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Reframing ASEAN’s Stand-Alone Movie Theaters in a Creative Economy Context
Philip Jablon
U.S.A
Abstract
In the 21st century, cities around the world have focused on growing their “Creative Economy”
as a means of attracting an educated, entrepreneurial and nominally “Creative” class of
workers. As ASEAN ramps up efforts to integrate its national economies, member countries
will be competing with each other to attract local, regional and global creatives to their
respective cities. Cultivating diverse and dynamic cultural infrastructure is one strategy many
municipalities have used to attract such migrants. To meet that goal, disused movie theaters
have found new life as a part of historic cultural infrastructure within an urban-centric
landscape. Many are being developed into new historic entertainment spaces and used as
engines to jump-start surrounding economies. In ASEAN, however, despite a large inventory
of dormant stand-alone movie theaters, little consideration has been given to this aspect of
economic growth, with very few exceptions. Historic movie theaters that once anchored
communities are being lost at an increasingly rapid rate.
This is a study of Southeast Asia’s stand-alone movie theater inventory. It makes a case for
ASEAN cities to preserve select stand-alone movie theaters under the rubric of direct
investment in creative economic growth. The presentation examines the historical role of the
stand-alone movie theaters within three ASEAN member states – Thailand, Burma and Laos
– and their rise and fall as an entertainment, leisure and informational space. In addition, it
examines case studies of the few stand-alone movie theaters in the region that have been or
are in the process of being preserved.
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The Mekong as a forerunner of the economic corridors in the GMS
Reinhard Hohler
Cand. Dr. phil. in anthropology, Heidelberg University (Germany)
Abstract
The Mekong River flows through parts of China's Yunnan Province, Myanmar, Lao PDR,
Thailand and Cambodia, then forms the fertile Mekong Delta in Viet Nam and finally spills
into the South China Sea, which by itself is a hot spot of congestion.The river has always
been a major artery of trade and migration and regionally forms an economic entity with huge
market potentials. This perspective is getting power, as ASEAN countries will now exhibit
remarkable dynamism and expand their markets in the region.
As the central part of this so-called Greater Mekong Sub-region (GMS) lags behind other
parts of the region in terms of economic development, construction and transportation
network in this area were developped in the last two decades by the ADB and industrial
countries such as Japan. Of special importance is the construction of roads, which will run
north-south and east west, crossing national borders. These economic corridors will help to
install the ASEAN Economic Community at the end of 2015.
The presentation will show the importance of the Mekong River at the hand of 72
photographs taken in 2002 from Simao Port in China until Ho Chi Minh City in Viet Nam
and touch all the important places on its way to the sea.
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Thai Angklung - Indonesian Angklung: To whom does Angklung belong to?
Bhawika Hikmat Prasetya
M.A. of Tourism Management Program, Naresuan University (Phitsanulok, Thailand)
Abstract
Angklung is widely known in both countries, Thailand and Indonesia, as a traditional music
instrument. Thai Angklung created in 1908 by Sorn Silapabanleng (known as Luang Pradith
Phairoh), while Indonesian Angklung created in 1938 by Daeng Soetigna. During the last 100
years, Indonesian Angklung and Thai Angklung have developed to become part of culture
identity and proudness on each places. Based on research, both are modified music
instrument from the traditional Angklung which first documented on 18th centuries.
By doing interview and literature study, this article can explain more about the early history
and the present development of both kind of Angklung (Thai Angklung and Indonesian
Angklung). Although develop their own Angklung and the style of how they playing it, Thai
musician still respecting the history by acknowledge that Angklung was originally from
Indonesia. This was shown on the “100th Anniversary of Thai Angklung”, where Indonesian
musician was invited to perform in Thailand. So the Angklung, with each other uniqueness,
can be the proudness of both countries.
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Traditional Angklung
Thai Angklung created in 1908 by Sorn Silapabanlaeng (Luang Pradit Pairoh), while
the Indonesian Angklung created by Daeng Soetigna in 1938. Nonetheless, the oldest record
about Angklung dated back to the early 18th century. Both Angklung is a modified musical
instrument from an ancient sundanese Angklung called Angklung Buhun.
Abraham Van Riebeeck, Governor-General of Dutch East Indies (1709-1713), wrote
on his book, Priangan, that he watched an Angklung performance in 1704. He wrote his
journey as “Tocht over ons land na Campoen Baroe en Pakowang”, a journey across our
country on Campoen Baru and Pakowang. May 14, 1704, on his visit to Kedung Halang,
nowadays area of Bogor, he welcomed by Angklung and Wayang Golek Performances. The
Angklung performed is Angklung Buhun, using the Sundanese pentatonic tone scale.
Another note about Angklung Buhun was documented by King Chulalongkorn (Rama
V), on his second journey to Java in 1896. On June 6, His Majesty arrived in a small town of
Garut, using train from Bogor. On His way to the hotel from the train station, His Majesty
saw people are lining up to get a chance to see Him, as he wrote:
“On both sides of the way to the hotel, local people played music from a kind of
bamboo instrument called Angklung”
June 10, 1896, still in Garut, His Majesty asked to see an Angklung performance and
paid attention to the instruments’ characteristics. On King Chulalongkorn’s third journey to
Java on June 19, 1901, His Majesty went to see harvesting ceremony in Padalarang, on the
west part of Bandung. There were performances of wayang, Angklung, and dances during the
reception.
Angklung Buhun documented in eight provinces from all over Indonesia, including
South Sumatera, West Java, Banten, Central Java, Yogyakarta, East Java, Bali, and West
Nusa Tenggara. Angklung closely related with traditional customs, arts and cultural identity
in West Java and Banten Provinces and elsewhere. Many philosophical values are associated
with the form of the instruments. Traditional Angklungs played during ceremonies, such as
rice planting time with the hope of a bountiful harvest, harvest time, circumcision, etc.
Traditional Angklung culture transmitted from parents to children, or through non-formal
education.
The villagers in Java believe in a rice field goddess, Sri Dewi, who oversees the
benefit of the fields and the people. When she is properly served with rituals there will be a
bumper harvest and peace in the region. Javanese villagers used to make rituals to her by
performing Angklung music. This traditional style, which is usually performed outdoors, uses
Angklung tuned to pentatonic scale and plays ostinato melody (cyclic).
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This ceremony still practiced in some villages in Sundanese culture, on their annual
festival. Among those cillages are Cigugur village, Ciptagelar village, Sindang Barang village,
Kanekes village, and Kampung Naga. Traditional Angklung music is accompanied by drums,
gongs, metal plates, and an optional double-reed oboe (tarompet). A lion mask dancer is
added in some forms. Shouts and action are part of the performance. However, traditional
Angklung music like what is described can also be used for entertainment.
Traditional Angklung
Angklung consists of 2-4 tubes of special black bamboo suspended in a white bamboo
frame bound with rattan cords. The tubes are carefully whittled and cut by a craftsperson to
sound certain notes when the bamboo frame shaken or tapped. Each Angklung produces a
single note or chord. Therefore, many players each holding a single instrument must work
together to play melodies.
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Thai Angklung
Thai Angklung
In 1908, it was recorded that Angklung first brought to Thailand by Sorn
Silapabanlaeng, known as Luang Pradit Pairoh, royal musician in the entourage of HRH
Prince Bhanurangsi Savangwongse, from his visit to Java (Indonesia). He intended to bring
the instrument as a birthday gift for his newborn baby, but the Angklung turned out to be a
teaching tool at his music conservatory. Since then, Angklung has been well infiltrate into the
Thai music system.
Sorn Silapabanlaeng developed a Thai style way of shaking the instrument so that it
was comfortable for Thai musician to play. The Angklung that was brought from Java is too
large and heavy so it is difficult to lift and shaken, especially for kids. It has to be play by the
original method with one hand holding the Angklung, whereas the other hand is shaking it.
As mentioned before, the original Angklung only have five tone based on the
Sundanese traditional tone scale, and made out entirely from bamboo. The Thai Angklung
typically tuned in the Thai tuning system of seven equidistant steps per octave. Each
Angklung has three bamboo tubes tuned in three separates octaves rather than two, as typical
Indonesian Angklung. Some part of the Angklung also replaced by wood, such as the base
and the frame. Sometimes, the Thai flag and peacock tail also placed to decorating the
Angklung.
The size and weight of the Angklung also decrease, make it enabled to do
development on the style of playing the instrument. As we see on today’s Thai Angklung
performance, kids can hold and shake one Angklung on each hand. It is interesting how Thai
musician did not take Angklung from Indonesia as it is, but blend it with the Thai music
system. Sorn Silapabanlaeng brought an Angklung team from Burapha Palace, to perform for
the first time at Wat Rachathiwat in King Rama VI period.
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The Angklung is one of the most played music instrument by Thai Students. The
daughter of Sorn Silapabanlaeng, Banlaeng Silapabanlaeng (1908-2002), whom the
Angklung actually meant to, was a key force in promoting Angklung learning in school for
decades. On 2008, there was a grand celebration to mark the 100th anniversary of Thai
Angklung, and both Thai Angklung and Indonesian Angklung played respectively.
Indonesian Angklung
Indonesian Angklung
In 1938, Daeng Soetigna (1908-1984) developed diatonic/chromatic Angklungs that
could play all kinds of music and later known as Angklung Padaeng, instead of traditional
pentatonic tone scale. Helped by an instrument maker, Mr. Djaja, he introduced the newly
tuned Angklung instruments to a boy scouts troop. Before long, many schools established
Angklung clubs as part of their extra curriculum activities. This expanded the world of
Angklung, gained popularity, and used as an education and entertainment tools.
Daeng said that Angklung has five qualities: cheap, easy, en masse, educational and
attractive Angklung recognized as an educational tool by Decree of the Minster of Education
and Culture No. 082/ 1968. Angklung frequently been used for reception of State guests and
diplomats at international conferences.
Some important meetings positively influenced by Angklung music include The
Linggarjati Conference between the Republic of Indonesia and the Dutch Colonial
Government in 1946, The First Asia-Africa Conference in 1955, the 25th Anniversary of the
Asia-Africa Conference in 1980, and the 60th Anniversary of the Asia-Africa Conference in
2015.
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Angklung Development
Normally, one Angklung have only one tone hold on each hand. To be able to play a
song, many people needed to be involved. Each tone will be played by the player who
holding it, according to the song. Therefore, beside the handheld version of the Thai
Angklung, there is also a set of seven arranged Angklung, attached to a wood frame. This
Angklung, called Angklung Rao, enabled one person to play the whole sets of Angklung.
While keeping the original seven-pitch scale, the Thai musician adapted the instrument to
make it fit better with
the needs and identity of Thai. Pat Buatang, a member of the famed Duriyasap, innovate the
Angklung Rao as a keyboard like Angklung instrument. This instrument developed the Thai
Angklung to accommodate faster playing techniques in Thai music.
Angklung Rao, created by Pat Buatang
While in Indonesia, Yoes Roesadi and his friends, created Angklung Solo by hang the
Angklung in a human-height stands, to enable musician to play Angklung individually. The
instrument’s debut-performance was at Hotel Indonesia (Jakarta) on July 23, 1964.
Nowadays this set of Angklung also known as Angklung Melody, as it functions on the band
is to play the main melody of the song
Angklung Melody created by Yoes Roesadi
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Since 2008, Saung Angklung Udjo, one of the most well known Angklung group, also
developed a piano-look-a-liked Angklung, called Angklung Toel 1, Angklung Toel 2, and
Grand Angklung. This set arranged the Angklung like in piano, complete with the chromatic
tones. In the past few years this set had some evolution and become three different kinds of
Angklung. All those sets invented to accommodate a faster Angklung playing.
Angklung Toel 1, using a 2,5 octaves Angklung which placed upside down in two lines according to
the tones. Sharp tones were on the lower side, while the chromatic tones lined on the upper side
Angklung Toel 2, using a 2,5 octaves Angklung but placed upside down only in one line
according to the tones
Grand Angklung, which also using a 2,5 octaves Angklung in only one line, but the Angklung only
turned 90°, facing to the front
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Another efforts from Angklung community in Indonesia to spread Angklung as an
Indonesian culture is by register the instrument to UNESCO. On 2010, Angklung has
received official recognition from UNECO as an intangible cultural heritage piece originally
from Indonesia. UNESCO had concluded that Angklung has met criteria of world intangible
cultural heritage because it had basic values of cooperation, mutual respect and social
harmony, which are main elements of the cultural identity of West Java and Banten people
(The Sundanese).
After that, some world record of Angklung has been set to promote Angklung.
1. July 9, 2011, 5,182 people play Angklung together in Washington DC, United States.
2. June 30, 2013, 5,393 people play Angklung together in Beijing, China.
3. April 23, 2015, around 20,000 people play Angklung together in Bandung, Indonesia.
To simplify leading many people to play Angklung in one time, there is a method
developed by Udjo Ngalagena, one of Daeng Soetigna’s students. He use Kodaly Sign
Method to guide the orchestra by making codes for each note with his hand. This method
introduced by Udjo Ngalagena since 1960s, and still been used until today, since it is so easy
for the Angklung player to adapt even for the very beginner.
Kodaly Hand Sign Method used in Angklung playing
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Angklung become a part of Indonesian cultural heritage and identity. Traditional
Angklung cultures transmitted from one generation to another by children learning from their
parents, or by students learning in sanggar or informal arts workshops. Daeng Soetigna, Udjo
Ngalagena, Obby Wiramihardja, Hardiman, and other prominent Angklung figures learned
about Angklung informally.
After Angklung Indonesia was developed, Angklung culture transmitted through
extracurricular activities at all levels of schools and universities. Started from 2012, Institut
Seni dan Budaya (ISBI) Bandung, become the first university in Indonesia to open Angklung
and Bamboo Music Department.
Conclusion
On the last 100 years, Angklung had become part of culture and traditional heritage of
Thailand, while in Indonesia the history even longer and had deeper roots. Both Angklung
had been through some modifications which differentiate with the origin of Angklung,
according to its own needs and identity. But the bottom line is clear, as UNESCO declared on
2010, that Angklung was originated from Indonesia and spread to the neighboring countries.
Thai Angklung and Indonesian Angklung are two different musical instruments which belong
to their own people. It might had more adaptation to the modernization in the future depends
on how the Angklung artist in both countries appreciate it.
Reference
Antariksa, Basuki and Mahendra, Ahmad. 2007. Angklung: Traditional Musical Art and
Cultural Heritage of the Indonesian Nation. Jakarta: Depbudpar
Baier, Randall. 1985. The Angklung Ensembles of West Java. Balungan, vol. 2
Han, Kuo-Huang. Can You Shake It? The Angklung of Southeast Asia. Illinois: School of
Music Northern Illinois University
Kurnia, Ganjar and Nalan, Arthur. 2003. Deskripsi Kesenian Jawa Barat. Bandung: Dinas
Kesenian Jawa Barat dan Pusat Pembangunan Dinamika Pembangunan Universitas
Padjadjaran.
Perris, Arnold B. 1971. The Rebirth of the Javanese Angklung. Ethnomusicology, vol. 15
Saung Angklung Udjo. 2008. Buku Panduan Pemasangan dan Perawatan Alat Musik
Angklung. Bandung: Saung Angklung Udjo.
Saung Angklung Udjo. 2008. The Making of Angklung. Bandung: Saung Angklung Udjo.
Suharto, Imthip Pattajoti. 2002. Journeys to Java by a Siamese King. Bandung: Institut
Teknologi Bandung
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Sumarsono, Tatang and Pirous, Erna Garnasih. 2007. Membela Kehormatan Angklung.
Bandung: Yayasan Serambi Pirous.
Syafi’i, Sulhan. 2009. Udjo: Diplomasi Angklung. Jakarta: PT. Grasindo.
UNESCO. 2009. Nomination File No. 00393, For Inscription on the Representative List of
The Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2010. Available from
http://www.unesco.org/archives/multimedia/?s=films_details&pg=33&id=1681
Wiramihadrja, Obby A. R.. 2008. 100 Tahun Padaeng. Daeng Soetigna, A Trail of Invention
in World’s Music History. Bandung: Masyarakat Musik Angklung
http://ebooks.dusit.ac.th/sdubook/openbook.nsp?view=IKNOW&db0=RareBook&cid_booki
d=200406080823162340000005195&cid_chapid=10000000001&recid=&numresults=10
http://melayuonline.com/eng/news/read/5675/100-years-of-Angklung
http://thailandposttoday.blogspot.com/2008/08/traditional-music-instrument-thatbinds.html?m=1
http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/01/19/unesco-recognizes%E2%80%98Angklung%E2%80%99-intangible-cultural-heritage.html
https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Angklung_Padaeng
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The Photo Essay of Local Arts and Crafts in the Northeast of Thailand: The Comparison
between the Meanings Given through Self-Reflection and Outsider Views.
Suntharee Amornpetsathaporn
Mahasarakham University (Maha Sarakham, Thailand)
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to find out what is the meanings of the local arts and crafts are
nowadays. A part of this research project, teenagers in the research sites were encouraged to
create a photo essay of local arts and crafts in their villages.
This mixed methods research was conducted in 3 villages of Phon-ngam
subdistrict, Kosumphisai district in Mahasarakham province. It was based on a survey
research and in-depth interviews. The survey respondents were chosen through purposive
sampling method. The respondents included 50 villagers and 50 outsiders. The semantic
differential measurement technique was employed in the survey questionnaire. In-depth
interviews were asked to define in their own words each photos in the photo essay.
The result of the study through self-reflection, the villagers strongly agreed that the words
also shown in the questionnaire including “strenuously” “admirable” “happily” “beautiful”
“natural” and "necessities" conveyed the meanings which were in accordance to their ideas
towards the photos meanings. However, most of the outsiders disagreed with the words
“modern” “expensive” “light work” and “relaxing”.
In conclusion, through self-reflection, the villagers strongly agreed with a group of words
used to describe each photo in the photo essay. The researcher noted that the villagers were
likely to inherit local arts and crafts. However, the influences of capitalism on the villagers’
ways of life might result in the gradual disappearance of these crafts.
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INTRODUCTION
In a new era of globalization, rural villages must relate to the external community
which new lifestyle and environment. It has impacts to the local arts and crafts in Phon-ngam
villages.
Teerasak Tubpudcha (2002)1 proposed the report of community analysis that Phonngam villages, Phon-ngam subdistrict, Kosumphisai district in Mahasarakham province had
abundant natural resources. Therefore, they were able to consume and rice cultivate. They
also lived in an interdependent relationship. They collaborated with state officers in many
community empowerment projects initiated by the government. The majority of the village
households still pursued agricultural activities. Only a few families relied mainly on non-farm
incomes. Buddhist rituals and folklores influenced their ways of life.
From the community model scheme report of Teerasak Tubpudcha (2002) ; The
Phon-ngram villagers’ ways of life have changed in many ways during the past 20 years.
Finding jobs in Bangkok during the non-farming season became a trend. Women enjoyed
equal rights. Capitalism played an important role in the villagers’ lifestyles. Modern lifestyles
prevailed with an expense of traditional culture. The decrease of the number of Buddhist
ordination in the village was one of the evidences reflecting this tendency.
The Phon-ngam sub-district administrative organization defined that they encountered
the time when local arts and crafts were at risk of disappearance. They tried to preserve
traditional craftmaking skills and sought to encourage local teenagers to engage in reviving
these skills. Observing this, the researcher designed a project for the teenagers to create a
photo essay of local arts and crafts in their villages. At the same time, the research was
conducted in order for the researcher to find out how the villagers perceived about their local
arts and crafts.
OBJECTIVE
This study aims to explore how the Phon-ngam villagers defined their local arts and
crafts. In doing so, the researcher compared the meanings given through the villagers’ selfreflection and through the outsiders’ views.
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Independent Variable
Dependent Variable
Teerasak Tubpudcha. “The community model scheme; the villages of Phon-ngam, Phonngam subdistrict, Kosumphisai district in Mahasarakham province” , 2002.
1
Teerasak Tubpudcha, “The report of community analysis: the villages of Phon-ngam, Phonngam subdistrict, Kosumphisai district in Mahasarakham province”, 2002.
2
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Residence:
insiders and outsiders
The interpretation of the photo
essay on local arts and crafts:
the villagers’ self-reflection, the
outsiders’ views.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This mixed methods research was conducted in 3 villages of Phon-ngam subdistrict,
Kosumphisai district in Mahasarakham province. It was based on a survey research and indepth interviews. The survey respondents were chosen through purposive sampling method.
The respondents included 50 villagers and 50 outsiders. The semantic differential
measurement technique was employed in the survey questionnaire. The respondents rated on
the scale of 1 (totally agreed) to 7 (totally disagreed). In-depth interviews were asked to
define in their own words each photos in the photo essay.
Figure 1 The photo essay of local arts and crafts in Phon-ngam villages.
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RESULTS
Table 1: The comparison of the respondents perception towards the words used to describe
local arts and crafts.
The villagers
No.
Words
Mean
The teenagers
in the villages
The outsiders
The teenagers
outside the
villages
standard Mean standard Mean standard Mean standard
deviation
deviation
deviation
deviation
1
modern
3.00
1.581
2.88
1.394
4.60
2.291
4.76
1.200
2
wealthy
3.76
1.200
3.68
0.852
5.44
1.583
4.56
1.502
3
neatly
2.60
1.041
2.12
1.364
1.40
1.041
1.56
0.712
4
easily
4.52
1.610
3.32
1.435
4.04
2.354
5.16
1.214
5
strenuously
1.84
0.943
1.60
0.913
1.28
0.678
1.32
0.690
6
actively
2.24
1.234
1.92
0.954
1.64
1.350
2.00
0.866
7
comfortably
3.88
1.590
3.32
1.376
4.20
2.198
4.36
1.254
8
simplicity
4.32
1.973
3.16
1.491
2.40
1.683
4.52
1.610
9
admirable
1.72
1.173
1.56
0.917
1.60
0.913
1.28
0.614
10
interesting
2.16
1.248
1.96
1.241
1.52
0.872
2.52
1.046
11
happily
1.96
0.978
1.96
0.935
1.32
0.557
2.08
1.152
12
vigorous
3.20
1.528
3.72
1.568
1.92
0.997
3.36
1.604
13
expensive
3.28
1.242
3.92
0.759
5.48
1.661
5.04
1.172
14
joyfully
2.20
.957
2.52
1.046
1.64
0.995
2.96
1.399
15
lively
1.96
.935
2.00
0.913
1.72
1.021
2.52
1.229
16
beautiful
1.72
.843
1.52
0.823
1.24
0.597
1.64
0.700
17
plentiful
2.08
.862
1.96
1.020
2.40
2.179
2.24
1.128
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The villagers
No.
Wording
The teenagers in
the villages
The outsiders
The teenagers
outside the
villages
Mean
standard
deviation
Mean
standard
deviation
Mean
standard
deviation
Mean
standard
deviation
18
advance
2.48
1.005
2.80
1.155
3.60
2.309
4.00
1.528
19
light work
4.08
1.152
2.72
1.400
5.08
1.935
4.96
1.241
20
attractive
2.56
1.003
2.40
1.041
1.92
1.222
2.28
0.936
21
orderly
2.56
1.356
2.52
1.262
1.48
1.046
2.00
0.957
22
natural
1.96
1.020
1.44
0.768
1.24
0.436
1.48
0.586
23
creative
2.24
1.165
1.72
1.308
1.40
0.764
1.76
0.779
24
relaxing
3.48
1.295
3.24
1.332
5.80
1.780
5.28
1.487
25
urban
5.72
1.339
5.32
1.406
6.24
1.268
6.64
0.907
26
special
4.04
1.881
4.16
2.014
3.84
2.340
2.72
1.308
27
collaborate
3.12
1.301
2.32
1.345
2.28
1.621
2.12
0.927
28
unique
2.00
1.414
1.80
1.323
1.76
1.640
2.00
1.258
29
necessities
1.76
0.831
1.56
0.961
1.60
0.913
1.84
1.068
30
rare
3.04
1.853
3.88
2.048
4.12
2.522
2.32
1.180
DISCUSSION
The research result shows that the perception of the villagers and the outsiders
towards a group of words used to describe local arts and crafts differed significantly. The
words include “strenuously” “admirable” “happily” “beautiful” “natural” and "necessities".
While the villagers self-reflected on these words showing a strong agreement, the outsiders
were inclined to disagree with this group of words particularly the words “modern”
“expensive” “light work” and “relaxing”.
From In-depth interviews, the villagers describe local arts and crafts are “light work”
because they compare with the rice agricultural activities. On the other hand, the outsiders
who disagree with this word describe the local arts and crafts have to make with many
difficult steps.
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CONCLUSION
In conclusion, the survey reveals that through self-reflection, the villagers strongly
agreed with groups of words used to describe each photo in the photo essay. Based on both
the survey and in-depth interviews, the research result shows that the villagers appeared to
hold the views that were positive for an inheritance of local arts and crafts. However, the
villagers’ pursuit of a capitalist way of life may also endanger this inheritance.
REFERENCES
[1]
Teerasak Tubpudcha. “The community model scheme; the villages of Phon-ngam,
Phon-ngam subdistrict, Kosumphisai district in Mahasarakham province” , 2002.
[2]
Teerasak Tubpudcha, “The report of community analysis : the villages of Phon-ngam,
Phon-ngam subdistrict, Kosumphisai district in Mahasarakham province”, 2002.
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Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines
Visayas (Iloilo, Philippines)
Irene Bel R. Ploteña
WAR MEMORIALS IN SOUTHERN ILOILO PROVINCE
Abstract
War memorials are artifacts of what happened in the past. These are tools used by the people
to glorify the war and commemorate the victory, but above all, they serve as vehicle of
transmitting the memories of war to the older and the present generations This study presents
how the World War II (WWII) Panay was remembered through monuments and shrine
specifically along southern coastal area of the Province of Iloilo where “the Japanese
invasion and the American liberation started and ended.” War memorials were visited and
studied, interviews with the veterans, LGU representatives, students, and other resource
persons were conducted and corroborated by books and other reference materials. Results
show that we do not really know the primary reason why such war memorials were
established. Based on the observation and study of WWII history in Panay, the memorials
were manipulated to effect the idea of “remembering” based on what the Americans and civil
authorities wanted to inculcate in the minds of people especially of the later generations. By
showing that the memory of World War II Panay is vanishing slowly this research highlights
the importance of the war memorials in understanding WWII, and in educating and shaping
the identity of the people in southern Iloilo.
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Introduction
Around 70 years ago, the Philippines was caught between great powers and was a
battlefield of the Asia-Pacific Theater of World War II (WWII). Like the rest of the
archipelago, Panay, the sixth largest island, was invaded and occupied by the Japanese to
uphold their program for a Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere that aimed to fight against
white intruders and to make “Asia for the Asians”. Since then, war memorials mark the wide
variety of events and educate the generations that follow.
Nonetheless, there is a need to define ‘memorials’. Paul Gough for example,
characterizes memorials as material objects that serve as tools to recall the people who
sacrificed their lives and to honor their deeds. 1 Underlying these cultural artifacts are the
stories that form peoples’ memory if the past. Pierre Nora on the other hand, characterize
them, as a “symbolic element” that projects a “spectacular and triumphant, imposing and
generally imposed-either by a national authority or by an established interest but always from
above- characteristically have the coldness and solemnity of official ceremonies and a place
for refuge, sanctuaries of spontaneous devotional and silent pilgrimage where one finds the
living heart of memory.”2 These sites of memory are reminders of the enormous cost of lives
and embody the historical memory of the Filipino nation.
For this purpose, the researcher seeks to present a clear depiction of wartime
conditions as this study focuses on the monuments, war memorials and commemorations
along the southern coastline of Iloilo Province. It is the aim of this paper to present how war
memorials shape a people’s culture, affecting their mindset about the past, how history is
transmitted to current and future generations. In this paper, memory does not only constitute
“remembering” but also includes “forgetting”. This study includes the location, distribution
and types of war monuments located along southern coast of Panay.
Data Gathering Method
The descriptive method used in this study required the gathering of factual and
information and other insights to interpret the meaning and significance of the issues here for
the researcher and readers alike. Since the present investigation is concerned with war-related
monuments and memorials in southern Iloilo, the researcher used archival and secondary
materials from private collections and libraries. In addition, targeted key informants from
among surviving war veterans and high school students in the area were surveyed to elicit
and capture their perceptions on these artifacts in their communities. Cross-references among
their responses were made to ensure the validity of their testimonies.
A Background to the Japanese Occupation
Earlier in the twentieth century, the newly-industrializing Japanese state involved
itself in military expansion not only for territory and resources but also to assert their power
in Asia. Japan started its campaign by claiming the area of Manchuria in 1931 and renamed it
1
Gough, P. ( 2002). 'Invicta pax' Monuments, Memorials and peace:An Analysis of the Canadian Peacekeeping Monument, Ottawa.' . International Journal of
Heritage Studies', 8, 3. , pp.201-223, 8 b & w illus., ISSN 1352-7258
2
Nora, Pierre (1989) ‘Between Memory and history: Les Lieux de memoire.’ The Regents of University of California. Pp7-24
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Manchukuo. Elsewhere, Japan’s expansion southward into Indochina alarmed both British
and American colonists in the area. To protect their assets they took precautionary measures
such as freezing Japanese assets and imposing the oil and scrap iron embargo that crippled
Japan’s plan of capturing China. As a result, the military leadership in the Japanese
government sought the rich natural resources of Southeast Asia and campaign for the Greater
East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere.4
3
Japanese immigrants had flocked to many parts of Southeast Asia as part of Japan’s
southern expansion. Many resident Japanese in Philippines were working as construction
workers, fishermen, carpenters, barbers, gardeners of prominent persons, retailed candies and
common breads and even had various types of eating places in many urban centers, as in
Iloilo City. When Pearl Harbor was bombed and Japanese attacks and landings began in the
country, it dawned on the locals that some of these local Japanese were actually spies sent to
study the strategic areas of the country.5
The island of Panay was one of the major arenas of the war that raged throughout the
country. It was here where organized Free Panay Forces was set up to fight against the
Japanese Imperial Army (JIA) and where mainly Filipino unsurrendered USAFFE forces led
a protracted guerilla war against the invaders.6
On April 16, 1942, the main force of the Kawamura detachment landed in the village
of Trapiche, Oton. 7 Henceforth, the Japanese occupy forces formed their garrisons at a
strategic towns. In the process, Japanese atrocities on local residents, especially the women
and children created traumas that developed hatred to the Japanese on their part.8
Following the Official surrender to the Japanese, Col. Albert F. Christie organized the
61 Division of 8,000 men as provisional forces to defend Panay Island.9 However, with only
five and a half months training, the Filipinos and Americans were not well-equipped to face
the overwhelming assaults of the Japanese forces. Apart from the civilian resistance
spearheaded by Iloilo Governor Tomas Confesor, they became the core of the locally
organized guerilla forces of the Sixth Military District (6MD) led by General Macario
Peralta.10
st
Moreover, guerilla hit-and-run tactics were prominent in the area of southern Iloilo.
These activities were meant to 1) do revenge against the Japanese atrocities on the local
residents, 2) obtain the freedom that Filipinos have been longing for, and 3) locate the
Japanese forces preparatory to MacArthur’s plans to return with reinforcements to liberate the
area.
3
Jose, R. T., & Jose, L. Y. (1997). Japanese Occupation of the Philippines: A pictorial history. Makati: Ayala Foundation Inc.
Morton, L. e. ([1953] 1989). The War in the Pacific: The Fall of the Philippines United States Army in World War II series. Washington D.C.: Center of
Military History, United States Army. (50th anniversary, Special commemorative edition by the National Historical Society).
55
Interview with Nacisvalencia, Richardo (88) (2012, January 9) Corroborated with 5 Jose, R and Jose, L.Y.(1997) Japanese occupation of the Philippines: A
pictorial history.Makati: Ayala Foundation Inc. and Mabunay, Ma. Luisa E. “Tracing the Roots of the Nikkejiin of Panay” Danyag, UPV Journal of Humanities
and Social Sciences, Vol XI, no 2 (2006):137-174
6
Doromal, Jose. The war in Panay: a documentary history of the resistance movement in Panay during World War II. University of Michigan, 1952.
7
Toshimi, Kumai. The Blood and Mud in the Philippines: Anti-Guerilla Warfare on Panay island. Iloilo: Malones Printing Press and Publishing House, 2009. P
24
8
Corroborated with the veterans from different municipalities
9
Kumai, T. p22. (2009). Corroborated with Doromal
10
Regalado and Franco (1971); Doromal (1952).
4
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On March 18, 1945, American reinforcements headed by “Rear Admiral A.D Struble,
under the command of Vice Admiral Thomas C. Kinkaid of the US 7th Fleet” and Maj. Gen.
Rap Brush of the US Army’s 40th Infantry division together with 7,000 men landed at the
beach of Parara, Tigbauan.11 They boosted the final campaign of the guerillas to oust the
Japanese forces in Panay and the nearby island of Romblon.12 American and guerilla forces
jointly paraded in Iloilo City. Holding out at the mountain village of Bocari in Leon, the
Japanese formally surrendered on September 3, 1945 at Tiring airfield in Cabatuan.13
Facing Panay Gulf14, the southern coastline of Iloilo became the strategic landing site
for both the Japanese invaders and the American participants in the liberation of the area
because of the deep-sea bathymetry of its adjacent waters. Such beachheads were important
manifestations of power because controlling it meant that the course of the war would be on
their side.
War memorials along the southern coastline of Iloilo province
In this research, four war memorials were found on southern coastal towns of Iloilo
province; there are Oton World War II Veterans Shrine, Namocon Tigbauan War Memorial,
Liberation of Panay and Miagao Freedom Fighters. These artifacts were observed and
analyzed to understand the events and how these sites are used as a site for commemoration
and inaccuracies in shaping the popular history in the minds of the student.
Memories in Memorials
Memorials as instruments could evoke the memory of remembering and forgetting of
the past especially that of the war. People who witnessed the arrival of the Japanese Imperial
Army on the shore of Trapiche Oton and the arrival of the Americans in1945 at Parara,
Tigbauan can recollect their past experiences about the occupation.
Memories, according to Pierre Nora has a “permanent evolution, open to dialectic of
remembering and forgetting, unconscious of its successive deformations, vulnerable to
manipulation and appropriation, susceptible to being long dormant and periodically
revived” 15 While Susan Crane believed that memory is “continuous, unbroken and
perpetually available.” 16 The presence of war memorials symbolizes the pains, loss, fear,
death and the martyrdom of the people of those times in order to achieve independence and
freedom These memorials not only to recall the past but also give due respect and honor to
those who have shed and offered their life during the war. In addition, Ernst Renan defined
memory as not merely remembering but also forgetting.17
11
Kumai, T. (2009). p 95
Ibid. Corroborated with the A. Tomatabo and other respondents
Mabunay, Ma. Luisa. Japanese War in Panay:( Poster series). UP Visayas, Iloilo, 2012.
14
Panay Gulf will be used as the body of water along the coastal town of southern Iloilo because of the fact that Guimaras Strait is the body of water separating
Guimaras and Pulupandan, Negros Occidental while Iloilo Straight is in the middle of Iloilo City and Guimaras Island.
15
Nora, Pierre (1989) ‘Between Memory and history: Les Lieux de memoire.’ The Regents of University of California. (trans. Marc Roudebush), Spring 1989,
26: 7-25
16
Crane, Susan A. (1997) “Writing the individual back into collective memory”. American Historical Review Forum. Chicago pp1372-1385
17
Renan, Ernst. "What is a Nation." Computers & Society Technical University of Berlin. 1882.
ig.cs.tu-berlin.de/.../Renan1882EN-Nation.pdf (accessed
March 24, 2012).
12
13
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The absence of war memorials, imply that the event is not worth recalling, maybe due
to some negative and painful memories attributed to it and that it must be forgotten. Whether
there is presence or absence of war memorials, the memories of the events in 1942-1945
provide its own way to transmit to the future generations. However the dissemination of
information of these events, presented some inaccuracies in shaping the popular imagination
of the students.
Take for instance the idea that the Americans were the ones who liberated their town
from the Japanese. Such ideas were the results of a biased presentation the Philippines history
that highlights the goodness of the Americans. The existing war memorials depict how
inaccuracy gave them recognition, while the Filipinos passively forgive and forget. As a
result, the sentiment and knowledge about World War II Panay is quickly and easily
vanishing in the collective memory of the community.
In reference to the war memorial found in southern Iloilo, it is evident that most of it
was unclear. The WWII Shrine in Oton, two bolos and American bayonet 18 in the middle at
the top of the shrine 19 , misinform people believing that the Americans were indeed that
liberator overshadowing the local heroes. This shrine raises the issue as to what memory it
conjure in the minds of the students.
However, the Namocon marker depicts a half-buried Garand in a stone which would
mean that war is over. The Garand, as an American made rifle used during World War II
implies that the Americans ended the war. The shrine is misleading the presentation of the
real heroes of war.
The Panay Liberation Shrine is found in Parara, Tigbauan is a gold-like bust of Capt.
Julian Chavez and Lt. Col. Macario Peralta with Gen. Douglas MacArthur in the middle.
Chavez and Peralta, were the ones who led the guerrillas in Panay against the Japanese and
MacArthur was the Field Marshall of the Philippines. This memorial also gives the wrong
impression to the younger generations. According to information collected, Americans landed
here and liberated Panay; but they believe that MacArthur also landed in Parara Beach. 20 Still
the truth is, first, MacArthur never landed in Panay in 1945. It was only on July 10, 1961 that
he visited Panay. Second, the shrine was evidently presents inaccuracy since during the
wartime period, MacArthur fled to Australia. Evidences suggest that Filipino embraced the
concept that they were the “little brown brothers” of the Americans.
Agreeing in this ideas inculcated by the Americans would mean forgetting the
essential events that in Panay the unsurrendered guerrilla forces organized themselves as Free
Panay Forces and fought against the Japanese in spite of limited supply of ammunitions. In
early 1945, the Japanese fled to the mountains of Bocari, Leon. Only after this development
were the Americans able to set foot in Tigbauan and paraded in Iloilo City. It was only in
Panay that they were able to do such. The fact is, in the first place, it was Peralta and Chavez
not MacArthur who actually led the attacks in Panay.
18
19
20
American bayonet, has a shorter knife while the Japanese is a swordlike in length.
The researcher assumes that the two bolos represent the Filipino guerrillas or the bolo battalion army of the local community.
On October 20, 1944, MacArthur landed in Red Beach, Palo Leyte.(Agoncillo,p418) But He never came to Iloilo until July 10, 1961(see appendix fig 12.)
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In addition the term liberation is a misnomer because history tells that it was the
Filipinos who liberated themselves. The American only helped in supplying the ammunitions.
Although the people believed that liberation of Panay was achieved upon the arrival of the
Americans in Tigbauan as they paraded and gave them candies, chocolates and imported
goods. Because of this, people had a nuance that the Americans liberated them and never
realized and/or forgotten the role of guerrillas in the liberation of Panay as they exchanged it
for some chocolate.
Local authorities viewed that the Americans were the ones who liberated them. Since
they are people in power they assumed that the Americans are the ones who liberated their
town. However, evidence would also suggest that Filipinos liberated themselves because of
the fact that Lt. Col. Macario Peralta received a distinguish Service Cross and Silver Star
from the US Government as a product of his hard work during that period. This recognition
affirms that indeed it was the local heroes and not the Americans who liberated Panay. Aside
from that, the authority passed laws to practice the commemoration and to immortalize their
names as related to the past.
The establishment of war memorial is also fuelled by the politics of memorial and
influenced the people’s concept of remembering and forgetting. First, three of the memorials
(Oton WWII Shrine, Namocon Shrine and Miagao Freedom Fighters) have fences to protect
from people’s unlikely intrusion such as spray painting, etc. This simply means that the
people do not have yet the appreciation and lost the respect to the war-related memorials.
Further, monuments are also politicized by attaching the names of the municipal officials
during the time of the establishment of war-memorial. Take for instance the memorials of
Oton and Miagao where it may give an impression that those names have significant roles
during the WWII, but on the other hand, it may connote parading ones authority especially
for the next election. These simple details of local history of Iloilo shape the local identity.
Saying that we are in search for the identity is not so much of what they are in the past but
also what they will be in the future.
Today, the younger generation has its own perspective regarding these tangible
structures; (1) for many, the site never exist or that it do not have any meaning. And (2) they
believe that those monuments belongs to the Spanish era. This study shows that the students
nowadays do not have the sense of history or understanding of the events in the past. This
present the gap between the older generation and the younger generation thus the collective
memory of the past is slowly vanishing. In line with war-memorials, this study believed that
the establishment of these monuments led to some inaccuracies that shape the popular
imagination in the minds of the people especially the younger generation.
War memorials are great tool in understanding the events that happened in the past.
But then, if it will not be incorporated in the lessons of history to the new generations it
would lose its meaning given that fact that the veterans had their time, and now the time has
them. Department of Education should include it in their school curriculum. Education as
medium of transmission would be a step to safeguard that chapter of history. In addition, the
incorporation will help the students understand the macro level of events in history; it is
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recommended that students should understand the unfolding of events in their hometown thus
improving their knowledge of local history and its practical application in the national and
world history (e.g. Japanese invasion in Panay). The perpetuation of the events during the
Japanese occupation until the liberation in Panay is not as strong compared to other areas in
the world. Furthermore, it will help the students realize as they build their national history
each and every place in the Philippines has something to say about their experiences. Thus,
the students bridge the gap of Philippines history and build their patriotic sentiments.
It is also recommended that every celebration of the Liberation of Panay and
Romblon every March 18, the people of the southern coastal towns of Iloilo should also give
honor to the bravery and heroism of the veterans instead of the veterans having their alumni
homecoming. This holiday was passed because it did not happen outside of the island but an
event that marked the liberation of Panay and Romblon. This attendance to the activity would
also mean the continuity of the flames of memories of World War II to the next generations
to follow.
This research has showed that people believe that arrival of the Americans as the
liberation. However, the concept is an arguable term that will constitute the liberation of
Panay. It is recommended war memorials should highlight the bravery of the Filipinos as the
main persona in the memorials
Lastly, it is recommended for future studies especially in the field of Sociology and
Psychology through the memory studies
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