even contemporary) white culture; and the roles that women did normally fill were
considered to be a valuable contribution to the society as well. Ultimately, this analysis centers
on several Cherokee myths that highlight the importance and power of women, and portray them
as very valuable members of society.
S.H. Hill (1997) explains that menstruating women were kept separate from the rest of
the tribe, especially the warriors, so as not to let their “magic” overwhelm traditional medicine,
ruin crops, or debilitate warriors. However, S.H. Hill (1997) also explains that men who were
bleeding (e.g., warriors injured in battle) were also kept in special isolated dwellings away from
the rest of the tribe. She also suggests that past literature implies a “parallel between warriors
and menstruating women” (p. 334). Arch (Cities of Refuge, 1998) explains that Cherokees had
“cities of refuge where people would go in times of war” (p. 99). Arch further details that these
cities were often stockaded and the elderly, handicapped, and orphans were also taken to live in
these cities. What was perhaps most remarkable about these cities, however, was the fact that
Cherokees 12
“they would keep a woman on her menstrual cycle at the gates of these cities to guard the gates”
(p. 99) because of the immense power that these women had.
In his collection of Cherokee myths in 1900 Mooney (1995), tells a tale called “The
Stone Man” which recounts the story of a cannibalistic monster known called “Dressed in Stone”
who used his cane like a dog’s nose to prey upon Indians. A Cherokee hunter stumbled across
him on a hunt and ran back to tell his village. The medicine-man ordered seven menstruating
women to go stand, naked, in the path on which the Stone Man was traveling toward the village
because “He could not bear to look upon menstrual women, and if… seven menstrual women
[would] stand in the path as he came along the sight would kill him” (p. 319). The Stone Man
came along that path, and sure enough, the power of the seven menstruating women killed the
stone man and saved the village. This story clearly illustrates the power that Cherokees
attributed to menstruating women. Furthermore, despite the fact that menstruation was naively
thought of as a sickness, (Mooney, 1995, p. 320) it was still treated with great reverence and
respect out of fear.
The perception of power connected with a woman’s menstrual period may (or may not)
help to explain some of the reasoning behind the way that women were viewed in general in
Cherokee culture—with great reverence and respect. Regardless of whether or not a woman’s
menstrual period added to or detracted from her prominence or importance in Cherokee culture,
it remains safe to conclude that for whatever the reason, Cherokees held women in high regard.
Arch (Women, 1998) explains that women “became an integral part of medicine and religion and
the whole culture” (p. 98). Owle (Medicine and the wolf clan, 1998) shares a myth from the
Wolf Clan of the Cherokee which highlights the connection and power between Cherokee
women and medicine.4 While the myth shared by Owle does seem to emphasize and elevate the
Cherokees 13
abilities of the medicine women of the Wolf Clan above that of other Cherokee tribes, it should
be noted that in each instance the sick man seeks out the woman of the village. The implicit
connection here is that the tribal healer in every Cherokee clan was a woman—a role that is both
presitigous and vital to their society.
Owle (Corn woman spirit, 1998) also shares another story that attributes the success (but
not the failure) of a good corn crop to a woman.5 Mooney (1995) shares several myths which are
variations of the tale told by Owle (Corn woman spirit, 1998), but all of which credit the success
of crops to a female figure. The point to garner from these myths is that women’s significance to
the Cherokees, for a variety of reasons, was an integral part of their myths. However, the
importance of women was not confined to their connection to medicine and successful harvests;
they were often central figures in tribal authority and government.
Mankiller and Wallis (1993) claim that "prior to European contact and the influence of
the Whites on our culture, women played a prominent role in the social, political, and cultural
life of the Cherokees" (p. 19). Additionally, the authors described a Cherokee social setting that
was heavily influenced by female leadership—so much so that early European settlers were
critical and judgmental, claiming, "Among the Cherokees, the woman rules the roost" and "The
Cherokees have a petticoat government" (Mankiller & Wallis, 1993, p. 19). The authors also
explain there was a separate Women’s Council comprised of women elected from each of the
seven clans of the Cherokees. It was not uncommon for the Women’s Council to veto a decision
of whether or not to go to war when the women believed that it was in the best interest of the
tribe to do otherwise. Moreover, “It was common among the ancient Cherokees that any
important questions relating to war and peace were left to a vote of the women” (Mankiller &
Wallis, 1993, p. 207).
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Lest the reader think that these claims are hasty generalizations unfounded by fact,
specific instances that support this interpretation of the high esteem in which Cherokees held
women are also observable. Portman and Garrett (2005) and Mankiller and Wallis (1993) tell
the story of Ada Kulkula, a Cherokee chief. During a meeting with U.S. government officials
the chief was apparently shocked and disgusted when no White women were present. According
to Mankiller and Wallis (1993), he asked, "Is it not true that White men as well as Red were born
of women?" (p. 19). Portman and Garrett (2005) explain that this question “honors the
importance of women in decision making from an American Indian perspective” (“Flames and
Embers: Historical Leadership of American Indian Women” ¶ 2). Portman and Garrett (2005)
also tell the stories of five other prominent Cherokee women who played an important role in
tribal leadership (Nancy Ward, 18th century; Susan LaFlesche Picotte, 1865-1915; Wilma
Mankiller, 20th century; Carolyn Attneave, 20th century). S.H. Hill (1997) gives accounts of
several other women in positions of tribal authority (pp. 87-88). In a more contemporary and
interpersonal setting, Arch (Grandpa and grandma, 1998) explains that in his family, “the women
are usually the ones who make the important decisions” (p. 121). He also claims that women are
responsible for the finances of the house.
Portman and Garrett (2005) argue quite convincingly that the Cherokees had a special
respect for the authority and leadership style of women. In fact, the Cherokee myth called, “The
First Fire” illustrates this point quite well.6 They explain that this myth exemplifies a feminine
style of leadership: “These leadership skills of patience, listening, contemplating the situation,
and developing innovative strategies to accomplish the needed task are characteristic of many
American Indian female leaders” (“Flames and Embers: Historical Leadership of American
Indian Women” ¶ 1). They also draw from an earlier study (Portman, 2001) and point out that
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contemporary Native American women often exhibit androgynous personality types which are
often associated with positive leadership qualities. In sum, women’s perspective, authority,
leadership styles, and contributions were highly valued among the Cherokee, and they convey
this message through the use of myth.
Mankiller and Wallis (1993) and Portman and Garrett (2005) both explain that the
highest honor a Cherokee woman could receive was the title of “Beloved Woman” (Mankiller &
Wallis, 1993, pp. 207-208). Portman and Garrett caution the reader not to misinterpret what was
meant by “Beloved” as suggesting a nurturing or docile woman. Mankiller and Wallis (1993)
explain that Beloved Women actually acted as a sort of supreme judge, deciding the fate of
offenders and captives.7 Mooney (1995) makes a similar assertion (p. 419). Mails (1996) also
asserts that a group of the Beloved Women were present at every war council. Mankiller and
Wallis (1993) and Mails (1996) both explain that the Cherokees believed that the Great Spirit
often spoke to them through the Beloved Woman.
A common way to obtain the title of Beloved Woman was to show great valor in battle.
Several authors argue that it was not uncommon for some of the Cherokee women to fight in
battle alongside their brothers and/or husbands (Mankiller & Wallis, 1993, pp. 207-208; Mails,
1996, p. 193; Mooney, 1995, p. 395 & 419). Mooney (1995) cites accounts from early white
settlers who actually stated, “The reader will not be a little surprised to find the story of Amazons
not so great a fable as we imagined, many of the Indian women being as famous in war and as
powerful in council” (p. 501). The comparison of Cherokee women in battle to Amazon women
is quite a statement indeed!
The presence and actions of Cherokee women in government and warfare most likely
sparks the question in the reader’s mind, How did Cherokees view female gender roles? The
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overly simplistic to this answer appears to be, “With more fluidity than most of white American
culture.” It it important to note that this is not to say that Cherokees did not have “usual” roles
filled by either sex (i.e., the tribe was not disorderly or chaotic in that it completely lacked sex
roles, they just appeared to be less rigid than most of white society). For example, S.H. Hill
(1997) explains that harvesting trees for “canoes, town houses, corn pounders, ball sticks, dance
masks, or their numerous weapons, utensils, furniture, and housing material was traditionally the
work of men” (p. 120). Basket weaving, was generally the job of the women. Additionally, the
traditional sex roles of the Cherokees are evidenced in at least two Cherokee myths, “When
Babies are Born: The Wren and the Cricket”8 and “The Ignorant Housekeeper.”9
In both of the myths mentioned above, the domestic roles of both men and women are
emphasized. In both cases, the woman is portrayed as the keeper of the home and the man is
portrayed as the provider for the home. However, there are at least two points worth noting in
these stories. First, in story of the Wren and the Cricket, one could argue that there appears to be
disparity in leisure time for men and women—clearly representative of an oppressive patriarchal
structure. Some might interpret the boys’ hunting of crickets, grasshoppers, and birds as child’s
play or “fun” for the boys. Girls, on the other hand are discussed in terms of their domestic role
of cooking and cleaning (similar to that of traditional white culture). However, what the reader
must also acknowledge is that whether or not either of these activities was “fun” for the
individual engaging in them, this story undeniably portrays both males and females as practicing
and honing the skills that they would use later in life in their respective roles. That is, the boys
grew up to be men who hunted and provided game for the family and clan, while the woman’s
role was to prepare the game that the men brought home.
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Second, the story of the ignorant housekeeper also emphasizes the domestic roles of men
and women. However, one key element of this story is partnership. The old man says to his son,
“Now we must work together and do all we can to help her. You go hunting and bring in the
meat and I’ll look after the corn and beans, and then she can cook” (Mooney, 1995, p. 397).
Clearly, this story is not trying to convey the same message as the sexist “joke” common to white
culture, “The woman’s place is in the kitchen.” This myth serves to reinforce the idea the both
men and women must work together in order to sustain life, and this can best be accomplished
through the division of labor. However, the Cherokees also appeared to acknowledge the fact
that without either the jobs performed by the men or the women they could not succeed. This
view inherently places value on the tasks themselves, regardless of who performed them. Thus,
men and women could fulfill different roles, but be considered equal members of society. From
these two stories one can see that in Cherokee culture men and women played different, but
equally valued roles in both the home and society.
Implications of Cherokee Myth for Intercultural Communication
Romaine (1999) states, “If biology alone were responsible for behavior patterns, then we
would not find such great cultural diversity. Being male or female is done differently in different
cultures” (p. 7). This point is illustrated perhaps no where more clearly than it is in the myths of
the Cherokees. While men and women did fill some of the same roles as would be considered
traditional sex roles in the rest of American culture, women also served other functions in society
as well. Unfortunately, as argued by Mails (1996), and perhaps evidenced by S.H. Hill (1997),
the ways of the Cherokee have often been misinterpreted by whites who wished to “Christianize”
the very same “savages” who, ironically, already shared an almost identical belief system (see
Starr, 1921).
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Additionally, Poole (1972) discusses the tragedies that often ensue when whites try to
“help” Native Americans. Poole tells the story of several young non-Indian university students
who attended an annual convention of an Indian organization held in Western Canada. On the
last day of the conference they finally cornered one of the conference officials and wanted to
know how they could “best proceed with their charitable intentions” (p. 41). The official
responded,
Look fellows, we are grateful for your interest. We have no doubt that your intentions
are sincere, but frankly, we have had more experience than we care to remember of
White people moved by the best of White intentions, coming onto our reserves. They
came to do us good. With few exceptions, they remained to make our lives more
difficult. We know the assumptions behind White ideas of assistance and they are not
acceptable to us (p. 41).
Poole tells other stories of conversations with Natives that expose the fact that most Native
American Indians simply have a different view of the world than do whites. Poole explains that
the white idea of “helping” the Native American usually involves integration which he describes
as “a one-way street, running from Indian reserves to urban centers” (p. 41). Unfortunately,
Poole is correct in his assertion that they may not want “help” from white culture because white
culture has already “helped” them too much—helped them out of their land, their heritage, their
hunting grounds, their religion, and most devastatingly, we have “helped” them out of their very
existence through the destruction of their identity.
Thus, it seems that the most important implication of Cherokee myth for any intercultural
interaction could best be summed up by the closing words of the conference official in Canada to
the do-gooder university students,
Cherokees 19
Go ahead, but go only where you are invited. And try to go humbly, to learn rather than
teach. It will time enough to instruct when you are asked to do so. Indians are proud,
perhaps just proud enough to feel that before you come offering to repair their society,
you should clean up your own (Poole, 1972, p. 42)
In other words, if one wants to engage in any intercultural communication, with Cherokees, other
Native Americans, or otherwise, one should do so in a respectful and humble manner. While this
may be hard for most Americans, the success or failure of said communication experience may
quite literally be dependent on “getting over” ourselves as Americans and treating all other
human beings as equals.
In sum, Cherokee myths paint a picture of a society in which women held a special place.
Despite the existence of sex roles that are similar to that of white culture, Cherokee women
seemed to enjoy a greater freedom in the range of behaviors and roles. Thus, while women were
the primary caretaker of the homes, in many cases, their authority also superceded that of the
tribal chiefs in matters that were of utmost importance to the clan. Additionally, Cherokee
women were known to be fierce in battle and also associated with powerful medicine and magic.
Thus it appears that Cherokee women were highly esteemed and viewed as vital members of
their culture… perhaps white culture could take a lesson from our Cherokee brothers and sisters.
Cherokees 20
References
Arch, D. (1998). Cities of Refuge. In B. R. Duncan (Ed.), Living stories of the Cherokee (pp. 99100). Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.
Arch, D. (1998). Grandpa and grandma. In B. R. Duncan (Ed.), Living stories of the Cherokee
(pp. 106-124). Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.
Arch, D. (1998). Women. In B. R. Duncan (Ed.), Living stories of the Cherokee (p. 98). Chapel
Hill, NC: Univeristy of North Carolina Press.
Babcock, B., & Cox, J. (1994). The Native American trickster. In A. Wiget (Ed.), Dictionary of
Native American literature (pp. 99-105). New York: Garland Publishing, INC.
Barthes, R. (1972). Mythologies. New York: Hill and Wang.
Burke, K. (1970). The rhetoric of religion: Studies in logology. Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press.
Duncan, B. R. (Ed.). (1998). Living Stories of the Cherokees. Chapel Hill: Univeristy of North
Carolina.
Hill, R. T. (1997). Methodological approaches to Native American narrative and the role of
performance. The American Indian Quarterly, 21, 111-147.
Hill, S. H. (1997). Weaving new worlds: Southeastern Cherokee women and their basketry.
Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.
Lankford, G. E. (1994). Oral literature of the southeast. In A. Wiget (Ed.), Dictionary of Native
American literature (pp. 83-89). New York: Garland Publishing, INC.
Lopez Austin, A. (2004). Myth, belief, narration, image: Reflections of Mesoamerican
mythology. Journal of the Southwest, 46, 601-620.
Cherokees 21
Lowe, J. (1994). Coyote's jokebook: Humor in Native American literature and culture. In A.
Wiget (Ed.), Dictionary of Native American literature (pp. 193-203). New York:
Garland Publishing, INC.
Mails, T. E. (1996). The Cherokee people: The story of the Cherokees from earliest origins to
contemporary times. New York: Marlowe & Company.
Mankiller, W., & Wallis, M. (1993). Mankiller: A chief and her people. New York: St. Martin's
Press.
Meyer, M. D. (2003). Utilizing mythic criticism in contemporary narrative culture: Examining
the "present absence" of shadow archetypes in Spider Man. Communication Quarterly,
51, 518-529.
Mooney, J. (1995). Myths of the Cherokees. New York: Dover Publications.
Morrison, K. M. (1994). Myth and religion of native American. In A. Wiget (Ed.), Dictionary of
Native American literature (pp. 131-133). New York: Garland Publishing, INC.
Owle, F. (1998). Corn woman spirit. In B. R. Duncan (Ed.), Living stories of the Cherokee (pp.
228-231). Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.
Owle, F. (1998). Medicine and the wolf clan. In B. R. Duncan (Ed.), Living stories of the
Cherokee (pp. 202-203). Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.
Poole, T. (1972). Conversations with North American Indians. In Who is the chairman of the
meeting (pp. 38-53). Toronto, Canada: Neewin Publishing Co, LTD.
Portman, T. A. (2001). Sex role attributions of American-Indian women. Journal of Mental
Health Counseling, 23, 72-84.
Portman, T. A., & Garrett, M. T. (2005). Beloved women: Nurturing the sacred fire of leadership
from an American Indian perspective. Journal of Counseling and Development, 83, 284-
Cherokees 22
291.
Radin, P. (1956). The Trickster: A study in American Indian mythology. New York:
Philosophical Library.
Ramsey, J. (1999). Reading the fire: The traditional Indian literature of America. Seattle,
Washington: University of Washington Press.
Reist, N. (1997). Counting stars by candlelight: An analysis of the mythic appeal of the Grateful
Dead. Journal of Popular Culture , 30, 183-209.
Romaine, S. (1999). Communicating gender. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Seidel, A. M. (1985). Medicine wheel: A ritual dance drama inspired by plains indian myths and
symbols. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, New York University, New York.
(1974). Southeast. In G. Levitas, F. R. Vivelo, & J. J. Vivelo (Eds.), American Indian prose &
poetry: We wait in the darkness (pp. 3-8). New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons.
Stafford, K. M. (2006). Healing art: Tribal consciousness, narrative, and trauma in
contemporary American Indian poetry. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of
Iowa, Iowa City.
Starr, E. (1921). History of the Cherokee Indians and their legends and folklore. Oklahoma City,
OK: The Warden Company.
Vest, J. H. (2000). From Bobtail to Brer Rabbit: Native American influences on Uncle Remus.
American Indian Quarterly, 24, 19-43.
Cherokees 23
1
See R.T.G. Hill (1997) for the complete list of scholars who have examined various aspects of myth
2
(1) Myth is as much a belief as the narrative of a belief. Belief and narrative are strongly interrelated, but they
also have significant independence; (2) Myth as belief forms part of a macro system of thought and action, a
cosmovision. Myths frequently concern the cause of a change from divine to mundane space and time; (3) Myth
states the essential characteristics of creatures at the point of their origin and locates them in a general taxonomy. It
gives an account of the processes and laws of the cosmos; (4) There is in myth, besides the clear expression of
cosmic matters, a narrative of divine deeds. There are many variants of the latter, with many personalities and
adventures. This narrative has a high aesthetic content and value; (5) The primary expression of myth is oral, but
the oral form is complemented and greatly enhanced by ritual and pictorial art (pp. 614-615).
3
See Mails (1996, pp. 73-76) and S.H. Hill (1997, pp. 30-34) for a discussion of marriage, adultery and divorce.
In the old days, it’s said, that back in the very, very beginning times, after the villages were built, it was an
old man who came walking out of the woods, and he had sores all over his body, and he came down to the clans of
the Cherokee, and he said to the first woman in charge of the first clan, “Would you take me in and make me well?”
And she said, “Oh, you look so terrible, we don’t know how to make you well. Go away.”
Then the man goes to another clan of the Cherokee, it could have been the Blue Clan, and the woman
comes out and says, “We have children here. Don’t, don’t bother us, please go away.” Again and again he’s turned
away from these villages, and eventually he comes to the Wolf Clan of the Cherokee. All the terrible sores on his
body, and he says to the woman of the Wolf Clan, “Will you bring me in and make me well?” She says, “I don’t
know what to do for you. But if you’ll come in, we will lay you down upon the bed, and we will do everything we
possibly canto make you better.”
He went in, and he lay down upon the bed, and he sent her out to the forest the first day and said, “Get the
bark of the cherry tree and bring it back and make tea to let me drink.” And she did. And his cold went away. “Go
back to the willow tree and get some bark and make it into a poultice and wring it and put it upon my sores.” And
she did. And the sores went away. Again and again for a long time he sent her into the forest, telling her every time
a certain cure for a certain ailment. After a while he was completely healed. Then one day he got up from the bed
and said, “Since you were good to me, I have taught you, the women of the Wolf Clan, all the cures of the forest.
And from this day forward, you, the women of the Wolf Clan, will be the doctors of the communities and
reservations (Owle, 1998, pp. 202-203).
4
There’s a story of the Corn Woman. And she is a spirit that is sent down from heaven every year to come
and walk in the fields of the Cherokee. And when she walked in the fields the corn began to grow, and it grew tall
and beautiful. And the Cherokee corn is a corn that is very, very special, because it is a corn that has ten rows of
kernels on it. And most other ears have thirteen, that we are familiar with today. So the Cherokee corn will grow
ten, almost ten feet tall, and on those stalks it will have three or four ears of corn, where most [other kinds of] stalks
have one or two, and it’s beautiful in color. It’s all the colors of the rainbow. And many people ask, “How did you
paint that?” And the Cherokees ate it. It’s a very good corn.
Anyway, this Corn Woman would walk in the fields, and the corn would grow beautifully. One year they
planted their corn and had gone out to watch it come up, and it didn’t come up. And they waited a week, and then
two weeks, and it still hadn’t come up. So they prayed to the Great Spirit and asked where the Corn Woman Spirit
was. And he said that he had sent her down two weeks before, and she was missing, evidently.
And so the people began to look. And they looked all over the earth known to them at that time, and they
couldn’t find her. So they began to ask the animal kingdom if they would help search for her. So all the animals
were searching for this beautiful Corn Woman Spirit when all of a sudden the raven dived down into a dark cave and
was looking for her. And he found her in the bottom of the cave, all tied up. She was captured and prisoner of the
evil spirit Hunger. And he was dancing around her and laughing, knowing very well that if she didn’t get out, that
the Cherokee people would starve the coming winter.
So the raven went back and reported to the people that he had found the Corn Woman Spirit. And they told
the raven that only he and his family could get her free. So they told him to go down into the cave and perch on the
ledges and hide from the evil spirit, and he did. He took all of his brothers and sisters into the cave, and they were
5
Cherokees 24
so black they couldn’t be seen by the evil spirit, and they perched on the ledges and the rocks. When the signal was
given they all leaped down and pecked the evil spirit and made such terrible noises that they frightened him out into
the sunlight. And like most evil, when he hit the sunlight he just melted away and disappeared. They freed the Corn
Woman Spirit with their big strong beaks, and when she walked out into the sunlight the corn of the Cherokees
began to grow.
From that day forward, the Great Spirit in the heavens would not let her come down in person. And so it is
today. So when you look out at the cornfields and see the stalks of corn and their leaves waving in the wind, you’ll
know that the Corn Woman Spirit is walking through the fields of today (Owle, Corn woman spirit, 1998, pp. 228230).
6
In the beginning there was no fire and the world was cold, until the Thunders, who lived up in Gălûñlătĭ,
sent their lightning and put fire into the bottom of a hollow sycamore tree which grew on an island. The animals
knew it was there, because they could see the smoke coming out at the top, but they could not get to it on account of
the water, so they held a council to decide what to do. This was a very long time ago.
Every animal that could fly or swim was anxious to go after the fire. The Raven offered, and because he
was so large and strong they thought he could surely do the work, so he was sent first. He flew high and far across
the water and alighted on the sycamore tree, but while he was wondering what to do next, the head had scorched all
his feathers black, and he was frightened and came back without the fire. The little Screech-owl volunteered to go,
and reached the place safely, but while he was looking down into the hollow tree a blast of hot hair came up and
nearly burned out his eyes. He managed to fly home as best he could, but it was a long time before he could see
well, and his eyes are red to this day. Then the Hooting Owl and the Horned Owl went, but by the time they got to
the hollow tree the fire was burning so fiercely that the smoke nearly blinded them, and the ashes carried up by the
wind made white rings about their eyes. They had to come home again with the fire, but with all their rubbing they
were never able to get rid of the white rings.
No more of the birds would venture, and so the little Uksu’hĭ snake, the black racer, said he would go
through the water and bring back some fire. He swam across to the island and crawled through the grass to the tree,
and went in by a small hole at the bottom. The heat and smoke were too much for him, too, and after dodging about
blindly over the hot ashes until he was almost on fire himself he managed by good luck to get out again at the same
hole, but his body had been scorched black, and he has ever since had the habit of darting and doubling on his track
as if trying to escape from close quarters. He cam back, and the great blacksnake, Gûle’gĭ, “The Climber,” offered
to go for fire. He swam over to the island and climbed up the tree on the outside, as the blacksnake always does, bit
when he put his head down into the hole the smoke choked him so that he fell into the burning stump, and before he
could climb out again he was as black as the Uksu’hĭ.
Now they held another council, for still there was no fire, and the world was cold, but birds, snakes, and
four-footed animals, all had some excuse for not going, because there were all afraid to venture near the burning
sycamore, until at least Kănăne’skĭ Amai’yĕhĭ (the Water Spider) said she would go. This is not the water spider
that looks like a mosquito, but the other one, with black downy hair and red stripes on her body. She can run on top
of water or dive to the bottom, so there would be no trouble to get over to the island, but the question was, How
could she bring back the fire? “I’ll manage that,” said the Water Spider; so she spun a thread from her body and
wove it into a tusti bowl, which she fastened to her back. The she crossed over to the island and through the grass to
where the fire was still burning. She put one little coal of fire into her bowl, and came back with it, and ever since
we have had fire, and the Water Spider still keeps her tusti bowl (Mooney, 1995, pp. 240-242).
7
Mails (1996) asserts that the Beloved Woman served other functions and often performed other tasks such as
naming the babies of the village as well (see p. 72).
8
The little Wren is the messenger of the birds, and pries into everything. She gets up early in the morning
and goes round to every house in the settlement to get news for the bird council. When a new baby is born she finds
out whether it is a boy or a girl and reports to the council. If it is a boy the birds sing in a mournful chorus: “Alas!
the whistle of the arrow! my shins will burn,” because the birds know that when the boy grows older he will hunt
them with his blowgun and arrows and roast them on a stick.
But if the baby is a girl, they are glad and sing: “Thanks! the sound of the pestle! At her home I shall surely
Cherokees 25
be able to scratch where she sweeps,” because they known that after a while they will be able to pick up stray grains
where she beats the corn into meal.
When the Cricket hears that a girl is born, it also is glad and says, “Thanks, I shall sing in the house where
she lives.” But if it is a boy the Cricket laments: Gwe-he! He will shoot me! He will shoot me! He will shoot me!”
because boys make little bows to shoot crickets and grasshoppers. When inquiring as to the sex of the new arrival
the Cherokee asks, “Is it a bow or a (meal) sifter?” or, “Is it ballsticks or bread?” (Mooney, 1995, p. 401).
An old man whose wife had died lived alone with his son. One day he said to the young man, “We need a
cook here, so you would better get married.” So the young man got a wife and brought her home. Then his father
said, “Now we must work together and do all we can to help her. You go hunting and bring in the meat and I’ll look
after the corn and beans, and then she can cook.” The young man went into the woods to look for a deer and his
father went out into the field to attend to the corn. When they came home at night they were hungry, and the young
woman set out a bowl of walnut hominy before them. It looked queer, somehow, and when the old man examined it
he found that the walnuts had been put in whole. “Why didn’t you shell the walnuts and then beat up the kernels,”
said he to the young woman. “I didn’t know they had to be shelled,” she replied. Then the old man said, “You think
about marrying and you don’t know how to cook,” and he sent her away (Mooney, 1995, p. 397).
9