8.1 Session on Globalization Robert Gilpin, Chapter 10 “Globalization and Its Discontents” in The Challenge of Global Capitalism Note: most of these phrases are direct phrases from the book Overall summary: Gilpin believes that both opponents and proponents of globalization exaggerate their claims. He acknowledges economic, political and social inequality but concludes that globalization is not always the culprit. Economic globalization (integration of the world economy) has occurred at a much more limited extent than people believe. He cites these examples: Postwar int’l economy has restored globalization to the same level as in 1913 Economic impact of globalization is limited, applying really only to US, W. Europe, Japan and the East Asian NICs Despite more open markets, imports and inward investments are small relative to size of each domestic economy National borders are still barriers to int’l economic flows (eg Canada/US) International migration (labor) has declined since WWI Gilpin makes gross generalizations of three contending perspectives on globalization: 1. Free Market (mostly economists, business men and political leaders) - oppose strict regulations on market - adoption of American values will lead to a more efficient use of the world’s scarce resources - world peace will be promoted because bonds among other democratic marketoriented societies will be strengthened - financial and technology flows will equalize wealth and development in world 2. Populist, aka Nationalist perspective (organized labor, businesses competing w/imports, economic nationalists, BOTH the right and the left) - support trade protectionism, regional economic blocs and limits on multinational corporations - believes that globalization has created high unemployment and levels of inequality (in industrializing countries), shrinking social programs, destruction of culture and national political autonomy 3. Communitarian (environmentalists, human rights advocates) - many beliefs overlap w/populists - believes that globalization leads to environmental pollution, and a hierarchic and exploitative world order - international competitiveness and profit maximization have led to shrinking welfare programs and homogenization of people into passive consumers - differ from populists in that they are from the political left, and advocate a return to world of self-sufficient closed communities 1 Gilpin defines globalization as: the increasing linkage of national economies through trade, financial flows and foreign direct investment by multinational firms. In this next section, Gilpin attempts to make distinctions between “real” and “alleged” consequences of economic globalization. He asserts that by proving that some alleged consequences of economic globalization are exaggerations, then so must be social and political allegations (ie globalization threatens democracy, destroys local autonomy, homogenizes society).Gilpin covers these 4 issues in the debate: int’l distribution of wealth and power, labor welfare, loss of national autonomy, and convergence of economic systems. Int’l distribution of wealth and power While a disturbing economic concentration of powers has occurred, Gilpin believes it’s due to factors other than globalization. In the example of media and telecommunication giants in the US, the concentration in power has more to do with technological and domestic economic developments than with globalization. Gilpin also says that competition can be good for consumers: using the car industry as an example, he shows that global competition has led to reduced monopoly of the American car industry in the US, bringing lower prices and higher quality cars to US consumers. Gilpin states that hierarchy has existed throughout history and in every international system. Furthermore he asserts that the distribution of wealth across developed and less developed countries has not changed over the last half century. He also claims that if you look at globalization over a longer period of time, you’ll see that it actually helped close the economic and technological gap in Asian and Latin American countries. Populists who say that the diffusion of technology to low-wage economies will increase productivity and give them an advantage over developed countries like the US. Gilpin considers Populist claim as an over-exaggeration, citing economists who show that when technology increases in a country, so do the wages (thus reducing the economic advantage of low-wage economies). Populists also fear a decline in developed countries’ relative share of wealth. Gilpin says that while this does happen, their standards of living in developed countries have continued to rise. In sum, the spread of industry to less developed countries can simultaneously take away the comparative advantage that developed countries have AND give them more advantage by expand its export market to these newly industrialized countries. Gilpin urges developed countries to engage in the open markets, cautioning against protectionism. Labor Welfare in Industrialized Countries (unemployment) Populists and Communitarians claim that globalization has resulted in stagnant real wages, increased wage inequality, job insecurity and unemployment (especially in Europe). Gilpin however, quotes American economists who blame inflexible labor markets, overly generous welfare programs, nonwage benefits, and small economic growth to Europe’s unemployment. 2 Opponents of globalization claim that low-skilled US workers will lose jobs to cheap labor abroad. Gilpin backs this up with economists who say while globalization has caused low-skilled wages in the US to decline, it has simultaneously increased wages of high-skilled workers in the US. Other economists, however, argue that this wage inequality is due to technological developments that favor high-skilled labor to unskilled labor. Overall, Gilpin believes (without adequate explanation) that it’s “highly doubtful that low-wage imports…are as significant as opponents of globalization claim.” “Race to the Bottom,” End of National Sovereignty and Convergence of Economic System Critics of globalization say market competition force states to decrease welfare services and deregulation of businesses. Gilpin rebuts by saying that decreased welfare in the US is more due to Reaganesque ideology, and that the largest US federal budget expense was for middle-class entitlement programs. To give Gilpin some credit, he does conclude this section by saying that the US is rich enough to take care of those left behind by rapid economic and technological change (note he did not say “left behind by globalization”). Loss of National Autonomy Gilpin outlines reasons why critics say that globalization erodes state capacity. Then he uses the US as an example of how states can “choose” macroeconomic independence by not fixing exchange rates (in contrast to Europe). Gilpin points out that prior to globalization, nation-states didn’t have much more autonomy and economic control than they do now (except in times of war or the Great Depression, or rise of organized labor). This assessment is limited to developed nations. In the end, international political environments and developments within societies are more of a cause to shrinking state control in economies than economic globalization. Convergence of National Economic Systems Free market components believe in a convergence of a new world order based on free markets, individualism and freedom – all leading to global prosperity and world peace (insert Disney music here). Populists and Communitarians reject convergence theories. Samuel Huntington and Chalmers Johnson say that cultures are strong and will not immediately adopt western values. Gilpin believes that integration of national economies has encouraged countries to adopt New World Order institutions and practices, but has not led to a homogenization of domestic economies. If anything, Gilpin thinks pop culture is more a culprit of the homogenization of human values and behavior. Conclusion Gilpin says integration has really only happened in some economic sectors and is not as “global” as critics say. He concludes with the case of East Asia as an illustration that rapid shifts of international finance can cause international economic instability. 3