Ancient Augury,
Heathen Rites:
Popular Knowledge AND
PRACTICE of the Classics in
Eighteenth Century
NEW ENGLAND
Sean Lakind – History 441 – Dr. Pencak
“We criticks in the Learned Languages do not care to take
up With translations Without consulting the original”
-Nathanial Ames
In consulting the ancient Greek, Latin, and Hebrew sources in the following work, I have taken great care
to consult the original text, in full, in order to convey an accurate foundation to support my arguments. I
have provided my translations within the body of the text, supplemented by the original source in the
corresponding footnote to create as faithful of an understanding of the relationship between the
ancients and the early American colonists as possible. All primary source documents in the original Latin,
Greek, or Hebrew have been accessed, unless otherwise noted,
via the Perseus Project at Tufts University, and are available online.
Ancient Augury, Heathen Rites:
Popular Knowledge and Practice of the Classics in Early America
Although until recently disregarded as inconsequential, over the past few decades, scholarship
regarding the classical Greek and Roman influence on the founding of the American nation has grown
exponentially. The founders’ familiarity with the ancient authors is incontrovertible, and the extent to
which their pens echoed the pages of Thucydides, Cicero, and Tacitus in their personal and official
writings is becoming more and more evident as scholars have begun to dig deeper into the roots of this
culture of classicism in our nation’s founding. However, in this quest to uncover the origins of the
American intellectual ideal, most effort has been placed on those who arguably had the biggest hand in
shaping our nation’s history, such as John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, and James Madison,
subsequently leaving the vast majority of the nation in the proverbial dust.1
What of those not fortunate enough to be considered among the colonial elite? Caroline
Winterer’s Mirror of Antiquity: American Women and the Classical Tradition, 1750-1900 is the only study
which looks at the classics as part of popular culture beyond just a passing glance, but even this work is
limited in its application in that, at least in the era in question here, it focuses solely on the elite colonial
women of the late eighteenth century who “began in growing numbers to immerse themselves in the
1
Some excellent sources regarding the classical influence on high politics are: Paul A. Rahe. Republics Ancient and
Modern: Classical Republicanism and the American Revolution. Chapel Hill: Univ Of North Carolina Pr, 1992.; Meyer
Reinhold. Classica Americana: The Greek and Roman Heritage in the United States. Detroit: Wayne State University
Press, 1984.; Carl J. Richard. The Founders and the Classics: Greece, Rome, and the American Enlightenment.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995.; Carl J. Richard. Greeks and Romans Bearing Gifts: How the Ancients
Inspired the Founding Fathers. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2009.; Eran Shalev. Rome Reborn on
Western Shores: Historical Imagination and the Creation of the American Republic (Jeffersonian America).
Charlottesville: University Of Virginia Press, 2009.; Susan Ford Wiltshire.. Greece, Rome, and the Bill of Rights
(Oklahoma Series in Classical Culture). Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1992.; Caroline Winterer. The
Culture of Classicism: Ancient Greece and Rome in American Intellectual Life, 1780-1910. Baltimore: The Johns
Hopkins University Press, 2004.
wondrous literary and material vestiges of classical antiquity.2” In addition to this, the scope of time
covered in this work leaves much to be desired before the middle of the eighteenth century, a point at
which the colonies were already bustling with pamphlets, sermons, and other publications which
continuously alluded to the ancient authors and their contemporary world.
This is not to say that these works are not an excellent source of information on the classics in
early America with regard to their respective fields. However, proponents of the classics in America
almost exclusively focus their attention on the most prominent of early American documents to fuel
their research, in which the author’s relationship with the classics, as well as the implementation
therein, is fairly obvious, such as the Dissertation on the Canon and Feudal Law, Notes on the State of
Virginia, and most prestigiously, the The Federalist Papers. Yet even in the case of The Federalist Papers,
published in The Independent Journal and The Daily Advertiser, as well as a number of other newspapers
between 1787 and 1788, the literature provides only a narrow insight into the world of the classics in
popular America. Granted, there is much to be seen in the fact that, in addressing the people of New
York in an effort to gain support for the new Constitution, Hamilton, Madison, and Jay summoned the
confederacies of the Lycian and Achaean League, the republic of Rome, and the democracy of Athens, all
through the moniker of “Publius,” to drive home their persuasive points. Even so, while this implies a
healthy knowledge of the classics among the common people of New York, Publius was intending to
persuade, it does not speak much for the other colonies and their populace, as well as anyone who lived
before the time of the new republic.
To explore the classical literacy devices of the general population, it is necessary to examine the
literature that would have been widely available to the common American such as sermons, almanacs,
newspapers, and broadsides. While each of these examples of classical thought in popular early
American literature could very well constitute an independent and detailed study, the intention here is
2
Winterer, Caroline. The Mirror of Antiquity: American Women and the Classical Tradition, 1750-1900. Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 2007. Pg 12.
to emphasize the importance of, and explore, as thoroughly as possible, the points missed by modern
scholars in exploring American culture in the eighteenth century, and subsequently lay the foundation of
future research on the subject. The implication of the classics as being determinative of thought, as has
been the focus of much of the recent scholarship in this field, not the point. Rather, these forms of
popular literature are utilized in understanding, simply, the level of familiarity a common American in
the colonial and revolutionary era would have had with the classics.
The almanac of early America was unrivaled in the wealth of information it made available to
the average colonist. The most popular was that of Nathaniel Ames. Although the almanac of “Poor
Richard” is more recognizable to modern Americans, Ames’ Almanac reached a circulation of sixty
thousand copies by 1764, while Poor Richard’s only numbered around ten thousand.3 From the very
beginning, Ames’ Almanac is filled with allusions to the classical world, particularly its mythology. His
predictions of the weather to be encountered for the upcoming year, featured in his very first
installment in 1726, personify the sun and planets as the Greek and Roman gods they are named for:
the sun is referred to as “Sol,” the Roman god of the sun, beginning a tradition that would be present in
the almanacs of Ames throughout their existence. Ames frequently mentions Olympic Jove, Cronos,
Luna, Neptune, Boreas, and several other pagan deities when referring to weather, astronomical events,
or practically anything else he could relate to the celestial sphere or the ancient world. In order to
understand these references, the reader would have had to have at least a considerable knowledge of
the Greek and Roman pantheon. Although Jove and Neptune may be recognizable to most, figures such
as Cronos and Boreas would most certainly not have been. These two, of those mentioned, require
perhaps the most knowledge of classical literature, as one would have to be well versed in the works of
Hesiod to find a continuous collection of references to either Cronos or Boreas, as these gods are
3
Briggs, Samuel, The Essays, Humor, and Poems of Nathaniel Ames, Father and Son, of Dedham, Massachusetts
from their Almanacks, (1726-1775). Privately Published. Cleveland. 1891. Pg 20.; (hereafter cited as Briggs).
Goodrich, Charles A. Lives Of The Signers To The Declaration Of Independence. New York, NY: William Reed, 1829.
Pg 267.
otherwise mentioned only briefly in Homer, Didodorus Siculus, Pausanius, as well as a few other
prominent classical authors.4
Perhaps most interesting is the employment of Urania as the muse for the almanac’s central
theme, the astronomical diary. As the ancient muse of astrology, Urania was incorporated into John
Milton’s Paradise Lost as the “heavenly muse,” a work the devout Puritans of Massachusetts were
probably familiar with. Now, in the almanac of Nathaniel Ames, the muse is introduced in an address to
the almanac’s readership as a symbolic representation of Ames’ work. After discussing the majesty and
divine nature of the heavens, Ames signs off with the line, “I remain a friend to all lovers of Urania,” no
doubt directed toward his target demographic.5 Urania is again mentioned in Ames’ rather harsh thesis
criticism of other almanac writers, as he criticizes a London contemporary for his inconsistent
astrological conclusions, as well as his followers on American soil. This note, entitled “To the Legitimate
Sons of Urania,” ultimately places Ames at the pinnacle of astrological success among his contemporary
almanac makers, and subsequently the one most favored by the muse.6
In addition to this, the almanac for 1737 provides us with a plethora of evidence for the
apparently endless talents of the elder Ames, as in mourning for his father, who passed in 1736,
Nathaniel Ames calls out to Urania, “O, make Me, me thy son! For thy Beloved’s sake,” continuing his
request for her to, “among the astronomers give him a Name: for if Pythagoras believ’d had been, men
might have thought great Newton’s soul in him.7” Thus, the high regard in which the author regarded his
4
Other mythological characters mentioned in various personifications throughout the almanac’s run are: Bacchus,
Hesperus, Aeolos, Pleiads, Janus, Auster, Madeira, Philomela, and many more. Ames even mentions such locations
as the elysian fields and the stygian lake.
5
Ames, Nathaniel. "The Almanack for 1727." In Briggs, Sam. The Essays, Humor, and Poems of Nathaniel Ames,
Father and Son, of Dedham, Massachusetts, from their Almanacks 1726-1775. Cleveland: Independent, 1891. 5154. Pg 54.
6
Ames, Nathaniel. "The Almanack for 1729." In Briggs, Sam. The Essays, Humor, and Poems of Nathaniel Ames. 5964. Pg 63.
7
Ames, Nathaniel. “The Almanack for 1737.” In Briggs, Sam. The Essays, Humor, and Poems of Nathaniel Ames.
109-115. Pg 109.
father is evident, requesting for him a place among the ancient and contemporary geniuses in the
afterlife.
In the same light, the watchful eye of Urania is just as important in understanding of Ames’
astronomical mission, as evidenced by the extremely blunt and decisive opening statements of the
almanac for the year 1746. It is apparent that in 1745, Ames was troubled by his contemporaries who
“endeavor to blacken my name and reputation,” causing the year to be “truly annus tenebrosus.” Here,
Ames openly suggests the threat of Urania ceasing her visits, ultimately causing his readers to be
almanac-less for the year of 1746.8 This apparent dependence on the muse, though not literal in intent,
essentially places Ames in the realm of nearly all great authors of the ancient world, in which the
standard practice was to invoke the gods when embarking on a literary journey, as well as writers of
more modern times, such as Dante Allegieri and John Milton, who both summoned the ancients in order
to accomplish their lengthy works. Although the request to the muses was no longer standard
procedure by the time of Milton or Nathaniel Ames, it still symbolized and personified inspiration. When
Ames’ authority came into question in 1762, perhaps due to the massive amount of impersonators who
had taken his name in vain in the recent years, he immediately descened into rattling off his divine
authority, stating that “Urania descending from the forky summit of Parnassus delivered me a rod, sent
by the whole Choir of Muses, to chastise the insolence of the Vintners, whom they never lov’d and with
whom they are highly offended.9”
In offering sentiments as to future catastrophic events, and the return of the universe to its
state of nature, Ames inevitably is forced to reason as to what exactly the primary state of the universe
actually was. The popular conception of the creation as per the Puritan doctrine in colonial New England
is as follows: “In the beginning, soil, of the universe; when the worlds came into being, the upper and
the lower, it was merely by the sovereign will and word of the lord God; at what time and in what order.
8
9
Ames, Nathaniel. “The Almanack for 1746.” In Briggs,. Pg 187.
Ames, Nathaniel. "The Almanack for 1762." In Briggs, Sam., Pg 324.
These worlds had their beginning, but God had none. God gave them their existence, when, where and
how is pleased Him; and made all most good and perfect, for His own praise and glory. There was no
other will, wisdom, goodness, or power to do this, but his.” 10 As this passage is the product of a popular
early eighteenth century Massachusetts minister, it can be assumed that these sentiments present were
echoed by other contemporary preachers, and thus, reflected the concept of the creation of the world
that the average New England colonist would have had. This account is absolutely certain that God was
present, and only by the “sovereign will and word of the lord,” did the upper and lower worlds come
into existence. Furthermore, God created these worlds in a “most good and perfect” form. This notion is
supported by the text of the Book of Genesis. “In the beginning, God created the heaven and the earth.
The earth was, now, unformed and void…and God said ‘let there be light.’ And there was light….and God
divided the light from the darkness.11” By this, it is apparent that, according to the book of Genesis, and
the teachings of colonial preachers, God was faced with a perpetual void, out of which he created light,
and divided the universe into sequential orders.
However, this is not the observation that is prevalent throughout the pages of Ames’ almanac.
The original state of the universe is referred to as “chaos” in several instances by Ames, portraying,
nearly identically, the initial stages of the universe as illustrated by the Metamorphoses of Ovid. As
opposed to the notion that the supreme being in question came upon the universe as one completely
void of matter, and subsequently created the heavens and the earth, Ovid describes a world in which
“the earth was unsteady, the water was not to be swum in, the air was void of light,: its own form
remained to nothing, and one thing was in opposition to all others, because in one body, cold things
10
Colman, Benjamin. “A Brief Dissertation on the Three First Chapters of Genesis, Giving some of the Evident
Signatures of the Inspiration of God in those First Pages of the Holy Oracles Being the Substance of Some Sermons
Lately Preached by Dr. Colman”. Boston. 1735. Pg 5-6.
11
,‫ִהֱא‬
‫םֹוא… ְלד ְַּב ַיו םי ֹל‬-ֱ‫ ֱ ֹלַּהֱ ;םֹוא ְלֱ ֹלַּה‬,‫ִהֱא‬
‫אםיא םי ֹל‬
ַ ‫ַּּוה ּואהו הלבאהו… לְד‬
‫ הה ֱ ה‬.‫הה םה ַאה‬. ‫ לַּםַ ּו‬,‫ םַ ּו הְ הי ְיֱֹלא‬,‫ִהֱא‬
‫ אה האם םי ֹל‬,‫םשֱּו‬
‫א ַַּבא ֹל‬
.‫הְ שא ַשה‬. ‫אַ ֱּו הה םֹוא ובַ ֱּו‬
Original translation of Hebrew: "Tanach: Genesis (Bereshit): Genesis (Bereshit) Chapter 1." Internet Sacred Text
Archive Home. Web. 17 Nov. 2009. <http://www.sacred-texts.com/bib/tan/gen001.htm#001>.
conflicted with warm, most with dry, soft with hard, and things having weight with things without
weight. A god, or a greater nature, broke off this strife…which when he had disengaged and extricated
the blind heap, he bound the disjoined in their places in concordant peace. ”12 Although significantly
more concise than Ovid, Ames echoes this exact sentiment, describing “the mighty god, who silenced
discord, and establish’d peace; the elements eternal jangle cease.13” The “discord” Ames cites comes
from an Ovidian perspective, as he depicts an “ancient state of Chaos,” in which “the whole material
world would be blended into one promiscuous mass.14”
Ames continually repeats this outlook on the universe’s state of nature, offering a dissenting
view from that of the religious order. The idea that a single creator, from nothingness, created the
heavens and the earth is nowhere to be found in the entire almanac series. Instead, Ames relates to an
“old chaos who was dead, curst sin revives, silenc’d confusion now with fury strives.15” This silenced
confusion offers two key notions about the state of the universe Ames is describing. First, it states that
there was confusion among the principal bodies of matter present in the universe. Secondly, it proposes
that there was a silencing of this confusion, implying divine intervention rather than divine creation in
the ordering of the heavens and the earth. Thus, it can be seen that in the question of “which came first,
god or matter?” the Puritan teachings presume the former, while Ames, in parallel with Ovid, the latter.
What is crucial to the understanding of this comparative perception is that Ames frequently mentions
12
Ovid. Metamorphoses. Liber I. 16-25. “sic erat instabilis tellus, innabilis unda, lucis egens aer: nulli sua forma
manebat, obstabatque aliis aliud, quia corpora in uno frigid pugnabant calidis, umentia siccis, mollia cum duris,
sine pondere habentia pondus. Hanc dues et melior litem natura diremit…quae postquam evolvit caecoqe exemit
acervo, dissociate locis concordi pace ligavit.” In Anderson, William S., and Ovid. Ovid's Metamorphoses. Norman:
University of Oklahoma Press, 1996. Pg 45.
13
Ames, Nathaniel. “The Almanack for 1733.” In Briggs, Sam. The Essays, Humor, and Poems of Nathaniel Ames.
83-87. Pg 84.
14
Ames, Nathaniel. “The Almanack for 1732.” In Briggs, Sam. The Essays, Humor, and Poems of Nathaniel Ames.
76-81. Pg 77. Ames is here referring to Ovid’s opening lines: “Before the sea, the earth, and the heaven which
covers all things, there was one face in the whole orb of nature.” Ovid. Metamorphoses. Liber I. 5-6. “ante mare et
terras et quod tegit omnia, caelum uns erat toto naturae vultus in orbe.” In Anderson, William S., and Ovid. Ovid's
Metamorphoses. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1996. Pg 45.
15
Ames, Nathaniel. “The Almanack for 1734.” In Briggs, Sam. The Essays, Humor, and Poems of Nathaniel Ames.
88-95. Pg 91.
the aforementioned chaos in the context of anticipated comets or asteroids, offering a brief but
intentional allusion to the epic poet, in an effort to put the vastness and grandeur of the universe into
perspective, pronouncing, “from chaos huge! All things sprang up at first, and all must be reduced to
pristine dust.” 16
One could pose the argument that the “chaos” referred to in Ames’ notes are of a Greek origin,
not Latin, and would thus have a meaning along the lines of darkness and infinite space. Such examples
are seen in Hesiod’s Theogony and Aristophanes’ Birds, the former definining chaos as simply the initial
stage of the universe, the latter noting that chaos was only a part of this initial stage, being accompanied
by night and a lack of earth and heavens.17 In fact, Ovid even mentions these authors in his
Metamorphoses; after mentioning the vastness of the universe, he cites the Greek authors by noting,
“they called this chaos.18” However, this is not the essence of chaos Ames describes. There is clearly and
incontrovertibly a presence of matter which Ames and Ovid both allude to in the foremost instances of
the universe, which is evident in the repeated mentioning of the idea that “from dire confusion harmony
arose,” as well as the instances Ames cites in having the world return back “to the womb of Chaos.19”
In addition to predictions of events of the future, the almanac also chronicled those of years
past, such as in “A Brief Chronology of Remarkable Events,” in which Ames offers a total of twenty-seven
events, along with the years since said event, for the reader to ponder. What is curious is that Ames
takes some of the most truly remarkable events of world history, from biblical times up through the
Roman empire, and parallels them with events of his own time, ultimately establishing an urgency
16
Ames, Nathaniel. “The Almanack for 1737.” In Briggs, Sam., Pg. 111.
Hesiod. Theogony. 116. “And in truth, chaos came into existence first, then the broad-breasted earth.” ἦ τοι μὲν
πρώτιστα Χάος γένετ᾽, αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα Γαῖ᾽ εὐρύστερνος. This exact quote is echoed in Aristotle. Metaphysics.
1.984b.; Aristophanes. Birds. 693-694. “There was first chaos, dark night, Erebos, and vast Tartarus, but there was
no earth, no air, and no heaven.” Χάος ἦν καὶ Νὺξ Ἔρεβός τε μέλαν πρῶτον καὶ Τάρταρος εὐρύς,
γῆ δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἀὴρ οὐδ᾽ οὐρανὸς ἦν.”
18
Ovid. Metamorphoses. Liber I.7. “quem dixere chaos.” In Anderson, William S., and Ovid. Ovid's
Metamorphoses. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1996. Pg 45.
19
Ames, Nathaniel. “The Almanack for 1739.” In Briggs, Sam. The Essays, Humor, and Poems of Nathaniel Ames.
125-132. Pg 126.; Ames, Nathaniel. “The Almanack for 1744.” In Briggs, Sam. The Essays, Humor, and Poems of
Nathaniel Ames. 171-178. Pg 178.
17
regarding the fate of the colonies, in that they are truly destined for greatness. Ames begins his
chronology at the most convenient point: when the world began, which, according to him was five
thousand six hundred and ninety-five years before his present day, putting it at 3951B.C. He continues
with the flood of Noah, the siege of Troy and the death of Hector, the life of Homer, when “Rome was
built which all the world rever’d,” the birth and crucifixion of Christ, and the time at which Constantine
brought Christianity to the Roman Empire.
Along with these events, some of the most important the world has ever seen, the majority of
the document contains items of a more modern time. The ones Ames chose to compare those of Noah
and Homer are quite peculiar. Ames notes the invention of the printing press, as well as that of the
cannon, and continues his chronology in an overwhelmingly English vein, noting the arrival of the first
settlers to America, the first birth “of English blood on this New England earth,” King Philip’s War, and
the subsequent quarrel with Spain. On the American side of things, Ames notes events rather mundane
in nature, such as a bad winter, or an earthquake. This suggests an extraordinary sense of grandeur
associated with the colonies under the British flag. Upon reading the chronology, one is immediately
struck by events of biblical proportion, providing a standard against which the events of recent history
could have been judged. Thus, the identity of the colonies, especially New England, as truly great, and
truly British, through the comparison with Constantine and Jesus is apparent, as the mentioning of such
histories in the same breath speaks volumes about the greatness associated with the colonies, and
ultimately that of Britain.20
The most incontrovertible evidence supporting the foundation of popular classical learning in
Ames’ Almanack is the fact that Ames, both father and son, continuously reference the ancient world as
something from which knowledge, most significantly that of a practical nature, can be attained. Calling
all of his countrymen to become more involved in politics, Ames the younger urges that “by studying
20
Ames, Nathaniel. "The Almanack for 1745." In Briggs, Pg. 185.
Roman history ye might learn how gradually a rough and ignorant people, by cultivating the study and
practice of useful arts and manufactures, did emerge from obscurity to a state of grandeur and affluence
inconceivable; so great that their relicks are at this day the wonder of the world,” continuing to note
their subsequent downfall, which he claims was due to their “vitious and ignorant [nature], which made
them prey to tyranny; and tyranny always ends in the extinction of a nation.” 21 Ames is here defining
the role of a citizen in society by providing his audience with an example of how the greatest Western
empire in history gained prominence through the toil and influence of the people.
Conversely, if those people were to be overcome with luxury, they would inevitably become
“indolent,” and thus distracted from their duties as citizens to protect their liberties and freedoms. In
offering his acknowledgment of the colonies’ ability to escape the fate that Europe was dealt, i.e.
coming under the vast power of the Papacy after the fall of Rome, ultimately becoming a world where,
in Ames’ words, a quarter of the people ruled the other three quarters, the idea of American
exceptionalism surfaces, in which the consequences of the European world from which America
spawned simply do not apply to the new continent. Even so, to avoid the sorry fate of the European
continent, it would stand to reason that one could learn invaluable information from the societies that
founded Europe, and Western civilization in general: Greece and Rome. This is exactly the point Ames
makes here, and elsewhere.
Continuing several years later with the early growth of the Roman Empire, Ames recalls a story
of a citizen who, concerned with the future of his country, proposed a plan of action to the consul that
would make Rome truly great. The citizen notes the usefulness of the poor who, at the time, were being
left to wander the streets, as well as the armies that were left with little to do in peacetime. The
renovation of highways and citadels, the draining of the marshes, which would decrease epidemics and
increase arable land, the creation of marketplaces, diversion of rivers, construction of aqueducts, as well
21
Ames, Nathaniel. "The Almanack for 1767." In Briggs, Sam., Pg, 382.
as the dawn of art in the form of sculptures and fountains to be formed out of the marble which lined
the Tiber River was all suggested as a massive public works project which would enhance the Roman
state. Ames goes on to recount several prominent names among those who funded and directed the
construction, such as Appius and Flaminus, known for their roads that led to the heart of the Roman
capitol. Following this, after commenting on the state of Pennsylvania in comparison to New England ,
Ames subtly raises the question as to who would be the one to begin such projects in America?
Conveniently, and quite poetically, Ames begins a piece on Benjamin Franklin, delicately offering an
answer to his previously proposed inquiry.22
Upon reading this anecdote, the reader would immediately notice the quintessential aspects of
Rome that contributed to its grandeur. Ames would have not included this portion of his writing if he
was not sure that his readers would have been able to discern the primary contributing factors to
Rome’s early glory. Furthermore, Ames observes the opportunity for the colonies to take their destinies
into their own hands, implying that the potential for the colonies to mirror antiquity in magnificence is
high, especially when led by the likes of Benjamin Franklin.
Ames also exposes his readers to the translations of ancient texts by John Dryden and Alexander
Pope several times, particularly in his opening poetics. The works of Homer, Ovid, Horace, Virgil, and
Juvenal are quoted quite often in the almanac, providing the reader with access to material previously
reserved for only those who studied it.23 The sheer amount of Latin present throughout the almanac is
also of note. Usually only a few words mixed within the main text, Ames uses Latin to sbustitute for,
not in support of, the English. Although this could easily be regarded as a means by which Ames showed
off his educational status, it nevertheless exposed readers to the Latin language, and forced them to try
and understand the meaning of the ancient text in order to fully comprehend the surrounding English.
22
Ames, Nathaniel. "The Almanack for 1771." In Briggs, Pg. 418-419.
See the Almanacks for 1741, 1742, 1744, 1745, 1749, 1752, 1753; specifically pages 142, 143, 151, 173, 180, 209,
234, and 242, respectively, in Briggs.
23
For some of Ames’ readers, those who had been exposed to Latin in grammar schools or other
circumstances, this would have been quite easy to do. However, for the majority of them, the reader
would have had to analyze the contextual clues surrounding the Latin and heed the similarities between
the Latin and the English words in order to fully make sense of it all. By doing this, the reader would
have gained a vague and elementary knowledge of the Latin language, after which he or she would have
been able to see these words, recognize them, and interpret their meanings.24
It is important to remember that the sixty-thousand Americans who purchased Ames’ almanac
every single year were doing so because they believed that the author had something to offer them. In
short, they were looking to be educated. Although the almanac began primarily as a medium through
which eclipses and weather patterns could be studied, when it became more popular, Ames expanded it
to cover topics from the contemplation of the age of the world to a how-to column on the creation of
gunpowder. In doing so, Ames began to expose his audience to material which incorporated the classics
at an ever increasing rate, either to support modern claims and arguments, or simply for the sake of
promoting the ancient authors. Ames’ yearly installments would have either revived an old source of
familiarity present in his readers’ youth, or caused them to discover a new source of knowledge. In any
case, the antiquarian tradition is forever present, and the point remains that after reading the classical
allusions present in the Ames almanac, a reader would have undoubtedly become familiar with a good
deal about the ancient world. Furthermore, these classical features are of a characteristically practical
nature, pertaining to the patriot farmer, a citizen’s duties in government, or how to treat a flesh wound,
rather than those prevalent in the grammar and vocabulary-laden halls and classrooms of Harvard,
which were reserved only for the few.
24
Some of instances are: “apertio portarum” Almanack for 1738, Briggs, pg. 120; “secundum artem” Almanack for
1742, pg. 155. “dues nobis haec otia fecit” Almanack for 1750, pg. 215. “Hac est magna diuque expectata
coniunctio Saturni et Jovis” Almanack for 1762, pg. 327. There are, of course, many more.
Before there were schools, colonial Americans looked to their churches to provide the necessary
education, and even after the establishment and evolution of the educational system throughout the
colonial period, many Americans still regarded their preachers as a great means by which they could
become more knowledgeable about their world, their purpose, and their god. It is quite ironic, and at
first glance, counterintuitive, that in the overwhelmingly Puritan culture of colonial New England,
preachers would consistently hark back to the ancient pagans to support the Christian sources.
However, the employment of the classics as a means by which to provide secondary examples and
further proof of biblical events, as well as an educational tool to better understand the contemporary
world of the ancient Christian scribes, is evident from the very beginning of colonial society, and would
remain a common phenomenon throughout the colonial and Revolutionary periods, even continuing
into the years of the Second Great Awakening and Ante-bellum period.25
Although repeatedly referred to as “the heathen authors,” which would commonly have a
negative connotation, in practice, referring to the ancients as “heathens” was more of an
complimentary name than a derogatory slur, as it is evident from the abundant sources that there was
much to be learned from these authors, even in the most Puritan of circles. Take for instance the matter
of religion’s role in government. In describing the Romans’ methods of reducing the barbarians of Gaul
and Germania into civil obedience, Puritan minister John Bulkley notes that they did so by the influence
of a “false religion” of their own invention, so that the barbarians would come into a ready compliance
with whatever laws and ordinances were passed by the senate or princes. Offering the question, “how
much more powerful is the True Religion for this end than any of the Inventions of the Wisest
Heathen?” Bulkley is arguing that since the Romans had such great success in subduing their adversaries
25
For an excellent survey of the classics in Ante-bellum America see: Richard, Carl J. The Golden Age of the Classics
in America: Greece, Rome, and the Antebellum United States. Cambridge. Harvard University Press. 2009.;
particularly the chapter on Christianity, pg 152-180.
with even the falsest of gods, there would seem to be no limit to what the one true God could offer.” 26
“That excellent emperor Constantine,” is later mentioned for the fact that he placed himself in charge of
the religious affairs of the state, ultimately bringing the entire empire of Rome under the influence of
Christianity, a truly great and laudable feat in the eyes of Bulkley.27
Bulkley even offers a thesis regarding the fall of Roman liberty from the expulsion of the kings to
the downfall of the Caesars, arguing that “universal spiritual freedom in societies is inconsistent with
civil liberty: when once irreligion and profaneness get the ascendant in them, and a general corruption
of men’s principles and morals prevails, this will soon put all things out of joint, and bring a deluge of
miseries with it. ” 28 He notes that upon the expulsion from Rome of the Tarquins, who had invaded the
Roman people’s liberty, the people quickly regained their freedoms and maintained them for centuries.
However, after the fall of the Caesars, they could not reproduce their liberties. The reason was that “in
the time of the former Kings they were not generally Corrupted, as afterwards,” leading to the
conclusion that religion not only maintains order for the society in which it is implemented, it acts as a
protector of freedoms.29 Bulkley’s argument, overall, is filled with allusions to ancient authors, such as
Tacitus, Anaxarchus, Plato and Aristotle, as well as historical figures like Hermes, Solon, Lycurgus, Numa,
and even Darius of Persia, offering a perfect example as to how the classical authors could be used to
support a point relative to the eighteenth-century world, even if they became the means to Puritan
ends.
These sentiments are echoed eighty years later in 1794 by John Eliot in response to politicians
who call into question “the necessary connection between religion and government, or deny the
26
Bulkley, John. “The Necessity of Religion in Societies”. Boston, 1713. Pg 38-39.
Ibid. Pg 54. The author previously noted the office of Pontifex Maximus among the Romans, and similar
institutions in the Egyptian and Lacedaimonian societies (3). Thus, the correlation between some of the most
powerful nations in history and their strong, divinely inspired leaders is inherent, and at the core of much of
Bulkley’s arguments.
28
Bulkley. “Religion in Societies”. Pg 47.
29
Ibid.
27
salutary influence of religion upon the manners of men.” Eliot recognizes “the wise men of ancient
nations [who] made this the basis of their social institutions, as we learn from those renowned
historians Livy and Polybius, and the books of their philosophers. This is certainly a good argument in
favor of religion.” Subsequently beginning a lengthy thesis regarding the nature of god as the supreme
governor of all societies, Eliot addresses the legitimacy of those who call themselves kings, as in the eyes
of God, they most certainly are not what they claim. To him, god is the supreme ruler under whom a
nation should rejoice, “because his dominion displays equal power, wisdom and goodness.” Compare
this to his interpretation of kings that have strayed away from this equilibrium and the conclusions are
obvious. “How wretched were the people of Rome under the tyranny of the Caesars! What must the
people of Judea have suffered being subjected to the caprice and cruelty of Herod.” In this instance, a
completely different interpretation of the ancients is offered as evidence to validate a point, as the
classics offer offer examples of what not to do in a certain situation, this being the invitation of kings
into society who are not divinely inspired. Thus, the flexibility of the ancients to occupy both sides of the
spectrum regarding examples of good and bad behavior is seen, even in the strict Puritan sense of the
words.30
“A Short Essay on Civil Government,” the substance of six sermons preached in Windsor,
Connecticut only a few months before the first volleys of the American Revolution, was a lengthy
musing by Daniel Foster which considered the natural and inherent rights of a people to appoint and
constitute a king, the duties of said king, the obligations of a people to their civil state, and ultimately
the people’s right and authority to dethrone a king, if need be. In order to address these issues, Foster
30
The instances of classics being evoked in sermons at this time, in New England and elsewhere, are countless.
Although this topic could constitute a work entirely of its own, excellent examples of this can be found in:
Apthorp, East. “Of Sacred Poetry and Music”. Boston. 1764; Coleman, Benjamin. “Faith Victorious. Boston, 1702;
Cooper, Robert. “Courage…A Sermon Preached Near Shippensburgh”. Lancaster. 1775.; Hancock, John. “Rulers
Should be Benefactors”. Boston. 1722; Inglis, Charles. “The Christian Soldier’s Duty”. New York. 1777; Mather,
Cotton. “Nunc Dimittis Briefly Discanted On”. Boston, 1709; Mather, Cotton. “Thoughts for the Day of Rain”.
Boston, 1727.; Mather, Samuel. “The Fall of the Mighty”. Boston, 1738.
alludes to nearly every imaginable example of ancient governments, beginning with, of course,
references to the ancient kings of Israel and the pseudo-parliament of Moses, followed by an extended
survey of ancient governments from all corners of the Mediterranean. Placing the Greeks hand in hand
with the Hebrews, Foster describes the Athenian and Spartan ekklesia, even mentioning the Spartan
mikra ekklesia, or small assembly, which is mentioned in only one source throughout the entire ancient
world: Xenophon.
What is quite notable about this particular work is the immense number of detail and examples
with which the author provides the congregation. After mentioning the Egyptians in passing, Foster
looks to the Carthaginians, describing their descent from the people, and subsequently the government,
of Tyre. He then proceeds to cite different qualifications of kings the ancients sought, such as the people
of Medea, who preferred their kings to have good manners, “in hopes of enjoying the benefits of
common justice,” after which the Persians, after conquering the aforementioned Medes, assumed this
predisposition, only placing a greater deal on provincial governors.31 Going into some detail about the
succession of Persian kings, offering the example of Artaxerxes, Sogdianus, and Othus, Foster describes
the inherent necessity of popular representatives, as they took control of the volatile situation, and
diffused it before it erupted into all out civil war, as was seen in Rome so many times in history. The
author then alludes to the military states of Hellenistic Greece under Alexander, and Rome under its
many claimants to the throne, backed by the legions. Interestingly, Foster dedicates several paragraphs
to the understanding of the barbarian states in a fair amount of detail and obvious dedication to staying
true to the sources. Citing Caesar and Tacitus, Foster describes the Britons, Gauls32, Scots, and other
peoples of the area, paying scrupulous attention to the isle of Britain, proving a run-down of its history
under the various tribes of the area, the Romans, and the overall hostile nature of the land for the
31
Foster, Dan. “A Short Essay on Civil Government”. Hartford, 1775. Pg 22.
It is quite evident that Foster has done his homework in citing these examples, mentioning several individuals
who contributed greatly to the shaping of Gallic government, such as Capivallaunces, Carastacus, Arviragus,
Galcagus, and others.
32
centuries of Roman occupation. Before bringing his survey of the ancient world to a close, Foster notes
the three governments present in Germania, all of which were in some way based upon the power of
the people. Foster places so much emphasis on the nature of the so-called barbarians that he describes
them as the harbinger of liberty and justice, free from the tyranny of Rome, in that “liberty, being driven
out of the best part of the world by the Roman arms, took refuge on the further side of the Rhine;
where she had for her companions and guards poverty, innocence, frugality, and modesty. ” 33 Thus, by
all of these examples, Foster argues it is obvious that, when not prevented by tyranny, it is the natural
condition of man to be in a state in which the people are truly in charge of their own government, and
their own destiny, offering the notion that since the greatest and most powerful of nations that have
ever existed in history were built upon the foundation of its people, “these great and inestimable
rights…[were] the free donation of God and nature. ”34
Although it can hardly be expected of a common colonial American to know and understand the
chronology of Gallic chieftains or the process by which the Medes elected their kings, it is certainly
evident from the text that this particular selection of sermons is fulfilling its educational purpose. While
it is likely that the average person would not have known about such historical occurrences when
entering the chapel and anticipating the sermon to come, upon leaving the church, a knowledge of
these and other history lessons would have been gained by the listener. As Foster notes, “every one
that knows ever so little about their history knows that all the civil and military officers, both supreme
and subordinate, in the Roman state, were chosen by the suffrages of the senate and people of Rome,
and the army. ” 35 Foster’s statement makes it is safe to assume that the common church attendee
would have had at least a basic understanding of ancient society, and it would be this understanding
33
Foster. “…On Civil Government”. Pg 24.
Ibid
35
Foster. “…On Civil Government”. Pg. 23.
34
that the preacher would not only acknowledge, but advance in the advancement of in the course of his
sermon.
In the newspapers of America, just as in sermons and almanacs, allusions to the classical
authors served many purposes, from justification of the present to simple literary effects. In order to
appreciate the employment of the classics as a means by which modern problems and solutions could
be approached, and how the ancients’ examples could be applied in many situations, one does not need
to look far. The New England Weekly Journal, “containing the most remarkable occurrences foreign and
domestick,” published, in two segments, the first on March 31st, 1741, the next on April 14th of the same
year, a most interesting article concerning the fear of bull’s blood, particularly, about the deaths of
Psammenitus, once King of Egypt, and of Themistocles, the Athenian general “whose name the sea fight
in the straights of Salamis, and barbarous ingratitude of his preserved country upon it, have made
immortal.” 36 Here, the author, in identifying the Athenian, notes perhaps the two most important
aspects of Themistocles’ life: he was the father and general of the Athenian navy which saved all of
Greece, especially Athens, from being conquered and brought under the shadow of the Persian empire
by scoring a decisive victory at Salamis in 480 B.C., and he was ostracized less than ten years later, exiled
to Argos, and ultimately to Asia Minor, never again setting foot in Athens, the city he had saved only a
few years before. 37 This one sentence, simple in its construction, speaks volumes of the reader’s
assumed understanding of the ancient histories, specifically that of Herodotus. Without a knowledge of
the Persian Wars, which would have been attained mainly through the reading of Herodotus’ Histories,
and to a lesser extent the biography of Themistocles written by Plutarch, the reader would have been
left in total darkness as to the author’s meaning when he cites the Grecian “barbarous ingratitude.”
The author, identified as Benevolus in the latter of the two articles, states that the cause of
these two men’s deaths, as noted by the ancient historians, was due to drinking bull’s blood, and admits
36
37
Benevolus. "Of Bull's Blood." The New England Weekly Journal (Boston), March 31, 1741. Page 1.
See Herodotus. The Histories. Book VIII. 143-174.
that at first glance, he dismissed this notion as “too romantic to deserve notice.38” However, upon
researching several other instances of death by bull’s blood in the ancient world through authors he
regards with the highest esteem, he comes to find quite the list of victims of this fate, including Midas,
the King of Phrygia; Hannibal, the Carthaginian who ravaged the Italian peninsula during the second
Punic War; and the brother of the Persian king Cambyses.39 Benevolus returns to the original two deaths
that struck his curiosity, Psammentus and Themistocles, the latter of which he spends over half of his
article discussing. Spanning two-thirds of the very front page of The New England Weekly Journal in his
first installment, and the entire front page of the same paper in the concluding article, the work is
exhaustive in that it cites every known significant commentator on the life and tribulations of
Themistocles, including Cornelius Nepos, Diodorus Siculus, Herodotus, Plutarch, and Thucydides, as well
as several other prominent ancient historians in regard to his other noted victims, and also goes through
great comparative trouble to determine the validity of the author’s accounts, evaluating the narratives
of Livy against that of Plutarch; Cicero, whom he refers to with the nickname “Tully,” against
Aristophanes; and Valerius against Jerome, among many others.
The author ultimately analyzes the ancient physicians and commentators on the effectiveness of
bull’s blood; offers his own conclusion for the reason dogs, pigs, and the poorest sort of people who
digest it do not succumb to it; and concludes briefly with a word of caution, backed by the ancients who
“put it out of all doubt that [bull’s blood] is poisonous,” to simply, “let us beware of bull’s blood.40” The
author’s choice of pseudonym is henceforth derived, in that his intention is to promote health and
38
Benevolus. “Of Bulls Blood.” March 31, 1741. Page 1.
The author’s extremely high regard for the ancient historians is evident in that he describes Plutarch’s account as
“a vein of fine Satyr and excellent good sense,” and alludes to the fact that the writers Valerius Maximus and
Strabo came before Plutarch, thus assuming a greater accuracy in their accounts. He also describes the “valued
historical collections” of Suidas, and places great emphasis on the fact that Herodotus “is the chief if not only
ancient historian” regarding the conquest of Egypt by Cambyses, and the subsequent death of Psammenitus.
Benevolus. "Of Bull's Blood." March 31, 1741. Page 1.; Benevolus. "Of Bull's Blood (cont.)." The New England
Weekly Journal (Boston), April 14, 1741. Page 1.
40
Benevolus. "Of Bull's Blood (cont.)." April 14, 1741. Page 1.
39
safety among the readers, thus the name “benevolus,” the Latin for “good will” and “kindness,”
ultimately the source of the word “benevolence.”
Classical allusions appear in colonial newspapers as well. To take one example, the The Boston
Post Boy & Advertiser republished in 1769 James Boswell’s “A Memorial for a Contribution in Behalf of
the Brave Corsicans” -- printed in London on December 10th 1768. Boswell called upon the British to
facilitate the Corsican revolt against France. He begins his call stating that “no man can be a true lover of
liberty in his own country, who does not love to see it flourish in every other,” and immediately looked
to the ancients to provide the supporting arguments needed to gain favor for the facilitation of Corsican
independence.41 Boswell notes that “the Romans affected to be the patrons of the Liberty of mankind
and hence they came to govern the world,” and alludes to the fact that in the Peloponnesian War, when
the city states of Athens and Sparta were pitted against each other, the various other cities of Greece
allied themselves with either of the two parties, depending on what “the system of liberty was, at that
period, tho’t to be comprehended,” either in democracy or oligarchy.42
However great and inspirational these nations were, Boswell amplifies the urgency of his calling
with the proposal that “no nation, either ancient or modern has ever felt more strongly the force of
these generous principles than the English,” thus implying English superiority over the Athenian and
Peloponnesian Leagues of Greece, in addition to the vast empire of Rome.43 He ends his plea with a call
to supply the Corsicans with money in order that they would be able to purchase ammunition and
maintain subsistence. He also stated that supplying Corscia would be to Britain’s advantage and offered
as proof the parallel situation with regard to ancient Athens. A fter it had provided the city states of
Ionia protection against the Persian threat, they were therein under the control of the Athenian
democracy. In facilitating the independence of the Corsican state from French dominance, Britain would
41
Boswell, James. “Memorial for a Contribution in Behalf of the Brave Corsicans”. The Boston Post-Boy &
Advertiser. March 13, 1769. Page 1.
42
Ibid.
43
Ibid.
be owed a great deal of responsibility for their freedom, causing the Corsicans to inevitably fall under
English influence.
However, not all articles published in early American newspapers were as fond of the classics. In
1735, The Weekly Rehearsal, a Boston newspaper, published excerpts from John Locke’s Thoughts
Concerning Education, in which the author openly declares the learning of the ancient languages, by a
man destined to a trade, as a complete waste of time. The only thing Locke remotely relates to the
advantage of the tradesmen is the learning of grammar, which could just as easily, and perhaps more
efficiently, be done by studying it in his native tongue. If, in fact, the grammar of English must be taught
in another language, Locke suggests that it “ought certainly to be the old Saxon, not the Latin.” 44 Such
denunciations of the study of Latin show just how much a part of education it was in the late
seventeenth and eighteenth century, and suggest how many people were affected by its
implementation in their schooling. Locke further references the vast number of people who “after they
are once gone from School, are never to do with it as long as they live,” thus referring to a great deal of
students who were subjected to the study of the ancients, and more importantly, those that were now
part of common colonial society, and not part of the educated elite.45 It is important to remember that,
although Locke wrote these lines in England in 1693, life in the colonies was still very much intertwined
with that of England, and the educational system in America would not have been much different than
that in England.46
In the very same paper, in the very next article, a work of John Norris was published concerning
courage, in which he questions Aristotle’s priority of virtues into question, as the ancient philosopher
44
Locke, John. “Thoughts on Education Continued”. The Weekly Rehearsal. Iss 178. Boston. February 24, 1735.
Page 1.
45
Ibid.
46
Cremin notes that “virtually every arrangement then current in England was taken as the paradigm for a school
somewhere in the colonies,” and to perhaps improve the relative meaning of this passage, the colonial school,
“like its English counterpart, the grammar-school curriculum emphasized Latin but included an introduction to
Greek and occasionally Hebrew.” Cremin, Lawrence. American Education : The Colonial Experience 1607 - 1783.
New York: Harper, 1970. Pg. 183-185.
marks courage as being the primary virtue. Norris, however, feels that morality, not courage, is the
most important of the virtues. Once one attained morality, the rest of the virtues would follow. This
article does not disparage the learning of the ancients, but rather offers constructive criticism upon
which different virtues could be taught, perhaps in conjunction with the ancients. Conceivably, the
author’s predisposition as a man of the cloth could possibly render his motivations as religious in nature,
in an attempt to achieve a greater role in education for the gospel, equal to that of the classics.47
Another form of mass media in the colonial period was the broadside. Utilized since the 16th
century, broadsides were a single sheet of paper, printed on only one side, which would have been
posted in high traffic areas in order to spread information regarding a certain proclamation, event, or
other significant occurrence. Before newspapers and other media became widely available and
affordable, the broadside was the most effective means by which one could spread word amongst the
populace. Even in these publications, which were the definition of ephemeral literature due to the fact
that they would serve their informational purpose and simply be discarded afterwards, there is no
shortage of classical references.
At the outset of the Revolution in early 1775, E. Russell’s “An Address to the American Army in
General” was posted as recommended by the American Continental and Provincial Congress, directed
particularly to the regiments forming in Salem and Marblehead. In this broadside, Russell goes to great
lengths in an attempt to conjure up the emotion and spirit of the soldiers, offering bold claims and
historical observations to show the apparently great set of advantage the American forces would have
against the British in the upcoming war.48 Using historical narrative to substantiate the task before the
recruits, the author presents a survey of the ancient world’s revolutions: “History tells us that the free
states of Greece, Thebes, Sparta, Athens, and Syracuse, were all in their turns subjugated by the force or
art of tyrants. They almost all in their turns recovered their liberty and destroyed their tyrants. The first
47
48
Norris, John. “Works”. The Weekly Rehearsal. Iss 178. Boston. February 24, 1735. Page 1
E. Russell. “An Address to the American Army in General…”. Salem. March 13, 1775. Broadside.
act upon the recovery of their liberty was to demolish those badges of slavery, citadels, strong holds,
and military tenements…it is with your consideration, Americans, whether these badges should remain
or not. ”49 In doing so, the revolution that is about to unfold is portrayed as the natural course of action
in such situations, evidenced by the fact that so many other great nations had done the same.
Much of this can be seen as the establishment of the American identity, as separate from that of
Britain, as before the time of the Revolution, Americans had no history of their own; all they had to look
back to was their English roots. At the time of revolt, this was less than pleasing. Instead, some
Americans bypassed the Whig traditions, and fed off of the ancient authority of Greece and Rome to
justify their actions, and construct a logical narrative out of their unstable circumstances. Eran Shalev
argues this point quite well in referring to the usage of classical pseudonyms in the Revolutionary and
Republican periods, suggesting that “authors proffered not only justifications but also a mytho-historical
rationalization for the revolt against England and eventually for the creation of the American republic.50”
The usage of the classics in this manner parallels that of Nathaniel Ames in placing his contemporary
events and figures in the same breath as those of Greece and Rome, ultimately transcending modern
European history in shaping the fate of the colonies, and placing it solely in the hands of the Americans,
with the armies of Greece and Rome at their backs.
In his 1775 broadside, Russell expresses his hopefulness for the American regiments when he
claims that “two hundred thousand American troops can be raised in America, and disciplined, equal to
any British Regulars, in three or four months. ” 51 He further emphasizes the apparent fact that “the
yeomanry of America have, besides, infinite advantages over the peasantry of other countries; they are
accustomed from their infancy to fire-arms; they are expert in the use of them – whereas the lower and
middle people of England are, by the tyranny of certain laws, almost as ignorant in the use of a musket,
49
Ibid
Shalev, Eran. “Ancient Masks, American Fathers: Classical Pseudonyms Durng the American Revolution and Early
Republic.” The Journal of the Ealy Republic. 23 (2003): 151-172. Pg 152.
51
Russell. “An Address to the American Army”.
50
as they are of the ancient catapulta.” 52 Of interest here is the reference to the catapulta, a Roman war
machine used for throwing arrows and javelins at an enemy, mentioned in Tacitus’ Annales and Caesars’
De Bello Civili, among others. This machine, along with the ballista, was Greek in origin, and was a staple
of the armies of the Mediterranean for centuries.53 Interestingly, the author highlights both a
completely dumbfounded British army regarding the operation of the catapulta, and at the same time,
provides the understanding that the American army would have known what a catapulta was. Although
the word, in itself, is in every way similar to the English word of “catapult,” there is a fine distinction
between the catapulta of Rome and the catapults of the Middle Ages, as those in the middle ages were
simply not referred to as catapulas, and, at this point in history, were certainly not ancient. Instead, the
author specifically refers to an “ancient catapulta,” which can only mean one thing in the eyes of the
soldier, and that thing is Roman.
A 1775 poem by a Philoleutheros Americanus of Connecticut proposed accusations of cowardice
and atrocious behavior on the part of British General Thomas Gage after skirmishes began in the early
days of the war, and spread them throughout New England by way of the broadside.54 Philoleutheros
compares Gage to the oft-despised Nero, referring to him as “Nero like, the aged should destroy the
blooming virgin and the beardless boy, should snatch the infant from the streaming breast, whose
spouting veins should maculate his vest.” Also noted in these “Nero like” behaviors are “that Tom
should march to Philadelphia town, pull every place of public worship down,” no doubt referring to the
relentless persecution of the Christians Nero implemented after a fire burned much of Rome completely
to the ground. Along with this, references to Charon and Neptune are prevalent, but primarily in matters
concerned with poetic style rather than historical narrative. With Gage gone, his succcessor General
52
Ibid
In fact, Diocorus Siculus credits the Greeks with inventing the machine in 399 B.C. but other authors even
mention such implements as being present in the mid 5th century B.C. (Diod. Sic. 14.42.1).
54
Interestingly, the author uses a pseudonym derived from both the Greek and Latin languages, with the
compound Philoleutheros, deriving from the Greek philos (φίλος - lover) and eleutheros (ελευθέρος – at liberty,
free), and the obvious Latin-inspired Americanus, thus producing: “The Lover of American Freedom.”
53
William Howe “assumed the reins of government.” Showing concern for the abilities of the Americans to
match the strength of a commander such as Howe, he offers the question as to “how th’ Almighty will of
us dispose so great a hero, noble the commander, little inferior to the great Alexander. ”55
As evidenced in the literature that would have been widely available to the public in colonial
and revolutionary America, there is much in the way of classical studies on the ordinary level of the
social hierarchy. Not all those who attended the grammar schools of the early American education
system went on to become lawyers, doctors, and politicians. Instead, many of those who were exposed
to the ancient authors in their elementary education would have taken with them a piece of the ancient
world into their own, and whether or not they put this knowledge into practice was entirely up to them.
However, it is evident that there was at least an elementary knowledge of the classics, especially
pertaining to the history and mythology of the ancient world, due to the large number of classical
allusions apparent in the newspapers, sermons, and almanacs of the eighteenth century.
Even so, if one did not know of the ancients upon attending a sermon, or coming across a
reference to an ancient author in a broadside or newspaper article, the media in which the ancients
were mentioned became teaching tools, superimposing classical knowledge on the colonial American
landscape. After all, the primary source of education in the new colonies, before there were schools,
was the church, and there were certainly enough references to “the heathens” in the New England
sermons to instill an invaluable knowledge of the classics onto a regular church attendee. Thus, we see
that classical knowledge was not limited to the founders and the colonial elite. Nor were the politics of
Greece, Rome, and other ancient societies were not solely debated in the halls of congress. Rather,
preachers across the colonies noted, in some form, that “all these governments of ancient Greece, Italy,
Africa, and Asia too, may very much assist us to gain a right and true notion of these Hebrew assemblies
55
Philoleutheros Americanus. “A Poem, upon Present Times, with a Brief and Humble Address.”. New Haven 1775.
of congregations,” 56 ultimately the primary model on which they wished to base their own government.
In times of war, broadsides urged the populace to heed the advice of Pliny and Plutarch: “as long as you
keep together you will be invincible, but if the band of union be broke betwixt you, you will easily be
broken to pieces.” 57 The urgency of these matters speaks volumes about the importance of the classics
in the common early American social circles, proving the high regard with which the advice of ancient
writers was considered. By this evidence, the populace of colonial New England, and elsewhere, most
certainly had a working knowledge of the classics, and would have been able to follow along at least
some of the references made by writers such as John Adams and James Madison.
56
Foster. “…On Civil Government”. Pg 19.
A Citizen. “To the Friend of His Country”. 1793. At this time, the highly questionable Proclamation of Neutrality
was signed, and war with either France or Great Britain was looming over America’s head. With spirits leaning in
every direction throughout the states, this broadside clearly reflects the need to stay true to the proclamation, and
not waiver under pressure. The references to Pliny are in regard to a stone in the Island of Scyrus which, while
large and heavy, stays above water, but upon being broken, sinks immediately. Plutarch is recalled for his account
of the Scythian King and his eighty sons, whom he commanded to bound as many arrows together and attempt to
break them asunder. Upon failing at this task, the bands were cut, and the sons were able to break them with
ease. The excerpt above is a direct quote of Plutarch by way of the broadside.
57