NEWARK PUBLIC SCHOOLS
Unit Plans:
US HISTORY I
NEWARK PUBLIC SCHOOLS
SCHOOL ADVISORY BOARD MEMBERS
2013-2014
Ms. Antoinette Baskerville-Richardson, Chairperson
Mr. Marques-Aquil Lewis, Vice Chairperson
Mr. Rashon K. Hasan
Mr. Alturrick Kenney
Ms. Eliana Pintor Marin
Ms. DeNiqua Matias
Dr. Rashied McCreary
Ms. Ariagna Perello
Mr. Khalil Sabu Rashidi
Mr. Jordan Thomas, Student Representative
NEWARK PUBLIC SCHOOLS ADMINISTRATION
2013-2014
Cami Anderson, State District Superintendent
Chief of Staff & General Counsel: Charlotte Hitchcock
Assistant Superintendent: Mitchell Center
Assistant Superintendent: Brad Haggerty
Assistant Superintendent: Tiffany Hardrick
Assistant Superintendent: Roger Leon
Assistant Superintendent: Aqua Stovall
Assistant Superintendent: Peter Turnamian
Special Assistant, Office of Curriculum and Instruction: Caleb Perkins
School Business Administrator: Valerie Wilson
NEWARK PUBLIC SCHOOLS
SCHOOL ADVISORY BOARD
Program and Instruction Committee
Ms. DeNiqua Matias
Dr. Rashied McCreary
Ms. Ariagna Perello
Mr. Khalil Rashidi
Dr. Caleb Perkins, NPS Special Assistant of Curriculum
Valerie Merritt, NPS Director of Board Relations
Newark Public Schools
United States I Unit Overview
“Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)”
Summative Assessment
Students will write an argument citing evidence from primary and secondary source documents in which they select and
defend a position about whether the means used to colonize and develop colonies regionally and economically was
justified by the motives used to colonize and develop the thirteen colonies.
Essential Questions
Enduring Understandings
Which factors or factor was the most influential to the
 Gold, religion, natural resources, and more land are
development and formation of the thirteen colonies?
powerful driving forces for colonization.
 Indentured servitude and slavery contributed to
regional and economic development of the colonies.
 Political conflicts and defense of land led to the
merging of the thirteen colonies.
Focus Questions
Week 1:
Week 2:
Week 3:
What were the main motivations for
What were the differences between the What are the origins of the labor
groups who colonized America and
three colonial regions, in the terms of
systems, which were used to support
why?
economy, and how, if at all, was it
regional development and economies
impacted by geography?
and were these labor systems moral?
Week 4:
What impact did indentured servitude
and slavery, during the American
colonial experience, have on
institutions in Europe and Africa?
Week 7:
What factors led to merging of the
thirteen colonies?
Week 5:
How were Native Americans,
primarily, affected by the development
of the colonies?
Week 6:
To what extent did reform movements,
which occurred in the eighteenth
century, influence the development of
the colonies in America?
Week 8:
Were the means used to colonize and
develop colonies regionally and
economically justified by the motives
used to colonize and develop the
thirteen colonies?
Learning Targets
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-By the end of grade 10, read and comprehend history/social studies texts in the grades 9–10 text complexity band
independently and proficiently.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Introduce precise claim(s), distinguish the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and create an organization that
establishes clear relationships among the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Use precise language and domain-specific vocabulary to manage the complexity of the topic and convey a style
appropriate to the discipline and context as well as to the expertise of likely readers.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Academic Vocabulary
Emulate
Infidels
Ensue
Chastisemen
Arpent
Dovecote
Desolation
Tormenting
Promontories
Arduous
Ordained
Conduceth
Conscience
Dogmatical
Herrings
Promontories
Tedious
Ordained
Discourse
Conduceth
Conjecturally
Emerged
Markedly
Derided
Surfeited
Candour
Trajectory
Heinous
Idle
Doctrinal
Converts
Theologian
Churned
Introspective
Ostentatiously
Deists
Archetype
Itinerancy
Eschewed
Connotations
Intriguingly
Incensed
Asunder
Interregnum
Ideological
Encroachments
Contiguous
Quorum
Sir Walter Raleigh
Jamestown
Chesapeake
Winthrop
Southern colonies
Smallpox
Chicken Pox
Iberia
Seven Years’ War
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Hakluyt Plymouth Company
Plymouth
The French and Indian War (1756–1763)
Middle colonies
Slaves
Measles
Bubonic plague
Revival
Treaty of Paris of 1763
Dominions
Victual
Bulwark
Herrings
Tedious
Discourse
Conjecturally
Arduous
Indigitating
Conscience
Exhortion
Enmity
Hindrance
Vexing
Judicious
Episodically
Pietistic
Schism
Epitomized
Ascribed
Tumultuous
Discourse
scalp
Prorogued
Virginia Company of London
The Massachusetts Bay Company
Puritan
New England Colonies
Indentured servants
Mumps
Transatlantic slave trade
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.1.b, 6.1.12.B.1.a, 6.1.12.C.1.a, 6.1.12.C.1.b, 6.1.12.D.1.a
Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763) Unit Overview
Unit Rationale: In this unit, students gain an understanding of the factors that led to the colonization, settlement,
development, and unification of the thirteen colonies. Students will investigate how the development of the colonies
impacted other economies, how the colonies were influenced by Europeans beliefs, and the lasting impact of colonization
on different ethnic groups. First-person accounts, maps, speeches, and other primary and secondary source materials may
be used to answer historical questions.
Historical Thinking:
The study of history rests on knowledge of facts, dates, names, places, events, and ideas. However, true
historical understanding requires students to engage in historical thinking: to raise questions and to marshal
solid evidence in support of their answers; to go beyond the facts presented in their textbooks and examine the
historical record for themselves; to consult documents, journals, diaries, artifacts, historic sites, works of art,
quantitative data, and other evidence from the past, and to do so imaginatively--taking into account the
historical context in which these records were created and comparing the multiple points of view of those on the
scene at the time.
“Facts are crucial to historical understanding, but there is only way for them to take root in memory: Facts are
mastered by engaging students in historical questions that spark their curiosity and make them passionate about
seeking answers.” (“Reading Like A Historian”, Wineburg, Martin, and Monte-Sano, Teachers College Press,
New York, 2011.)
Four main skills help to facilitate historical understanding: sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and
corroborating.




Sourcing-Historians begin reading a document at the end by sourcing it. They glance at the first couple
of words but then go immediately to the document’s attribution. Who wrote this source and when? Is it
a diary entry? A memo obtained through the Freedom of Information Act? A leaked e-mail? Is the
author in a position to know first-hand or this account based on hearsay? Sourcing transforms the act of
reading from passive reception to engaged and active interrogation.
Contextualizing-Contextualizing is the notion that events MUST be located in place and time to be
properly understood.
Close Reading-Primary and secondary sources provide students with an opportunity for close reading.
They are the place to teach students to slow down and read closely, to think deeply about word choice
and subtext.
Corroborating-Corroborating is a strategy in which a reader asks questions about important details to
determine points of agreement and disagreement. By comparing and contrasting multiple account,
students can start to build a real understanding of what happened in the past and why.
Discipline Specific Literacy:
Research has shown that a key to literacy is exposing students to a rich diet of texts that mix genre and style “at a variety
of difficulty levels and on a variety of topics.” Primary sources confront readers with varied styles and textures of
language that push the boundaries of literacy.
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)”
Week 1
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
What were the main motivations for groups to colonized America and why?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Sir Walter Raleigh
James Horn “Early Settlement” (2013)
Hakluyt
Richard Hakluyt “Reasons for Colonization” (1585)
Emulate
John Winthrop “Religious Reasons to Colonize the New World”
Plymouth Company
(1629)
Virginia Company of London
Jamestown
Plymouth
The Massachusetts Bay Company
Chesapeake
The French and Indian War (1756–1763)
Infidels
Dominions
Ensue
Chastisemen
Victual
Bulwark
Desolation
Puritanz
Winthrop
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.1.a, 6.1.12.C.b
Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)
Week 1 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore the different reasons
for colonization in the New World, by different groups of people. The New World was predominately colonized in the
1500’s by Spain, but religious, economic, and political reasons soon pushed the English to colonize the New World under
the reign of Queen Elizabeth, as she was concerned with the growth of her empire. Although, Newfoundland failed,
Hakluyt, like others tried to press for the colonization of the New World by the English. The settlement of Roanoke in
1587 failed, but in 1607 Jamestown was founded and Plymouth was settled by Pilgrims in 1620. The English were soon a
force to reckon in the New World.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore the
various motivations and reasons for the English colonization of the New World. Students will need to consider the
emotional context of words and how diction (word choice) affects an author’s message. When combined with writing
about the passage and teacher feedback, students will form a deeper understanding of how economics, politics, and
religion influenced the English colonization of the New World.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 1-15 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 16-26 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
The teacher will assign half the class to read Halyt’s text and the other half will be assigned Winthrop.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads selected passages out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: Please
compare the motivations for colonization, described in all three texts, using supporting evidence. How are the motivations
for colonization similar and how are they different?
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Early Settlements by James Horn
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“I marvel not a little,” Richard Hakluyt the younger wrote in 1582, “that since the first discovery of America
(which is now full fourscore and ten years) after so great conquest and plantings of the Spaniards and Portuguese there,
that we of England could never have the grace to set fast footing in such fertile and temperate places, as are left as yet
unpossessed by them.”[1] Hakluyt was among the foremost experts of colonization of his age and a glance at a map of
the Americas in the early 1580s would have confirmed his gloomy assessment: the entire Western Hemisphere was
claimed by Spain. Despite repeated explorations throughout the sixteenth century and sporadic efforts to establish
colonies, not a single non-Hispanic nation had established a settlement in the New World. At the time Hakluyt wrote,
the Spanish Catholic monarch Philip II was the undisputed master of the New World.
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Hakluyt hoped that the English would soon stake a claim to New World lands, but even at his most optimistic he
could not have foreseen the dramatic changes that were about to take place. Within fifty years, England had established
successful colonies in Virginia, Bermuda, New England, and the Caribbean. Within a century, English settlements
stretched some 1,200 miles along the North American coast from Maine to the Carolinas, and in the West Indies in a
great arc from Jamaica to Barbados. By 1763, following a series of imperial wars fought among Great Britain, France, and
Spain for global preeminence, the British emerged with a vast North American empire
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The Pearl and the Gold
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The first phase of English settlement from 1585 to 1603 was dominated by one man—Sir Walter Raleigh—and
by one ambition—to emulate Spanish success in the New World. Tens of thousands of Spanish settlers crossed the
Atlantic in the ninety years following the European discovery of America by Christopher Columbus. By 1580, the Spanish
Indies boasted 225 towns and cities with a total white population of approximately 150,000 scattered throughout the
Caribbean, Mexico, and South American mainland. Each year, treasure fleets from Panama and Mexico sailed to Spain
carrying gold and silver bullion, pearls, cochineal, hides, cacao, and other valuable commodities. The massive flow of
wealth from the New World filling Philip’s royal coffers made possible his ambition to expand Spain’s dominions
throughout Europe and enlarge his overseas empire.[2]
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The English were well aware of the threat posed by Philip’s aim to reunite Christendom under a universal
Catholic monarch. Raleigh borrowed freely from plans developed earlier by his half brother, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, which
called for the English to attack Spain in the New World in order to weaken its power in the Old. A colony located
somewhere along the eastern seaboard of North America would be an ideal site, Raleigh believed, for a privateering
base from to prey on Spanish galleons. But a broader ambition stemmed from the exploits of famed conquistadors such
as Hernán Cortés and Francisco Pizarro, who had plundered the wealth of the Aztecs and Incas and had carved out
empires for themselves and their king. If the Spanish had done so, then why couldn’t the English?
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Raleigh chose Roanoke Island, off the coast of modern-day North Carolina, as the site of his colony. Three
principal objectives guided his thinking: to claim the region for the English crown and establish a beachhead for further
territorial expansion; to establish a convenient American harbor for privateers; and to search for precious minerals as
well as a river passage through the landmass of North America to the Pacific Ocean. After a successful reconnaissance
expedition to the coast of North Carolina in 1584, he launched a large fleet carrying about 600 men the following spring.
A garrison of approximately 108 soldiers on Roanoke Island lasted for a year before the English were forced to abandon
their fort when supplies ran out and hostilities with local Indian peoples made it impossible to remain any longer. The
island had also proved to be unsuitable as a privateering base owing to its shallow waters.
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Despite the setback, Raleigh pressed on with plans to dispatch another expedition in 1587. He had been
encouraged by reports of great quantities of a soft pale metal, perhaps gold, in a wealthy province deep in the interior
called “Chaunis Temoatan,” and by the possibility of a passage through the mountains to the South Sea (Pacific). The
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new settlement, made up of civilians under the command of John White, was to be established on the Chesapeake Bay
to the north, where the English had discovered fertile lands and deep rivers capable of accommodating ocean-going
ships.
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In April 1587, White led a group of 118 men, women, and children to the Chesapeake Bay to establish a colony
to be called the City of Raleigh. They never reached the Chesapeake, however. The mariners instead put them off at
Roanoke Island and refused to take them any farther. After remaining on the island for six weeks, White returned to
England at the end of August to raise funds and pick up more supplies but was unable to get back to Roanoke Island for
three years, by which time the colonists had disappeared. Although he found clues that indicated they had moved to
Croatoan Island fifty miles to the south, he was unable to reach them and returned to England a broken man. Raleigh’s
plans had come to nothing, and the first sustained English attempt to establish an American colony had failed.[3]
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English America
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The turn of the century witnessed a new direction in English colonizing activities. Peace with Spain in 1604
brought an end to privateering, plunder, and the need for a North American base from which to attack Spanish shipping.
What remained was the certainty that the New World offered England potentially vast profits from valuable American
commodities. The new era heralded the age of commercial trading companies.
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Two companies were established by royal charter in April 1606. The Plymouth Company, made up of merchants
and financiers from Plymouth, Bristol, Exeter, and lesser West Country ports, was granted the right to settle lands
between the Chesapeake Bay and Maine. The Virginia Company, supported by important statesmen, merchants, and
gentry from London and surrounding counties, was permitted to establish settlements in a region stretching from North
Carolina to the Hudson River.
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The Plymouth Company’s venture did not prosper. A small settlement established at Sagadahoc near the mouth
of the Kennebec River, Maine, in the summer of 1607 was abandoned the following spring after a series of disastrous
setbacks. Its failure gave the region an unenviable reputation for harsh winters and unfriendly Indians. England did not
attempt to plant another colony in the northern region for more than a decade, although plenty of English mariners
plied the rich fishing waters off the coast and dabbled in the fur trade with local peoples.
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To the south, picking up where Sir Walter Raleigh had left off twenty years earlier, the Virginia Company of
London focused their efforts on the Chesapeake Bay. The Company’s aims were to assert England’s claim to North
America, search for gold or silver and a passage to the South Sea (Pacific Ocean) in the interior, harvest the natural
resources of the region, and trade with the American Indians.
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Jamestown, founded on May 14, 1607, barely survived its first five years. A combination of disease, Indian
attacks, faction, and the failure to make any significant discoveries or profit brought the colony to the edge of collapse
on several occasions and discouraged continuing investment. The discovery of a lucrative cash crop, tobacco, which
could be cultivated extensively in Virginia and brought a handsome return in England, saved the colony but not the
Virginia Company, whose exclusive charter was revoked in 1624.
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By the mid-1620s the new royal colony was thriving; some 1,200 to 1,300 men, women, and children lived along
the James River valley, and new immigrants arrived regularly to work on the growing number of tobacco plantations
lining the rivers. Tobacco, the first major American staple to emerge, formed the basis of the Chesapeake’s transatlantic
economy for the next century and a half. As a consequence, Virginia rapidly took on the characteristics of a plantation
society in which large numbers of poor white laborers (indentured servants) toiled in the fields alongside initially small
numbers of enslaved Africans. The first Africans on English soil on the North American mainland came to Virginia in a
Dutch ship in 1619.[4]
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In New England colonial development took a different course, influenced by the immigrants’ religious
convictions and the natural resources of the region. The first significant group to arrive was made up of religious
separatists who established themselves at Plymouth in 1620. The Pilgrims wished to erect a pure church free of the
corruptions of the Old World where they could worship and govern themselves without interference from state
authorities. Plymouth did not develop into an important colony; its population and economy remained marginal
throughout the century, dwarfed by its much larger neighbor, Massachusetts.
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The Massachusetts Bay Company, founded in 1629, conceived colonization of New England on a much grander
scale. Attracting London merchants and investors to finance their venture as well as Puritan settlers who wished to live
under a reformed church rather than a separate one, the colony welcomed thousands of emigrants from England during
the 1630s and early 1640s. Based on fishing, farming, and maritime trade, settlement quickly spread throughout the
region along the coast and fertile river valleys spawning new colonies in Connecticut, New Haven, and Rhode Island (of
differing theological temperatures), as well as offshoots farther north in New Hampshire and Maine. By 1640, New
England’s population approached 14,000 and the region was the most populous in English North America.[5]
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Puritan migration to New England, however, was only a small component of a much broader flow of settlers to
English America in this period. More than 200,000 settlers arrived in the colonies between 1630 and 1670. Most ended
up in the West Indies and the Chesapeake working on sugar and tobacco plantations. In the tobacco colonies of Virginia
and Maryland, white indentured servants were the main source of labor throughout the century; enslaved Africans did
not become numerically significant until the 1680s and 1690s. In contrast, the numbers of enslaved African laborers in
the English West Indies (St. Christopher, Barbados, Nevis, Montserrat, Antigua, and Jamaica) equaled the white
population as early as the 1660s.
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The great influx of white settlers, together with large numbers of enslaved Africans transported to the islands,
transformed English North America and the Caribbean during the mid-seventeenth century. In 1660 there were three
major clusters of settlement: New England with a population of approximately 33,000; the Chesapeake with 25,000; and
the English West Indies with 66,000, half of whom were enslaved Africans.[6]
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With the rapid spread of white settlement many American Indian populations experienced demographic
collapse. In the Caribbean, Spanish Florida, and English mainland colonies, Old World diseases such as smallpox,
measles, typhus, and influenza ravaged Native peoples. In some regions, virulent epidemics carried off up to 90 percent
of the population, destroying entire communities and leaving once densely populated lands deserted. Periodic wars and
the steady encroachment of white settlers into Indian territories further hastened population decline. Of the
approximately 15,000 Algonquians who lived along the coastal plain of Virginia when the English first arrived, only about
1,000 remained by 1700. In New England the decline was equally dramatic, from about 70,000 in 1620 to 12,000 half a
century later.[7]
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Another pulse of expansion began after 1660 with the capture of New Netherland (New York) from the Dutch in
1664 and the establishment of New Jersey in the same year and Pennsylvania in 1681. All three colonies grew quickly,
rising from a combined population of 15,000 in 1680 to more than 53,000 twenty years later, forming a fourth
population center in the Middle Colonies.
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At the same time, settlers from overcrowded Barbados established Charles Town, Carolina, in 1670, initially
supplying livestock and naval products (tar) to the West Indies but then turning to rice cultivation in the 1690s. Rice
became the third great staple of Britain’s transatlantic commerce, alongside West Indian sugar and Chesapeake tobacco,
and with the expansion of rice-growing areas in the low country of the coastal plain, the numbers of enslaved African
laborers increased steadily. By 1710, nearly 40 percent of the colony’s 11,000 inhabitants were of African descent, and
South Carolina soon emerged as the first mainland colony with an African majority.[8]
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21
The establishment of half a dozen new colonies in the second half of the seventeenth century brought about
important changes to the character of English America. The Middle Colonies introduced greater ethnic and religious
diversity with the absorption of Dutch, German, French, and Scandinavian peoples. In addition, the arrival of West Indian
planters in Carolina and growing numbers of enslaved laborers forcibly transported from West Africa and Angola created
a new cultural mosaic as English colonies of the seventeenth century gave way to the expansive, polyglot British
American world of the eighteenth
Eighteenth-Century British America
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135
136
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22
Three major trends characterize the expansion of British America through 1763: rapid white and black
population growth, increasing diversity among immigrant populations, and the surge of movement into the backcountry.
These far-reaching social, economic, and cultural developments took place in the context of intense imperial rivalry
between the major European powers in America—Britain, France, and Spain—expressed in a series of major colonial
wars between 1689 and 1763 that redrew national boundaries several times during the period.
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144
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146
147
23
In 1700, the white population of British mainland colonies was approximately a quarter of a million. Sixty years
later in the midst of the French and Indian War (1756–1763), the population had risen fivefold to 1,284,000,
representing a doubling of the population every twenty-five years. The areas of fastest growth were the Middle Colonies
and Lower South, which grew more than six times over the period. Black populations grew even more rapidly from
about 20,000 in 1700 to 326,000 by 1760, reflecting the massive importation of enslaved Africans into the Chesapeake
and Lower South after 1720. Sectional divisions were much in evidence by 1760. Whereas in New England and the
Middle Colonies Africans and African Americans made up 3 percent and 7 percent respectively of the population, in the
Chesapeake and Lower South the corresponding figures were 38 percent and 44 percent. Together, Virginia, Maryland,
and the Lower South accounted for fully 87 percent of all Africans and African Americans living in the mainland colonies
in 1760.[9]
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151
152
153
154
155
156
157
158
159
24
Continuing large-scale immigration and high rates of natural increase fueled European population growth and
expansion. Commercial disruption caused by Queen Anne’s War (1702–1713), initially slowed the pace of immigration
during the first two decades of the eighteenth century. But from the 1720s huge numbers of white settlers moved to
America: well over 100,000 up to 1750 and another 200,000 by 1776. English indentured servants, Ulster Irish, Catholic
Irish, Scots, French Huguenots, and tens of thousands of Germans from the Rhineland and Swiss cantons moved into the
coastal plain; flocked to the burgeoning port cities of Boston, New York, and Philadelphia; trekked along fertile river
valleys into the interior; and pressed on toward the Appalachian Mountains. Tens of thousands of settlers headed
westward into the rich lands of the Virginia piedmont and across the mountains to the enormous expanse of the Ohio
River basin. Others went south along the Great Wagon Road to the Shenandoah Valley, the Carolinas, and Georgia. All
along the expanding backcountry frontier, Irish, Scots, English, Welsh, German, and French colonists, together with
enslaved Africans and American Indians, evolved locally distinctive societies where ethnic diversity and the continual
arrival of new settlers were taken for granted.[10]
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161
162
163
164
165
166
167
25
Territorial adjustments in the wake of major imperial wars encourage ethnic diversity and the expansion of
settlement. As a result of the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), which ended Queen Anne’s War, Britain acquired Hudson Bay,
Acadia (Nova Scotia), and Newfoundland from France, greatly strengthening British presence in the north. Far to the
south, Georgia was created by royal charter in 1732 to provide a buffer between the Carolinas and Spanish Florida. King
George’s War (1743–1748) heightened British interest in the vast lands claimed by the French in Ohio territory. The
French and Indian War (1756–1763) was the culmination of British, French, and Spanish rivalry in North America and
resulted in complete British dominance. Britain took control of Canada and lands east of the Mississippi River from
France as well as Florida from the Spanish. The Spanish still claimed lands west from the Mississippi to California
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169
(Spanish Louisiana), but by the Treaty of Paris in 1763 Britain emerged as the acknowledged master of North
America.[11]
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171
172
173
174
175
176
26
In little more than a century and a half, British America had grown from a fragile outpost on a distant Atlantic
shore to an empire that stretched from the great forests and lakes of Canada to the lush tropical lands of East Florida.
Population continued to surge and reached approximately two and half million by the Revolutionary War, embracing a
remarkable diversity of peoples, regions, and settlements. The political convulsion ignited by the American Revolution
split Britain’s American empire in two and accelerated the expansion of settler populations. Taking advantage of the end
of British restrictions on westward movement, migrants flooded into the American interior, foreshadowing the greater
movements to come in the nineteenth century.
[1] E. G. R. Taylor, ed., The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts (London: Hakluyt Society,
1935), 1:175; 2:242.
[2] J. H. Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America, 1492–1830 (New Haven CT: Yale University
Press, 2006), 41, 52.
[3] James Horn, A Kingdom Strange: The Brief and Tragic History of the Lost Colony of Roanoke (New York: Basic Books,
2010).
[4] Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: Norton, 1975);
James Horn, A Land As God Made It: Jamestown and the Birth of America (New York: Basic Books, 2005).
Tobacco was initially an important cash crop on the Atlantic island of Bermuda, governed from 1615 by the
Somers Islands Company, and in the early English Caribbean, notably Barbados, down to the sugar revolution of
the 1640s.
[5] Virginia DeJohn Anderson, “New England in the Seventeenth Century,” in Nicholas Canny, ed., The Origins of Empire:
British Overseas Enterprise to the Close of the Seventeenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998),
193–216; Alan Taylor, American Colonies (New York: Penguin, 2001), 164–185.
[6] Russell R. Menard, “British Migration to the Chesapeake Colonies in the Seventeenth Century,” in Lois Green Carr,
Philip D. Morgan, and Jean B. Russo, eds., Colonial Chesapeake Society (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1988), 105; John J. McCusker and Russell R. Menard, The Economy of British America, 1607–1789 (Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985), 154; Hilary McD. Beckles, “The ‘Hub of Empire’: The Caribbean
and Britain in the Seventeenth Century,” in Canny, ed., Origins of Empire, 224; Jack P. Greene, Pursuits of
Happiness: The Social Development of Early Modern British Colonies and the Formation of American Culture
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), 178.
[7] Helen C. Rountree, Pocahontas’s People: The Powhatan Indians of Virginia through Four Centuries (Norman:
University of Oklahoma Press,1990), 104–105; Steven Sarson, British America, 1500–1800: Creating Colonies,
Imagining an Empire (London: Hodder Arnold, 2005), 136.
[8] Greene, Pursuits of Happiness, 178; Ned C. Landsman, “The Middle Colonies: New Opportunities for Settlement,
1660–1700,” in Canny, ed., Origins of Empire, 351–373; Taylor, American Colonies, 223–226, 236–239.
[9] Greene, Pursuits of Happiness, 179.
[10] James Horn and Philip D. Morgan, “Settlers and Slaves: European and African Migrations to Early Modern British
America,” in Elizabeth Mancke and Carole Shammas, eds., The Creation of the British Atlantic World (Baltimore
MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005), 24, 33–34; Richard R. Johnson, “Growth and Mastery: British
North America, 1690–1748,” in P. J. Marshall, ed., The Eighteenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1998), 276–298; Sarson, British America, 166, 182.
[11] Taylor, American Colonies, 421–433; Anthony McFarlane, The British in the Americas, 1480–1815 (London:
Longman, 1992), 220–225.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------James Horn is Colonial Williamsburg’s vice president of research and historical interpretation and the author of
numerous books and articles on colonial America, including A Land As God Made It: Jamestown and the Birth of
America (2005) and A Kingdom Strange: The Brief and Tragic History of the Lost Colony of Roanoke (2010).
Resource:
Horne, J. (2013). Early settlements. Gilder Lehrman. Retrieved from http://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/earlysettlements/essays/early-settlements
Day 1
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
According to the text, what were Hakluyt’s fears and what did Hakluyt encourage?
In what way, according to the author, did control of Western hemisphere transform within fifty years?
What were the motivations of Sir Walter Raleigh to colonize the New World, according to the author?
Why, according to the author, did Raleigh choose to attempt to colonize Roanoke for England?
Why did the English have difficulty, at first, in colonizing the New World and what was the price paid for
colonization, referring to paragraphs five through seven?
Day 2
6. According to the text, what were the motivations for Virginia Company of London to colonize the New World
and were they successful?
7. Why were the motivations to colonize Roanoke different from the motivations to settle the England colonies,
according to paragraphs fived and fourteen?
8. What systems, policies, and actions were instituted to ensure the prosperity of the growing colonies, according
to paragraphs twenty two through twenty six?
9. In the article, what evidence can be found for the growing tension in North America?
10. What was the author’s purpose for writing this text?
Richard Hakluyt (1585) Reasons for Colonization of the New World
Reasons for Colonization
1. The glory of God by planting of religion among those infidels.
2. The increase of the force of the Christians.
3. The possibility of the enlarging of the domninions of the Queen’s Most Excellent Majesty, and consequently
of her honour, revenues, and of her power by this enterprise.
4. An ample vent in time to come of the woollen cloths of England, especially those of the coarsest sorts, to the
maintenance of our poor, that else starve or become burdensome to the realm; and vent also of sundry our
commodities upon the tract of that firm land, and possibly in other regions from the northern side of that main.
5. A great possibility of further discoveries of other regions from the north part of the same land by sea, and of
unspeakable honour and benefit that may rise upon the same by the trades to ensue in Japan, China, and Cathay,
etc.
6. By return thence, this realm shall receive (by reason of the situation of the climate, and by reason of the
excellent soil) woad, oil, wines, hops, salt, and most or all the commodities that we receive from the best parts
of Europe, and we shall receive the same better cheap than now we receive them, as we may use the matter.
7. Receiving the same thence, the navy, the human strength of the realm, our merchants and their good, shall not
be subject to arrest of ancient enemies and doubtful friends as of late years they have been.
8. If our nation do not make any conquest there but only use traffic and change of commodities, yet, by means
the country is not very nighty but divided into petty kingdoms, they shall not dare to offer us any great annoy
but such as we may easily revenge with sufficient chastisement to the unarmed people there.
9. Whatever commodities we receive by the Steelyard Merchants, or by our own merchants from Eastland, be it
flax, hemp, pitch, tar, masts, clapboard, wainscot, or such-like; the like good[s] may we receive from the north
and north-east part of that country near unto Cape Breton, in return for our coarse woollen cloths, flannels, and
rugs fit for those colder regions.
10. The passage to and fro is through the main ocean sea, so as we are not in danger of any enemy’s coast.
Trade Opportunities
11. In the voyage we are not to cross the burnt zone, nor to pass through frozen seas encumbered with ice and
fogs, but in temperate climate at all times of the year; and it requireth not, as the East Indies voyage doth, the
taking in of water in divers places, by reason that it is to be sailed in five or six weeks; and by the shortness the
merchant may yearly make two returns (a factory [trade center] once being erected there), a matter in trade of
great moment.
12. In this trade by the way in, our pass to and fro, we have in tempests and other haps all the ports of Ireland to
our aid and no near coast of any enemy.
13. By this ordinary trade we may annoy the enemies to Ireland and succour the Queen’s Majesty's friends
there, and in time we may from Virginia yield them whatsoever commodity, they now receive from the
Spaniard; and so the Spaniards shall want the ordinary victual that heretofore they received yearly from thence,
and so they shall not continue trade, nor fall so aptly in practice against this government as now by their trade
thither they may.
14. We shall, as it is thought, enjoy in this voyage either some small islands to settle on or some one place or
other on the firm land to fortify for the safety, of our ships, our men, and our goods, the like whereof we have
not in any foreign place of our traffic, in which respect we may be in degree of more safety and more quiet.
15. The great plenty of' buff hides and of many other sundry kinds of hides their now presently to be had, the
tirade of whale and seal fishing and of divers other fishing in the great rivers, great hays, and seas there, shall
presently defray the charge in good part or in all of the first enterprise, and so we shall be in better case than our
men were in Russia, where many years were spent and great sums of it sums of money consumed before gain
was found.
16. The great broad rivers of that main that we are to enter into, so many leagues navigable or portable into the
mainland, lying so long a tract with so excellent and so fertile a soil on both sides, do seem to promise all things
that the life of man doth require and whatsoever men may wish may wish that are to plant upon the same or to
traffic in the same.
17. And whatsoever notable commodity the soil within or without doth yield in so long a tract, that is to be
carried out from thence to England, the same rivers so great and deep do yield no small benefit for the sure,
safe, easy, ad cheap carriage of the same to shipboard, be it of great bulk or of great weight.
18. And in like sort whatsoever commodity of England the inland people there shall need, the same rivers do
work the like effect in benefit for the in carriage of the same aptly, easily, and cheaply.
19. If we find the country populous and desirous to expel us and injuriously to offend us, that seek but just and
lawful traffic, then, by reason that we are lords of navigation and they are not so, we are the better able to
defend ourselves by reason of those rivers and to annoy them in many places.
20. Where there be many petty kings or lords planted on the rivers’ sides, and [who] by all likelihood maintain
the frontiers of' their several territories by wars, we may by the aid of this river join with this king here, or with
that king there, at our pleasure, and may so with a few men be revenged of any wrong offered by any of them;
or may, if we will proceed with extremity, conquer, fortify, and plant in soils most sweet, most fertile, in and in
the end bring them all in subjection and to civility.
21. The known abundance of fresh fish in the rivers, and the known plenty of fish on the sea-coast there, may
assure us of sufficient victual in spite of the people, if we will use salt and industry.
22. The known plenty and variety of flesh of divers kinds of beasts at land there may seem to say to us that we
may cheaply victual our navies to England for our returns, which benefit everywhere is not found of merchants.
23. The practice of the people of the East Indies, when the Portugals came thither first, was to cut from the
Portugals their lading of spice; and hereby they thought to overthrow their proposed trade. If these people shall
practise the like, by not suffering us to have any commodity of theirs without conquest (which requireth some
time), yet may we maintain our first voyage thither till our purpose come to effect by the sea-fishing on the
coasts there and by dragging for pearls, which are said to be on those parts; and by return of those commodities
the charges in part shall be defrayed: which is a matter of consideration in enterprises of charge.
Employing England’s Poor
24. If this realm shall abound too too much with youth, in the mines there of gold (as that of Chisca and
Saguenay), of silver, copper, iron, etc., may be an employment to the benefit of this realm; in tilling of the rich
soil there for grain and in planting of vines there for wine or dressing of those vines which grow there naturally
in great abundance; olives for oil; orange trees, lemons, figs and almonds for fruit; woad, saffron., and madder
for dyers; hops for brewers; hemp, flax; and in many ways such other things, by employment of the soil, our
people void of sufficient trades may be honestly employed, that else may become hurtful at home.
25. The navigating of the seas in the voyage, and of the great rivers there, will breed many mariners for service
and maintain much navigation.
26. The number of raw hides there of divers kinds of beasts, if we shall possess some island there or settle on
the firm, may presently employ many of our idle people in divers several dressings of the same, and so we may
return them to the people that cannot dress them so well, or into this realm, where the same are good
merchandise, or to Flanders, etc., which present gain at the first raiseth great encouragement presently to the
enterprise.
27. Since great waste woods be there of oak, cedar, pine, walnuts, and sundry other sorts, many of our waste
people may be employed in making of ships, hoys, busses [types of ships], and boats, and in making of rosin,
pitch, and tar, the trees natural for the same being certainly known to be near Cape Breton and the Bay of
Menan, and in many other palaces thereabout.
28. If mines of white or grey marble, jet, or other rich stone be found there, our idle people may be employed in
the mines of the same and in preparing the same to shape, and, so shaped, they may be carried into this realm as
good ballast for our ships and after serve for noble buildings.
29. Sugar-canes may be planted as well as they are now in the South of Spain, and besides the employment of
our idle people, we may receive the commodity cheaper and not enrich the infidels or our doubtful friends, of
whom now we receive that commodity.
30. The daily great increase of the wools in Spain, and the like in the West Indies, and the great employment of
the same cloth in both places, may move us to endeavor, for vent of our cloth, new discoveries of peopled
regions where hope of sale may arise; otherwise in short time many inconveniences may possibly ensue.
Incredible Things May Follow
31. This land that we propose to direct our course to, lying in part in the 4oth degree of latitude, being in like
heat as Lisbon in Portugal doth, and in the more southerly part, as the most southerly coast of Spain doth, may
by our diligence yield unto us, besides wines and oils and sugars, oranges, lemons, figs, raisins, almonds,
pomegranates, rice, raw silks such as come from Granada, and divers commodities for dyers, as anil and
cochineal, and sundry other colours and materials. Moreover, we shall not only receive many precious
commodities besides from thence, but also shall in time find ample vent of the labour of our poor people at
home, by sale of hats, bonnets, knives, fish-hooks, copper kettles, beads, looking-glasses, bugles, and a
thousand kinds of other wrought wares that in short time may be brought in use among the people of that
country, to the great relief of the multitude of our poor people and to the wonderful enriching of this realm. And
in time, such league and intercourse may arise between our stapling seats there, and other ports of our North
America, and of the islands of the same, that incredible things, and by few as yet undreamed of, may speedily
follow, tending to the impeachment of our mighty enemies and to the common good of this noble government.
The ends of this voyage are these:
1. To plant Christian religion
2. To traffic.
3. To conquer.
Or, to do all three.
Resource:
Hakluyt, R. (1585) Reasons for colonization. Texas Wesleyan University Retrieved from http://faculty.txwes
.edu /csmeller/human- experience/ExpData09/EurExpansion/RD_Hakluyt.html
Day 1
1. Hakluyt states, “The glory of God by planting of religion among those infidels.” In your own words, describe
what Hakluyt meant by that statement.
2. Why, according to the author, will England’s economy prosper from conquering the New World?
3. What was Halkuyt referring to when he stated, “If our nation do not make any conquest there but only use
traffic and change of commodities, yet, by means the country is not very nighty but divided into petty kingdoms,
they shall not dare to offer us any great annoy but such as we may easily revenge with sufficient chastisement to
the unarmed people there”?
4. According to the text, what were the main motives Richard Hakluyt used to urge colonization?
5. Hakluyt states religious, political, social and economic arguments for colonization of the New World. Which
factor was most significant to people in the 1600s and how is that supported by this text?
Religious Reasons to Colonize the New World (1629) John Winthrop (1588-1649)
Reasons to be considered for justifying the undertakers of the intended Plantation in New England, and for
encouraging such whose hearts God shall move to join with them in it.
1. It will be a service to the Church of great consequence to carry the Gospel into those parts of the world,
to help on the fullness of the coming of the Gentiles, and to raise a bulwark against the kingdom of
AnteChrist, which the Jesuits labor to rear up in those parts.
2. All other Churches of Europe are brought to desolation, and our sins, for which the Lord begins already
to frown upon us and to cut us short, do threaten evil times to be coming upon us, and who knows, but
that God hath provided this place to be a refuge for many whom he means to save out of the general
calamity, and seeing the Church hath no place left to fly into but the wilderness, what better work can
there be, than to go and provide tabernacles and food for her when she be restored.
3. This England grows weary of her inhabitants, so as Man, who is the most precious of all creatures, is
here more vile and base than the earth we tread upon, and of less price among us than a horse or a sheep.
Masters are forced by authority to entertain servants, parents to maintain their own children, all towns
complain of their burden to maintain their poor, though we have taken up many unnecessary, yea
unlawful, trades to maintain them. We use the authority of the Law to hinder the increase of our people,
as by urging the statute against cottages and inmates — and thus it is come to pass, that children,
servants and neighbors, especially if they be poor, are counted the greatest burdens, which if things were
right would be the chiefest earthly blessings.
4. The whole earth is the Lord's garden, and He hath given it to mankind with a general commission (Gen.
1:28) to increase and multiply and replenish the earth and subdue it, which was again renewed to Noah.
The end is double and natural, that Mankind might enjoy the fruits of the earth, and God might have His
due Glory from His creatures. Why then should one strive here for places of habitation, at such a cost as
would obtain better land in another country, and at the same time suffer a whole continent as fruitful and
convenient for the use of man to lie waste without any improvement?
5. We are grown to that height of intemperance in all excess of riot that as no man's estate, almost, will
suffice to keep sail with his equals. He who fails herein must live in scorn and contempt. Hence it comes
that all arts and trades are carried on in that deceitful and unrighteous course, so that it is almost
impossible for a good and upright man to maintain his charge and live comfortably in any of them.
6. The fountains of learning and religion are so corrupted that most children (besides the unsupportable
charge of their education) are perverted, corrupted, and utterly overthrown by the multitude of evil
examples and the licentious government of those seminaries, where men strain at gnats and swallow
camels, and use all severity for maintenance of caps and like accomplishments, but suffer all ruffianlike
fashions and disorder in manners to pass uncontrolled.
7. What can be a better work, and more honorable and worthy of a Christian than to help rise and support a
particular church while it is in its infancy, and to join his forces with such a company of faithful people,
as by a timely assistance may grow strong and prosper, when for want of such help may be put to great
hazard, if not wholly ruined.
8. If any such as are known to be Godly and live in all wealth and prosperity here, and shall forsake all this
to join themselves with this Church and to run a hazard with them of a hard and mean condition, it will
be an example of great use both for removing the scandal of worldly and sinister respects which is cast
upon the Adventurer, to give more life to the faith of God's people in their prayers for the Plantation, and
to encourage others to join the more willingly in it.
9. It appears to be a work of God for the good of His Church, in that He hath disposed the hearts of so
many of His wise and faithful servants, both ministers and others, not only to approve of the enterprise
but to interest themselves in it, some in their persons and estates, and others by their serious advice and
help otherwise, and all by their prayers for the welfare of it. (Amos 3:) The Lord revealed his secret to
His servants, the prophets, and it is likely He hath some great work in hand which He hath revealed to
His prophets among us, whom He hath stirred up to encourage His servants to this Plantation, for He
doth not use to seduce His people by His own prophets, but committeth that office to the ministry of
false prophets and lying spirits…
Diverse objections which have been made against this Plantation, with their answers and resolutions:
Objection I — We have no warrant to enter upon that land, which has been so long possessed by others.
Answer 1:
That which lies common, and has never been replenished or subdued, is free to any that possess and improve it;
for God hath given to the sons of men a double right to the earth — there is a natural right and a civil right. The
first right was natural when men held the earth in common, every man sowing and feeding where he pleased.
Then as men and their cattle increased, they appropriated certain parcels of ground by enclosing and peculiar
cultivation, and this in time got them a civil right — such is the right which Ephron the Hittite had in the field of
Mackpelah, wherein Abraham could not bury a dead corpse without leave, though for the out parts of the
country he dwelt upon them and took the fruit of them at his pleasure. The like did Jacob, who fed his cattle as
boldly in Hamor's land (for he is said to be Lord of the country) and in other places where he came, as the native
inhabitants themselves. And in those times and places, that men accounted nothing their own but that which
they had appropriated by their own industry, appears plainly by this — that Abimileck's servants in their own
country, when they oft contended with Isaac's servants about wells which they had dug, yet never strove for the
land wherein they were. So like between Jacob and Laban, he would not take a goat of Laban's without special
contract, but he makes no bargain with them for the land where they fed, and it is very probable that, had the
land not been as free for Jacob as for Laban, that covetous wretch would have made his advantage of it, and
would have upbraided Jacob with it as he did with his cattle. As for the natives in New England, they enclose no
land, neither have they any settled habitation, nor any tame cattle to improve the land by, and so have no other
but a natural right to those countries. So if we leave them sufficient for their own use, we may lawfully take the
rest, there being more than enough for them and for us.
Answer 2:
We shall come in with the good leave of the natives, who find benefit already of our neighborhood and learn
from us to improve a part to more use than before they could do the whole. And by this means we come in by
valuable purchase, for they have of us that which will yield them more benefit than all that land which we have
from them.
Answer 3:
God hath consumed the natives with a great plague in those parts, so as there be few inhabitants left.
Objection II — It will be a great wrong to our Church and Country to take away the good people, and we shall
lay it the more open to the judgment feared.
Answer 1:
The departing of good people from a country does not cause a judgment, but warns of it, which may occasion
such as remain to turn from their evil ways, that they may prevent it, or take some other course that they may
escape it.
Answer 2:
Such as go away are of no observation in respect of those who remain, and are likely to do more good there than
here. And since Christ's time, the Church is to be considered universal and without distinction of countries, so
that he that does good in one place serves the Church in all places in regard of the unity.
Answer 3:
It is the revealed will of God that the Gospel shall be preached in all nations, and though we know not whether
those barbarians will receive it at first or not, yet it is a good work to serve God's providence in offering it to
them (and this is the fittest to be done by God's own servants) for God shall have glory of it though they refuse
it, and there is good hope that the posterity shall by this means be gathered into Christ's sheepfold.
Objection III — We have feared a judgment a great while, but yet we are safe. It were better therefore to stay
till it comes, and either we may flee then, or if we be overtaken in it we may well content ourselves to suffer with
such a Church as ours is.
Answer:
It is likely that such a consideration made the Churches beyond the seas as the Palatinate, Rochelle, etc. to sit
still at home and not look out for the shelter while they might have found it. But the woeful spectacle of their
ruin may teach us more wisdom to avoid the plague when it is foreseen, and not to tarry as they did till it
overtake us. If they were now at their former liberty we may be surer they would take other courses for their
safety. And though half of them had miscarried their escape, yet had it not been so miserable to themselves and
to religion as this desperate backsliding and abjuring the truth, which many of the ancient professors among
them, and the whole posterity which remain are now plunged into.
Objection IV — The ill success of the other Plantations may tell us what will become of this.
Answer 1:
None of the former sustained any great damage but Virginia, which happened there through their own sloth and
poor security.
Answer 2:
The argument is not good, for thus it stands: Some Plantations have miscarried, therefore we should not make
any. It consists of particulars, and so concludes nothing. We might as well reason thus: many houses have been
burnt by kilns, therefore we should use none; many ships have been castaway, therefore we should content
ourselves with our home commodities, and not adventure mens lives at sea for those things which we might live
without; some men have been undone by being advanced to high places, therefore we should refuse all
preferment, etc.
Answer 3:
The fruit of any public design is not to be discerned by the immediate success. It may appear in time that the
former Plantations were all to good use.
Answer 4:
There are great and fundamental errors in the former which are likely to be avoided in this, for:
1. their main end was carnal and not religious;
2. they used unfit instruments — a multitude of rude and misgoverned persons, the very scum of
the land;
3. they did not establish a right form of government.
Objection V — It is attended with many and great difficulties.
Answer:
So is every good action. The heathen could say Ardua virtutis via, and the way of God's kingdom, which is the
best way in the world, is accompanied with most difficulties. Straight is the gate, and narrow is the way, that
leadeth to life. Again, the difficulties are no other than such as many daily meet with, and such as God hath
brought others well through them.
Objection VI - It is a work above the power of the undertakers.
Answer 1:
The welfare of any body consists not so much in quantity as in a due proportion and disposition of parts. And
we see other Plantations have subsisted diverse years and prospered from weaker means.
Answer 2:
It is no wonder for great things to arise from small and contemptible beginnings — it hath often been seen in
kingdoms and states, and may as well hold in towns and plantations. The Waldenses were scattered into the
Alps and mountains of Piedmont by small companies, but they became famous Churches whereof some remain
to this day, and it is certain that the Turks and Venetians and other states were weak in their beginnings.
Objection VII — The country affords no natural fortifications.
Answer:
No more did Holland and many other places which had greater enemies and nearer at hand, and God doth use to
place His people within the midst of perils, that they may trust in Him, and not the outward means of safety. So
when He would choose a place to plant His only beloved people in, He seated them not in an island or another
place fortified by nature, but in a plain country, beset with potent and bitter enemies round about, yet so long as
they served Him and trusted in His help they were safe. So the Apostle Paul said of himself and his fellow
laborers, that they were compassed with dangers on every side, and were daily under the sentence of death, that
they might learn to trust in the living God.
Objection VIII — The place affords no comfortable means to the first inhabitants, and our breeding here at
home has made us unfit for the hardship we are likely to endure there.
Answer 1:
No place of itself has afforded sufficient to the first inhabitants. Such things as we stand in need of are usually
supplied by God's blessing upon the wisdom and industry of Man, and whatsoever we stand in need of is
treasured up in the earth by the Creator to be fetched thence by the sweat of our brows.
Answer 2:
We must learn with Paul to want as well as to abound. If we have food and raiment (which are there to be had)
we ought to be contented. The difference in the quality may a little displease us, but it cannot hurt us.
Answer 3:
It may be that God will bring us by this means to repent of our former intemperance, and so cure us of that
disease which sends many amongst us untimely to our graves and others to hell. So He carried the Isrealites into
the wilderness and made them forget the fleshpots of Egypt, which was some pinch to them at first, but He
disposed it to their good in the end (Deu. 8: 3: 16).
Objection IX — We must look to be preserved by miracle if we subsist, and so we shall tempt God.
Answer 1:
Those who walk under ordinary means of safety and supply do not tempt God, and such will our condition be in
this Plantation, that the proposition cannot be denied. The assumption we prove thus: that place is as much
secured from ordinary dangers as many in the civilized parts of the world, and we shall have as much provision
beforehand as towns use to provide against siege or dearth, and sufficient means for raising a sufficient store to
succeed that which is spent. If it be denied that we shall be as secure as other places, we answer that many of
our sea towns and such as are upon the confines of enemies' countries in the continent, lie more open and nearer
to danger than we shall. Though such towns have sometimes been burnt or despoiled, yet men tempt not God to
dwell still in them; and though many houses in the country lie open to robbers and thieves (as many have found
by sad experience), yet no man will say that those that dwell in those places must be preserved by miracle.
Answer 2:
Though miracles be now ceased, yet men more expect a more than ordinary blessing from God upon all lawful
means where the work is the Lord's, and He is sought in it according to His will. For it is usually with Him to
increase or weaken the strength of the means as He is pleased or displeased with the instruments and the
actions; else we must conclude that God hath left the government of the world and committed all power to His
Creatures, and that the success of all things should wholly depend upon second causes.
Answer 3:
We appeal to the judgment of soldiers if 500 men may not within one month raise a fortification which, with
sufficient munition and victuals, may not make good against 3000 for many months, and yet without miracle.
Answer 4:
We demand an instance of any Prince or state that has raised 3000 soldiers, and has victualed them for 6 or 8
months with shipping and munition answerable to invade a place so far distant as this is from any foreign
enemy, and where they must run on hazard of repulse, and no booty or just title of sovereignty to allure them.
Objection X — If it succeed ill, it will raise a scandal upon our profession (of our religion).
Answer:
It is no rule in philosophy, but much less in divinity, to judge the action by the success. The enterprise of the
Israelites against Benjamin succeeded ill twice, yet the action was good and prospered in the end. The Counts of
Beziers and Toulouse in France miscarried in the defense of a just cause of religion and hereditary right against
the unjust violence of the Count of Montfort and the Pope's Legate; the Duke of Saxony and the Landgrave had
ill success in their defense of the Gospel against Charles the Vth, wherein the Duke and his children lost their
whole inheritance to this day; the King of Denmark and other princes of this union had ill success in the defense
of the Palatinate and the liberty of Germany, yet their profession suffered not with their persons, except it were
with the adversaries of religion, and so it was no scandal.
Resource:
Winthrop. (1628). Reasons for the plantation in New England. The Winthrop Society.Retrieved from
http://www.winthropsociety.com/doc_reasons.php
Day 1
1. In what ways do Winthrop’s and Hakluyt’s reasons for colonizing the New World differ?
2. In your own words, what did Winthrop mean when he stated, “Why then should one strive here for places of
habitation, at such a cost as would obtain better land in another country, and at the same time suffer a whole
continent as fruitful and convenient for the use of man to lie waste without any improvement?”
3. Winthrop states, “He who fails herein must live in scorn and contempt. Hence it comes that all arts and trades
are carried on in that deceitful and unrighteous course, so that it is almost impossible for a good and upright
man to maintain his charge and live comfortably in any of them”. According to this statement, what are his
thoughts about England’s business conduct, in relation to the Puritan religion?
4. In your own words, what was Winthrop referring to when he noted, “The fountains of learning and religion are
so corrupted that most children (besides the unsupportable charge of their education) are perverted, corrupted,
and utterly overthrown by the multitude of evil examples and the licentious government of those seminaries,
where men strain at gnats and swallow camels, and use all severity for maintenance of caps and like
accomplishments, but suffer all ruffianlike fashions and disorder in manners to pass uncontrolled”?
5. According to the text, how does Winthrop believe they will be received in the New World by Native Americans
and what is his goal?
6. In your own words, what is Winthrop’s response to the ungodly actions of conquistadors and colonizers?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)”
Week 2
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
What were the differences between the three colonial regions, in the terms of economy, and how, if at all, was it impacted
by geography?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, connecting insights gained from
specific details to an understanding of the text as a whole.
-Evaluate various explanations for actions or events and determine which explanation best accords with textual evidence,
acknowledging where the text leaves matters uncertain.
-Integrate information from diverse sources, both primary and secondary, into a coherent understanding of an idea or
event, noting discrepancies among sources.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Middle colonies
Louis Thibou “Letter from Louis Thibou to friends and family in
New England Colonies
France” (1683)
Southern colonies
William Penn “Report on Pennsylvania” (1685)
Arpent
American Husbandry “Argriculture in the Middle Colonies” (1775)
Dovecote
Francis Higginson “ Vol. I. The Transplanting of Culture: 1607–
tormenting
1650” (1630)
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.B.1.a, 6.1.12.C.1.b
Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)
Week 2 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore how the geography
and climate of the three regions of the thirteen colonies were affected the economy of each region. The thirteen colonies
were diversely populated by different ethnicities and groups and three diverse regions developed distinct economies. The
New England colonies, composed of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, Connecticut Colony, Colony of Rhode Island and
Providence Plantations and Province of New Hampshire, relied mostly on small subsistence farming, lumber,
shipbuilding, trade, and fishing to sustain livelihood. New Jersey, Pennsylvania, New York and Delaware, the middle
colonies, relied on trade and wheat, rye, and barley crops for income. The Southern colonies, consisting of South
Carolina, North Carolina, Maryland, Virginia and Georgia, sustained their economy through large plantations and slave
labor and cash crops.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore how
geography and climate affected regional economies. Students will need to consider the emotional context of words and
how diction (word choice) affects an author’s message. When combined with writing about the passage and teacher
feedback, students will form a deeper understanding of the intertwinement between economies, geography, and the
development of colonies.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 1-3 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Half the class will be assigned the William Penn “Report on Pennsylvania” (1685) and half the class will be assigned
American Husbandry “Argriculture in the Middle Colonies” (1775).
Within groups, a skillful reader then reads the text out loud to the group, as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 1-22 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions
in the English Classroom. James Holden and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as:
Compare the diverse economies of the three regions and the role geography and climate played on the development of the
thirteen colonies.
1
Letter from Louis Thibou to friends and family in France, 1683
2
Carolina, the 20th September 1683
3
Gentlemen and dear Friends,
4
This is the second letter I am writing to you although you have not yet honored me by one of yours. In this one I shall give you details
5
about this country and its mode of life, and first of all I shall describe to you that it is a wooded country with lovely savannas or plains
6
crossed by fine rivers very full of fish in which anyone who likes can fish and with enough oysters to feed a kingdom. The land is not too
7
difficult to clear; a man who has a mind to work can easily clear an arpent [1 ¼ acres] or more in a month. If a man has five or six
8
arpents of land under cultivation and if he works only two months in the year and sows corn and Pease after having cleared the land he
9
should be able to reap more that 100 bushels of wheat and 50 or 60 bushels of Pease. I myself have not more than that under cultivation
10
and have reaped this year as much as I have just mentioned. This climate is temperate, as you would describe that of Languedoc or Italy,
11
a little warmer than Paris – the winters are almost as long but the frosts are not so severe. In short I assure you it is a fine climate, very
12
temperate and very healthy, where one feels very fit. Everything you can imagine growing in France or in England grows here. Carolina
13
has good earth, nothing barren about it and it only needs to be cultivated. It is a country where there is an abundance of fish in the right
14
season; in fact one makes the pigs drunk by feeding it to them. I have tried growing vines which do wonderfully well – not those of the
15
country, but those of France, Madeira and the Canaries which have been introduced here. They produce excellent grapes which are
16
sweet, winey and full of juice. There can never be a lack of them since they are nourished by warmth and soft rain; that is why I am sure
17
of producing here better wine than could be produce in Europe. The native vines also produce very good grapes but the pity of it is that
18
they produce too much wood and too heavy a growth of leaf which hinders the fruit from ripening; all the same I have planted several
19
which have done well. If only I had good vine-stock from Champagne, Suresne and Argenteuil I would very quickly do well in this
20
country for wine in very dear and sells at 20 sous a bottle, as it does everywhere else in America. We only need labor and good plants to
21
do a lot in a short time. We have good garden-melons and excellent watermelons of which I am sending you some seeds. We have
22
potatoes in abundance which a good root out of which we make a drink with molasses or dregs of sugar; it is a liqueur which is as good
23
as beer. These potatoes are mighty good to eat cooked in the oven. A bushel of these roots planted in a little square of earth produces 15
24
or 20. You much realize that a man here who has 2000 crowns can live better than a gentleman which an income of 2000 “livres” can
25
live in France. In fact any man who has a couple of negroes, a readymade plantation, a servant to look after his household, to milk his
26
cows, to look after his pigs, his poultry and his dovecote can live very happily and that is something a man can have in this country at
27
small outlay. If he wishes to hunt or to have an Indian hunt for him there is no lack of venison or game. An Indian will provide a family
28
of 30 with enough game and venison, as much as they can eat, all the year round for 4 crowns. As for fish there is abundance of all kinds
29
and fishing is such good sport that in this country there is no lack of it, just as in London. Victuals are very cheap, beef only 3 sous a
30
pound at the butcher’s, fat port 3 sous and lean only 2. Wheat is worth 24 sous a bushel and Pease 36; one gets 100 pounds of potatoes
31
for only 24 sous. The cattle only feed in the woods, on the plains or on the savanna, the bulls, the cows and the rest of the cattle feed
32
themselves perfectly well at no cost whatever; one had only to keep the calves in the house to bring all the cows back every evening – the
33
only trouble they are is to milk them and they give you a calf every year, which is a good profit costing no more to feed a lot than a few;
34
you feed them by their thousands in the woods. As for the pigs, they only need to be given a little corn in the evening to make them come
35
back home, the poultry is easy to rear because of the hear – as you see we have no lack of butter nor milk, as well as fat capons, hens and
36
fresh eggs. I admit that a man who starts with nothing has a little difficulty for the first two three years, but a man who has something to
37
back him and can afford a couple of farm-hands, a maidservant and some cattle can establish himself very well right away and live very
38
happily in this country. Carolina is a good country for anyone who is not lazy; however poor he may be, he can live well provided he is
39
willing to take a little trouble. Carpenters, cobblers, tailors and other craftsmen necessary for building or clothing easily make a living. I
40
have no doubt that one of our French friends has put this country in a bad light in his letters but if he had really wished to work he could
41
have done as well as I have and would have had a good word to say for Carolina with as much reason as I, for I assure you that when I
42
arrive with my wife and 3 children I was not worth a farthing and my furniture did not consist of very much, whereas now I am
43
beginning to live well. If I had a couple of farmhands and a serving maid I would live like a gentleman, but I must be patient. I hope that
44
with God’s help the vines will in time bring me all I want. We have 15 or 16 nations of Indians round us who are very friendly and the
45
English get on well with them; the largest number is not more than 500 strong. They bring them a great quantity of deerskins and furs.
46
There are some tigers and wolves here but no more of the latter than there are in France and the moment a tiger or wolf catches sight of
47
a man it runs away faster than a deer. Although it is said that there are a great number in the woods I have never seen a live one since I
48
came to the country and only one little dead one that an Indian had killed. As for the crocodile which the English call alligator you
49
cannot get within gunshot of them, for the moment they catch sight of you they dive into the water. Anyhow there are only a few little
50
ones at the sources of the rivers and they have never done harm to any one. There are no more snakes than there are in France and they
51
run away when they hear you so that it is difficult to catch and kill them. As for the rattlesnake, of which there has been so much talk in
52
England, you can easily kill it for it does not move more than a tuft of grass; a child could kill one with a switch. It is true that a few
53
people have been bitten by accident, but there is a good remedy for that here and no one has ever died of their bite; all that has been
54
said about this kind of animals is just a lot of fairy-tales. My wife and all my family are well, thank God. My poor little Loton [?] died out
55
here but God has given us a son who is called Jacob after the one we lost in England; the captain of a warship was his godfather. Gabriel
56
is well and kisses the hands of his godfather and godmother. I beg you to communicate this letter to friend Le Nain and to M. Poupé and
57
to M. de Baze and to my friend Ardain and to M. Valon and to all my acquaintances; give them my regards; I beg to you let me have
58
some news and to convey the enclosed to M. Marriette of Place Maubert, Paris. I believe that there are lots of French in England who
59
have taken refuge there on account of the persecutions. If they want to live in peace they need merely come to this country. They can
60
settle in town or in the countryside, on the plantations where they will be able to live in peace. They will not have to pay any taxes here
61
or money for the high roads nor chimney taxes, for nothing of that sort is charged in this country. All you have to pay is one sou per year
62
to the owner of the land for each arpent; wood and resin candles cost nothing at all and tallow candles are very cheap. Those who are
63
willing to come to Carolina will discover the truth of what I say; I would advise all the young men who have a trade to come and settle
64
here rather than stay in England. They could bring us some brandy, white and blue linen and bits of cloth for the Indians; all that serves
65
as good currency and is worth half as much again. I beg you to tell the mother of the little boy I brought along that he is well and that I
66
have received the letter she wrote. Adieu, my dear Friend; please tell M. Valon to write to me and M. de Baze and friend Le Nain, to
67
whom I feel as close as to you, and M. Poupé and my friend his wife; and tell her that her brother and sister are well; he has made quite
68
30 pounds of silk this year; he has let some of it got to ruin by not drawing it, through his negligence; please kiss the hands of all our
69
friends, male and female, to whom I feel as towards you.
70
You very affectionate servant
71
Louis Thibou
72
P.S. There is good timber here for building houses which are roofed with planks and boards. Others do it with a sort of lime, made out of
73
oyster every one builds as he wishes, maybe with planks sawn from cedars or some with it. The children do very well here; they are
74
bigger and fatter than come and join us here. My plantation is on the river Ashley which is beautiful and full of fish. There is good land
75
to be obtained behind my plantation and it would suffice for a number of families. I beg you to kiss the hands of M. Prieux who would
76
have done better to come out here than to remain in England. M. Varain is making lots of money at his trade. Good apples grow here
77
and sweet cherries, which become as red as wine inside, some pears, such as winter and summer William pears and butter pears, as well
78
as some horseradish seed. Once again I beg you to write to me and to give us news of our relatives, how they are getting on in France
79
under the persecution. Those who want to come to Carolina could not fail to have opportunities because so many ships arrive from
80
England, the Barbados, New England etc., bringing us horses and cattle. The port here is never without ships and the country is
81
becoming a great traffic center. Some deputies from Scotland came here to look at the country which please them very much; they
82
bought two counties, or provinces, and are preparing to bring over 10,000 people to settle them; I have no doubt that a number of
83
others will follow shortly, people arrive every day from all parts to inhabit this country. That will make Carolina powerful and
84
flourishing in a very short time. Adieu, my dear friend; I wish you a thousand blessings and am your servant,
85
Louis Thibou
Resource:
Teaching American History in South Carolina. (1683). Letter from Louis Thibou to friends and family in France, 1683.
Teaching US History. Retrieved from http://www.teachingushistory.org/lessons/Thibou.htm
Day 1
1.
According to the text, why does the author describe the climate and geography of Carolina?
2.
Why does the climate aid the economy of Carolina, according to the author?
3.
In what ways is Carolina’s economy affected by neighboring economies, using evidence from the text?
4.
Describe the purpose of the text, while citing evidence from the text to support your conclusion.
1
Report on Pennsylvania
2
3
4
1 William Penn acquired Pennsylvania as a haven for his fellow Quakers. But the colony was not exclusively reserved for
Quakers. As Penn intended, people of various nations and faiths settled there. In 1685 Penn published a book about his
colony, called A Further Account of the Province of Pennsylvania. Here is a part of his Account.
5
6
7
8
2 The people are a collection of different nations in Europe, such as French, Dutch, Germans, Swedes, Danes, Finns,
Scots, Irish, and English. But as they are of one kind and in one place and under one allegiance, so they live like people of
one country....
9
10
11
3 Philadelphia is two miles long and a mile broad and at each end it lies a mile upon a navigable river. Besides the High
Street that runs in the middle, it has eight streets more that run the same course. And besides Broad Street, which
crosses the town in the middle, there are twenty streets more that run the same course....
12
13
14
4 During the first ten months since our arrival we had got up 80 houses at our town, and some villages were settled
about it. During the next year the town advanced to 357 houses. Many of them were large and well-built, with good
cellars and three stories. Some had balconies.
15
5 There is also a fair wharf of about three hundred square feet. ...
16
17
6 There lived most sorts of useful tradespeople such as carpenters, bricklayers, masons, plasterers, plumbers, smiths,
glaziers, tailors, shoemakers, butchers, bakers, tanners, shipwrights....
18
7 The hours for work and meals to laborers are fixed and known by ring of bell....
19
8 Some vessels have been built here and many boats, which are useful for passage of people and goods...
20
21
9 With the natives we live in great friendship. I have made seven purchases. And in pay and presents they have received
at least twelve hundred pounds [English units of money] of me.
22
23
10 They generally leave their guns at home when they come to our settlement. They offer us no insult, not so much as to
one of our dogs. If any of them break our laws, they submit to be punished by them.
24
25
11 We leave not the least wrong done to them unsatisfied. Justice gains and awes them. They have some great people
among them, I mean for wisdom, truth, and justice.
26
Resource:
Sites Alive. (1685). A further account of the province of Pennsylvania. Sites Alive. Retrieved from http://www.Sitesalive
.com/hl/tg/private/hlrwk1a.htm
Day 1
Text A
1.
2.
3.
4.
According to the author, what is the geography of Pennsylvania like?
What role does the geography of Pennsylvania aid in Pennsylvania economy?
What is the basis of Pennsylvania’s economy, based on the text?
Based on the text, why is Pennsylvania’s economy affected by neighboring economies?
1
Agriculture in the Middle Colonies
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
1 Wheat in many parts of the province [New York] yields a larger produce than is common in England: upon good lands
about Albany, where the climate is the coldest in the country, they sow two bushels and better upon one acre, and reap
from 20 to 40: the latter quantity, however, is not often had; but from 20 to 30 bushels are common, and this with such
bad husbandry as would not yield the like in England, and much less in Scotland. This is owing to the richness and
freshness of the soil. In other parts of the province, particularly adjoining to New Jersey and Pensylvania, the culture is
better and the country more generally settled. Though there are large tracts of waste land within twenty miles of the
city of New York.
9
10
2 Rye is a common crop upon the inferior lands, and the sort they produce is pretty good, though not equal to the rye of
England. The crops of it are not so great in produce as those of wheat on the better lands.
11
12
13
14
3 Maize is sown generally throughout the province, and they get vast crops of it. . . . It is also of great advantage in
affording a vast produce of food for cattle in the winter, which in this country is a matter of great consequence, where
they are obliged to keep all their cattle housed from November till the end of March, with exception indeed of
unprovident farmers, who trust some out the chief of the winter, to their great hazard.
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
4 Barley is much sown in all the southern parts of the province; and the crops they sometimes get of it are very great,
but the grain is not of a quality equal to that of Europe. They make much malt and brew large quantities of beer from it
at New York, which serves the home consumption, and affords some also for exportation. Pease are a common article of
culture here, and thougb uncertain in their produce, yet are they reckoned very profitable; and the straw is valued as
winter food. Thirty bushels per acre they consider as a large crop, but some times they get scarcely a third of that. Oats
they sow in common, and the products are generally large; sixty bushels an acre have been known on land of but
moderate fertility. Buckwheat is everywhere sown, and a few crops are supposed to pay the farmer better, at the same
time that they find it does very little prejudice to the ground, in which it resembles pease.
23
24
25
26
5 Potatoes are not common in New England, but in New York many are planted; and upon the black, loose, fresh
woodland they get very great crops, nor does any pay them better if so well, for at the city of New York there is a
constant and ready market for them; I have been assured that from five to eight hundred bushels have been often
gained on an acre.
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
6 There are many very rich meadows and pastures in all parts of the province; and upon the brooks and rivers, the
watered ones (for they are well acquainted with that branch of husbandry) are mown twice and yield large crops of hay.
In their marshes they get large crops also, but it is a coarse bad sort; not however to a degree, as to make cattle refuse
it, on the contrary, the farmers find it of great use in the winter support of their lean cattle, young stock, and cows. . . .
The fruits in this province are much superior to thosein New England; and they have some, as peaches and nectarines,
which will not thrive there. Immense quantities of melons, and water melons are cultivated in the fields near New York,
where they come to as great perfection as in Spain and Italy; nor can it well be conceived how much of these fruits and
peaches, &c. all ranks of people eat here, and without receiving any ill consequence from the practice. This is an
agreeableness far superior to any thing we have in England; and indeed, the same superiority runs through all their
fruits, and several articles of the kitchen garden, which are here raised without trouble, and in profusion. Every planter
and even the smallest farmers have all an orchard near their house of some acres, by means of which they command a
great quantity of cyder, and export apples by ship loads to the West Indies. Nor is this an improper place to observe that
the rivers in this province and the sea upon the coast are richly furnished with excellent fish; oysters and lobsters are no
where in greater plenty than in New York. I am of opinion they are more plentiful than at any other place on the globe;
for very many poor families have no other subsistence than oysters and bread. Nor is this the only instance of the
42
43
natural plenty that distinguishes this country: the woods are full of game, and wild turkies are very plentiful; in these
particulars New York much exceeds New England.
44
Resource:
American Husbandry (2002).American Husbandry.San Jose States University. Retrieved from
http://www.sjsu.edu/faculty/watkins/middlecolonies02.htm
Day 1
Text B
1. Why is Pennsylvania’s economy aided by climate and geography, using evidence from the text?
2. What is Pennsylvania’s economy based on, according to the author?
3. Based on the text, in what ways is Pennsylvania’s economy affected and supplemented by neighboring
economies?
Vol. I. The Transplanting of Culture: 1607–1650
Francis Higginson
FRANCIS HIGGINSON, the founder of that distinguished New England family, was born in
England in 1588, and died in Salem, Massachusetts, in 1630. Like most of the New
England divines of his generation he was a graduate of Cambridge University, and had
been an Anglican clergyman before his emigration. Becoming a Puritan, he gave up his
benefice, and supported himself by preparing men for college, till in 1628 he accepted an
invitation from the Massachusetts Bay Company, to join their colony. He reached Salem
in the next year, and was almost immediately chosen teacher of the congregation there.
The next year he sickened and died, an ironical commentary on the somewhat extravagant
praise of the New England climate, that appears in his New England’s Plantation, or a
short and true description of the Commodities of that Country, published in 1630, and
reprinted in the first volume of the Massachusetts Historical Society’s Collection. Our
extracts are from this work. Higginson wrote also an account of his voyage, afterwards
printed in Hutchinson’s Original Papers (1769). A Life of Francis Higginson has been
written by his eminent descendant, Thomas Wentworth Higginson (1891).
1
“First Therefore of the Earth of New England, and All the Appurtenances Thereof.”
[From “New England’s Plantation,” 1630.]
2
… I WILL endeavor to show you what New England is … and truly endeavor, by God’s
help, to report nothing but the naked truth, and that both to tell you of the discommodities
as well as of the commodities. Though, as the idle proverb is, “Travelers may lie by
authority,” and so may take too much sinful liberty that way, yet I may say of myself, as
once Nehemiah did in another case, “Shall such a man as I lie?” No. verily. It becometh
not a preacher of truth to be a writer of falsehood in any degree; and therefore I have been
careful to report nothing of New-England but what I have partly seen with mine own
eyes, and partly heard and inquired from the mouths of very honest and religious persons,
who by living in the country a good space of time have had experience and knowledge of
the state thereof, and whose testimonies I do believe as myself.
The fertility of the soil is to be admired at, as appeareth in the abundance of grass that
groweth every where, both very thick, very long, and very high in divers places. But it
groweth very wildly, with a great stalk, and a broad and ranker blade, because it never had
been eaten with cattle, nor mowed with a scythe, and seldom trampled on by foot. It is
scarce to be believed how our kine and goats, horses and hogs do thrive and prosper here,
and like well of this country.
3
In our Plantation we have already a quart of milk for a penny. But the abundant increase
of corn proves this country to be a wonderment. Thirty, forty, fifty, sixty, are ordinary
here. Yea, Joseph’s increase in Egypt is outstripped here with us. Our planters hope to
have more than a hundred-fold this year. And all this while I am within compass; what
will you say of two hundred-fold, and upwards? It is almost incredible what great gain
some of our English planters have had by our Indian corn. Credible persons have assured
me, and the party himself avouched the truth of it to me, that of the setting of thirteen
gallons of corn he hath had increase of it fifty-two hogsheads, every hogshead holding
seven bushels of London measure, and every bushel was by him sold and trusted to the
Indians for so much beaver as was worth eighteen shillings; and so of this thirteen gallons
of corn, which was worth six shillings eight pence, he made about £327 of it the year
following, as by reckoning will appear; where you may see how God blesseth husbandry
in this land. There is not such great and plentiful ears of corn I suppose anywhere else to
4
be found but in this country, being also of variety of colors, as red, blue, and yellow, &c.;
and of one corn there springeth four or five hundred. I have sent you many ears of divers
colors, that you might see the truth of it.
Little children here, by setting of corn, may earn much more than their own maintenance.
5
They have tried our English corn at New Plymouth Plantation, so that all our several
grains will grow here very well, and have a fitting soil for their nature.
6
Our Governor hath store of green pease growing in his garden as good as ever I eat in
England.
7
This country aboundeth naturally with store of roots of great variety and good to eat. Our
turnips, parsnips and carrots are here both bigger and sweeter than is ordinarily to be
found in England. Here are also store of pumpions, cowcumbers, and other things of that
nature which I know not. Also, divers excellent pot-herbs grow abundantly among the
grass, as strawberry leaves in all places of the country, and plenty of strawberries in their
time, and penny-royal, winter-savory, sorrel, brooklime, liverwort, carvel, and
watercresses; also leeks and onions are ordinary, and divers physical herbs. Here are also
abundance of other sweet herbs, delightful to the smell, whose names we know not, and
plenty of single damask roses, very sweet; and two kinds of herbs that bear two kinds of
flowers very sweet, which they say are as good to make cordage or cloth as any hemp or
flax we have.
8
Excellent vines are here up and down in the woods. Our Governor hath already planted a
vineyard, with great hope of increase.
9
Also, mulberries, plums, raspberries, currants, chestnuts, filberts, walnuts, small-nuts,
hurtleberries, and haws of white-thorn, near as good as our cherries in England, they grow
in plenty here.
10
For wood, there is no better in the world, I think, here being four sorts of oak, differing
both in the leaf, timber, and color, all excellent good. There is also good ash, elm, willow,
birch, beech, sassafras, juniper, cypress, cedar, spruce, pines and fir, that will yield
abundance of turpentine, pitch, tar, masts, and other material for building both of ships
and houses. Also here are store of sumach trees, that are good for dyeing and tanning of
leather; likewise such trees yield a precious gum, called white benjamin, that they say is
excellent for perfumes. Also here be divers roots and berries, wherewith the Indians dye
excellent holding colors, that no rain nor washing can alter. Also we have materials to
make soap ashes and saltpetre in abundance.
11
For beasts there are some bears, and they say some lions also; for they have been seen at
Cape Anne. Also here are several sorts of deer, some whereof bring three or four young
ones at once, which is not ordinary in England; also wolves, foxes, beavers, otters,
martens, great wild cats, and a great beast called a molke, as big as an ox. I have seen the
skins of all these beasts since I came to this Plantation, excepting lions. Also here are
great store of squirrels, some greater, and some smaller and lesser; there are some of the
lesser sort, they tell me, that by a certain skin will fly from tree to tree, though they stand
far distant.
12
“Of the Waters of New England, with the Things belonging to the Same.”
********
The abundance of sea-fish are almost beyond believing; and sure I should scarce have
believed it except I had seen it with mine own eyes. I saw great store of whales, and
grampuses, and such abundance of mackerels that it would astonish one to behold;
likewise codfish, abundance on the coast, and in their season are plentifully taken. There
13
is a fish called a bass, a most sweet and wholesome fish as ever I did eat; it is altogether
as good as our fresh salmon; and the season of their coming was begun when we came
first to New-England in June, and so continued about three months’ space. Of this fish our
fishers take many hundreds together, which I have seen lying on the shore, to my
admiration. Yea, their nets ordinarily take more than they are able to haul to land, and for
want of boats and men they are constrained to let a many go after they have taken them;
and yet sometimes they fill two boats at a time with them. And besides bass, we take
plenty of scate and thornback, and abundance of lobsters, and the least boy in the
Plantation may both catch and eat what he will of them. For my own part, I was soon
cloyed with them, they were so great, and fat, and luscious. I have seen some myself that
have weighed sixteen pound; but others have had divers times so great lobsters as have
weighed twenty-five pound, as they assured me….
“Of the Air of New England, with the Temper and Creatures in It.”
14
The temper of the air of New-England is one special thing that commends this place.
Experience doth manifest that there is hardly a more healthful place to be found in the
world that agreeth better with our English bodies. Many that have been weak and sickly in
Old England, by coming hither have been thoroughly healed, and grown healthful and
strong. For here is an extraordinary clear and dry air, that is of a most healing nature to all
such as are of a cold, melancholy, phlegmatic, rheumatic temper of body. None can more
truly speak hereof by their own experience than myself. My friends that knew me can
well tell how very sickly I have been, and continually in physic, being much troubled with
a tormenting pain through an extraordinary weakness of my stomach, and abundance of
melancholic humors. But since I came hither on this voyage, I thank God I have had
perfect health, and freed from pain and vomiting, having a stomach to digest the hardest
and coarsest fare, who before could not eat finest meat; and whereas my stomach could
only digest and did require such drink as was both strong and stale, now I can and do
oftentimes drink New-England water very well. And I that have not gone without a cap
for many years together, neither durst leave off the same, have now cast away my cap,
and do wear none at all in the day time; and whereas beforetime I clothed myself with
double clothes and thick waistcoats to keep me warm, even in the summer time, I do now
go as thin clad as any, only wearing a light stuff cassock upon my shirt, and stuff breeches
of one thickness without linings. Besides, I have one of my children, that was formerly
most lamentably handled with sore breaking out of both his hands and feet of the king’s
evil; but since he came hither he is very well ever he was, and there is hope of perfect
recovery shortly, even by the very wholesomeness of the air, altering, digesting, and
drying up the cold and crude humors of the body; and therefore I think it is a wise course
for all cold complexions to come to take physic in New-England; for a sup of NewEngland’s air is better than a whole draught of Old England’s ale.
Discommodities.
15
Thus of New England’s Commodities.
Now I will tell you of some discommodities, that are here to be found.
16
First, in the summer season, for these three months, June, July, and August, we are
troubled much with little flies called mosquitoes, being the same they are troubled with in
Lincolnshire and the fens; and they are nothing but gnats, which, except they be smoked
out of their houses, are troublesome in the night season.
17
Secondly, in the winter season, for two months’ space, the earth is commonly covered
with snow, which is accompanied with sharp biting frosts, something more sharp than is
18
in Old England, and therefore are forced to make great fires.
Thirdly, this country being very full of woods and wildernesses, doth also much abound
with snakes and serpents, of strange colors and huge greatness. Yea, there are some
serpents, called rattlesnakes, that have rattles in their tails, that will not fly from a man as
others will, but will fly upon him and sting him so mortally that he will die within a
quarter of an hour after, except the party stinged have about him some of the root of an
herb called snake-weed to bite on, and then he shall receive no harm. But yet seldom falls
it out that any hurt is done by these. About three years since an Indian was stung to death
by one of them; but we heard of none since that time.
19
Fourthly and lastly, here wants as yet the good company of honest Christians, to bring
with them horses, kine and sheep, to make use of this fruitful land. Great pity it is to see
so much good ground for corn and for grass as any is under the heavens, to lie altogether
unoccupied, when so many honest men and their families in Old England, through the
populousness thereof, do make very hard shift to live one by the other.
20
“Of the Present Condition of the Plantation and what it is.”
********
21
There are in all of us, both old and new planters, about three hundred, whereof two
hundred of them are settled at Nehumkek, now called Salem, and the rest have planted
themselves at Masathulet’s Bay, beginning to build a town there, which we do call
Cherton, or Charles town.
We that are settled at Salem make what haste we can to build houses, so that within a
short time we shall have a fair town.
We have great ordnance wherewith we doubt not but we shall fortify ourselves in a short
time to keep out a potent adversary. But that which is our greatest comfort and means of
defense above all others, is that we have here the true religion and holy ordinances of
Almighty God taught amongst us. Thanks be to God, we have here plenty of preaching,
and diligent catechising, with strict and careful exercise, and good and commendable
orders to bring our people into a Christian conversation with whom we have to do withal.
And thus we doubt not but God will be with us; and if God be with us, who can be against
us?
22
Resource:
Bartle By. (1630). The transplanting of culture: 1607–1650. Bartleby. Retrieved from http://www. Bartleby.com
/163/105.html
Day 1
1.
According to the author, what is the geography of New England like?
2.
Why does the geography of New England aid in New England’s economy, using evidence from the text?
3.
What is the basis of New England’s economy, based on the text?
4.
Based on the text, why is New England’s economy affected by neighboring economies?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)”
Week 3
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
What are the origins of the labor systems, which were used to support regional development and economies and were these
labor systems moral?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the date
and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-By the end of grade 10, read and comprehend history/social studies texts in the grades 9–10 text complexity band
independently and proficiently.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Introduce precise claim(s), distinguish the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and create an organization that
establishes clear relationships among the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Use precise language and domain-specific vocabulary to manage the complexity of the topic and convey a style
appropriate to the discipline and context as well as to the expertise of likely readers.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Herrings
Gottlied Mittlberge “ Poor Europeans Should Not Come to America
Promontories
as Indentured Servants” (1754)
Arduous
John Saffin “Slavery is Moral” (1701)
Tedious
Ordained
Indigitating
Discourse
Conduceth
Conscience
Conjecturally
Dogmatical
Exhortion
Candour
Slaves
Indentured servants
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.1.a, 6.1.12.A.1.b, 6.1.12.C.1.b
Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)
Week 3 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore the systems of labor
that were instituted to promote the economic growth of the thirteen colonies and their origins. They will also explore the
morality of these systems and the complexity of the slave system. Students will also explore how colonists justified these
slave systems and the ideologies verses the reality of indentured servitude.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore how
these labor systems stimulated regional development. Students will need to consider the emotional context of words and
how diction (word choice) affects an author’s message. When combined with writing about the passage and teacher
feedback, students will form a deeper understanding of how indentured servitude and slavery aided was essential to the
development of the thirteen colonies.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decode. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 1-14 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 1-7 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 8-13 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire reading such as: What
conditions did indentured servants and slaves face and what reasons did some colonists use to substantiate this labor
system?
Poor Europeans Should Not Come to America as Indentured Servants (1754)
Gottlied Mittlberge
1 Both in Rotterdam and in Amsterdam the people are packed densely, like herrings so to say, in the large sea-vessels.
One person receives a place of scarcely 2 feet width and 6 feet length in the bedstead, while many a ship carries four to
six hundred souls; not to mention the innumerable implements, tools, provisions, water-barrels and other things which
likewise occupy such space.
2 On account of contrary winds it takes the ships sometimes 2, 3, and 4 weeks to make the trip from Holland to . . .
England. But when the wind is good, they get there in 8 days or even sooner. Everything is examined there and the
custom-duties paid, whence it comes that the ships ride there 8, 10 or 14 days and even longer at anchor, till they have
taken in their full cargoes. During that time every one is compelled to spend his last remaining money and to consume
his little stock of provisions which had been reserved for the sea; so that most passengers, finding themselves on the
ocean where they would be in greater need of them, must greatly suffer from hunger and want. Many suffer want
already on the water between Holland and Old England.
3 When the ships have for the last time weighed their anchors near the city of Kaupp [Cowes] in Old England, the real
misery begins with the long voyage. For from there the ships, unless they have good wind, must often sail 8, 9, 10 to 12
weeks before they reach Philadelphia. But even with the best wind the voyage lasts 7 weeks.
4 But during the voyage there is on board these ships terrible misery, stench, fumes, horror, vomiting, many kinds of
sea-sickness, fever, dysentery, headache, heat, constipation, boils, scurvy, cancer, mouth rot, and the like, all of which
come from old and sharply salted food and meat, also from very bad and foul water, so that many die miserably.
5 Add to this want of provisions, hunger, thirst, frost, heat, dampness, anxiety, want, afflictions and lamentations,
together with other trouble, as . . . the lice abound so frightfully, especially on sick people, that they can be scraped off
the body. The misery reaches the climax when a gale rages for 2 or 3 nights and days, so that every one believes that the
ship will go to the bottom with all human beings on board. In such a visitation the people cry and pray most piteously.
6 Many sigh and cry: "Oh, that I were at home again, and if I had to lie in my pig-sty!" Or they say: "O God, if I only had a
piece of good bread, or a good fresh drop of water." Many people whimper, sigh and cry piteously for their homes; most
of them get home-sick. Many hundred people necessarily die and perish in such misery, and must be cast into the sea,
which drives their relatives, or those who persuaded them to undertake the journey, to such despair that it is almost
impossible to pacify and console them
7 Children from 1 to 7 years rarely survive the voyage. I witnessed . . . misery in no less than 32 children in our ship, all of
whom were thrown into the sea. The parents grieve all the more since their children find no resting-place in the earth,
but are devoured by the monsters of the sea.
8 That most of the people get sick is not surprising, because, in addition to all other trials and hardships, warm food is
served only three times a week, the rations being very poor and very little. Such meals can hardly be eaten, on account
of being so unclean. The water which is served out of the ships is often very black, thick and full of worms, so that one
cannot drink it without loathing, even with the greatest thirst. Toward the end we were compelled to eat the ship’s
biscuit which had been spoiled long ago; though in a whole biscuit there was scarcely a piece the size of a dollar that had
not been full of red worms and spiders' nests. . . .
9 At length, when, after a long and tedious voyage, the ships come in sight of land, so that the promontories can be
seen, which the people were so eager and anxious to see, all creep from below on deck to see the land from afar, and
they weep for joy, and pray and sing, thanking and praising God. The sight of the land makes the people on board the
ship, especially the sick and the half dead, alive again, so that their hearts leap within them; they shout and rejoice, and
are content to bear their misery in patience, in the hope that they may soon reach the land in safety. But alas!
10 When the ships have landed at Philadelphia after their long voyage, no one is permitted to leave them except those
who pay for their passage or can give good security; the others, who cannot pay, must remain on board the ships till
they are purchased, and are released from the ships by their purchasers. The sick always fare the worst, for the healthy
are naturally preferred and purchased first; and so the sick and wretched must often remain on board in front of the city
for 2 or 3 weeks, and frequently die, whereas many a one, if he could pay his debt and were permitted to leave the ship
immediately, might recover and remain alive…
11 The sale of human beings in the market on board the ship is carried on thus: Every day Englishmen, Dutchmen and
High-German people come from the city of Philadelphia and other places, in part from a great distance, say 20, 30, or 40
hours away, and go on board the newly arrived ship that has brought and offers for sale passengers from Europe, and
select among the healthy persons such as they deem suitable for their business, and bargain with them how long they
will serve for their passage money, which most of them are still in debt for. When they have come to an agreement, it
happens that adult persons bind themselves in writing to serve 3, 4, 5 or 6 years for the amount due by them, according
to their age and strength. But very young people, from 10 to 15 years, must serve till they are 21 years old.
12 Many parents must sell and trade away their children like so many head of cattle; for if their children take the debt
upon themselves, the parents can leave the ship free and unrestrained; but as the parents often do not know where and
to what people their children are going, it often happens that such parents and children, after leaving the ship, do not
see each other again for many years, perhaps no more in all their lives.
13 Work and labor in this new and wild land are very hard and manifold, and many a one who came there in his old age
must work very hard to his end for his bread. I will not speak of young people. Work mostly consists in cutting wood,
felling oak-trees, rooting out, or as they say there, clearing large tracts of forest. Such forests, being cleared, are then
laid out for fields and meadows. From the best hewn wood, fences are made around the new fields; for there all
meadows, orchards and fruit-fields, are surrounded and fenced in with planks made of thickly-split wood, laid one above
the other, as in zigzag lines, and within such enclosures, horses, cattle, and sheep, are permitted to graze. Our
Europeans, who are purchased, must always work hard, for new fields are constantly laid out; and so they learn that
stumps of oak-trees are in America certainly as hard as in Germany. In this hot land they fully experience in their own
persons what God has imposed on man for his sin and disobedience; for in Genesis we read the words: In the sweat of
thy brow shalt thou eat bread. Who therefore wishes to earn his bread in a Christian and honest way, and cannot earn it
in his fatherland otherwise than by the work of his hands, let him do so in his own country, and not in America; for he
will not fare better in America. However hard he may be compelled to work in his fatherland, he will surely find it quite
as hard, if not harder, in the new country. Besides, there is not only the long and arduous journey lasting half a year,
during which he has to suffer, more than with the hardest work; he has also spent about 200 florins which no one will
refund to him. If he has so much money, it will slip out of his hands; if he has it not, he must work his debt off as a slave
and poor serf. Therefore let every one stay in his own country and support himself and his family honestly. Besides I say
that those who suffer themselves to be persuaded and enticed away by the man-thieves, are very foolish if they believe
that roasted pigeons will fly into their mouths in America or Pennsylvania without their working for them.
14 How miserably and wretchedly so many thousand German families have fared, 1) since they lost all their cash means
in consequence of the long and tedious journey; 2) because many of them died miserably and were thrown into the
water; 3) because, on account of their great poverty, most of these families after reaching the land are separated from
each other and sold far away from each other, the young and the old. And the saddest of all this is that parents must
generally give away their minor children without receiving a compensation for them; inasmuch as such children never
see or meet their fathers, mothers, brothers or sisters again, and as many of them are not raised in any Christian faith by
the people to whom they are given.
Gottlieb Mittelberger, Journey to Pennsylvania in the Year 1750, trans. Carl Theo Eben (Philadelphia, John Jos McVey,
1898), 25–31
Mittelberger, G. (2013). Gottlieb Mittelberger, journey to Pennsylvania in the year 1750, trans. Carl Theo Eben
(Philadelphia, John Jos McVey, 1898), 25–31. History Matters. Retrieved from Gottlieb Mittelberger, Journey to
Pennsylvania in the Year 1750, trans. Carl Theo Eben (Philadelphia, John Jos McVey, 1898), 25–31
Day 1
1. According to the author, what conditions did European indentured servants encounter during their travel to
America, according to paragraphs one through eight?
2. According to paragraphs ten to twelve, what situations did European indentured servants encounter when
they landed in the New World?
3. In what ways, according to paragraph thirteen, did work and life differ in the New World, from life and work
in Europe?
4. According to paragraph fourteen, what were the consequences of becoming an indentured servant?
5. What is the author’s purpose for writing this text?
1
Slavery is Moral (1701) John Saffin
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To speak a little to the Gentleman’s first Assertion: That none ought to part with their Liberty themselves, or deprive
others of it but upon mature consideration; a prudent exception, in which he grants, that upon some consideration a
man may be deprived of his Liberty. And then presently in his next Position or Assertion he denies it, viz: It is most
certain, that all men as they are the Sons of Adam, are Coheirs, and have equal Right to Liberty, and all other outward
Comforts of Life, which he would prove out of Psal. 115:16. The Earth hath he given to the Children of Men. True, but
what is all this to the purpose, to prove that all men have equal right to Liberty, and all outward comforts of this life;
which Position seems to invert the Order that God hath set in the World, who hath Ordained different degrees and
orders of men, some to be High and Honourable, some to be Low and Despicable; some to be Monarchs, Kings, Princes
and Governours, Masters and Commanders, others to be Subjects, and to be Commanded; Servants of sundry sorts and
degrees, bound to obey; yea, some to be born Slaves, and so to remain during their lives, as hath been proved.
Otherwise there would be a mere parity among men, contrary to that of the Apostle, 1 Cor. 12 from the 13 to the 26
verse, where he sets forth (by way of comparison) the different sorts and offices of the Members of the Body,
indigitating that they are all of use, but not equal, and of like dignity. So God hath set different Orders and Degrees of
Men in the World, both in Church and Common weal. Now, if the Position of parity should be true, it would then follow
that the ordinarily Course of Divine Providence of God in the World should be wrong, and unjust, (which we must not
date to think, much less to affirm) and all the sacred Rules, Precepts and Commands of the Almighty which he hath given
the Son of Men to observe and keep in their respective Places, Orders and Degree, from the Divine Wisdom of the most
High, who hath made nothing in vain, but hath Holy Ends in all his Dispensations to the Children of men.
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In the next place, this worthy Gentleman makes a large Discourse concerning the Utility and Conveniency to keep the
one, and inconveniency of the other, respecting white and black Servants, which conduceth most to the welfare and
benefit of this Providence: which he concludes to be white men, who are in many respects to be preferred before
Blacks; who doubts that? doth it therefore follow that it is altogether unlawful for Christians to buy and keep Negro
Servants (for this is the Thesis) but that those that have them ought in Conscience to set them free, and so lose all the
money they cost (for we must not live in any known sin) this seems to be his opinion; but it is a Question whether it ever
was the Gentleman’s practice? But if he could persuade the General Assembly to make an Act, That all that have
Negroes, and do set them free, shall be Reimbursed out of the Publick Treasury, and that there shall be no more
Negroes brought into the Country; ’tis probable there would be more of his opinion; yet he would find it a hard task to
bring the Country to consent thereto; for then the Negroes must be all sent out of the Country, or else the remedy
would be worse than the Disease; and it is to be feared that those Negroes that are free, if there be not some strict
course taken with them by Authority, they will be plagued to this County….
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Our Author doth further proceed to answer some Objections of his own framing, which he supposes some might raise.
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Object. 1.
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That these Blackamores are of the Posterity of Cham, and therefore are under the Curse of Slavery.Gen. 9:25-27. The
which the Gentleman seems to deny, saying, they were the Seed of Canaan that were Cursed, &c.
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Ans. Whether they were so or not, we shall not dispute: this may suffice, that not only the seed of Cham or Canaan, but
any lawful Captives of other Heathen Nations may be made Bond men as hath been proved.
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Obj. 2.
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That the Negroes are brought out of Pagan Countries into places where the Gospel is Preached.
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To which he Replies, that we must not do Evil that Good may come of it.
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Ans.To which we answer, That it is no Evil thing to bring them out of their own Heathenish Country,
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where they may have the Knowledge of the True God, be Converted and Eternally saved.
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Obj. 3.The Africans have Wars one with another; our Ships bring lawful Captives taken in those Wars.
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Ans.To which our Author answers Conjecturally, and Doubtfully, for aught we know, that which may or may not be ;
which is insignificant, and proves nothing. He also compares the Negroes’ Wars, one Nation with another, with the Wars
between Joseph and his Brethren. But where doth he read of any such War? We read indeed of a Domestick Quarrel
they had with him, they envied and hated Joseph; but by what is Recorded, he was merely passive and meek as a Lamb.
This Gentleman farther adds,That there is not any War but is unjust on side, &c. Be it so, what doth that signify: We read
of lawful Captives taken in the Wars, and lawful to be Bought and Sold without contracting the guilt of the Aggressors;
for which we have the example of Abraham before quoted; but if we must stay while both parties Warring are in the
right, there would be no lawful Captives at all to be Bought; which seems to be ridiculous to imagine, and contrary to the
tenour of Scripture, and all Humane Histories on that subject.
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Obj. 4. Abraham had Servants bought with his Money, and born in his House. Gen. 14:14. To which our worthy Author
answers, until the Circumstances of Abraham’s purchase be recorded, no Argument can be drawn from it.
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Ans. To which we Reply, this is also Dogmatical, and proves nothing. He farther adds, In the mean time Charity Obliges
us to conclude, that He knew it was lawful and good. Here the gentleman yields the case; for if we are in Charity bound
to believe Abraham’s practice, in buying and keeping Slaves in his house to be lawful and good: then it follows that our
Imitation of him in this, his Moral Action, is as warrantable as that of his Faith; who is the Father of all them that believe.
Rom. 4:16…
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And after a Serious Exhortion to us all to Love one another according to the Command of Christ. Math. 5. 43. 44. This
worthy Gentlemen concludes with this Assertion, That these Ethopians as Black as they are, seeing they are the Sons and
Daughters of the first Adam; the Brethen Sisters of the Second Adam, and the Offspring of God; we ought to treat them
with respect agreeable.
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Ans. We grant it for a certain and undeniable verity, That all Mankind are the Sons and Daughters of Adam, and the
Creatures of God: But it doth not therefore follow that we are bound to love and respect all men alike; this under favour
we must take leave to deny; we ought in charity, if we see our Neighbour in want, to relieve them in a regular way, but
we are not bound to give them so much of our Estates [wealth], as to make them equal with ourselves, because they are
our Brethen, the Sons of Adam, no, not our own natural Kinsmen: We are Exhorted to do good unto all, but especialy to
them who are of the Household of Faith, Gal. 6.10. And we are to love, honour and respect all men according to the gift
of God that is in them: I may love my Servant well, but my Son better; Charity begins at home, it would be a violation of
common prudence, and a breach of good manners, to treat a Prince like a Peasant. And this worthy Gentlemen would
deem himself much neglected, if we should show him no more Defference than to an ordinary Porter; And therefore
these florid expressions, the Sons and Daughters of the first Adam, the Brethren and Sisters of the Second Adam, and
the Offspring of God, seem to be missapplied to import and insinuate, that we ought to tender Pagan Negroes with all
love, kindness, and equal respect as to the best of men.
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By all which it doth evidently appear both by Scripture and Reason, the practice of the People of God in all the Ages,
both before and after the giving of the Law, and in the times of the Gospel, that there were Bond men, Women and
Children commonly kept by holy and good men, and improved in Service; and therefore by the Command of God, Lev.
24;44, and their venerable Example, we may keep Bondmen, and use them in our Service still; yet with all candour,
moderation and Christian prudence, according to their state and condition consonant to the Word of God.
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The Negroes’ Character
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Cowardly and cruel are those Blacks Innate,
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Prone to Revenge, Imp of inveterate hate.
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He that exasperates them, soon espies
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Mischief and Murder in their very eyes.
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Libidious, Decietful, False and Rude,
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The Spume Issue Ingratuitude.
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The Premises consider’d, all may tell,
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How near good Joseph they are parallel.
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Resouce:
John Saffin.(1701). Slavery is Immoral. National Humanities Center. Retrieved from http://national humanitiescenter.
org/pds/becomingamer/ideas/text3/slaverychristian.pdf.
Day 1
1. What is the purpose of this text, according to the author, and who is the intended audience?
2. In your own words, what is the author referring to when he states, “doth it therefore follow that it is altogether
unlawful for Christians to buy and keep Negro Servants (for this is the Thesis) but that those that have them
ought in Conscience to set them free, and so lose all the money they cost (for we must not live in any known sin)
this seems to be his opinion; but it is a Question whether it ever was the Gentleman’s practice”?
3. Why does the author say, “Whether they were so or not, we shall not dispute: this may suffice, that not only the
seed of Cham or Canaan, but any lawful Captives of other Heathen Nations may be made Bond men as hath
been proved”?
4. Why does the author use scripture to substantiate slavery?
Day 2
5. What is the author’s response to the biblical reference that we are all created equally?
6. What is the author’s conclusion about slavery in relation to Christianity?
7. Using the text to substantiate you answers, what are the author’s beliefs about blacks?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)”
Week 4
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
What impact did indentured servitude and slavery, during the American colonial experience, have on institutions in Europe
and Africa?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, connecting insights gained from
specific details to an understanding of the text as a whole.
-Evaluate various explanations for actions or events and determine which explanation best accords with textual evidence,
acknowledging where the text leaves matters uncertain.
-Integrate information from diverse sources, both primary and secondary, into a coherent understanding of an idea or
event, noting discrepancies among sources.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Predates
David Wheat “Iberian Roots of the Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1440–
Berberiscos
1640” (2013)
Moriscos
Henry Louis Gates Jr. “Ending the Slavery Blame-Game”(2010)
Trajectory
Transatlantic slave trade
Iberia
Vexing
Heinous
Judicious
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.1.b, 7..12.C.1.a, 6.1.12.C.1.b
Week 4 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore the complexity of the
slave trade and the impact it had on the European and African economy. It is important to note that, although, people in
America associate slave trade with America, slavery had deeper routes that originated in Europe and its’ complex
relationship with African leaders. Undoubtedly, both Europeans and Africans benefited from the system of slavery that
drove the development of America’s economy.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore ways in
which Europe and Africa benefited economically from the institution of slavery in America. Students will need to
consider the emotional context of words and how diction (word choice) affects an author’s message. When combined with
writing about the passage and teacher feedback, students will form a deeper understanding of the complexity and
intertwinement of economies.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decode. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 1-8 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 9-15 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 1- 18 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire reading such as: In what
ways did Europe, America, and Africa prosper from the slave trade?
Iberian Roots of the Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1440–1640 by David Wheat
1 In its broadest sense, African American history predates the history of the United States, colonial or
otherwise; by the time the English colony of Virginia was founded in 1607, Africans and people of African
descent had already been present in the Americas for more than a century. Recent estimates suggest that by
1625, approximately 475,000 enslaved Africans had been involuntarily transported to the Spanish Americas and
Brazil—more than the number of Africans who disembarked in British North America and the United States
during the course of the entire transatlantic slave trade. Though most research on Africans’ involuntary
migration to the Americas focuses on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the roots of the transatlantic slave
trade are much deeper, stretching back to Iberia (Spain and Portugal), Atlantic Africa, and Latin America during
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
2 By 1430, Iberian expansion in the Atlantic was well under way with efforts to colonize Madeira, the Canary
Islands, and the Azores. Over the following half century, Portuguese seafarers gradually explored southwards
along Africa’s western coast, rounding the Cape of Good Hope in 1488. In western Africa, Spanish ships
arrived soon after the Portuguese, leading to competition between the Iberian powers until formal negotiations
at the close of the fifteenth century prohibited Spanish exploration and commerce south of the Sahara.
3 Following their “discovery” of African populations willing to trade valuable commodities such as gold, ivory,
wax, peppers, and grain—and slaves—the Portuguese established trading factories (feitorias) at strategic
locations. Some of these outposts were eventually fortified, but unless they had been built on an uninhabited
island, their maintenance depended heavily on the goodwill and tolerance of neighboring African societies.
Thus while Portuguese activities in some regions were mainly limited to missions of diplomacy and
evangelization, major trading factories and bulking centers were established in Arguin, the Cape Verde Islands,
Elmina, and São Tomé. Fueled by commerce with multiple polities on the African mainland, and the local
production of commodities such as textiles, sugar, and cotton, several of these outposts rapidly became
Portuguese colonies peopled by Iberians and increasingly, mixed-race Luso-Africans.
4 Unlike other areas of western Europe, slavery played a significant role in Iberian society at the dawn of the
early modern era. In Lisbon and Évora, and throughout much of southern Portugal, slaves comprised roughly 10
percent of the population by the mid-1550s. A comparable scenario existed in parts of southern Spain; 44,000
slaves made up nearly 10 percent of the population of the entire archbishopric of Seville in 1565. Rural slave
labor in Iberia during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries mainly involved herding livestock, guarding fields
and flocks, clearing land, and harvesting and processing crops. Enslaved people also commonly worked as
sailors and boatmen on small vessels designed for coastal trade and river traffic. In urban areas, slaves
performed a wide range of occupations, laboring as artisans and apprentices, domestic servants, stevedores and
porters, construction workers, and street vendors.
5 In early modern Iberia, slavery was not exclusively associated with racial categories as it would be in the
colonial Americas. All available sources indicate that sub-Saharan Africans and their descendants—often
referred to as “blacks”—constituted a significant segment of Iberia’s slave populations during the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries. One recent study suggests that as many as 350,000 to 400,000 African captives may have
been transported to Spain and Portugal during the two centuries from 1440 to 1640. However, during the era in
question, one’s religious background, political loyalties, and geographical origins also played key roles in
determining who was eligible to be enslaved. Many enslaved women and men in Iberia were Muslims born in
North Africa or the eastern Mediterranean, either captured abroad or purchased as slaves in foreign or local
markets. Alongside these moros (“Moors”) and berberiscos were Iberians of Muslim ancestry known as
moriscos. Though some enslaved Muslims and moriscos were black, or of mixed racial background, many were
described as “white slaves.” Iberia’s slave population also included smaller numbers of captives brought from
India and China, as well as native Canary Islanders and indigenous peoples from the Americas.
6 Given the prominence of sub-Saharan Africans among other ethnic minorities in early modern Spain and
Portugal, and the significant role of slavery in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Iberian society, it should come as
no surprise that Africans and people of African descent participated in Iberian efforts to colonize the Americas
from the very beginning. Spanish colonization in the Americas began shortly after Columbus’s initial voyage to
the Caribbean in 1492–1493. During his fourth voyage to the region a decade later, the crew of one of
Columbus’s ships included a black cabin boy named Diego. In similar fashion, the Portuguese became
interested in Brazil after Cabral’s voyage in 1500–1501. When Cabral first landed in Brazil, he sent a black
sailor ashore to attempt to communicate with indigenous people. During the 1510s, Portuguese vessels trading
for brazilwood along the Brazilian coast likewise employed small numbers of black mariners, both free and
enslaved.
7 Though North African, eastern Mediterranean, and morisco slaves were common in Iberia, the Spanish Crown
repeatedly prohibited their transportation to the Americas for fear of spreading Islam to the fledgling colonies.
Conversely, by the close of the 1530s, black slaves had accompanied Spanish expeditions of exploration and
conquest throughout the Americas. Well-known “conquistadors” such as Juan Ponce de León, Hernán Cortés,
Pedro de Alvarado, Lucas Vázquez de Ayllón, Hernando de Soto, Francisco Pizarro and others all relied on
enslaved black auxiliaries to transport heavy burdens and herd livestock. In some instances, armed black slaves
and free people of color are known to have fought alongside Spanish forces—the most famous example being
the “black conquistador” Juan Garrido, an African-born former slave who participated in the conquests of
Puerto Rico, Cuba, and Mexico, and the exploration of Florida.
8 Within the first few decades of contact with Iberians and Africans, Native populations declined throughout the
Americas, most drastically in the Caribbean. In response, the Spanish Crown instituted policies designed to
protect Amerindians from mistreatment and enslavement, most notably the “New Laws” of 1542, and the new
repartimiento (labor distribution) system instituted in 1549. Though some loopholes remained, and the
exploitation of indigenous peoples persisted in various other forms, by the middle of the sixteenth century most
slaves in the Spanish Americas originated in Upper Guinea, typically arriving via the Cape Verde Islands. These
enslaved women, men, and children were joined by others from Lower Guinea and West Central Africa who
were first collected in São Tomé, then transported to the Americas.
9 The first slave trade voyage known to have sailed directly from Africa to the Americas arrived in Santo
Domingo, on the island Española (Hispaniola), in 1525. The ship’s cargo consisted of nearly 200 captives
purchased in São Tomé. Several additional slave ships disembarked enslaved Africans in Española, Cuba,
Puerto Rico, and Jamaica during the late 1520s and 1530s. Taxes paid by slave merchants in Spain suggest that
an average of about 1,200 African captives were transported to the Americas each year from the mid-1540s to
1580, though the actual numbers may have been considerably higher. While some enslaved Africans were sent
to labor in mines, and in some cases sugar plantations, others were employed in traditional occupations
performed by slaves in Iberia, such as street vending, domestic service, artisanal labor, construction, maritime
labor, agriculture, and animal husbandry.
10 Beginning in the 1560s, Spain’s legendary Indies fleets departed yearly for the Americas following a fixed
trajectory; a few galleons regularly stopped in the Cape Verde Islands, and possibly São Tomé, to purchase
captives en route to Americas. When “the fleet” arrived in Veracruz, enslaved Africans were disembarked along
with merchandise destined for Mexico City or elsewhere in the viceroyalty of New Spain (colonial Mexico).
The same applied to “the galleons” arriving at the Cartagena de Indias / Nombre de Dios / Portobelo port
complex known as “Tierra Firme.” From the isthmus of Panama, many African captives were subsequently
transported to the viceroyalty of Peru. By the 1590s, Lima’s black population numbered from 4,000 to 7,000.
During the mid-seventeenth century, travelers visiting the viceroyalties of Peru and New Spain estimated that
each contained up to 60,000 black inhabitants, if not more.
11 The earliest known direct slave trade voyages to Brazil disembarked captives in Pernambuco in 1574 and
1575. Brazil’s indigenous populations were not decimated to the same degree as those of the Caribbean, and the
outright capture and enslavement of Brazil’s native populations continued well into the eighteenth century.
Despite this continued reliance on forced native labor, enslaved Africans played increasingly important social
and economic roles in colonial Brazil, beginning in the second half of the sixteenth century. Black slaves were
commonly employed in sugar cultivation, as well as in other forms of agriculture and urban occupations. By the
century’s end, Indian slaves outnumbered Africans in some of Brazilian captaincies, but this situation was
reversed in others. Bahia’s population during the mid-1580s included only 3,000 to 4,000 Africans; meanwhile,
various sources suggest that during the same period, anywhere from 5,000 to 15,000 black slaves lived in the
captaincy of Pernambuco.
12 The union of the Spanish and Portuguese crowns during the years 1580 to 1640 signaled the rise of a new era
in the transatlantic slave trade. While the change may have been less noticeable in Brazilian ports such as
Pernambuco, Salvador da Bahia, and Rio de Janeiro, after 1580 the Spanish Americas were directly connected
to Portuguese-controlled slaving hubs in Atlantic Africa for the first time, resulting in unprecedented growth in
the scale and volume of slave traffic to Spain’s American colonies. Another factor contributing to an increase in
the slave trade’s volume during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries was the rise of Luanda, capital
of the Portuguese colony of Angola. Within just a few decades of its founding in 1575, Luanda and its
hinterlands became increasingly important within the overall slave trade, exporting thousands upon thousands
of West Central Africans to the Americas.
13 The years from 1595 to 1640 are perhaps best known as the period of the “Portuguese asientos.” Several
powerful Portuguese men, including at one point the governor of Angola, signed a series of asientos or
contracts with the Spanish Crown stipulating that certain numbers of Africans would be supplied to the
Americas during certain years. For example, Pedro Gomez Reinel agreed to be responsible for arranging the
transportation of 4,250 enslaved Africans to the Spanish Americas every year for a period of six years,
beginning in 1595.
14 Estimates of the total volume of the transatlantic slave trade during this forty-five-year-period range from
200,000 to 300,000 enslaved Africans landed in the Spanish Americas. The differences in estimates proposed
thus far may largely be explained by uncertainties regarding the frequency of contraband slave trading that, by
all accounts, was endemic and widespread. In order to evade customs taxes, slave ship crews frequently
concealed captives, or disembarked extra captives in secondary ports. Other voyages were completely
unregistered; we know of their existence only because Spanish American officials apprehended some slave
ships’ crew members, who typically claimed to have been “blown off course” while bound for some other
destination, or “pursued by enemies” and “forced to land.”
15 From 1595 to 1640, the transatlantic slave trade to the Spanish Americas was largely concentrated in just
three American ports: Cartagena de Indias, Veracruz, and Buenos Aires. This concentration increased in 1604,
when in an effort to limit contraband, the Crown decreed that transatlantic slave ships were authorized to
disembark captives in either Cartagena or Veracruz, but nowhere else (though some exceptions were also made
for Buenos Aires several years later). Port entry records for the Spanish Americas’ most important slaving hub
provide a glimpse of the slave trade’s intensity at the beginning of this period: during the nine years from 1593
to 1601, nearly 150 slave ships arrived in Cartagena alone, disembarking approximately 26,000 enslaved
Africans in the city’s port.
16 Though historians have only recently begun to pay serious attention to the large-scale interactions between
Iberia, Atlantic Africa, and the Americas between 1440 and 1640, it is clear that the slaving networks
established during this era constituted, in the words of Antonio de Almeida Mendes, “the foundations of the
system.” To some extent, the massive transatlantic slave trades of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries may
be portrayed quite simply as new iterations, or adaptations, of earlier Iberian models. Even the history of
Africans’ forced migration to English-speaking North America, from the disembarkation of small numbers of
captives in Virginia during the early 1600s, to the arrival of the slave ship Clotilda in Mobile in 1860, may be
seen as one more extension of an older, deeper process rooted in the Iberian Atlantic world.
David Wheat, an assistant professor of Latin American and Caribbean History at Michigan State University, is
working on a book project entitled Atlantic Africa & the Spanish Caribbean, 1570–1640.
Resource:
Wheat, D, (2013). Iberian Roots of the transatlantic slave trade, 1440–1640. Gilder Lehrman. Retrieved from
https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/origins-slavery/essays/iberian-roots-transatlantic-slavetrade-1440%E2%80%931640
Day 1
1. In what way did slavery play a role in Iberian economics?
2. According to the text, how did Iberians substantiate the enslavement of people to support their economic
system?
3. Why was there a need, according to the text, to institutionalize slavery in the New World?
4. In what ways did laws affect the institution of slavery in America?
Day 2
1. Citing evidence from the text, in what way did Europeans benefit from the institution of slavery in the New
World?
2. In what way was the slave trade affected by political unities?
3. What does the author mean when he states, “Though historians have only recently begun to pay serious
attention to the large-scale interactions between Iberia, Atlantic Africa, and the Americas between 1440 and
1640, it is clear that the slaving networks established during this era constituted, in the words of Antonio de
Almeida Mendes, ‘the foundations of the system’”?
4. Why according to the text, is the actual number of captured and enslaved Africans so elusive?
Ending the Slavery Blame-Game By HENRY LOUIS GATES Jr.
1 THANKS to an unlikely confluence of history and genetics — the fact that he is African-American and
president — Barack Obama has a unique opportunity to reshape the debate over one of the most contentious
issues of America’s racial legacy: reparations, the idea that the descendants of American slaves should receive
compensation for their ancestors’ unpaid labor and bondage.
2 There are many thorny issues to resolve before we can arrive at a judicious (if symbolic) gesture to match
such a sustained, heinous crime. Perhaps the most vexing is how to parcel out blame to those directly involved
in the capture and sale of human beings for immense economic gain.
3 While we are all familiar with the role played by the United States and the European colonial powers like
Britain, France, Holland, Portugal and Spain, there is very little discussion of the role Africans themselves
played. And that role, it turns out, was a considerable one, especially for the slave-trading kingdoms of western
and central Africa. These included the Akan of the kingdom of Asante in what is now Ghana, the Fon of
Dahomey (now Benin), the Mbundu of Ndongo in modern Angola and the Kongo of today’s Congo, among
several others.
4 For centuries, Europeans in Africa kept close to their military and trading posts on the coast. Exploration of
the interior, home to the bulk of Africans sold into bondage at the height of the slave trade, came only during
the colonial conquests, which is why Henry Morton Stanley’s pursuit of Dr. David Livingstone in 1871 made
for such compelling press: he was going where no (white) man had gone before.
5 How did slaves make it to these coastal forts? The historians John Thornton and Linda Heywood of Boston
University estimate that 90 percent of those shipped to the New World were enslaved by Africans and then sold
to European traders. The sad truth is that without complex business partnerships between African elites and
European traders and commercial agents, the slave trade to the New World would have been impossible, at least
on the scale it occurred.
6 Advocates of reparations for the descendants of those slaves generally ignore this untidy problem of the
significant role that Africans played in the trade, choosing to believe the romanticized version that our ancestors
were all kidnapped unawares by evil white men, like Kunta Kinte was in “Roots.” The truth, however, is much
more complex: slavery was a business, highly organized and lucrative for European buyers and African sellers
alike.
7 The African role in the slave trade was fully understood and openly acknowledged by many AfricanAmericans even before the Civil War. For Frederick Douglass, it was an argument against repatriation schemes
for the freed slaves. “The savage chiefs of the western coasts of Africa, who for ages have been accustomed to
selling their captives into bondage and pocketing the ready cash for them, will not more readily accept our
moral and economical ideas than the slave traders of Maryland and Virginia,” he warned. “We are, therefore,
less inclined to go to Africa to work against the slave trade than to stay here to work against it.”
8 To be sure, the African role in the slave trade was greatly reduced after 1807, when abolitionists, first in
Britain and then, a year later, in the United States, succeeded in banning the importation of slaves. Meanwhile,
slaves continued to be bought and sold within the United States, and slavery as an institution would not be
abolished until 1865. But the culpability of American plantation owners neither erases nor supplants that of the
African slavers. In recent years, some African leaders have become more comfortable discussing this
complicated past than African-Americans tend to be.
9 In 1999, for instance, President Mathieu Kerekou of Benin astonished an all-black congregation in Baltimore
by falling to his knees and begging African-Americans’ forgiveness for the “shameful” and “abominable” role
Africans played in the trade. Other African leaders, including Jerry Rawlings of Ghana, followed Mr. Kerekou’s
bold example.
10 Our new understanding of the scope of African involvement in the slave trade is not historical guesswork.
Thanks to the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, directed by the historian David Eltis of Emory University,
we now know the ports from which more than 450,000 of our African ancestors were shipped out to what is
now the United States (the database has records of 12.5 million people shipped to all parts of the New World
from 1514 to 1866). About 16 percent of United States slaves came from eastern Nigeria, while 24 percent
came from the Congo and Angola.
11 Through the work of Professors Thornton and Heywood, we also know that the victims of the slave trade
were predominantly members of as few as 50 ethnic groups. This data, along with the tracing of blacks’
ancestry through DNA tests, is giving us a fuller understanding of the identities of both the victims and the
facilitators of the African slave trade.
12 For many African-Americans, these facts can be difficult to accept. Excuses run the gamut, from “Africans
didn’t know how harsh slavery in America was” and “Slavery in Africa was, by comparison, humane” or, in a
bizarre version of “The devil made me do it,” “Africans were driven to this only by the unprecedented profits
offered by greedy European countries.”
13 But the sad truth is that the conquest and capture of Africans and their sale to Europeans was one of the main
sources of foreign exchange for several African kingdoms for a very long time. Slaves were the main export of
the kingdom of Kongo; the Asante Empire in Ghana exported slaves and used the profits to import gold. Queen
Njinga, the brilliant 17th-century monarch of the Mbundu, waged wars of resistance against the Portuguese but
also conquered polities as far as 500 miles inland and sold her captives to the Portuguese. When Njinga
converted to Christianity, she sold African traditional religious leaders into slavery, claiming they had violated
her new Christian precepts.
14 Did these Africans know how harsh slavery was in the New World? Actually, many elite Africans visited
Europe in that era, and they did so on slave ships following the prevailing winds through the New World. For
example, when Antonio Manuel, Kongo’s ambassador to the Vatican, went to Europe in 1604, he first stopped
in Bahia, Brazil, where he arranged to free a countryman who had been wrongfully enslaved.
15 African monarchs also sent their children along these same slave routes to be educated in Europe. And there
were thousands of former slaves who returned to settle Liberia and Sierra Leone. The Middle Passage, in other
words, was sometimes a two-way street. Under these circumstances, it is difficult to claim that Africans were
ignorant or innocent.
16 Given this remarkably messy history, the problem with reparations may not be so much whether they are a
good idea or deciding who would get them; the larger question just might be from whom they would be
extracted.
17 So how could President Obama untangle the knot? In David Remnick’s new book “The Bridge: The Life and
Rise of Barack Obama,” one of the president’s former students at the University of Chicago comments on Mr.
Obama’s mixed feelings about the reparations movement: “He told us what he thought about reparations. He
agreed entirely with the theory of reparations. But in practice he didn’t think it was really workable.”
18 About the practicalities, Professor Obama may have been more right than he knew. Fortunately, in President
Obama, the child of an African and an American, we finally have a leader who is uniquely positioned to bridge
the great reparations divide. He is uniquely placed to publicly attribute responsibility and culpability where they
truly belong, to white people and black people, on both sides of the Atlantic, complicit alike in one of the
greatest evils in the history of civilization. And reaching that understanding is a vital precursor to any just and
lasting agreement on the divisive issue of slavery reparations.
Henry Louis Gates Jr., a professor at Harvard, is the author of the forthcoming “Faces of America” and
“Tradition and the Black Atlantic.”
Gates, H. L. Jr. (April 23, 2010). Ending the slave blame-game. New York Times (A27). Retrieved from
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/23/opinion/23gates.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0
Day1
1.
2.
What does the author mean when he states, “There are many thorny issues to resolve before we can arrive
at a judicious (if symbolic) gesture to match such a sustained, heinous crime. Perhaps the most vexing is how
to parcel out blame to those directly involved in the capture and sale of human beings for immense
economic gain”?
What was the role of Africans in European economic gain from the slave trade, according to the author, and
how did Africa’s economy benefit from the slave trade?
3.
What was Gates’ intent in quoting Douglas, according to the text?
4.
What did Douglas mean when he stated, “The savage chiefs of the western coasts of Africa, who for ages
have been accustomed to selling their captives into bondage and pocketing the ready cash for them, will not
more readily accept our moral and economical ideas than the slave traders of Maryland and Virginia”?
5.
What was the author referencing when he wrote, “The Middle Passage, in other words, was sometimes a
two-way street. Under these circumstances, it is difficult to claim that Africans were ignorant or innocent”?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)”
Week 5
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
How were Native Americans, primarily, affected by the development of the colonies?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
- Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-By the end of grade 10, read and comprehend history/social studies texts in the grades 9–10 text complexity band
independently and proficiently.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Introduce precise claim(s), distinguish the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and create an organization that
establishes clear relationships among the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Use precise language and domain-specific vocabulary to manage the complexity of the topic and convey a style
appropriate to the discipline and context as well as to the expertise of likely readers.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Obligated
Daniel K. Richter “Native American Discoveries of Europe” (2011)
Emerged
John Eliot “A Puritan Missionary Account of Indians” (1646)
Markedly
Enmity
Smallpox
Measles
Mumps
Chicken Pox
Bubonic plague
hemorrhagic fevers
Derided
Surfeited
Hindrance
Idle
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.b, 6.12.12.D.1.a
Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)
Week 5 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore how Native Americans
were affected by the development of the colonies. The interaction between Native Americans and Europeans had lasting
effects, which are undeniable and were caused by false expectations, from both sides. The colonizers could not understand
Native American traditions, rich culture, religion, and their oneness with nature. They considered them ignorant heathens
who needed to be converted. The Native Americans were intrigued by the ingenuity of Europeans, in regards to
technology and, at first, presumed that Europeans were God sent. Native Americans strengths were, inevitably, weakened
by disease, loss of political structures, loss of land, culture, and influence of Christianity. Some historians argue, rightly,
that the European sense of superiority and weaponry, led to the genocide of Native Americans.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore the
how Native Americans were affected by European colonization. Students will need to consider the emotional context of
words and how diction (word choice) affects an author’s message. When combined with writing about the passage and
teacher feedback, students will form a deeper understanding of how European notions of superiority affected Native
Americans.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decode. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 1-15 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 1-5 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 6-18 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions
in the English Classroom. James Holden and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire reading such as: Why
were Native Americans perceived as savages that needed to be conquered?
Native American Discoveries of Europe by Daniel K. Richter
1 Native Americans discovered Europe at the same time Europeans discovered America. As far as we know, no birch
bark canoes caught the gulf stream to Glasgow, and no Native American conquistadores planted flags at Florence, but
just as Europeans struggled to fit evidence of “new worlds” into their frames of understanding, so too did Native North
Americans in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries
2 A story recorded by French Jesuit missionary Paul Le Jeune in 1633 suggests how the process worked. According to Le
Jeune, an Innu (Montagnais) man whose people lived near the mouth of the Gulf of St. Lawrence
. . has told us that his grandmother used to take pleasure in relating to him the astonishment of the Natives,
when they saw for the first time a French ship arrived upon their shores. They thought it was a moving Island; t
hey did not know what to say of the great sails which made it go; their astonishment was redoubled in seeing a
number of men on deck. The women at once began to prepare houses for them, as is their custom when new
guests arrive, and four canoes of Natives ventured to board these vessels. They invited the Frenchmen to come
into the houses which had been made ready for them, but neither side understood the other. They were given a
barrel of bread or biscuit. Having brought it on shore they examined it; and finding no taste in it, threw it into
the water. . . . [The Innu] said the Frenchmen drank blood and ate wood, thus naming the wine and the biscuits.
3 Now as they were unable to understand to what nation our people belonged, they gave them the name which has
since always clung to the French, ouemichtigouchiou; that is to say, a man who works in wood, or who is in a canoe or
vessel of wood.[1]
4 The story probably conflates several historical events and casts them metaphorically rather than literally. Yet it nicely
summarizes the process of discovery as at least some seventeenth-century Native people understood it: initial
puzzlement led to a guarded welcome, an exchange of goods, and the bestowal of a name.
5 There is nothing puzzling about the puzzlement, but why should the mysterious arrival of beings from a floating island
require the women of the story “to prepare houses for them, as is their custom when new guests arrive”? For the Innu,
as for most eastern Native Americans, a vast range of “persons” comprised the universe, and only a small minority were
humans like us; most were what anthropologists call “other-than-human persons.” These included such elemental forces
as the sun, the rain, the four winds, and the earth itself, along with animals, plants, streams, mountains, and any number
of other actors. Such persons could affect humans’ lives in a variety of visible and invisible ways. The results could be
good or ill, or, better put, either advantageous or disadvantageous—not so much because other-than-human persons
were inherently good or evil but simply because they were persons who had their own purposes and who might or
might not find themselves obligated to work with others. Thus the sun might either encourage other-than-human food
plants to grow, or burn them out. Those plants in turn might bear fruit that human persons could eat, or refuse to do so.
Similarly, deer and other animals might voluntarily give themselves up to be eaten, or make themselves scarce.
6 Blurring the line between such clearly other-than-human persons and human persons were, in endless cultural variety,
gods with complicated personalities, ancestral progenitors who descended from the sky or emerged from the earth, and
culture heroes or trickster figures who might intervene in history at any time. Another kind of blurring involved persons
whose languages, customs, or behavior differed markedly from one’s own. The distinction is implied by the word Innu,
which—like Anishinaabeg (used in the upper Great Lakes region), Lenape (in the Delaware Valley), and similar terms in
countless Native languages—roughly translates as “human beings” or “real people,” and applied only to those within the
circle of kin and other relationships that defined the boundaries of a tribal community. Whatever the case, human
persons had to ally themselves with both human and, especially, other-than-human persons to channel their power in
productive ways.
7 Europeans assumed a role similar to that of those other-than-human persons in this complex world, hence the
welcome prepared by the women in Le Jeune’s story. Whoever the persons who arrived on the floating island were, it
was far preferable to ally with them than to risk their hostility or, perhaps worse, their making common cause with one’s
enemies. Alliances were supposed to be marked by reciprocity, by exchanges of goods, labor, or other mutually
advantageous benefits. Such transactions were seldom perfectly symmetrical; instead they left subordinates obligated
to chiefs, elders, and powerful other-than-human persons who provided more than could be immediately returned.
Often these relationships of unbalanced reciprocity were symbolized by particular material artifacts, gifts that physically
demonstrated connections and obligations. Chiefs, for instance, distributed rare shell beads or other items of
adornment to their followers, items that they in turn had received from other chiefs and that thus demonstrated farflung powerful alliances. Rare items whose barely understood origins lay hundreds of miles away—shells, minerals, and
especially copper—seem to have been considered gifts from, and thus signs of alliance with, powerful other-thanhuman persons who lived underground or underwater. Whatever the case, exchanges of goods were signs of alliance
among persons; lack of such exchange was a sign of enmity.
8 Thus, the curious things the European newcomers brought were central to the story that Le Jeune heard. The people
in the story rejected the gift of inedible sea biscuits; hard as rocks after a long voyage, they must indeed have seemed to
be blocks of wood. Meanwhile, the story deems the wine intended to wash the biscuit down not just tasteless but vile.
“Frenchmen drank blood and ate wood,” observed the storyteller (who, by the way, was familiar enough with Le Jeune’s
religion to know about the Roman Catholic Eucharist and its associations with bread, wine, and blood).
9 Such gifts were not exactly designed to seal a firm alliance. Nonetheless, the Frenchmen received a name, which
placed them in the universe of persons and made them comprehensible as a sort of human persons:
“ouemichtigouchiou; that is to say, a man who works in wood, or who is in a canoe or vessel of wood.” Throughout
eastern North America, Native people assigned Europeans similar identities, derived from technology and exotic
material goods. In southern New England, according to Roger Williams, Native people called the English “Cháuquaquock,
that is, Knive-men.” In the Mohawk country of today’s upstate New York, Europeans in general were known as asseroni
or “axe-makers,” and Dutch people in particular as kristoni, which means “I am a metal maker.” In what the English
called “Virginia” and what its Native inhabitants called Tsenacommacah (the densely peopled land), Tassantasses, or
“strangers,” was the preferred label, yet a song sung by warriors referred to the Jamestown colonists’ first leader,
Christopher Newport, as “Captain Newport [who] brought them Copper.”[2]
10 Copper, axes, knives, cloth, and the technologies that produced them were the most important aspect of Native
peoples’ discovery of Europe, and the most important reason that Native leaders persistently sought alliances with
Europeans, untrustworthy as those who ate wood and blood might be. Copper kettles, iron cutting implements, woolen
textiles, and other articles from a world new to Americans soon proved their superiority to earthenware pottery, stone
tools, and fur robes. Perhaps more importantly, arrowheads fashioned from scrap copper and, later, firearms purchased
from traders spawned Native American arms races that required people to ally with Europeans or succumb to those with
access to superior weapons. It is little wonder then, that rumors of the marvels to be had in exchange for beaver pelts
and other furs apparently preceded the axe-makers wherever they went; a constant theme in European accounts of first
explorations of bays and rivers is the appearance of canoe-loads of people waving beaver pelts they desired to trade.
“The Beaver does everything perfectly well,” a Native man explained to Le Jeune. “It makes kettles, hatchets, swords,
knives, bread; and, in short, it makes everything.”[3]
11 The beaver, the deerskin, the corn, or whatever else could be traded for European goods could also increase the
political power of Native leaders and their communities in a system where exotic material goods embodied the strength
that came from alliance with their source. Two stories, one from what the French called Canada and the other from
Tsenacommacah (present-day Virginia), provide some insight into the dynamics at work. In 1636, an Algonquin chief
announced to a group of Wendats (Hurons) who were reluctant to join him in a military campaign “that his body was
hatchets; he meant that the preservation of his person and of his Nation was the preservation of the hatchets, the
kettles, and all the trade of the French, for the Hurons.” Indeed, he claimed that he was so much “master of the French”
that he could make them “all recross the sea.”4 Europeans made the hatchets, but the power flowed through him.
12 A quarter-century earlier, Powhatan, paramount chief of Tsennacommacah, had repeatedly expressed a similar idea.
One example among many comes from 1614, shortly after Powhatan’s daughter Pocahontas had married Englishman
John Rolfe. Virginia Governor Thomas Dale dispatched colonist Ralph Hamor to try to convince Powhatan to give
another daughter to the English. The Native leader refused. Among his many complaints was that gifts Hamor had
brought him—“two large pieces of copper, five strings of white and blue beads, five wooden combs, ten fish-hooks, and
a pair of knives”—were “not so ample . . . as formerly Captaine Newport”[4] had given him. To clarify what he expected,
Powhatan “caused to be fetched a great glass of sack, some three quarts or better, which Captain Newport had given
him six or seven years since, carefully preserved by him, not much above a pint in all this time spent.” To each of the
Englishmen in Hamor’s party he dispensed “in a great oyster shell some three spoonfuls” of the fortifed wine and then
instructed Hamor to tell Dale
. . to send him these particular, Ten pieces of copper, a shaving knife, an iron frow to cleave boards, a grinding
stone, not so big but four or five men may carry it, which would be big enough for his use, two bone combs . . . ,
an hundred fish-hooks or if he could spare it, rather a fishing seine, and a cat, and a dog.
13 Powhatan insisted that Hamor repeat each item and, the Englishman said, “yet still doubtful that I might forget any of
them, he bade me write them down in such a Table book as he showed me, which was a very fair one.” Like the bottle of
sack and like the axes the later Algonquin chief compared himself to, possession of the blank notebook (which might or
might not have come from Newport and which Hamor was not allowed to mark) ratified Powhatan’s power over the
English in the eyes of his Native allies and rivals. “He told me,” said Hamor, “it did him much good to show it to strangers
which came unto him.”[5]
14 For at least two reasons, these displays of power lasted little longer than the first generation of discovery. Europeans
quickly saturated the market with their goods. Once substantial numbers of Europeans arrived in any given region, it
quickly became impossible for a single chief to control access to goods now sold by the barrel to all comers. As early as
January 1608—only a few months after the establishment of Jamestown—John Smith complained that ordinary
colonists and visiting sailors were trading so much copper to ordinary Indians that corn and furs “could not be had for a
pound of copper, which before was sold for an ounce.” The threat that such wide-scale democratic trade presented to
Native political structures helps explain the long list of exotica Powhatan sought to extract from Hamor to demonstrate
his power; mere copper and axes no longer served the purpose
15 Yet a far greater threat to Native political structures—indeed, to the entire fabric of Native communities—came from
an aspect of the discovery of Europe that no chief, and no colonist, could control. Before communities could fully
assimilate their discovery of Europeans and their goods, viral diseases that the newcomers inadvertently brought with
them swept through Native America. Smallpox was the greatest of these killers, but measles, mumps, chicken pox, and
influenzas in their ever-evolving forms were nearly as deadly. Bubonic plague and hemorrhagic fevers similar to Ebola
might also have been part of the gruesome mix.
16 As early as 1585, at Roanoke on the Outer Banks of today’s North Carolina, English colonists reported that Native
“people began to die very fast, and many in short space” after the English colonists visited their villages. “In some towns
about twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in one six score” perished.[6] Similarly, in 1616 a French missionary said
that the Native people of Acadia “often complain that, since the French mingle with and carry on trade with them, they
are dying fast, and the population is thinning out.”[7] A year later, what one English colonist described as “a great
mortality” struck both Jamestown and Powhatan’s people; its impact was “far greater among the Indians,”[8] who
endured repeated bouts over a three-year stretch. There is no direct evidence, but Powhatan himself, who died in 1618,
may have been one of the victims. During the same period, an unidentified ailment struck much of the coast of New
England. Perhaps the worst episode of all occurred between 1633 and 1641, when a pandemic of smallpox struck New
England, the St. Lawrence Valley, the Great Lakes region, and the continental interior at least as far south as Chesapeake
Bay and as far west as the Appalachians. A Dutch chronicler was likely not exaggerating when he wrote in 1650 that “the
Indians . . . affirm, that before the arrival of the Christians, and before the small pox broke out amongst them, they were
ten times as numerous as they now are.”[9]
17 Le Jeune heard the Innu story about the first arrival of the French in 1633 on the eve of the great smallpox epidemic.
The image of persons who “drank blood and ate wood” thus takes on a prophetic tone. For Native people, the discovery
of Europe was a discovery of death on an unimaginable scale and of a struggle for cultural survival that continues to this
day.
[1] Reuben Gold Thwaites, ed., The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents: Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit
Missionaries in New France, 1610–1791 (Cleveland, 1896-1901), 5:119–121. In all quotations, spelling and punctuation
has been modernized.
[2] William Strachey, Lewis Wright and Virginia Freund, eds., The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania (1612) (London:
The Hakluyt Society, 1953), 85–86.
[3] Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, 6: 295–97.
[4] Thwaites, 10:75.
[5] Raphe Hamor, A True Discourse of the Present Estate of Virginia, and the Success of the Affaires There till the 18 of
June, 1614 (London, 1615), 41–45.
[6] Thomas Harriot, A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (Frankfort-am-Main, 1590), 24–30.
[7] Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, 3:103.
[8] Quoted in Helen C. Roundtree, Pocahontas’s People: The Powhatan Indians of Virginia through Four Centuries
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), 64.
[9] Adrian van der Donck, Description of the Conflict and Commerce: The Founding of New Netherland, trans. Jeremiah
Johnson (New York: New-York Historical Society Collections, 2d ser.), 1 (1841): 183.
Daniel Richter is the Roy F. and Jeannette P. Nichols Professor of American History and the Richard S. Dunn Director of
the McNeil Center for Early American Studies. His most recent publication is Before the Revolution: America’s Ancient
Pasts (2011).
Reference:
Richter, D. (2011). Native American discoveries of Europe.Gilder Lehrman. Retrieved from
https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/early-settlements/essays/native-american-discoveries-europe
Day 1
1. In what ways, according to the text, did Native American belief influence their interaction with European
colonizers?
2. According to the text, why were Native Americans forced to make alliances with Europeans?
3. In what ways did massive colonization affect the political structures of Native Americans, according to the
text?
4. What is the author referencing when he states, “For Native people, the discovery of Europe was a discovery
of death on an unimaginable scale and of a struggle for cultural survival that continues to this day”?
A Puritain Missionary’s Account of Indians (1646) John Eliot
A Puritain Missionary’s Account of Indians (1646)
2
… Methinks now that it is with the Indians, as it was with our New English ground when
we first came over, there was scarce any man that would believe that English grain would
grow or that the plow could do any good in this woody and rocky soil…. so we have
thought of our Indian people and therefore have been discouraged to put plow to such dry
and rocky ground, but God having begun thus with some few, it may be they are better soil
for the Gospel than we can think.
T
3
I confess I think no great good will be done till they be more civilized, but why may not
God begin with some few to awaken others by degrees? Nor do I expect any great good
will be wrought by the English (leaving secrets to God) although the English surely begin
and lay the first stones of Christ’s kingdom and temple amongst them, because God is
wont ordinarily to convert nations and people by some of their own countrymen who are
nearest to them and can best speak and most of all pity their brethren and countrymen. But
yet if the least beginnings be made by the conversion of two or three it is worth all our
time and travails and cause of much thankfulness for such seeds, although no great harvest
should immediately appear.
The obervations I have gathered by conversing with them are such as these:
1. That none of them… derided God’s messenger: Woe unto those English that are
grown bold to do that which Indians will not- heathens dare not.
2. That there is a need of learning in ministers who preach to /Indians, much more
[than] to Englishmen and gracious Christians, for these had sundry philosophical
questions which some knowledge of the arts must help to give answer to; and
without which these would not have been satisfied. Worse than Indian ignorance
has blinded their eyes that renounce learning as an enemy to gospel ministries.
3. That there is no necessity of extraordinary gifts nor miraculous signs always to
convert heathens… for we see the Spirit of God working mightily upon the hearts
of these natives in an ordinary way, and I hope will, they being but a remnant, the
Lord using to show mercy to the remnant. For there be but few that are left alive
from the plague and pox, which God sent into those parts; and , if one or two can
understand, they usually talk of it as we do of news- it flies suddenly far and near,
and truth scattered will rise in time, for ought we know.
4. If Englishmen begin to despise the preaching of faith and repentance and
humiliation for sin, yet the poor heathens will be glad of it and it shall do good to
them; for so they are and so it begins to do. The Lord grant that the foundations of
our English woe be not laid in the ruin and contempt of those fundamental
doctrines of faith, repentance, humiliation for sin, etc., but rather relishing the
novelties and dreams of such men as are surfeited with the ordinary food of the
Gospel of Christ. Indians shall weep to hear faith and repentance preached, when
Englishmen shall mourn, too late, that are weary of such truths.
5. That the deepest estrangements of man from God is no hindrance to His grace nor
to the spirit of grace; for what nation or people ever so deeply degenerated since
Adam’s fall as these Indians, and yet the Spirit of God is working upon them?...
We have cause to be very thankful to God who has moved the heats of Generall Court to
purchase so much land for them to make their town in which the Indians are much taken
with. And it is so somewhat observable that, while the court were considering where to lay
out their towns, the Indians (not knowing of anything) were about that time consulting
about laws for themselves, and their company who sit down with Waaubon [a local
Christain Indian leader]. There were ten of them; two of them are forgotten.
Their laws were these:
1. That if any man be idle a week, at most a fortnight, he shall pay 5s [shillings].
2. If any unmarried man shall lie with a young woman unmarried, he shall pay 200s.
3. If any man shall beat his wife, his hands shall be tied behind him and [he shall be]
carried to the place of justice to be severely punished?
4. Every young man, if not another’s servant and if unmarried, he shall be complled
to set up a wigmam and plant for himself, and not live shifting up and down to
other wig,ans.
5. If any woman shall not have her hair tied upbut hang loose or be cut as men’s hair,
she shall pay 5s.
6. If any woman shall go with naked breasts, [she] shall pay 2s. 6d [2 shilling 6
pence].
7. All those men that wear longlocks shall pay 5s.
8. If any shall kill their lice between their teeth, they shall pay 5s. This law, tough
ridiculous to English ears, yet tends to preserve cleanliness among Indians.
9. It is wonderful in our eyes to understand these two honest Indians [helpers of Eliot]
what prayers Waaubon and the rest of them use to make, for he that preaches to
them professes he never yet used any of their words in his prayers, from whom
otherwise it might be thought that they had learned them by rote. One is this:
Amanamen Hehovah tahassen metagh.
(Take away Lord my stony heary.)
Another:
Checheson Jehovah kekowhogkew.
(Wash Lord my soul.)
Another:
(Lord lead me, when Idies, to heaven.)
These are but a taste. They have many more, and these more enlarged than thus expressed,
yet what are these but the sprinkling of the spirit and blood of Christ Jesus in their hearts?
And it is no small matter that such dry, barren, and long-accursed ground should yield
such kind of increase in so small a time. I would not readily commend a fair day before
night, nor promise much of such kind beginnings, in all persons, nor yet in all of these, for
we know that profession of very many is but a mere paint, and their best graces nothingbut
mere flashes and pangs, which are suddenly kindled and soon go out and are extinct again.
Yet God, does not usually send Hid plow and seed-man to a place but there is at least
some little piece of good ground, althoughthree to one be naught. And methinks the Lord
Jesus would have made so fit a key for their locks, unless He had intended to open some of
their doors, and so to make way for His coming in. He that God has reaised up and enabled
to preach unto them is a man (you know) of a most sweet, humble, loving, gracious, and
enlarged spirit, whom God hath blessed, and surely will still delight and do good by.
Resource:
Eliot, John. (1646). Day breaking, if not the sun-rising, of the gospel with Indians in
New-England. Massachusetts Historical Society Collections (3). Retrieved from
http://www.masshist.org/collections
Day 1
1. What does the author mean when he states, “So we have thought of our Indian people, and, therefore, have
been discouraged to put plow to such dry and rocky ground, but God, having begun thus with some few, it may
be they are better soil for the gospel that we think”?
2. According to the text, what does the author propose is God’s will and purpose for the Native Americans and
Europeans?
3. What assertions does the author make about Native Americans and their acceptance of Christianity?
4. What does the author believe is causing the death of Native Americans, using evidence from the text?
Day 2
1. What is the author referencing when he states, “Indians shall weep to hear faith and repentance preached,
when Englishmen shall mourn, too late, that are weary of such thing”?
2. What is the irony in the author’s statement, “We have cause to be very thankful to God who has moved the
hearts of the General Court to purchase so much land for them to make their town in which the Indians are
much taken with”?
3. In what ways, according to the text, have Europeans influenced Native American’s way of life?
4. What is the author referencing when he states, “And it is no small matter that such dry, barren, and longaccursed ground should yield such increase in so small time”?
5. What does the author mean when he wrote, “I would not readily commend a fair day before night, nor promise
much of such kind of beginnings, in all persons, nor yet in all of these, we know the profession of very many is
but a mere paint, and their best graces nothing but mere flashes and pangs, which are suddenly kindled and as
soon go out and are extinct again”?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)”
Week 6
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
To what extent did reform movements, which occurred in the eighteenth century, influence the development of the
colonies in America?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-By the end of grade 10, read and comprehend history/social studies texts in the grades 9–10 text complexity band
independently and proficiently.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Introduce precise claim(s), distinguish the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and create an organization that
establishes clear relationships among the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Use precise language and domain-specific vocabulary to manage the complexity of the topic and convey a style
appropriate to the discipline and context as well as to the expertise of likely readers.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Revival
Jon Butler, “Religion and Eighteenth-Century Revivalism” (2013)
Doctrinal
Jonathan Edwards “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God” (1741)
Converts
Episodically
Theologian
Churned
Pietistic
Introspective
Ostentatiously
Schism
Deists
Archetype
Epitomized
Itinerancy
Eschewed
Connotations
Intriguingly
Tumultuous
Ascribed
Incensed
Asunder
discourse
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.1.a
Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)
Week 6 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore how the religious
reforms, during the eighteen century, influenced the American colonies. Although some historians argue that these
movements created unification, which led to the Revolutionary war, an overwhelming amount of evidence suggests that
this movement actually created conflicts within and between colonies. Furthermore, these movements concentrated more
on saving souls than politics. It is unconceivable, however, to deny the lasting effects of this revival, because although
church and state are separate identities, evidence in core American documents, our money, and the Pledge of Allegiance
demonstrate the role that religion played in the development of America.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore the
role the revival movement played on the development of America. Students will need to consider the emotional context of
words and how diction (word choice) affects an author’s message. When combined with writing about the passage and
teacher feedback, students will form a deeper understanding of the limitations and enduring affects the revival movement
had on the development of America.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decode. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 1-11 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 12- 25 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in
the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 1-10 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions
in the English Classroom. James Holden and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: Taking
into consideration prominent religious revivalists, like Edwards, what were the limitations and enduring effects of the
religious revival movement, which originated in New England’s mainland, on America?
1
Religion and Eighteenth-Century Revivalism by Jon Butler
2
3
4
5
6
1 Revivals and revivalists seem endemic to the broad sweep of American history—Billy Graham’s 1957
“crusade” appearance at New York City’s Yankee Stadium; Amy Semple McPherson’s theatrical preaching and
healing at her Angeles Temple in the 1920s and 1930s; Charles Finney’s “anxious bench” of the 1820s and
1830s; and Jonathan Edwards’s infamous 1741 sermon, Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God, still a staple in
many high school and college American literature courses.
7
8
9
10
11
12
2 The revivalists’ calls for spiritual recovery and renewal reveal their concern for religion’s uneven influence in
America, even in the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century colonies. Massachusetts and Connecticut were
founded as havens for a puritanized Protestantism and Pennsylvania as a model for religious toleration. But the
remaining colonies, from New York, New Jersey, and Delaware to Virginia and North and South Carolina only
occasionally saw religion typify motivation for European emigration or dominate colonial life before the
American Revolution.
13
14
15
16
17
18
3 The American revival tradition originated in Britain’s eighteenth-century mainland colonies, and some
historians have linked them to the American Revolution. But a closer examination suggests that the revivals
actually bore little unifying or political force, exhibited strong regional and religious differences, and had no
substantial relationship to the Revolution. A few of their features indeed became commonplace in nineteenthand twentieth-century American revivals, but others proved distinctively colonial and unique to special
circumstances in the colonies where revivals emerged and then receded.
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20
21
22
4 “Revival” had two important meanings when it first appeared in eighteenth-century religious settings. It meant
a “born-again” experience that transformed individuals spiritually and personally. The term also sometimes
implied that men and women should recover the piety presumably common to their ancestors. Both have been
standard features of religious revivals from the eighteenth century to the present.
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25
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5 Many modern studies of colonial American revivalism focus on New England and homogenize the religious
revivals of the period with “The Great Awakening,” a term not invented until the 1840s. In fact, the eighteenthcentury revivals emerged in different colonies under substantially different circumstances, never achieved the
consistency of a cohesive colonies-wide movement, reflected several different theological modes, and evinced
interrelationships with Britain and Europe largely absent in the next century’s revivals.
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6 In general, revivals stressed personal religious experience rather than doctrinal knowledge in the converted as
well as in revival ministers. This tendency became one of revivalism’s flash points, producing erratic behavior
in converts as well as anti-intellectual impulses often common to American revivalism.
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7 Revivalism emerged episodically in Britain’s mainland colonies in different places and times. New
Englanders experienced them early. Solomon Stoddard encouraged religious “harvests” in Northampton,
Massachusetts, at least five different times from the 1690s to the 1720s, and in his 1714 Guide to Christ,
Stoddard reminded clergy and laity alike that even after individuals began a “work of preparation,” “sin reigns
in them as much as before.” Revivals overtook many New England congregations from the late 1730s to the
mid-1740s, and Stoddard’s grandson Jonathan Edwards became the region’s most famous theologian of
revival.[1]
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8 The New England revivals focused primarily on rejuvenating spiritual commitment among third- and fourthgeneration Puritans, on drawing in members’ indifferent children, and on bringing un-churched neighbors into
lagging congregations. Yet even this carefully limited appeal churned up enthusiastic men and women who
struck out on their own, producing “imprudences and errors,” like the unordained James Davenport, who burned
anti-revival tracts in New London, Connecticut.[2] The New England clergy denounced Davenport, and as
Congregationalist and Baptist congregations split over revivals into “New Light” (pro-revival) and “Old Light”
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(anti-revival) camps, Jonathan Edwards and other ministers pulled back. Edwards quickly encouraged
ministerial discipline: “no wonder then that when a people are as sheep without a Shepherd, they wander out of
the way.”[3] The revival-inspired tensions within communities sometimes intersected politics because New
England towns paid a minister’s salary, and by 1745, many towns were relieved to see the revivals declining.
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9 While revivals essentially skipped New York, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina, they roiled the Dutch
Reformed of New Jersey and Presbyterians in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, demonstrating the uniqueness of
revivals in different colonies. The newly arrived Dutch immigrant Rev. Theodorus Frelinghuysen created
tension in his and other New Jersey Dutch Reformed congregations in the 1720s. He emphasized a pietistic,
introspective moralism that demanded rectified lives in church members. But Frelinghuysen’s methods and
demeanor won as much hostility as favor from Dutch Reformed congregants and neighbors. He infamously
“fenced” in his Communion table, admitting only the most pure, but excluding many others, and his moralism
knew few limits. Frelinghuysen insulted New York City’s senior Dutch minister, Rev. Gaultherus DuBois,
telling him that a large wall mirror DuBois owned was ostentatiously out of place in a minister’s home.
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10 Rev. William Tennent and his three minister sons, William Jr., Gilbert, and John, became engines of
Presbyterian revival in New Jersey and Pennsylvania in the 1730s and 1740s. Their demands for religious
renewal, and particularly their emphasis on discipline among Presbyterian clergymen, produced a schism in the
Presbytery of Philadelphia in 1741 that lasted until 1758. They walked out to form a rival Presbytery of New
York that would better train and supervise “true” Presbyterian clergy as the only ministers capable of effectively
leading revived congregations.
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11 Concern about revival excesses concerned Pennsylvania Presbyterians as much as it had New England
Congregationalists. Samuel Blair led “soul exercises” for his congregants in New Londonderry, Pennsylvania,
but warned them to “moderate and bound their passions.”[4] In 1740 New Jersey’s Gilbert Tennent ridiculed
ministers learned in theology but lacking a conversion experience as “Pharisee-shepherds.” But only two years
later he denounced unsanctioned and untrained preaching by “ignorant young converts” for introducing “the
greatest errors and the greatest anarchy and confusion.”[5]
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12 In contrast to New England, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, Baptist and Presbyterian revivals in Virginia and
North Carolina stimulated major confrontations with the established Church of England headed by George III
(the “Anglican” Church) and occurred mainly in the 1760s and early 1770s, two decades after the northern
revivals. Virginia sheriffs, provoked by prominent local Anglican parish vestrymen and their Anglican
ministers, beat, whipped, arrested, and jailed Baptist and Presbyterian ministers to stop their preaching. In 1771
the Anglican minister in Virginia’s Caroline County ran “the end of his horsewhip in [the Baptist minister’s]
mouth.” When he finished preaching, Anglican supporters “violently jerked [the minister] off the stage” then
“caught him by the back part of his neck [and] beat his head against the ground, some times up[,] sometimes
down,” after which the sheriff gave him “twenty lashes with his Horse Whip.”[6]
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13 Despite this religious opposition, Virginia Baptists and Presbyterians supported the Revolution as strongly as
did Virginia’s mostly Anglican aristocratic elite. After the Revolution, Baptists and Presbyterians alongside
deists like Thomas Jefferson and James Madison helped lead Virginia toward modern religious toleration and
an end to government establishment for religion.
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14 The preaching of George Whitefield cut across the different local and regional appearances of religious
revival and reinforced the colonial connections to Britain and Europe. Whitefield was one of the few Church of
England ministers to embrace revivalism. He had been part of a “Holy Club” at Oxford with Charles and John
Wesley, who later founded the Methodist movement. Whitefield made seven different preaching tours of
Britain’s mainland North American colonies between 1738 and his death in Newburyport, Massachusetts, in
1770. These American tours, coupled with his preaching in Britain, made him one of the most famous ministers
and, indeed, most famous individuals on either side of the Atlantic in the eighteenth century.
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15 Whitefield’s effect can be traced in lives of Nathan Cole, a common Connecticut farmer and carpenter, and
Benjamin Franklin. Cole had been told that Whitefield preached “like one of the old apostles,” and when he
heard that Whitefield would preach in nearby Middletown, Connecticut, he reported, “I was in my field at
Work, [and] dropt my tool that I had in my hand and ran home to my wife telling her to make ready quickly to
go and hear Mr Whitfield preach at Middletown, then run to my pasture for my horse with all my might; fearing
that I should be too late.”[7]
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16 The ever cool Franklin confessed Whitefield’s effect on him in his Autobiography: “I silently resolved he
should get nothing from me, I had in my pocket a handful of copper money, three or four silver dollars, and five
pistoles in gold. As he proceeded I began to soften, and concluded to give the coppers. Another stroke of his
oratory made me asham’d of that, and determin’d me to give the silver; and he finish’d so admirably, that I
empty’d my pocket wholly into the collector’s dish, gold and all.”[8]
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17 Whitefield asked a simple question of thousands of Britons and colonists: “Are you saved?” The challenge
was dramatic, and Whitefield’s pliant and fascinatingly mercurial voice often produced transfixed silence.
David Garrick, a famous eighteenth-century British actor and producer, confessed, “I would give a hundred
guineas, if I could say ‘Oh’ like Mr. Whitefield.”[9]
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18 Had Whitefield’s dramatic performances created a coherent, culture-changing event in the pre-Revolutionary
mainland colonies? Whitefield indeed became the archetype for the image of the modern Protestant “revivalist,”
such as Billy Graham and Charles Finney. Whitefield also epitomized the attention that flowed to revival clergy
generally. Revivals actually tended to increase leaders’ stature and authority, even if laypeople were the objects
of their attention. Thus, the names most famous in the eighteenth-century revivals are seldom the common
laypeople like the Connecticut farmer Nathan Cole whom the clergy sought to convert, but preachers like
Jonathan Edwards and Gilbert Tennent in the 1740s or Virginia’s Baptist preachers of the 1750s and 1760s,
such as “Swearing Jack” Waller and James Ireland. Local revival ministers influenced their own congregations
and other ministers through publications and personal relationships. If they turned to itinerancy, the results
could be mixed, not least because they could impose on town ministers who hadn’t invited them, even if they
did turn out and inspire excited listeners.
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19 The outsized Whitefield attracted enormous crowds that regional itinerants never mustered. But his events
brought little change to the colonies’ denominational structure. Congregations formed by avid Whitefield
supporters in Salem, Boston, and Philadelphia had closed by 1780, only a decade after Whitefield’s death.
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20 The denominational variety and regional differences of the colonies’ eighteenth-century revivals reflected
the distinctive pre-independent, colonial character of Britain’s mainland colonies. Revivals tended to reflect
local impulses and personalities, although Congregationalists and Baptists in New England and Presbyterians in
New Jersey and Pennsylvania demonstrated the possibility of regional cooperation, both in support of revivals
and in corralling them. The success of George Whitefield’s seven preaching tours of the colonies between 1738
and 1770 demonstrated colonists’ fascination with the theater he provided and at least a momentary fretfulness
about salvation in a society where material success and failure seemed the most pressing concerns. And perhaps
Whitefield’s British origins and his fame across the Atlantic inspired extraordinary colonial interest.
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21 Unlike many nineteenth- and twentieth-century successors, the eighteenth-century revivals eschewed secular
politics. They did not tie themselves to efforts at British moral or political renewal and did not confront
contemporary moral issues, such as slavery (both Jonathan Edwards and George Whitefield owned slaves). The
contest over unlicensed Baptist and Presbyterian preaching in Virginia in the 1760s and early 1770s perhaps
bore the most obvious secular connotations. But even there, Baptists intriguingly posed a specifically religious
rather than secular precedent to support their preaching: rather than calling on developing secular notions of
open political speech, they simply argued that Baptist preaching “resembled primitive times, when the gospel
was preached in the land of Judea.”[10]
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22 In short, the episodic religious upheavals of eighteenth-century America were the local expressions of
colonists who were a long way from Britain and, as yet, a long way from each other. Whitefield touched many
but never brought them together, and where revivals prospered, their concern centered on souls rather than
politics, except perhaps in Virginia.
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23 Yet after the Revolution, American religious leaders saw possibilities in the history of the eighteenth-century
revivals. In 1842 the Protestant evangelical Joseph Tracy published The Great Awakening: A History of the
Revival of Religion in the Time of Edwards and Whitefield. He brought the disparate colonial revivals together
as a precedent for revivals he hoped would overtake and influence a tumultuous, unruly, and disturbingly
heterogeneous nation a half-century after independence.
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24 Tracy’s The Great Awakening homogenized the eighteenth-century past so he might steady his own anxious
nineteenth-century society. Looking at it critically, however, offers an opportunity to understand eighteenthcentury colonial revivalism for what it was in its own time, not in Tracy’s time or ours. The sometimes peculiar
and quite different Dutch Reformed and Presbyterian revivals in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, the whipping
and jailing of Baptist preachers by Virginia sheriffs and courts on the eve of the American Revolution, and the
tension inside declining New England Puritan congregations that fostered revivals there, point to the artificiality
of Tracy’s homogenizing label about the eighteenth-century revivals, “The Great Awakening.”
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25 But modern American revivals bore at least two important links to their colonial predecessors. The
charismatic theatricality of George Whitefield, Gilbert Tennent, and “Swearing Jack” Waller would take
modern American form in Charles Finney, Amy Semple McPherson, Billy Graham, and these modern
revivalists also emphasized individual conversion and the “born-again experience,” just as George Whitefield
had done. In these ways, at least two critical features of the eighteenth-century colonial revivals lived on far
beyond their own time to shape distinctive features of modern American life.
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[1] Solomon Stoddard, A Guide To Christ (Boston, 1714), 6.
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[2] Jonathan Edwards, “Distinguishing Marks of a Work of the Spirit of God,” in The Works of Jonathan
Edwards: The Great Awakening, ed. C. C. Goen (New Haven, 1972), 4:269.
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161
[3] Edwards, “Distinguishing Marks of a Work of the Spirit of God,” in Works of Jonathan Edwards: The Great
Awakening, ed. C. C. Goen (New Haven, 1972), 4:269.
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164
[4] Samuel Blair, “A Short and Faithful Narrative of the Late Remarkable Revival of Religion in the
Congregation of New-Londonderry,” in Richard L. Bushman, ed., The Great Awakening: Documents on the
Revival of Religion, 1740–1745 (New York, 1970), 73.
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166
[5] Gilbert Tennent, “The Danger of an Unconverted Ministry,” in Alan Heimert and Perry Miller eds., The
Great Awakening: Documents Illustrating the Crisis and Its Consequences (Indianapolis, 1967), 90, 97.
167
[6] Quoted in Rhys Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia, 1740–1790 (Chapel Hill, 1982), 162.
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169
[7] Michael J. Crawford, ed., “The Spiritual Travels of Nathan Cole,” William and Mary Quarterly, no. 3d ser.,
33 (1976), 92.
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[8] Leonard W. Labaree, et al., ed. The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin. 2nd ed. (New Haven, 2003), 177.
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[9] Quoted in Harry S. Stout, The Divine Dramatist: George Whitefield and the Rise of Modern Evangelicalism
(Grand Rapids, 1991), 237.
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[10] William Fristoe, A Concise History of the Ketocton Baptist Association (Staunton [Va.], 1808), 66.
174
Jon Butler is the Howard R. Lamar Professor of American Studies, History, and Religious Studies at Yale
University. His publications include Religion in American Life: A Short History (2008) (with Grant Wacker
and Randall Balmer), Becoming American: The Revolution before 1776 (2000), and Awash in a Sea of Faith:
Christianizing the American People (1990).
Butler, J. (2013). Religion and eighteenth-century revivalism. Gilder Lehrman. Retrieved from http://www.gilderlehrman
.org/history-by-era/colonization-and-settlement-1585-1763/religion-and-eighteenth-century-revivalism
Day 1
1. According to the text, what was the ultimate goal of the Revivalist movement in the eighteenth century?
2. What were the effects of the religious revival in America, which originated in the Europe, according to
paragraphs two to five?
3. In which ways did the revival create tensions within communities, citing evidence from the text?
4. What did the author mean, when he stated, “But only two years later he denounced unsanctioned and
untrained preaching by ‘ignorant young converts’ for introducing ‘the greatest errors and the greatest anarchy
and confusion’”?
Day 2
1. In which ways did the revival movement differ regionally, according to the text?
2. According to the author, what were the limitations of the revival movement?
3. What was the author referring to when he stated, “In short, the episodic religious upheavals of eighteenthcentury America were the local expressions of colonists who were a long way from Britain and, as yet, a long
way from each other”?
4. In your own words, what is the author referring to when he states, “The sometimes peculiar and quite different
Dutch Reformed and Presbyterian revivals in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, the whipping and jailing of Baptist
preachers by Virginia sheriffs and courts on the eve of the American Revolution, and the tension inside declining
New England Puritan congregations that fostered revivals there, point to the artificiality of Tracy’s homogenizing
label about the eighteenth-century revivals, ‘The Great Awakening’”?
5. In which ways, according to the text, did the revival have a lasting effect on America?
Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God (1741)
1 Jonathan Edwards (1703–1758), a Congregational minister in New England, was certainly exposed to
Enlightenment thought and intellectual vigor as well as to the methodology it engendered, but he had also been
educated in the rich, challenging Calvinist theology of the earlier Puritan church. Edwards believed that people
had fallen away from the demanding faith, with its emphasis on God's grace, that was so essential to their
salvation. With that in mind, this great theologian began a revival in his Northampton, Massachusetts, church
in the 1730s that became part of the general revival movement called the Great Awakening. To awaken people's
faith and belief in the majesty of God, he presented both positive and negative images of God's power. He
wanted people to feel God's presence, not just think about it.
2 The God that holds you over the pit of hell, much as one holds a spider or some loathsome insect over the fire,
abhors you, and is dreadfully provoked. His wrath towards you burns like fire; he looks upon you as worthy of
nothing else but to be cast into the fire. He is of purer eyes than to bear you in his sight; you are ten thousand
times as abominable in his eyes as the most hateful, venomous serpent is in ours.
3 You have offended him infinitely more than ever a stubborn rebel did his prince, and yet it is nothing but his
hand that holds you from falling into the fire every moment. It is to be ascribed to nothing else that you did not
got to hell the last night; that you were suffered to awake again in this world, after you closed your eyes to
sleep. And there is no other reason to be given why you have not dropped into hell since you arose in the
morning, but that God's hand has held you up. There is no other reason to be given why you have not gone to
hell since you have sat here in the house of God provoking his pure eye by your sinful, wicked manner of
attending his solemn worship. Yea, there is nothing else that is to be given as a reason why you do not this very
moment drop down into hell.
4 O sinner! consider the fearful danger you are in! It is a great furnace of wrath, a wide and bottomless pit, full
of the fire of wrath that you are held over in the hand of that God whose wrath is provoked and incensed as
much against you as against many of the damned in hell. You hang by a slender thread, with the flames of
Divine wrath flashing about it, and ready every moment to singe it and burn it asunder. . . .
5 It would be dreadful to suffer this fierceness and wrath of Almighty God one moment; but you must suffer it
to all eternity. There will be no end to this exquisite, horrible misery. When you look forward, you shall see
along forever a boundless duration before you, which will swallow up your thoughts, and amaze your soul. And
you will absolutely despair of ever having any deliverance, any end, any mitigation, any rest at all. You will
know certainly that you must wear out long ages, millions of millions of ages in wrestling with this Almighty,
merciless vengeance. And then when you have so done, when so many ages have actually been spent by you in
this manner, you will know that all is but a point [dot] to what remains. So that your punishment will indeed be
infinite.
6 Oh! who can express what the state of a soul in such circumstances is! All that we can possibly say about it
gives but a very feeble, faint representation of it. It is inexpressible and inconceivable: for "who knows the
power of God's anger"!
7 How dreadful is the state of those that are daily and hourly in danger of this great wrath and infinite misery!
But this is the dismal case of every soul in this congregation that has not been born again, however moral and
strict, sober and religious, they may otherwise be. Oh! that you would consider it, whether you be young or old!
8 There is reason to think that there are many in this congregation, now hearing this discourse, that will actually
be the subjects of this very misery to all eternity. We know not who they are, or in what seats they sit, or what
thoughts they now have. It may be they are now at ease, and hear all these things without much disturbance, and
are now flattering themselves that they are not the persons, promising themselves that they shall escape.
9 If we knew that there was one person, and but one, in the whole congregation, that was to be the subject of
this misery, what an awful thing it would be to think of! If we knew who it was, what an awful sight would it be
to see such a person! How might the rest of the congregation lift up a lamentable and bitter cry over him!
10 But, alas! instead of one, how many is it likely will remember this discourse in hell! And it would be a
wonder, if some that are now present should not be in hell in a very short time, before this year is out. And it
would be no wonder if some persons that now sit here in some seats of this meeting-house, in health, and quiet
and secure, should be there before tomorrow morning!
Resource:
Edwards, J, (1741). Sinners in the hands of an angry God. W. W. Norton College. Retrieved from http://www.wwnorton.
com/college/ history/archive/resources/documents/ch03_03.htm
Day 1
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
What was the purpose of “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God”?
What is the main idea of “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God” and why did it resonate with the era?
According the text, what dangers does Edwards warn people to avoid?
What factors attributed to the effectiveness of the text?
In what ways is “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God” representative of Butler’s description of eighteenthcentury revivalism?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)”
Week 7
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
What factors led to the merging of the thirteen colonies?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, connecting insights gained from
specific details to an understanding of the text as a whole.
-Evaluate various explanations for actions or events and determine which explanation best accords with textual evidence,
acknowledging where the text leaves matters uncertain.
-Integrate information from diverse sources, both primary and secondary, into a coherent understanding of an idea or
event, noting discrepancies among sources.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Seven Years’ War
Treaty of Paris of 1763
Francis J. Bremer “The Thirteen Colonies” (2013)
Mason-Dixon line
Benjamin Franklin “Plan of Union” (1759)
Interregnum
William Trent “William Trent’s Journal” (1763)
Indian uprising of 1622
Ideological
Encroachments
Contiguous
Prorogued
Quorum
scalp
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.1.a
Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)
Week 7 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore the factors that led to
the unification of the thirteen colonies. As control of the British over the American colonies diminished, because of
internal conflicts, the need for unification of the thirteen colonies flourished. Many factors led to the necessity of
unification, including the need of protection from Native Americas, which posed a threat to the colonies. Each colony
developed a local form of government, which was joined by the Plan of Union, but was never pushed by the British,
which were fearful that the unity of these colonies would mean the end of British control over the colonies.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore the
various motivations for the unification of the thirteen colonies. Students will need to consider the emotional context of
words and how diction (word choice) affects an author’s message. When combined with writing about the passage and
teacher feedback, students will form a deeper understanding of how the need to defend colonies from attacks and other
issues led to the unification of the colonies.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decode. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 1-18 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 1-30 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 1-9 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions
in the English Classroom. James Holden and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: Using
evidence from the readings, describe which factors led to the unification of the thirteen colonies.
The Thirteen Colonies by Francis J. Bremer
1 The thirteen colonies that joined together to become the United States of America were but a part of the first
British Empire. They were the product of a broad and dramatic expansion of England that began with the
establishment of “plantations” in Ireland during the reign of Queen Elizabeth I and reached a peak with the
conquest of Canada and the extension of British influence over India during the 1760s. In the New World alone
at the time of the American Revolution Britain had close to two dozen colonies, most in the Caribbean, apart
from the thirteen rebellious ones. As was the case for other colonizing nations, this expansion was driven by a
variety of factors, including religion, nationalism, and economics—often categorized as God, Glory, and Gold.
Specific colonies typically combined more than one of these objectives. The Roanoke colony of 1585, for
example, was intended to serve as a privateer base that would undermine Spain’s Catholic empire in America,
advance the interests of England, and enrich those who would actually capture Spanish possessions.
2 Unlike the overseas expansion of European powers such as Spain and France, English colonization was rarely
the result of government initiatives. Instead, the Crown granted charters authorizing overseas ventures to
individuals and commercial corporations. Exceptions to this were colonies acquired by conquest, as when, in
1664, an English expedition seized the sprawling Dutch colony of New Netherland (which the English divided
into New York and New Jersey), and when Canada joined the empire as a result of the Treaty of Paris of 1763
that ended the Seven Years’ War.
3 Colonial charters specified the land that an individual or corporation had the right to settle. In the case of the
New World, the English government, like its European counterparts, dismissed the rights of the Native
American inhabitants and claimed title as the Christian discoverers of the lands. An imprecise awareness of the
actual geography of territory often led to conflicting land claims—for instance the precise border separating the
lands granted to Maryland and Pennsylvania was not settled until the surveying of the Mason-Dixon line
between 1763 and 1767, and the region that is now the state of Vermont was claimed by both New Hampshire
and New York until the time of the American Revolution.
4 The charters granted by the Crown authorized the creation of colonial governments. They had considerable
autonomy but were subject to certain conditions, including a provision that they not pass any legislation which
violated English law. The three types of charters are commonly categorized as proprietary, corporate, or royal.
5 Proprietary colonies were established by individuals who received a charter to explore, settle, and exploit a set
geographical region claimed by England. The failed Roanoke colony of 1585 was sponsored by Sir Walter
Raleigh. Most notable of the proprietary colonies were Maryland, settled under the terms of a charter granted to
Cecil Calvert, Lord Baltimore, in 1632; and Pennsylvania, founded by William Penn, who received his charter
in 1681. Generally listed as one of the thirteen colonies, Delaware was originally part of Pennsylvania. Settled
prior to 1681 by Swedes, Dutchmen, and some English, it was granted a separate assembly by William Penn in
1701 when it became evident that its residents did not share the Quaker vision or values. While proprietary
charters were typically granted to individuals, the grant for the Carolinas was awarded to a group of eight Lords
Proprietors in 1663. Though William Penn envisioned settling in Pennsylvania and did manage to visit on two
occasions, most proprietors directed the affairs of their colonies from England, appointing governors (in the
case of Maryland, occasionally a family member) to pursue their goals.
6 One of the disadvantages of proprietary colonies was that an individual family or small group of men bore the
sole financial responsibility for the enterprise, a burden that few were able to assume. One way of sharing the
risks was for those interested in colonization to band together with others to form a corporation in which
financial support was spread over a large number of investors and liability was similarly dispersed.
Corporations almost always based their colonial operations in England, appointing agents to carry out their
policies abroad. Many who invested in these ventures were involved in more than one colonial enterprise—for
example, the Somers Island Company was formed in 1615 by shareholders of the Virginia Company to govern
the colony that became Bermuda. The last of the original colonies was Georgia, founded through the chartering
of a corporation headed by James Oglethorpe in 1732.
7 Charters did not necessarily require that corporate headquarters be maintained in a specific location, and the
leaders of the Massachusetts Bay Company took advantage of this when they moved their operations, and the
actual charter itself, to their colony in 1630, thus gaining some protection against royal interference. Some
corporations sub-granted their territory to other groups. Other colonies founded under such a corporate aegis
became semi-autonomous relatively quickly. The Plymouth colony, established by the Pilgrims and other
settlers, was financed by a group of Merchant Adventurers who had received a grant from the Virginia
Company of London. When it became evident that the settlement was outside the jurisdiction of the original
charter, the Merchant Adventurers turned to the Council for New England for a new patent. Disheartened by the
meager returns on their investment, the Merchant Adventurers sold their interest to a group of the colony’s
leaders.
8 Royal colonies were under the direct control of the English government rather than an individual or
corporation. Governors were appointed by the king—or, between 1649 and 1660, the authorities governing
England during the interregnum between the execution of Charles I and the restoration of the monarchy. Some
of these colonies were established by conquest, as when forces sent by England’s Lord Protector Oliver
Cromwell captured Jamaica in 1655. Other colonies came under royal control when a proprietary or corporate
charter was revoked for a failure to adhere to the terms under which it was granted. Internal dissension in the
Company and unfavorable attention resulting from an Indian uprising in 1622 led King James to revoke the
Virginia Company’s charter in 1624, eighteen years after it was issued, and the colony came under direct Crown
control.
9 Some colonies were formed without any official authorization. Almost a decade after they were first settled,
towns in Massachusetts that had been established by dissenters came together in 1643 and received a
Parliamentary charter as Rhode Island and Providence Plantations; that authorization was later confirmed by a
royal charter in 1663. A bit farther south, the largely unauthorized settlements of the separate Connecticut and
New Haven colonies were merged into one colony by the Connecticut charter of 1662. Other unauthorized
communities were recognized by the Crown as the colony of New Hampshire in 1679.
10 Regardless of how they were created, the actual governance of the various colonies came to reflect local
interests more than the desires of the English authorities that claimed jurisdiction. The evolution of most
colonial governments up to 1775 may be categorized as involving, on the one hand, a struggle for home rule by
colonists opposing proprietary, corporate, and royal efforts to impose policies on them and, on the other, a
related struggle between various colonial factions over how power within a colony should be allocated. The
political evolution of New England differed from that of the other mainland colonies. The puritans who settled
Massachusetts brought their charter and powers of government with them, thus largely eliminating any question
of English control over their affairs. Because their faith relied heavily on the participation of individual
believers, they shaped their colonial institutions to reflect a broad participation in government, including
popular election of governors and other officials and the creation of representative assemblies to pass laws.
Though over time various economic interests created more diversity in the political sphere, the conflicts were
relatively minor compared to those found elsewhere in America.
11 In the case of colonies founded with the expectation of control from England, history proved that persuading
free Englishmen to undertake the dangerous voyage to the New World and the challenges of carving out an
existence in a sometimes hostile environment required promises of land and some degree of participation in
their own governance. Once in the New World, colonists sought to control the decisions that influenced their
lives, often clashing with fellow colonists who had different interests. The Virginia House of Burgesses, first
called into session in 1619, was an elective assembly offered as an inducement to attract new colonists. The
settlers of Pennsylvania forced William Penn to make three separate modifications to his original frame of
government, each one vesting greater authority in local institutions and lessening Penn’s own ability to
determine the course of the colony’s affairs. Occasionally this pressure could threaten violence, as when
Protestant settlers challenged the autocratic rule of the Catholic Calvert family in Maryland on a number of
occasions in the seventeenth century. The result of such pressure was that every one of the colonies that would
eventually come together to make up the United States had a legislative assembly by the 1680s, with the
exception of New York, the proprietary colony of James Stuart, the Duke of York, whose arbitrary instincts
would produce England’s Glorious Revolution of 1688 following his ascension to the throne in 1685.
12 Those assemblies became the stages on which conflicting interests vied for political control. In the two
Chesapeake colonies a tobacco-planter elite emerged as the dominant political force. In Virginia the planters
controlled the Council (upper house) and the House of Burgesses, though their dominance was challenged in the
decades leading up to the Revolution by the emergence of settlers, such as Patrick Henry, from the western parts
of the colony. The Quaker elite who had wrested control of Pennsylvania from William Penn in the early
decades of the colony kept the waves of non-English and non-Quaker immigrants who settled the frontier
inadequately represented. New York’s internal politics featured conflict between the merchant elite in New
York City and the large landholders of the Hudson River Valley.
13 Proprietors and corporations in England did not have the resources to control the colonists who settled on
their lands in America, and for most of the seventeenth century, the Crown was incapable of effectively
suppressing challenges to the authorities. England was financially troubled and embroiled in religious and
constitutional disputes that would result in conflict with Scotland and an English civil war. The establishment of
evolving puritan regimes after the execution of the king would only end with the Restoration of the monarchy in
1660.
14 Not until the colonial economies began to thrive and the powers of the monarchy began to increase was
much attention paid by English authorities to the affairs of the colonies. Beginning in the 1660s and lasting until
the 1690s, the governments of Charles II and James II did attempt to reverse the long history of neglect, seeking
to impose an imperial vision on the various parts of the empire. The climax of that effort in North America
came with the creation of the Dominion of New England, revoking all previous charters and incorporating the
New England colonies and New York into a single jurisdiction controlled by an appointed governor general and
abolishing all vestiges of self-government. This centralizing effort came to an end when the Glorious
Revolution toppled James II and the new monarchs, William and Mary, plunged England into a series of wars
with France that demanded the full attention of the government. A rebellion against the Dominion in Boston led
to the granting of a new charter for Massachusetts (incorporating the former Plymouth colony) and the
restoration of the remainder of the region’s governments. In New York, Leisler’s Rebellion divided the
colonists along geographic and economic lines but did institutionalize a colonial legislature. In Maryland, a
Protestant revolt led to the revocation of the Calvert family’s political control of the colony.
15 In the decades between 1690 and the 1763 Treaty of Paris, the colonies on the North American mainland
were once again left largely to determine their own affairs. Spurred by the growing prosperity of the groups that
were largely represented in the lower houses of colonial legislatures, and by the ideological argument for
parliamentary rights and a republican balance in government that had fueled the two seventeenth-century
English revolutions, the colonial assemblies came to assume that they had the right to decide the policies that
affected their people.
16 The idea that only colonial governments could legislate for the people of a given colony became a cherished
belief of many British colonists in North America. When the English government sought to impose new laws
and taxes (and enforce pre-existing ones) upon an empire that had vastly expanded with the Treaty of Paris,
many colonists were determined to resist encroachments on what they’d come to view as their rights as
Englishmen living in America. The colonies that would resist the most forcefully (the “thirteen”) were
geographically contiguous and part of a mature colonial economic system that was largely self-sufficient.
17 This was not necessarily the case with the British colonies elsewhere. Island colonies such as Barbados and
Antigua had single-crop economies and were not self-sufficient. They were also more vulnerable to attack by
other powers, and thus more dependent on the British navy. Furthermore, the large island planters were likely to
actually reside in England, making them less concerned with colonial autonomy and more engaged with how to
shape policy to suit their personal economic advantage as opposed to challenging those policies.
18 On the mainland from Georgia to New Hampshire colonial assemblies were a forum that allowed the various
local interests to advance and defend their own interest, much as the House of Commons had come to serve that
function in the years leading to the Puritan Revolution in England. Colonists came to view the assemblies as
equivalent to the English Parliament. In the assemblies and in various local governing bodies, colonial leaders
learned the art of governing that would lead them to organize a new nation.
Francis J. Bremer is a professor emeritus of history at Millersville University of Pennsylvania and editor of the
Winthrop Papers. He has just completed work on Building a New Jerusalem: John Davenport, a Puritan in
Three Worlds (2012) and First Founders: American Puritans and Puritanism in the Atlantic World (2012). He is
currently working on a full-length biography of Roger Williams.
Bremer, F. (2013). The thirteen colonies. Gilder Lehrman. Retrieved from https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-byera/thirteen-colonies/essays/thirteen-colonies
Day 1
1. According to the text, what were the origins of the thirteen colonies, which united to form the United States of
America?
2. In what ways did English colonization differ from the European powers’ colonization?
3. According to the text, what role did charters play in the unification of the thirteen colonies?
4. Why were legislative assemblies important for the colonies, according to the text?
5. Why did England lose control over governing the colonies, according to paragraphs fourteen through eighteen?
6. Which factors led to the unification of the thirteen colonies, according to paragraphs fourteen through
eighteen?
Plan of Union Benjamin Franklin (1759)
This popular woodcut was seen often during the later colonial era, and urged the
colonists to overcome their parochial interests and form a strong union. Not until
the Revolution, however, did unity outweigh long-standing suspicions.
1 In the early 1750s, rivalry between England and France over who would control the North American continent
led inexorably to what is known as the French and Indian Wars. This conflict lasted from 1756 to 1763, and left
England the dominant power in the area that now comprises the eastern United States and Canada.
2 Aware of the strains that war would put on the colonies, English officials suggested a "union between ye
Royal, Proprietary & Charter Governments."1 At least some colonial leaders were thinking along the same
lines. In June 1754 delegates from most of the northern colonies and representatives from the Six Iroquois
Nations met in Albany, New York. There they adopted a "plan of union" drafted by Benjamin Franklin of
Pennsylvania. Under this plan each colonial legislature would elect delegates to an American continental
assembly presided over by a royal governor.
3 The plan is noteworthy in several respects. First of all, Franklin anticipated many of the problems that would
beset the government created after independence, such as finance, dealing with the Indian tribes, control of
commerce, and defense. In fact, it contains the seeds of true union, and many of these ideas would be revived
and adopted in Philadelphia more than thirty years later.
4 After the plan was unveiled, the Crown did not push it since British officials realized that, if adopted, the plan
could create a very powerful entity that His Majesty's Government might not be able to control. The royal
counselors need not have worried; the colonists were not ready for union, nor were the colonial assemblies
ready to give up their recent and hard-won control over local affairs to a central government. That would not
happen until well after the American settlements had declared their independence.
For further reading: Robert C. Newbold, The Albany Congress and the Plan of Union of 1754 (1955).
Footnote 1: The thirteen colonies were divided at the time among those founded or ruled by royal charter
(Virginia, New York, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, New Jersey, North Carolina, South Carolina and
Georgia), those that were proprietary in nature, that is, owned by a family or individual (Pennsylvania,
Delaware and Maryland), and those that were governed under charters (Rhode Island and Connecticut).
Albany Plan of Union
It is proposed that humble application be made for an act of Parliament of Great Britain, by virtue of which one
general government may be formed in America, including all the said colonies, within and under which
government each colony may retain its present constitution, except in the particulars wherein a change may be
directed by the said act, as hereafter follows.
1. That the said general government be administered by a President-General, to be appointed and supported by
the crown; and a Grand Council, to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several Colonies met in
their respective assemblies.
2. That within -- months after the passing such act, the House of Representatives that happen to be sitting within
that time, or that shall be especially for that purpose convened, may and shall choose members for the Grand
Council, in the following proportion, that is to say,
Massachusetts Bay
7
New Hampshire
2
Connecticut
5
Rhode Island
2
New York
4
New Jersey
3
Pennsylvania
6
Maryland
4
Virginia
7
North Carolina
4
South Carolina
4
-----48
3. -- who shall meet for the first time at the city of Philadelphia, being called by the President-General as soon
as conveniently may be after his appointment.
4. That there shall be a new election of the members of the Grand Council every three years; and, on the death
or resignation of any member, his place should be supplied by a new choice at the next sitting of the Assembly
of the Colony he represented.
5. That after the first three years, when the proportion of money arising out of each Colony to the general
treasury can be known, the number of members to be chosen for each Colony shall, from time to time, in all
ensuing elections, be regulated by that proportion, yet so as that the number to be chosen by any one Province
be not more than seven, nor less than two.
6. That the Grand Council shall meet once in every year, and oftener if occasion require, at such time and place
as they shall adjourn to at the last preceding meeting, or as they shall be called to meet at by the PresidentGeneral on any emergency; he having first obtained in writing the consent of seven of the members to such call,
and sent duly and timely notice to the whole.
7. That the Grand Council have power to choose their speaker; and shall neither be dissolved, prorogued, nor
continued sitting longer than six weeks at one time, without their own consent or the special command of the
crown.
8. That the members of the Grand Council shall be allowed for their service ten shillings sterling per diem,
during their session and journey to and from the place of meeting; twenty miles to be reckoned a day's journey.
9. That the assent of the President-General be requisite to all acts of the Grand Council, and that it be his office
and duty to cause them to be carried into execution.
10. That the President-General, with the advice of the Grand Council, hold or direct all Indian treaties, in which
the general interest of the Colonies may be concerned; and make peace or declare war with Indian nations.
11. That they make such laws as they judge necessary for regulating all Indian trade.
12. That they make all purchases from Indians, for the crown, of lands not now within the bounds of particular
Colonies, or that shall not be within their bounds when some of them are reduced to more convenient
dimensions.
13. That they make new settlements on such purchases, by granting lands in the King's name, reserving a
quitrent to the crown for the use of the general treasury.
14. That they make laws for regulating and governing such new settlements, till the crown shall think fit to form
them into particular governments.
15. That they raise and pay soldiers and build forts for the defence of any of the Colonies, and equip vessels of
force to guard the coasts and protect the trade on the ocean, lakes, or great rivers; but they shall not impress men
in any Colony, without the consent of the Legislature.
16. That for these purposes they have power to make laws, and lay and levy such general duties, imposts, or
taxes, as to them shall appear most equal and just (considering the ability and other circumstances of the
inhabitants in the several Colonies), and such as may be collected with the least inconvenience to the people;
rather discouraging luxury, than loading industry with unnecessary burdens.
17. That they may appoint a General Treasurer and Particular Treasurer in each government when necessary;
and, from time to time, may order the sums in the treasuries of each government into the general treasury; or
draw on them for special payments, as they find most convenient.
18. Yet no money to issue but by joint orders of the President-General and Grand Council; except where sums
have been appropriated to particular purposes, and the President-General is previously empowered by an act to
draw such sums.
19. That the general accounts shall be yearly settled and reported to the several Assemblies.
20. That a quorum of the Grand Council, empowered to act with the President-General, do consist of twentyfive members; among whom there shall be one or more from a majority of the Colonies.
21. That the laws made by them for the purposes aforesaid shall not be repugnant, but, as near as may be,
agreeable to the laws of England, and shall be transmitted to the King in Council for approbation, as soon as
may be after their passing; and if not disapproved within three years after presentation, to remain in force.
22. That, in case of the death of the President-General, the Speaker of the Grand Council for the time being
shall succeed, and be vested with the same powers and authorities, to continue till the King's pleasure be known.
23. That all military commission officers, whether for land or sea service, to act under this general constitution,
shall be nominated by the President-General; but the approbation of the Grand Council is to be obtained, before
they receive their commissions. And all civil officers are to be nominated by the Grand Council, and to receive
the President-General's approbation before they officiate.
24. But, in case of vacancy by death or removal of any officer, civil or military, under this constitution, the
Governor of the Province in which such vacancy happens may appoint, till the pleasure of the President-General
and Grand Council can be known.
25. That the particular military as well as civil establishments in each Colony remain in their present state, the
general constitution notwithstanding; and that on sudden emergencies any Colony may defend itself, and lay the
accounts of expense thence arising before the President-General and General Council, who may allow and order
payment of the same, as far as they judge such accounts just and reasonable.
Source:
Franklin, B. (2013). Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 5 (1959), 387-92. The American Philosophical Society
and Yale University http://franklinpapers.org/franklin//
Day 1
1. What events, according to the text, led to the writing of the Plan for the Union?
2. Why would the British crown be fearful of this statement, “It is proposed that humble application be made for
an act of Parliament of Great Britain, by virtue of which one general government may be formed in America,
including all the said colonies, within and under which government each colony may retain its present
constitution, except in the particulars wherein a change may be directed by the said act, as hereafter follows”,
according to the text?
3. Based on the text, what was the purpose of this Union?
4. What powers were granted to this “general government”, according to the text?
5. In your own word, what did the author mean by, “That the laws made by them for the purposes aforesaid shall
not be repugnant, but, as near as may be, agreeable to the laws of England, and shall be transmitted to the King
in Council for approbation, as soon as may be after their passing; and if not disapproved within three years after
presentation, to remain in force”?
1
William Trent’s Journal, 1763
2
During the summer of 1763, while stationed at Fort Pitt, William Trent kept a journal and orderly book, which together
3
present one of the most detailed and complete accounts of the Indian siege on the British settlements.
4
May 29
5
6
7
8
9
10
At Break of day this Morning three Men came in from Col. Claphams who was settled at the Oswegly Old Town about 25
Miles from here, on the Youghyogane River, with an account that Col. Clapham, with one of his Men, two women and a
child were Merdered by Wolfe and some other Delaware Indians, about two o’Clock the day before. The 27th Wolfe
with some others robed one Mr. Coleman on the Road between this and Ligonier of upwards of £50— The women that
were killed at Col. Claphams, were treated in such a brutal manner that Decency forbids the Mentioning. This Evening
we had two Soldiers killed and scalped at the Sawmill.
11
June 1
12
13
Two Men who were sent of Express last Night to Venango returned being fired on at Shanopins Town and one of them
wounded in the leg. . . .
14
June 5
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
2 o’Clock at Night one Benjamin Sutton came in who says he left Redstone two days ago and found that place
evacuated and saw a number of Shoe Tracks going towards Fort Cumberland which he supposes was the Garrison: that
there was with him there a White Man named Hicks and an Indian names Recois who would have burnt the Fort had he
not persuaded them from it, that Hicks told him that an Indian War was broke out and that he would kill the white
People wherever he found them, and went with Intention to murder Madcalfs People nine Miles from here who had
removed some time before, he says they intended to have taken him Prisoner but the Wind blowing hard and it growing
very dark when he came nigh the Fort made for it and called the Centinel Hicks and the Indian went by in their Bark
Cannoes.
23
June 6
24
Nothing Extraordinary
25
June 12
26
27
28
An Indian was discovered from the Garden, about 11 o’Clock a Party out cutting Spelts saw two Indians and fired on
them, on which a number more appeared and fired on our People, who returned it an[d] some more shot being fired
from the Cannon in the Fort the Indians ran off.
29
June 13 and 14
30
Nothing worth Notice.
31
June 15
32
A Party was sent out to cut Spelts and were fired on. Serjt Miller of the Militia contrary to orders with
33
3 others advanced to Grants Hill and just as they had gained the Summit, Miller was shot Dead, a party
34
advancing drove the Enemy off and prevented their scalping him. Between 11 and 12 o’Clock at Night
35
36
as an Express from Bedford was challenged by one of the Centinels from the Rampart the Enemy fired a number of
Shotts at him and the Centinels in the Fort.
37
June 23
38
39
about 12 o’Clock at Night Two Delawares called for Mr. McKee and told him they wanted to speak to him in the
Morning.
40
June 24
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
The Turtles Heart a principal Warrior of the Delawares and Mamaltee a Chief came within a small distance of the Fort
Mr. McKee went out to them and they made a Speech letting us know that all our [?] as Ligonier was destroyed, that
great numbers of Indians [were coming and] that out of regard to us, they had prevailed on 6 Nations [not to] attack us
but give us time to go down the Country and they desired we would set of immediately. The Commanding Officer
thanked them, let them know that we had everything we wanted, that we could defend it against all the Indians in the
Woods, that we had three large Armys marching to Chastise those Indians that had struck us, told them to take care of
their Women and Children, but not to tell any other Natives, they said they would go a speak to their Chiefs and come
and tell us what they said, they returned and said they would hold fast of the Chain of friendship. Out of our regard to
them we gave them two Blankets and a Handkerchief out of the Small Pox Hospital. I hope it will have the desired effect.
50
Resource:
Trent, W. (1763). William Trent’s Journal. HSP. Retrieved from http://hspapp06.hsp.org/ sites/www.hsp.org/files/
migrated/excerptsfromwilliamtrent.pdf
Day 1
1. What does the author mean when he states, “2 o’Clock at Night one Benjamin Sutton came in who says he left
Redstone two days ago and found that place evacuated and saw a number of Shoe Tracks going towards Fort
Cumberland which he supposes was the Garrison: that there was with him there a White Man named Hicks and
an Indian names Recois who would have burnt the Fort had he not persuaded them from it, that Hicks told him
that an Indian War was broke out and that he would kill the white People wherever he found them, and went
with Intention to murder Madcalfs” ?
2. Describe the tensions between the Native Americans and colonists, using evidence from the text.
3. According to the text, what technique did the commanding officer use to avoid further conflict and what was the
outcome of this technique?
4. What was the author referring to when he stated, “Out of our regard to them we gave them two Blankets and a
Handkerchief out of the Small Pox Hospital. I hope it will have the desired effect”?
5. Using evidence from the text, why was unity between the colonies important for safety of the colonists?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)”
Week 8
Summative Assessment
Students will take an assessment analyzing primary and secondary source documents of the Colonization and Settlement
Era and write an argument citing evidence from those source documents which they select and defend a position about
whether the means used to colonize and develop colonies regionally and economically was justified by the motives used to
colonize and develop the thirteen colonies.
Focus Question
Were the means used to colonize and develop colonies regionally and economically justified by the motives used to
colonize and develop the thirteen colonies?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the date
and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-By the end of grade 10, read and comprehend history/social studies texts in the grades 9–10 text complexity band
independently and proficiently.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Introduce precise claim(s), distinguish the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and create an organization that
establishes clear relationships among the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Use precise language and domain-specific vocabulary to manage the complexity of the topic and convey a style
appropriate to the discipline and context as well as to the expertise of likely readers.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Gottlied Mittlberge “ Poor Europeans Should Not Come to America
as Indentured Servants” (1754)
John Saffin “Slavery is Moral” (1701)
James Horn “Early Settlement” (2013)
Richard Hakluyt “Reasons for Colonization” (1585)
John Winthrop “Religious Reasons to Colonize the New World”
(1629)
Louis Thibou “Letter from Louis Thibou to friends and family in
France” (1683)
William Penn “Report on Pennsylvania” (1685)
American Husbandry “Argriculture in the Middle Colonies” (1775)
Francis Higginson “ Vol. I. The Transplanting of Culture: 1607–
1650” (1630)
Gottlied Mittlberge “ Poor Europeans Should Not Come to America
as Indentured Servants” (1754)
John Saffin “Slavery is Moral” (1701)
David Wheat “Iberian Roots of the Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1440–
1640” (2013)
Henry Louis Gates Jr. “Ending the Slavery Blame-Game”(2010)
Daniel K. Richter “Native American Discoveries of Europe” (2011)
John Eliot “A Puritan Missionary Account of Indians” (1646)
Jon Butler, “Religion and Eighteenth-Century Revivalism” (2013)
Jonathan Edwards “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God” (1741)
Francis J. Bremer “The Thirteen Colonies” (2013)
Benjamin Franklin “Plan of Union” (1759)
William Trent “William Trent’s Journal” (1763)
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.1.b, 6.1.12.B.1.a, 6.1.12.C.1.a, 6.1.12.C.1.b, 6.1.12.D.1.a
Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)
Week 8 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to synthesize the readings of the
past seven weeks.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summative Assessment
American development of the thirteen colonies is attributed to many factors, included indentured servitude and
slavery. Native Americans were also affected by colonization. Many historians believe that these systems were
necessary to establish the thirteen colonies.
Considerations:
What is your evaluation of this? Were the means used to colonize and develop colonies regionally and
economically justified by the motives used to colonize and develop the thirteen colonies? Why? What other
evidence would you need to strengthen your claim?
Writing Task
Citing evidence from various texts read in this unit, defend a position about whether the means used to colonize
and develop colonies regionally and economically was justified by the motives used to colonize and develop the
thirteen colonies.
Newark Public Schools
United States I Unit Overview
“ Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)”
Summative Assessment
Students will write an argument citing evidence from those documents in which they select and defend a position about
whether the American Revolution was a radical revolution, in terms of addressing economical, ideological, and political
issues which drove the Revolutionary War.
Essential Questions
Enduring Understandings
To what degree was the American Revolution a radical  Taxation without representation, freedom from religious
revolution?
operation, a need for individual rights and liberties, free
capitalism, and separation from a totalitarian state were all
Was the Revolutionary war economical, ideological or
motivators to seek independence from the Great Britain.
political in nature?
 The Revolutionary war was a difficult and long war, as both
sides had advantages that led to a costly war.
 The Articles of Confederation failed to provide the federal
government enough power and resources to sustain a united
country.
 The Constitution created a system of government, which
attempted to ensure that power was balanced, through a
system of checks and balances and separation of powers.
 The Bill of Rights attempted to protect citizens from the
government and reinforced state and federal power.
 Despite having a system of government and laws, the New
Nation was still struggling with concepts of state rights
verses federal rights, amongst other issues.
Focus Questions
Week 1:
Week 2:
Week 3:
In which way was the Revolutionary
What was the most important factor
In what ways, did American fears,
War and the Declaration of
that contributed to America gaining
cited in the Declaration of
Independence important in defining
independence from Great Britain?
Independence, lead to the failure of the
American power and ideology,
Articles of Confederation?
nationally and internationally?
Week 4:
To what extent was the United States
Constitution influenced by the Articles
of Confederation and the Declaration
of Independence?
Week 5
To what degree did the Constitution
fail to address issues that led to the
Revolutionary War?
Week 7:
In which ways were Jefferson and
Hamilton’s ideologies demonstrative of
unresolved issues that led to the Civil
War?
Week 8:
In which ways, if at all, was the
Revolution War a radical revolution, in
terms of addressing economical,
ideological, and political issues which
drove the Revolutionary War?
Week 6:
In which way, mainly, did the early
republic shape American policies, but
fail to abide by values that led to the
Revolution?
Learning Targets
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-By the end of grade 10, read and comprehend history/social studies texts in the grades 9–10 text complexity band
independently and proficiently.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Introduce precise claim(s), distinguish the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and create an organization that
establishes clear relationships among the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Use precise language and domain-specific vocabulary to manage the complexity of the topic and convey a style
appropriate to the discipline and context as well as to the expertise of likely readers.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Academic Vocabulary
Sovereignty
Dissolve
Endowed
Unalienable
Deriving
Prudence
Shewn
Usurpations
Tyranny
Evinces
relinquish
depository
Dissolutions
convulsions
disavow
Endeavoured
magnanimity
Sovereignty
Invocation
Conspicuous
Hunkered
Entrenchments
Hoisted
fawning
Condescension
pugnacity
despondent
Dispersal
obliterating
ensnared
Cessation
sedentary
cessation
Ensnared
bolted
hithered
thithered
Expatriate
Culmination
Spawned
Shrewd
Decadence
Aghast
Tyrannically
Sovereignty
Defray
Adjourn
Constituents
Inviolably Posterity
Ordain
Vested
Enumeration
Subsequent
Prescribed
Concurrence
ascertained
Emolument
Misconstruction
Declaratory
ascertained
Declaratory
Seized
Presentment
Indictment
compulsory
construed
Irreverent
Plebescite
Fervent
Gnawing
Languishing
Irreverent
Jarring
Contentious
Egalitarian
Ominous
Contemptible
Contentious
Ambiguous
Ambivalent
Enumerated
Subverted
circumventing
Untrodden
Fervent
Prevailing
Pundits
Bedevil
Adroit
Covert
Despotic
hyperbolic
preposterous
Partisan
Foreseeable
Skullduggery
Prerequisite
Abode
Penal
Sureties
Tenor
insurrection
Escheat
Paramount
Construed
Susceptible
Enumerated
ad libitum
Solicitude
Elucidation
Nugatory
Axiom
Incumbent
Palpable
Jurisprudence
Subverted
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Articles of Confederation
State Sovereignty
Battle of Concord
Battle of Capes
United States Constitution
Federalists
William Garrison
Thomas Jefferson
XYZ
Declaration of Independence
United States Constitution
Bill of Rights
Federalism
Battle of Lexington
Saratoga
Yorktown
Articles of Confederation
Shay’s Rebellion
Bill of Rights
Abolitionist
Antifederalists
Frederick Douglass
Abolitionist
George Washington
Hamilton
Madison
Alien and Sedition Acts in July of 1798
National Bank
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, RH 9-10.6, RH 9-10.9, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.910.2d, WHST.9-10.9, WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.2.a, 6.1.12.A.2.b, 6.1.12.d, 6.1.12.A.2.e, 6.12.A.2.f
Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's) Unit Overview
Unit Rationale: In this unit, students gain an understanding of how power struggles led to the Revolutionary War, but
were largely unaddressed by the Constitution. Students will investigate whether the Revolutionary War was economical,
ideological or political in nature. They will also assess the degree to which unresolved issues brought conflicts, which
would eventually lead to the Civil War. First-person accounts, maps, speeches, and other primary and secondary source
materials may be used to answer historical questions.
Historical Thinking:
The study of history rests on knowledge of facts, dates, names, places, events, and ideas. However, true
historical understanding requires students to engage in historical thinking: to raise questions and to marshal
solid evidence in support of their answers; to go beyond the facts presented in their textbooks and examine the
historical record for themselves; to consult documents, journals, diaries, artifacts, historic sites, works of art,
quantitative data, and other evidence from the past, and to do so imaginatively--taking into account the
historical context in which these records were created and comparing the multiple points of view of those on the
scene at the time.
“Facts are crucial to historical understanding, but there is only way for them to take root in memory: Facts are
mastered by engaging students in historical questions that spark their curiosity and make them passionate about
seeking answers.” (“Reading Like A Historian”, Wineburg, Martin, and Monte-Sano, Teachers College Press,
New York, 2011.)
Four main skills help to facilitate historical understanding: sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and
corroborating.




Sourcing-Historians begin reading a document at the end by sourcing it. They glance at the first couple
of words but then go immediately to the document’s attribution. Who wrote this source and when? Is it
a diary entry? A memo obtained through the Freedom of Information Act? A leaked e-mail? Is the
author in a position to know first-hand or this account based on hearsay? Sourcing transforms the act of
reading from passive reception to engaged and active interrogation.
Contextualizing-Contextualizing is the notion that events MUST be located in place and time to be
properly understood.
Close Reading-Primary and secondary sources provide students with an opportunity for close reading.
They are the place to teach students to slow down and read closely, to think deeply about word choice
and subtext.
Corroborating-Corroborating is a strategy in which a reader asks questions about important details to
determine points of agreement and disagreement. By comparing and contrasting multiple account,
students can start to build a real understanding of what happened in the past and why.
Discipline Specific Literacy:
Research has shown that a key to literacy is exposing students to a rich diet of texts that mix genre and style “at a variety
of difficulty levels and on a variety of topics.” Primary sources confront readers with varied styles and textures of
language that push the boundaries of literacy.
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“ Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)”
Week 1
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
In which way was the Revolutionary War and the Declaration of Independence important in defining American power and
ideology, nationally and internationally?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Declaration of Independence
“Declaration of Independence” (1776)
Dissolve
David Armitage “The Declaration of Independence in Global
Endowed
Perspective” (2013)
Unalienable
Deriving
Prudence
Shewn
Usurpations
Tyranny
Evinces
relinquish
depository
dissolutions
convulsions
endeavoured
magnanimity
disavow
Invocations
Conspicuous
Sovereignty
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.2.A.2.a, 6.1.12.A.2.b
Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)
Week 1 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore one of the most
influential documents in American history, the Declaration of Independence, and the influence this document had on other
countries and America. More precisely, students will focus on examining why the colonists declared independence from
Great Britain and the influence of this document during the Revolutionary war, in terms of alliances. Furthermore,
students will analyze and explore how this document transcended, beyond its intended purpose, and became a skeleton for
other important documents.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore the
impact the Declaration of Independence had in history. Students will need to consider the emotional context of words and
how diction (word choice) affects an author’s message. When combined with writing about the passage and teacher
feedback, students will form a deeper understanding of how this revolutionary document impacted the outcome of the
Revolutionary War and other countries.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1-171 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1-48 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 48- 130 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: In
which way was the Declaration of Independence epic on a national and international level and in which way did it aid in
American victory in the Revolutionary War ?
1
The Declaration of Independence: A Transcription
2
3
IN CONGRESS, July 4, 1776.
4
The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America,
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8
When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which
have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station
to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind
requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
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We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--That to secure
these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
governed, --That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the
People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and
organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.
Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient
causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are
sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long
train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under
absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards
for their future security.--Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity
which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great
Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an
absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
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He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their
operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would
relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants
only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of
their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the
rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative
powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in
the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.
He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for
Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the
conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.
He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary
powers.
He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of
their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and eat out
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their substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by
our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:
For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the
Inhabitants of these States:
For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:
For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:
For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences
For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary
government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for
introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:
For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our
Governments:
For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all
cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation
and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous
ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to
become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our
frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all
ages, sexes and conditions.
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In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated
Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince whose character is thus marked by every act
which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
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Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them from time to time of
attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the
circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity,
and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would
inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of
consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them,
as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.
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We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing
to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the
good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right
ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and
that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved;
and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances,
establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the
support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to
each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.
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The 56 signatures on the Declaration appear in the positions indicated:
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Column 1
Georgia:
Button Gwinnett
Lyman Hall
George Walton
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Column 2
North Carolina:
William Hooper
Joseph Hewes
John Penn
South Carolina:
Edward Rutledge
Thomas Heyward, Jr.
Thomas Lynch, Jr.
Arthur Middleton
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Column 3
Massachusetts:
John Hancock
Maryland:
Samuel Chase
William Paca
Thomas Stone
Charles Carroll of Carrollton
Virginia:
George Wythe
Richard Henry Lee
Thomas Jefferson
Benjamin Harrison
Thomas Nelson, Jr.
Francis Lightfoot Lee
Carter Braxton
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Column 4
Pennsylvania:
Robert Morris
Benjamin Rush
Benjamin Franklin
John Morton
George Clymer
James Smith
George Taylor
James Wilson
George Ross
Delaware:
Caesar Rodney
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George Read
Thomas McKean
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Column 5
New York:
William Floyd
Philip Livingston
Francis Lewis
Lewis Morris
New Jersey:
Richard Stockton
John Witherspoon
Francis Hopkinson
John Hart
Abraham Clark
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Column 6
New Hampshire:
Josiah Bartlett
William Whipple
Massachusetts:
Samuel Adams
John Adams
Robert Treat Paine
Elbridge Gerry
Rhode Island:
Stephen Hopkins
William Ellery
Connecticut:
Roger Sherman
Samuel Huntington
William Williams
Oliver Wolcott
New Hampshire:
Matthew Thornton
Declaration of Independence (2031). The charters of freedom. National Archives. Retrieve from
http://www.archives.gov/exhibits /charters/declaration_transcript.html
Day 1
1. Citing evidence from the text, what is the author’s purpose for writing this text?
2. What is the authoring referring to when he states, “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are
created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are
Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men,
deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, --That whenever any Form of Government
becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new
Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall
seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness”?
3. According to the second paragraph of the text, why did colonists declare Independence from Great Britain,
under the rule of the current King of Britain at that time?
4. In which ways could independence from Britain have been avoided, according to lines seventy seven through
eighty three of the text?
5. To which extend are lines eighty four through ninety two powerful in defining the United States of America?
The Declaration of Independence in Global
Perspective
by David Armitage
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A French translation of the Declaration of Independence from Recueil des loix constitutives des colonies,
published in Philadelphia in 1778 and sold in Paris. (Gilder Lehrman Collection)
No American document has had a greater global impact than the Declaration of Independence. It has been
fundamental to American history longer than any other text because it was the first to use the name “the United
States of America”: in this sense, the Declaration was the birth certificate of the American nation. It enshrined
what came to be seen as the most succinct and memorable statement of the ideals on which that nation was
founded: the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; the consent of the governed; and resistance to
tyranny. And, as the first successful declaration of independence in world history, its example helped to inspire
countless movements for independence, self-determination, and revolution after 1776. One of its most
enthusiastic admirers was the nineteenth-century Hungarian nationalist, Lajos Kossuth: for him, the Declaration
was nothing less than “the noblest, happiest page in mankind’s history.”
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The Declaration was addressed as much to “mankind” as it was to the population of the colonies. In the opening
paragraph, the authors of the Declaration—Thomas Jefferson, the five-member Congressional committee of
which he was part, and the Second Continental Congress itself—addressed “the opinions of Mankind” as they
announced the necessity for . . . one People to dissolve the Political Bands which have connected them with
another, and to assume among the Powers of the Earth, the separate and equal Station to which the Laws of
Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them. . . .
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After stating the fundamental principles—the “self-evident” truths—that justified separation, they submitted an
extensive list of facts to “a candid world” to prove that George III had acted tyrannically. On the basis of those
facts, his colonial subjects could now rightfully leave the British Empire. The Declaration therefore “solemnly
Publish[ed] and Declare[d], That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be, FREE AND
INDEPENDENT STATES” and concluded with a statement of the rights of such states that was similar to the
enumeration of individual rights in the Declaration’s second paragraph in being both precise and open-ended:
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. . . that as FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract
Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which INDEPENDENT STATES may of
right do.
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This was what the Declaration declared to the colonists who could now become citizens rather than subjects,
and to the powers of the earth who were being asked to choose whether or not to acknowledge the United States
of America among their number.
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The final paragraph of the Declaration announced that the United States of America were now available for
alliances and open for business. The colonists needed military, diplomatic, and commercial help in their
revolutionary struggle against Great Britain; only a major power, like France or Spain, could supply that aid.
Thomas Paine had warned in Common Sense in January 1776 that “the custom of all courts is against us, and
will be so, until by an independence, we take rank with other nations.” So long as the colonists remained within
the empire, they would be treated as rebels; if they organized themselves into political bodies with which other
powers could engage, then they might become legitimate belligerents in an international conflict rather than
treasonous combatants within a British civil war.
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The Declaration of Independence was primarily a declaration of interdependence with the other powers of the
earth. It marked the entry of one people, constituted into thirteen states, into what we would now call
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international society. It did so in the conventional language of the contemporary law of nations drawn from the
hugely influential book of that title (1758) by the Swiss jurist Emer de Vattel, a copy of which Benjamin
Franklin had sent to Congress in 1775. Vattel’s was a language of rights and freedom, sovereignty and
independence, and the Declaration’s use of his terms was designed to reassure the world beyond North America
that the United States would abide by the rules of international behavior. The goal of the Declaration’s authors
was still quite revolutionary: to extend the sphere of European international relations across the Atlantic Ocean
by turning dependent colonies into independent political actors. The historical odds were greatly against them;
as they knew well, no people had managed to secede from an empire since the United Provinces had revolted
from Spain almost two centuries before, and no overseas colony had done so in modern times.
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The other powers of the earth were naturally curious about what the Declaration said. By August 1776, news of
American independence and copies of the Declaration itself had reached London, Edinburgh, and Dublin, as
well as the Dutch Republic and Austria. By the fall of that year, Danish, Italian, Swiss, and Polish readers had
heard the news and many could now read the Declaration in their own language as translations appeared across
Europe. The document inspired diplomatic debate in France but that potential ally only began serious
negotiations after the American victory at the battle of Saratoga in October 1777. The Franco-American Treaty
of Amity and Commerce of February 1778 was the first formal recognition of the United States as “free and
independent states.” French assistance would, of course, be crucial to the success of the American cause. It also
turned the American war into a global conflict involving Britain, France, Spain, and the Dutch Republic in
military operations around the globe that would shape the fate of empires in the Atlantic, Pacific, and Indian
Ocean worlds.
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The ultimate success of American independence was swiftly acknowledged to be of world-historical
significance. “A great revolution has happened—a revolution made, not by chopping and changing of power
in any one of the existing states, but by the appearance of a new state, of a new species, in a new part of the
globe,” wrote the British politician Edmund Burke. With Sir William Herschel’s recent discovery of the ninth
planet, Uranus, in mind, he continued: “It has made as great a change in all the relations, and balances, and
gravitation of power, as the appearance of a new planet would in the system of the solar world.” However, it is a
striking historical irony that the Declaration itself almost immediately sank into oblivion, “old wadding left to
rot on the battle-field after the victory is won,” as Abraham Lincoln put it in 1857. The Fourth of July was
widely celebrated but not the Declaration itself. Even in the infant United States, the Declaration was largely
forgotten until the early 1790s, when it re-emerged as a bone of political contention in the partisan struggles
between pro-British Federalists and pro-French Republicans after the French Revolution. Only after the War of
1812 and the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815, did it become revered as the foundation of a newly emergent
American patriotism.
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Imitations of the Declaration were also slow in coming. Within North America, there was only one other early
declaration of independence—Vermont’s, in January 1777—and no similar document appeared outside North
America until after the French Revolution. In January 1790, the Austrian province of Flanders expressed a
desire to become a free and independent state in a document whose concluding lines drew directly on a French
translation of the American Declaration. The allegedly self-evident truths of the Declaration’s second paragraph
did not appear in this Flemish manifesto nor would they in most of the 120 or so declarations of independence
issued around the world in the following two centuries. The French Declaration of the Rights of Man and the
Citizen would have greater global impact as a charter of individual rights. The sovereignty of states, as laid out
in the opening and closing paragraphs of the American Declaration, was the main message other peoples
beyond America heard in the document after 1776.
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More than half of the 192 countries now represented at the United Nations have a founding document that can
be called a declaration of independence. Most of those countries came into being from the wreckage of empires
or confederations, from Spanish America in the 1810s and 1820s to the Soviet Union and the former Yugoslavia
in the 1990s. Their declarations of independence, like the American Declaration, informed the world that one
people or state was now asserting—or, in many cases in the second half of the twentieth century re-asserting—
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its sovereignty and independence. Many looked back directly to the American Declaration for inspiration. For
example, in 1811, Venezuela’s representatives declared “that these united Provinces are, and ought to be, from
this day, by act and right, Free, Sovereign, and Independent States.” The Texas declaration of independence
(1836) likewise followed the American in listing grievances and claiming freedom and independence. In the
twentieth century, nationalists in Central Europe and Korea after the First World War staked their claims to
sovereignty by going to Independence Hall in Philadelphia. Even the white minority government of Southern
Rhodesia in 1965 made their unilateral declaration of independence from the British Parliament, by adopting the
form of the 1776 Declaration, though they ended it with a royalist salutation: “God Save the Queen!” The
international community did not recognize that declaration because, unlike many similar pronouncements made
during the process of decolonization by other African countries, it did not speak on behalf of all the people of
their country.
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Invocations of the American Declaration’s second paragraph in later declarations of independence are
conspicuous by their scarcity. Among the few are those of Liberia (1847) and Vietnam (1945). The Liberian
declaration of independence recognized “in all men, certain natural and inalienable rights: among these are life,
liberty, and the right to acquire, possess, and enjoy property”: a significant amendment to the original
Declaration’s right to happiness by the former slaves who had settled Liberia under the aegis of the American
Colonization Society. Almost a century later, in September 1945, the Vietnamese leader Ho Chi Minh opened
his declaration of independence with the “immortal statement” from the 1776 Declaration: “All men are created
equal. They are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among these are Life, Liberty, and the
pursuit of Happiness.” However, Ho immediately updated those words: “In a broader sense, this means: All the
peoples of the earth are equal from birth, all the peoples have a right to live, to be happy and free.” It would be
hard to find a more concise summary of the message of the Declaration for the post-colonial predicaments of
the late twentieth century.
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The global history of the Declaration of Independence is a story of the spread of sovereignty and the creation of
states more than it is a narrative of the diffusion and reception of ideas of individual rights. The farflung
fortunes of the Declaration remind us that independence and popular sovereignty usually accompanied each
other, but also that there was no necessary connection between them: an independent Mexico became an empire
under a monarchy between 1821 and 1823, Brazil’s independence was proclaimed by its emperor, Dom Pedro II
in 1822, and, as we have seen, Ian Smith’s Rhodesian government threw off parliamentary authority while
professing loyalty to the British Crown. How to protect universal human rights in a world of sovereign states,
each of which jealously guards itself from interference by outside authorities, remains one of the most pressing
dilemmas in contemporary politics around the world.
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So long as a people comes to believe their rights have been assaulted in a “long Train of Abuses and
Usurpations,” they will seek to protect those rights by forming their own state, for which international custom
demands a declaration of independence. In February 2008, the majority Albanian population of Kosovo
declared their independence of Serbia in a document designed to reassure the world that their cause offered no
precedent for any similar separatist or secessionist movements. Fewer than half of the current powers of the
earth have so far recognized this Kosovar declaration. The remaining countries, among them Russia, China,
Spain, and Greece, have resisted for fear of encouraging the break-up of their own territories. The explosive
potential of the American Declaration was hardly evident in 1776 but a global perspective reveals its
revolutionary force in the centuries that followed. Thomas Jefferson’s assessment of its potential, made weeks
before his death on July 4, 1826, surely still holds true today: “an instrument, pregnant with our own and the
fate of the world.”
David Armitage is the Lloyd C. Blankfein Professor of History and Director of Graduate Studies in History at
Harvard University. He is also an Honorary Professor of History at the University of Sydney. Among his books
are The Declaration of Independence: A Global History (2007) and The Age of Revolutions in Global Context,
c. 1760–1860 (2010).
Armitage, D. (2013). The Declaration of Independence in global perspective. Gilder Lehrman. Retrieved from
https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/road-revolution/essays/declaration-independence-globalperspective
Day 1
1. According to lines one through eleven of the test, why was the Declaration of Independence globally influential?
2. Why, according to the text, is this statement epic in illustrating the importance of the Declaration of
Independence, “that as FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace,
contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which INDEPENDENT STATES may of
right do”?
3. Why was the last paragraph of the Declaration of Independence monumental to the Revolutionary War,
according to lines thirty to thirty seven of the text?
4. What was the author’s purpose in stating, “Thomas Paine had warned in Common Sense in January 1776 that
“the custom of all courts is against us, and will be so, until by an independence, we take rank with other
nations”?
5. What does the author mean when he states, “The Declaration of Independence was primarily a declaration of
interdependence with the other powers of the earth”?
Day 2
6. In which way did the Declaration of Independence transcend beyond its intended purpose to dissolve British
control over America, according to the text?
7. What does the author mean when he states, “The farflung fortunes of the Declaration remind us that
independence and popular sovereignty usually accompanied each other, but also that there was no necessary
connection between them: an independent Mexico became an empire under a monarchy between 1821 and
1823, Brazil’s independence was proclaimed by its emperor, Dom Pedro II in 1822, and, as we have seen, Ian
Smith’s Rhodesian government threw off parliamentary authority while professing loyalty to the British Crown”?
8. The author states, “Thomas Jefferson’s assessment of its potential, made weeks before his death on July 4,
1826, surely still holds true today: “’an instrument, pregnant with our own and the fate of the world’”. To which
extent was Thomas Jefferson’s statement representative of the effects of the Declaration of Independence
globally?
9. In which way was America also impacted by the influence of the Declaration of Independence, after the
Revolutionary War, according to the text?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“ Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)”
Week 2
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
What was the most important factor that contributed to America gaining independence from Great Britain?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Hunkered
Martin, J. “No Way Out: Lord Cornwallis, the Siege of Yorktown,
Entrenchments
and America’s Victory in the War for Independence” (2013)
Hoisted
Bernstein, R. “Inventing American Diplomacy” (2013)
fawning
condescension
pugnacity
despondent with
dispersal
obliterating
cessation
sedentary
cessation
ensnared
bolted
hithered
thithered
Battle of Lexington
Battle of Concord
Saratoga
Yorktown
Battle of Capes
Expatriate
Culmination
Spawned
Shrewd
Decadence
Aghast
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.2.b
Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)
Week 2 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore important facts that
led to American victory in the Revolutionary War. Alliances played a major role in American triumph, but these alliances
were very complex in nature. Students will analyze the alliance between America and France, which was essential to
American success, as this alliance provided America with more man power and resources to win the war. However,
mistrust between the French and Americans was evident and each country had their own agenda. Students will also
explore crucial decisions by British Generals, during the war, which proved to be costly. These decisions were the product
of miscommunication and the failure to foresee the power of Americans and alliances.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore the
impact of alliances in the Revolutionary War and how British miscommunication led to American victory. Students will
need to consider the emotional context of words and how diction (word choice) affects an author’s message. When
combined with writing about the passage and teacher feedback, students will form a deeper understanding of important
factors that led to American victory in the Revolutionary War.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1-98 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 98-186 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1- 114 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: In way
did alliances and British miscommunication lead to American victory?
No Way Out: Lord Cornwallis, the Siege of
Yorktown, and America’s Victory in the War for
Independence
by James Kirby Martin
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Early on the morning of October 17, 1781, Lieutenant General Charles, Lord Cornwallis, found himself
hunkered down in a cave near the southern shoreline of the York River. Above him was the disintegrating
hamlet of Yorktown, Virginia, now being systematically bombarded into rubble by American and French
cannon fire. Cornwallis understood that imminent surrender was the certain fate of his entrapped military force,
an army that consisted of about 8,000 British, Hessian, and loyalist soldiers, in addition to wives, consorts, and
even children. An attempted breakout had failed the previous evening. A sudden tropical storm disrupted an
effort to move his army northward across the York River to Gloucester Point—and possible escape. Now with
the ground continually shaking all around him, Cornwallis prepared to order a white flag hoisted above his
battered entrenchments, even as he reckoned with the reasons why his army had gotten into such a hopeless
position.
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Lord Cornwallis had been born into the highest ranks of British society in 1738. He attended the best schools,
including Eton and later Cambridge University, and then chose to pursue a military career. Unlike many of the
titled nobility that filled the upper ranks of the British military establishment, Cornwallis took time to study the
science of conducting warfare at the well-known military academy in Turin, Italy. His father purchased a
military commission for him as an ensign in the 1st Foot Guards, and Cornwallis soon traveled to Germany
where he distinguished himself in combat during the height of the Seven Years’ War (also known as the French
and Indian War in its North American phase).
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Cornwallis also pursued a political career in Parliament, getting elected to the House of Commons before being
elevated to his family’s seat in the House of Lords to succeed his father, who died in 1762. Amazingly, given
his later martial actions in America, he opposed various legislative plans, including the Stamp Act, designed to
bring Britain’s American colonies under greater imperial control. As an apparent friend of the colonists, of
which there were few in the House of Lords, Cornwallis winked at American resistance. But when resistance
turned to open rebellion and warfare in the wake of the Battles of Lexington and Concord in April 1775, he did
not hesitate to accept a general’s commission from King George III and sail for America, arriving in early 1776.
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Many of the key British generals suffered from a lack of martial aggressiveness. They considered the colonists
their inferiors, the kind of fainthearted nobodies who would wither and run when they had to face massed
British arms. By virtue of his education and training as a peer of the realm, Cornwallis was no fawning admirer
of the Americans, but he would not allow his condescension to hold him back from acting decisively, with
almost a reckless form of pugnacity, in his attempts to suppress the rebellion.
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Stated differently, Cornwallis was not timid about going after rebellious colonists. He displayed his
aggressiveness in various actions directed against Washington’s Continental forces in 1776 and 1777. A year
later, he returned to England to care for his beloved, sickly wife. When she passed away in February 1779,
Cornwallis was despondent with grief. A few months later, hoping to divert his mind from his emotional pain,
he sailed back to America to press on with efforts to put an end to the American rebellion.
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Even before Cornwallis returned to England, British strategy aimed at winning the war had shifted dramatically.
Up until 1778 much of the effort had focused on knocking out Washington’s army as well as re-conquering
New England, the initial seat of the rebellion. While Washington’s troops took a series of poundings but
continued to survive in the middle states, major combat in upstate New York resulted in a critical patriot
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triumph at Saratoga, about thirty miles north of Albany along the Hudson River. On October 17, 1777, after two
earlier pitched battles, a British army of near 5,000 troops, commanded by overconfident, slow-moving, and
indecisive “Gentleman” Johnny Burgoyne, surrendered to the Americans.
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This impressive victory set in motion the process by which France, an ancient enemy of England, signed an
alliance agreement with the American rebels in February 1778. The French both recognized American
independence and promised to stand as a good and faithful ally of the patriot cause. Heretofore, the French had
secretly aided the Americans with cash subsidies, loans, and war goods. Now they would do much more,
including providing invaluable land and naval forces that would give their American allies a critical martial
advantage in subduing British forces in North America, as Cornwallis would ultimately experience at
Yorktown.
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French intervention turned what had been a civil war into an international conflict. The French navy could
attack valuable British possessions almost anywhere, including such targets as the English West Indian sugar
islands. The French even gave thought to mounting a sea offensive against England itself. In response,
England’s wartime leaders decided to withdraw troops from North America for defense of other imperial
holdings.
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The possibility of troop reductions, literally taking the eye off the American rebels, resulted in a new strategic
approach designed to snuff out the rebellion. Some evidence suggested that the southern colonies were teeming
with loyalists, perhaps up to 50 percent of the population. So the South became the new focal point of British
strategy. With loyalists serving under British arms, manpower shortages would be resolved. The new plan was
to recapture and subdue one former colony after another, starting with Georgia, then proceeding northward
through the Carolinas and into Virginia and beyond. British-loyalist forces were to move forward in careful
steps, making sure of the full restoration of royal authority before continuing the advance. The southern strategy
got off to a successful start with a campaign that brought Georgia back into the British fold at the end of 1778.
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Returning to New York City, the main base of British operations, in the summer of 1779, Cornwallis would
serve as second in command under Henry Clinton. The two men had very different temperaments. Clinton,
seemingly mentally immobilized by the dispersal of British troops from North America, did not have faith that
the rebellion could be subdued without an infusion of additional British forces. He had little confidence in
loyalists as martial substitutes. Cornwallis, on the other hand, was ready to make due with whatever resources,
including loyalists, were available to him. Clinton was passive and indecisive. Cornwallis was aggressive and
decisive. In addition, the two generals did not trust each other. Ever suspicious of each other’s motives, Clinton
wondered whether Cornwallis’s return to England had really been about getting some form of independent
command. For his part, Cornwallis had secured a commission to replace Clinton, should the latter decide to
resign and go home. Clinton had more than once threatened to do so, even asking in 1779 to be relieved of
command, a request that King George III pointedly turned down.
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Despite their differences, the two generals worked together effectively in a large-scale seaborne siege campaign
to recapture Charleston, South Carolina. This second step in the British southern strategy succeeded in May
1780, resulting in the capture of some 5,500 defenders under the commander of the Continental Army’s
Southern Department, Major General Benjamin Lincoln. Before Clinton sailed back to New York, leaving
Cornwallis in charge of further campaigning in the South, the two generals were bickering over details, as they
had done on occasion earlier in the war. The revival of ill feelings would lead to all sorts of communication
problems as Cornwallis acted on his own in a virtual independent command while Clinton hovered about New
York City and its environs fretting about possible rebel actions against British defensive positions there.
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Advancing by careful steps, as called for by the southern strategy, was alien to Cornwallis’s temperament. Now
on his own, he chose to go after rebel resisters with little concern about securing the ground behind him. When
he saw an opportunity in mid-August 1780 to wipe out a newly forming patriot army under Major General
Horatio Gates, who had replaced the captured Lincoln as the southern Continental commander, he virtually
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annihilated this force at Camden, South Carolina. Next Cornwallis marched into North Carolina and divided his
troops to chase after smaller units of rebel resisters, including partisan bands operating under the likes of
“Swamp Fox” Francis Marion behind him in South Carolina. Yet another rebel commander, the brilliant Major
General Nathanael Greene, appeared in North Carolina. Greene read his opponent well. He first divided his own
force, then waved his small rebel contingent at the ever aggressive Cornwallis, who grabbed at the bait and
chased after Greene all the way north into southern Virginia, then back to central North Carolina, before the two
forces squared off in a bloody but indecisive battle at Guilford Court House on March 15, 1781.
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Once focused on Greene, Cornwallis did not bother to send communications to Clinton until after he marched
his exhausted force from Guilford Court House to the North Carolina coast. As he rested and refitted his army,
Cornwallis decided on his own authority to advance into Virginia rather than to pull back to Charleston. From
his correspondence, he seemed to be looking for a climactic, set-piece, winner-take-all battle with the rebels. He
also spoke of cutting off supplies flowing south from Virginia in support of Greene’s army and partisan units
operating in the Carolinas. In his apparent distress, if not anger about not yet crushing his rebel opponents,
Cornwallis ignored the possibility that he was marching his army into an inescapable trap.
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People and the course of events now seemed to conspire against Cornwallis. Certainly one source of problems
was an agitated, confused, angry Clinton, disturbed by his subordinate’s lack of communication and his
unauthorized decision to invade Virginia. Clinton began sending Cornwallis contradictory instructions, more or
less written as suggestions rather than specific orders. Cornwallis made some effort to follow Clinton’s waffling
messages, first by trying to find a defensible position where Royal Navy vessels could sail into Chesapeake Bay
and pick up troops not needed to defend that location. When some 2,000 Hessians arrived in New York to
reinforce Clinton, which eased his worries about having enough soldiers to defend New York City from the
hovering combined Franco-American force under Washington and the Comte de Rochambeau, his messages
became more specific. As if now renouncing the southern strategy, Clinton advised Cornwallis to find a
defensible location where naval vessels could sail into Chesapeake Bay and remove his whole army for likely
operations elsewhere, possibly against Philadelphia. The bustling community of Yorktown was Cornwallis’s
choice, where in early August 1781 his troops began to construct an outer and an inner line of defensive works.
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Even as Cornwallis’s army was digging in to protect against a possible landside assault, Washington and
Rochambeau received an amazing message. In mid-August they learned from the Comte de Grasse, in
command of a major French fleet, that he was sailing north from the West Indies with twenty-seven ships and
3,200 troops. His ships, sailors, and soldiers would be available, a least for a couple of months, for combined
operations against British forces, possibly against New York City or elsewhere. Rochambeau convinced
Washington that Cornwallis’s army was a more conquerable target than New York, especially if the French
fleet blocked off the entrance to Chesapeake Bay, thereby denying the enemy force an escape route from
Yorktown by sea.
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Washington agreed, and the two commanders started marching their armies south, leaving behind just a token
force to convince Clinton of their plan to attack New York City. However, Clinton soon learned that
Washington and Rochambeau were on the move, and he arranged for a naval fleet under Admiral Sir Thomas
Graves to sail quickly for Chesapeake Bay. The British vessels did not arrive in time, and a series of
engagements with Grasse’s ships began on September 5 (the Battle of the Capes) that damaged both fleets,
caused Graves to give up any attempted penetration into the bay. The British admiral sailed his wounded fleet
back to New York.
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Clinton, meanwhile, sent Cornwallis messages in early September warning that he soon would face FrancoAmerican forces on the landside. At the same time, Clinton promised relief by sea, including possible troop
reinforcements for Cornwallis, even though he had not yet learned about Graves’s naval failure. The
expectation of relief caused Cornwallis to sit tight and hope for the best, rather than attempt to get away from
Yorktown before the forces of Washington and Rochambeau appeared. With more than sixty artillery pieces
and a double defensive line, Cornwallis convinced himself that his army could hold out until a British rescue
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fleet arrived. However, he warned Clinton in a message dated September 17 that he should expect to receive the
worst possible news if relief did not occur soon.
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A month later the worst had happened, at least from the British point of view. By the end of September
Washington and Rochambeau had their armies in place before Yorktown. French land and naval forces totaled
7,800. Washington had 5,700 Continentals and 3,200 militia available to him, meaning that the allies had
Cornwallis’s army outnumbered by a ratio of more than two to one. Worse yet, when Cornwallis received
another misleading message from Clinton in late September that a relief fleet was on its way, along with 5,000
troops, he decided to abandon his outer defenses. He mistakenly assumed that he had to hang on for only a few
more days.
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The allies decided to use traditional siege tactics by digging parallel trenches from which they could safely
bombard Yorktown. The unrelenting allied cannonade began on October 9 with thousands of cannonballs flying
into the British lines for the next several days, not only causing mayhem and death but also obliterating portions
of Yorktown. Almost as bad for Cornwallis, horrible diseases were spreading among his soldiers, including the
highly contagious killer smallpox.
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On October 15, not knowing that the promised relief force was yet to sail from New York, Cornwallis penned a
message to Clinton that his army could not be saved. After the failed breakout attempt across the York River
late on the evening of the 16th, Cornwallis, reckoning with possible annihilation of his force, sent out a lone
drummer boy and an officer waving a white flag who carried a brief message asking for a cessation of hostilities
and acceptable surrender terms.
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That Cornwallis, the most aggressive of the ranking British generals, became sedentary and allowed himself to
get ensnared at Yorktown might be described as ironic. Over and over again during the southern campaigns, he
had bolted hither and thither, not following the dictates of the southern strategy but often wounding patriot
forces while also wearing down his own. His decision to march into Virginia, looking for an all-out, climactic
battle, was one aggressive move too many. Complying with vacillating instructions from his superior Clinton,
he got himself stuck at Yorktown, even as he showed no dynamism to seize the few opportune moments
available to extricate his force before it was too late.
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What Cornwallis failed to appreciate was the prospect of combined Franco-American operations actually
succeeding. For more than three years after the alliance came into being, American and French forces had not
functioned together effectively. Then, somehow, everything came together for them at Yorktown, a thought that
would bedevil Cornwallis for the rest of his life, even while he served in India and elsewhere in the British
empire before his death in 1805. His legacy would be that of the general who allegedly lost America.
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For the aristocrat general, the surrender ceremonies on the sunny autumn afternoon of October 19 were simply
too personally humiliating. Cornwallis declared himself indisposed, and he sent out his second in command,
Brigadier General Charles O’Hara, to lead his defeated column along a roadway past assembled French and
American soldiers and sailors. Once at the surrender field, O’Hara looked for Rochambeau and offered him his
sword, as if to say that the rebel force could not have prevailed without significant French assistance.
Rochambeau pointed toward Washington, indicating that the victory belonged to the Americans. In turn, the
patriot commander was not going to accept a sword from anyone of lower rank than Cornwallis, his defeated
equal in command. He directed O’Hara to hand the sword to his second in command, General Benjamin
Lincoln, who, as irony would have it, had suffered the indignity of surrendering his own sword to the British
when they captured Charleston back in May 1780.
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The scene on the afternoon of October 19 was cheerless for the British officers and soldiers who laid down their
arms. Their drummers and fifers, with black ribbons attached to their instruments, played various tunes. Legend
has persisted that one was the mournful melody “The World Turned Upside Down.” Whether true or not,
Yorktown turned the world upside down for the colonists’ former masters and, as such, represented a defining
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moment of triumph in the American experience. Yes, the war continued in the West Indies and other parts of
the globe into 1783, but Yorktown set in motion a train of diplomatic events that resulted in Britain’s official
recognition of American independence.
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The southern strategy, a direct response to the Franco-American alliance, had failed; both Clinton and
Cornwallis had failed; the French and the Americans had succeeded. In many ways O’Hara’s rude gesture of
first seeking out Rochambeau had merit. The French did play an inestimable part in achieving American
independence. At the same time, rebel persistence, as personified by George Washington and his long-term
veteran Continentals, had kept the patriot cause intact until that day of surrender outside Yorktown—and even
beyond. The result was a new republic bearing the name the United States of America, a nation with a grand
destiny waiting to be realized.
James Kirby Martin is the Hugh Roy and Lillie Cranz Cullen University Professor of History at the University
of Houston. His many books include Benedict Arnold: Revolutionary Hero: An American Warrior Reconsidered
(1997); A Respectable Army: The Military Origins of the Republic, 1763–1789 (2nd edition, 2006, with Mark
E. Lender); Forgotten Allies: The Oneida Indians and the American Revolution (2006, with Joseph T.
Glatthaar); and a new edition of a classic wartime memoir of a young Continental soldier, Ordinary Courage:
The Revolutionary War Adventures of Joseph Plumb Martin (2013).
Martin, J. (2013). No Way Out: Lord Cornwallis, the Siege of Yorktown, and America’s Victory in the War for
Independence. Gilder Lehrman. Retrieved from https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/war-forindependence/essays/no-way-out-lord-cornwallis-siege-yorktown-and-america%E2%80%99s-v
Day 1
1. According to lines eighteen to twenty four of the text, what was Cornwallis’ position concerning colonists’
resistance to British control?
2. According to the author, in which ways did the American and French alliance contribute to American victory in
the Revolutionary war?
3. What does the author mean when he states, “French intervention turned what had been a civil war into an
international conflict”?
4. What actions did the British take to counteract the American and French alliance, which proved to be effective?
5. According to the author, in which ways did Cornwallis’ aggressively decisive actions hinder British Victory?
Day 2
1. In which ways did the lack of communication between Cornwallis and Clinton lead to American victory,
according to the author?
2. Which factors contributed to the weakening on the British army and eventual surrender in Yorktown, according
to the text?
3. What is the author referring to when he states, “That Cornwallis, the most aggressive of the ranking British
generals, became sedentary and allowed himself to get ensnared at Yorktown might be described as ironic”?
4. According to the text, what led to Britain’s official recognition of American Independence?
Inventing American Diplomacy
by R. B. Bernstein
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In 1783, the expatriate artist Benjamin West began what became his most memorable painting, “The
Peacemakers.” West intended to produce a group portrait of the diplomats whose negotiations resulted in the
Treaty of Paris of 1783, but the British diplomats refused to sit for the portrait, and West had to leave it
unfinished. The Americans who sat for the portrait seem to embody the virtues of diplomacy, in particular a
calm collegiality uniting the new nation’s diplomats. John Jay stands to the left, grim and resolute. Beside him
sit John Adams, looking weary but tranquil; Benjamin Franklin, the only one looking out at the viewer, with a
faint smile on his face suggesting his pleasure with the negotiations’ results; and his grandson, William Temple
Franklin, the American delegation’s secretary, leaning with head on hand looking pensive and attentive. Behind
the two Franklins stands Henry Laurens, looking anxious and worn, as befitted a man who had spent nearly two
years as an imprisoned guest of George III in the Tower of London.
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“The Peacemakers” shows no sign of the discord that raged among these diplomats and their colleagues, nor
between the Americans and their adversaries the British and their allies the French. It gives no clue to the
slapdash, turbulent, and conflicted history for which the treaty was the culmination. Nor does it suggest that the
treaty spawned a turbulent history that led to the Constitution of the United States.
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It is important to remember that independence from Britain was more than just a severing of ties between the
United States and its former mother country. It created the chance for the United States to establish its presence
in the community of nations. Thus the American Revolution not only created the United States; it was the
catalyst for the invention of American diplomacy.
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Even before the war began, the thought of independence led Americans to explore securing support from
Britain’s European rivals. In late 1775, the Second Continental Congress created a Committee of Secret
Correspondence to make covert feelers toward foreign powers. That committee authorized the Connecticut
merchant Silas Deane to undertake a confidential mission to France, Once independence was declared,
Congress decided to bolster its diplomatic presence in France. It named Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania,
perhaps the most famous and eminent American in the world, and Arthur Lee of Virginia, to join Deane as a
team of diplomats seeking recognition from France. Franklin led this series of negotiations, meeting with the
French foreign minister, the Comte de Vergennes. At the same time, he also conducted a shrewd and wellcrafted campaign of public relations to make the American cause the toast of Paris and the central issue of the
time. Clad in modest dress topped by a fur-trimmed hat, taking on the role of an ingenuous American farmerphilosopher from the banks of the Delaware, Franklin proved a master of political theater. Even with all these
efforts, which he maintained throughout his diplomatic service, Franklin needed to prove to the skeptical
Vergennes and his colleagues that the Americans could make effective use of the aid they sought. Not until
news of the American victory at the Battle of Saratoga in October 1777 reached Paris could Franklin induce the
French to enter into a formal treaty of alliance between France and the United States.
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Unfortunately for Franklin, his colleagues bickered with each other and with him—a characteristic that
dominated the earliest years of American diplomacy. Of the various representatives that Congress sent to
Europe, only Franklin had extensive previous experience in the Old World, and only Franklin possessed the
talents and abilities essential to the mission’s success. Deane was out of his depths and defensive; Lee was wary
of everyone but himself, suspecting Deane of corruption and Franklin of being susceptible to French influence
and flattery. He tended to voice these suspicions not only in arguments with his colleagues but in letters to his
political allies in Congress.
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More than personal animosity underlay these divisions and disputes. Most Americans had been steeped in
distrust and fear of Catholic France since the days of the colonial wars, and many Americans’ felt that their own
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country was innocent and virtuous while Europe, in particular France, was decadent and corrupt. This feeling
sparked American wariness that decadence and corruption might gain too much influence over America in
general and its diplomats in particular.
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Franklin found having to deal with Deane and Lee bad enough—but in some ways things were about to get
worse. In 1777, Congress sent one of its leading members, John Adams of Massachusetts, to Paris to help
secure an alliance with France. Unfortunately Adams arrived in early 1778, after the establishment of the
alliance. Feeling all but useless and frustrated by his uselessness, Adams also became aghast at what he
considered Franklin’s sloppiness in keeping records and Franklin’s preference for convivial dinners and
banquets over the hard work of diplomacy.
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Adams did not understand Franklin’s mastery of indirect diplomacy conducted under the guise of social
engagements. But at the same time Franklin did not understand Adams’s lawyerly conception of diplomacy. For
Adams, a diplomat was a lawyer for his country, committed to argue for its interests. Adams concluded that the
Comte de Vergennes was insufficiently committed to the American cause—and, in some measure, Adams was
correct, for Vergennes put France’s interests first, and saw the American cause as a means for France to humble
and injure its old enemy Great Britain. Determined to defend American interests from French indifference,
Adams lobbied, pressured, argued with, and even berated Vergennes. In return, Vergennes pressed Congress to
recall the troublesome Adams.
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In June of 1779, overcome by frustration, Adams welcomed the news from home that he could leave France for
America. He soon returned to the fray, however, sailing back to Paris at the end of 1779, named as the
American commissioner to negotiate a treaty of peace with Britain. French objections to Adams as the sole
appointment for such an important diplomatic task eventually led Congress to name four other diplomats to join
Adams as a commission of diplomats—Benjamin Franklin; John Jay, a polished and suave New Yorker who
had spent two years seeking without avail to establish a treaty of alliance with Spain; Thomas Jefferson, a
diplomatic and genial Virginian who was friendly with both Adams and Franklin; and Henry Laurens, a
powerful figure in South Carolina. Jefferson, however, was unable to set sail for Europe before the commission
concluded its work, and Laurens was captured by a British ship, arrested for treason, and jailed in the Tower of
London, where he languished until he was exchanged for General Cornwallis in 1781. Thus, Franklin, Adams,
and Jay comprised the team entrusted with the fate of the United States.
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John Jay held Adams and Franklin in a careful, tenuous, ever-shifting balance. More suspicious of France than
Franklin (as a descendant of French Huguenot Protestants, Jay still remembered with bitterness the persecution
of his family by French Catholics in the late sixteenth century), but more diplomatic in style and manner than
the blustery Adams, Jay tipped the scales decisively among the American commissioners. Congress had
directed the American diplomats always to coordinate and work in close contact with their French counterparts
in any negotiations with Britain. But Adams and Jay distrusted the French and persuaded Franklin that their best
course of action was to open direct talks with the British and seek a separate peace. According to legend, the
three men were smoking in front of a fireplace at Franklin’s rented house at Passy, just outside Paris, when
Franklin asked Jay, “Would you break our instructions?” Jay supposedly threw his pipe into the fireplace, where
it shattered, and answered, “I would break our instructions as soon as I would break that pipe.”
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Thus in late 1782, the American diplomats and their British counterparts began the subtle, difficult, and
complex negotiations that ended in late 1783 with the Treaty of Paris. The situation of the negotiations was
complex. France was bound to Spain by secret agreements to recover Gibraltar from the British and some
British factions did not want to concede American independence despite Cornwallis’s surrender. British
diplomats were prepared to insist that the United States make good on the losses suffered by loyalists, whose
property was confiscated, and British merchants, to whom Americans owed considerable debts. Americans, on
the other hand, were determined to secure access to the fisheries of the Gulf of Mexico and the Canadian
Atlantic coast.
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Americans faced several additional problems. It was difficult to keep Congress informed of the negotiations, for
messages carried across the Atlantic could take as long as two months to reach their intended destination.
Congress itself was wracked by internal political divisions, and this led to sometimes conflicting instructions
and advice and demands reaching the American diplomats in Paris. Suspicions that agents of rival European
powers were seeking to influence Congress further complicated the diplomats’ task. And there was always the
need to be on guard against espionage agents, hoping to discover American intentions and willing to sow
disinformation to all parties involved in the negotiations.
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For the most part Franklin, Adams, and Jay managed to bury their differences so that they could effectively deal
with the British diplomats. Adams managed to secure American access to the fisheries of the Canadian coast,
and Franklin parried British claims for reparations for loyalists by arguing that those claims had to be set off
against American claims against Britain for property destroyed in the war.
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The preliminary articles of peace between Britain and the United States which served as the basis for the final
treaty, (1) recognized American independence, (2) ceded to the United States all territory held by Great Britain
between the Allegheny Mountains and the Mississippi River, (3) recognized American rights of access to the
Newfoundland fisheries in Canada, (4) required the American states to make good on any valid legal claims of
loyalist refugees or British subjects against American debtors, and (5) gave up any attempt to seek
compensation for by loyalists and British subjects for lost property.
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Although the Treaty of Paris brought a triumphant end to the war with Great Britain, and was one of the greatest
achievements of the American government operating under the Articles of Confederation, it also left a legacy of
political and constitutional uncertainty. The United States had great difficulty inducing the individual states to
see that legitimate debts were paid to loyalist and British creditors. In retaliation, the British refused to
withdraw their forces from forts in the Old Northwest. Further, Britain refused to give Americans “most favored
nation” status in commercial relations, injuring American trade. The treaty’s most important consequence,
perhaps, was that it highlighted the Confederation’s inability to defend American interests abroad or enforce the
terms of the treaty. This contributed to a movement to revise—or replace—the Articles of Confederation. The
Treaty of Paris was thus a step-parent of the Constitution of the United States.
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R. B. Bernstein is Distinguished Adjunct Professor of Law at New York Law School and author of The
Founding Fathers Reconsidered and Thomas Jefferson.
Bernstein, R.(2013). Inventing American diplomacy. Gilder Lehrman. Retrieved from https://www.gilderlehrman
.org/history-by-era/war-for-independence/essays/inventing-american-diplomacy
Day 1
1.
According to the author, in which way was the alliance between France and America complex and in which way
did it aid in American victory?
2.
In which way, according to the text, did Americans betray the French and how did this aid America?
3.
According to the text, why did secret alliances complicate negotiations?
4.
What issues between America and Great Britain were unresolved by the Treaty of Paris, according to the text?
5.
What does the author mean when he states, “The Treaty of Paris was thus a step-parent of the Constitution of
the United States”?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“ Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)”
Week 3
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
In what ways, did American fears, cited in the Declaration of Independence, lead to the failure of the Articles of
Confederation?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Tyrannically
“Articles of Confederation” ( 1777)
Sovereignty
“George Washigton’s letter to Henry Knox” (1787)
Defray
Adjourn
Constituents
Inviolably
Articles of Confederation
obliged
insurgents
emphatical
propriety
efficatious
enumerate
debilitated
annihilated
Shay’s Rebellion
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.2.d
Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)
Week 3 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore how the Declaration of
Independence influenced major concepts in the Articles of Confederation. After declaring independence from Great
Britain’s tyranny, the next logical step was to create unity between the states. The founding fathers attempted to do this
through the creation of the Articles of Confederation, but fear of extreme federal power resulted in an almost powerless
national government. Ultimately, this weak federal government started failing, because states had too much sovereignty.
Events, such as Shay’s rebellion, led politicians to believe that America would fail under this system of government.
Ultimately, the founding fathers threw away the Articles of Confederation and created the United States Constitution.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore how
fears, which were mentioned in the Declaration of Independence, influenced the creation of the Articles of Confederation.
Students will need to consider the emotional context of words and how diction (word choice) affects an author’s message.
When combined with writing about the passage and teacher feedback, students will form a deeper understanding of
important factors that led to the demise of the Articles of Confederation.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1-127 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 128- 202 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1- 54 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: What
major features of the Articles of Confederation, which were inspired by the Declaration of Independence, led to its
eventual demise?
Transcript of Articles of Confederation (1777)
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To all to whom these Presents shall come, we, the undersigned Delegates of the States affixed to our Names
send greeting. Whereas the Delegates of the United States of America in Congress assembled did on the
fifteenth day of November in the year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Seventy seven, and in the
Second Year of the Independence of America agree to certain articles of Confederation and perpetual Union
between the States of Newhampshire, Massachusetts-bay, Rhodeisland and Providence Plantations,
Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South
Carolina, and Georgia in the Words following, viz. “Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the
States of Newhampshire, Massachusetts-bay, Rhodeisland and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.
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Article I. The Stile of this confederacy shall be, “The United States of America.”
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Article II. Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every Power, Jurisdiction and
right, which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in Congress assembled.
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Article III. The said states hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their
common defence, the security of their Liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to
assist each other, against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion,
sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatever.
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Article IV. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse among the people of the
different states in this union, the free inhabitants of each of these states, paupers, vagabonds and fugitives from
Justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several states; and the
people of each state shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other state, and shall enjoy therein all
the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions and restrictions as the inhabitants
thereof respectively, provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property
imported into any state, to any other State of which the Owner is an inhabitant; provided also that no
imposition, duties or restriction shall be laid by any state, on the property of the united states, or either of them.
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If any Person guilty of, or charged with, treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor in any state,
shall flee from Justice, and be found in any of the united states, he shall upon demand of the Governor or
executive power of the state from which he fled, be delivered up, and removed to the state having jurisdiction of
his offence.
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Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these states to the records, acts and judicial
proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other state.
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Article V. For the more convenient management of the general interests of the united states, delegates shall be
annually appointed in such manner as the legislature of each state shall direct, to meet in Congress on the first
Monday in November, in every year, with a power reserved to each state to recall its delegates, or any of them,
at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead, for the remainder of the Year.
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No State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor by more than seven Members; and no
person shall be capable of being delegate for more than three years, in any term of six years; nor shall any
person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the united states, for which he, or another for
his benefit receives any salary, fees or emolument of any kind.
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Each State shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the states, and while they act as members
of the committee of the states.
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In determining questions in the united states, in Congress assembled, each state shall have one vote.
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Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any Court, or
place out of Congress, and the members of congress shall be protected in their persons from arrests and
imprisonments, during the time of their going to and from, and attendance on congress, except for treason,
felony, or breach of the peace.
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Article VI. No State, without the Consent of the united States, in congress assembled, shall send any embassy
to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conferrence, agreement, alliance, or treaty, with any King
prince or state; nor shall any person holding any office of profit or trust under the united states, or any of them,
accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state;
nor shall the united states, in congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility.
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No two or more states shall enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance whatever between them, without the
consent of the united states, in congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for which the same is to
be entered into, and how long it shall continue.
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No State shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties, entered into by
the united States in congress assembled, with any king, prince, or State, in pursuance of any treaties already
proposed by congress, to the courts of France and Spain.
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No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace, by any state, except such number only, as shall be deemed
necessary by the united states, in congress assembled, for the defence of such state, or its trade; nor shall any
body of forces be kept up, by any state, in time of peace, except such number only as, in the judgment of the
united states, in congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defence of
such state; but every state shall always keep up a well regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and
accounted, and shall provide and constantly have ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field pieces
and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equipage.
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No State shall engage in any war without the consent of the united States in congress assembled, unless such
State be actually invaded by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being formed by
some nation of Indians to invade such State, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay till the
united states in congress assembled, can be consulted: nor shall any state grant commissions to any ships or
vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the united states in
congress assembled, and then only against the kingdom or State, and the subjects thereof, against which war has
been so declared, and under such regulations as shall be established by the united states in congress assembled,
unless such state be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and
kept so long as the danger shall continue, or until the united states in congress assembled shall determine
otherwise.
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Article VII. When land forces are raised by any state, for the common defence, all officers of or under the rank
of colonel, shall be appointed by the legislature of each state respectively by whom such forces shall be raised,
or in such manner as such state shall direct, and all vacancies shall be filled up by the state which first made
appointment.
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Article VIII. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defence or general
welfare, and allowed by the united states in congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury,
which shall be supplied by the several states, in proportion to the value of all land within each state, granted to
or surveyed for any Person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated,
according to such mode as the united states, in congress assembled, shall, from time to time, direct and appoint.
The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the legislatures of
the several states within the time agreed upon by the united states in congress assembled.
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Article IX. The united states, in congress assembled, shall have the sole and exclusive right and power of
determining on peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth article - of sending and receiving
ambassadors - entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty of commerce shall be made, whereby
the legislative power of the respective states shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on
foreigners, as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any
species of goods or commodities whatsoever - of establishing rules for deciding, in all cases, what captures on
land or water shall be legal, and in what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the united
Sates, shall be divided or appropriated - of granting letters of marque and reprisal in times of peace appointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas; and establishing courts; for
receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures; provided that no member of congress shall be
appointed a judge of any of the said courts.
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The united states, in congress assembled, shall also be the last resort on appeal, in all disputes and differences
now subsisting, or that hereafter may arise between two or more states concerning boundary, jurisdiction, or any
other cause whatever; which authority shall always be exercised in the manner following. Whenever the
legislative or executive authority, or lawful agent of any state in controversy with another, shall present a
petition to congress, stating the matter in question, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given, by
order of congress, to the legislative or executive authority of the other state in controversy, and a day assigned
for the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to appoint, by joint consent,
commissioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing and determining the matter in question: but if they
cannot agree, congress shall name three persons out of each of the united states, and from the list of such
persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced
to thirteen; and from that number not less than seven, nor more than nine names, as congress shall direct, shall,
in the presence of congress, be drawn out by lot, and the persons whose names shall be so drawn, or any five of
them, shall be commissioners or judges, to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part
of the judges, who shall hear the cause, shall agree in the determination: and if either party shall neglect to
attend at the day appointed, without showing reasons which congress shall judge sufficient, or being present,
shall refuse to strike, the congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each State, and the secretary of
congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence of the court, to be
appointed in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and conclusive; and if any of the parties shall refuse to
submit to the authority of such court, or to appear or defend their claim or cause, the court shall nevertheless
proceed to pronounce sentence, or judgment, which shall in like manner be final and decisive; the judgment or
sentence and other proceedings being in either case transmitted to congress, and lodged among the acts of
congress, for the security of the parties concerned: provided that every commissioner, before he sits in
judgment, shall take an oath to be administered by one of the judges of the supreme or superior court of the
State where the cause shall be tried, “well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to
the best of his judgment, without favour, affection, or hope of reward: “provided, also, that no State shall be
deprived of territory for the benefit of the united states.
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All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under different grants of two or more states,
whose jurisdictions as they may respect such lands, and the states which passed such grants are adjusted, the
said grants or either of them being at the same time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of
jurisdiction, shall, on the petition of either party to the congress of the united states, be finally determined, as
near as may be, in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting territorial
jurisdiction between different states.
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The united states, in congress assembled, shall also have the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating
the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective states - fixing the standard
of weights and measures throughout the united states - regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the
Indians, not members of any of the states; provided that the legislative right of any state, within its own limits,
be not infringed or violated - establishing and regulating post-offices from one state to another, throughout all
the united states, and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same, as may be requisite to
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defray the expenses of the said office - appointing all officers of the land forces in the service of the united
States, excepting regimental officers - appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all
officers whatever in the service of the united states; making rules for the government and regulation of the said
land and naval forces, and directing their operations.
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The united States, in congress assembled, shall have authority to appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of
congress, to be denominated, “A Committee of the States,” and to consist of one delegate from each State; and
to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the
united states under their direction - to appoint one of their number to preside; provided that no person be
allowed to serve in the office of president more than one year in any term of three years; to ascertain the
necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the united states, and to appropriate and apply the same
for defraying the public expenses; to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the united states, transmitting
every half year to the respective states an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted, - to build and
equip a navy - to agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each state for its quota, in
proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such state, which requisition shall be binding; and thereupon
the legislature of each state shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm, and equip
them, in a soldier-like manner, at the expense of the united states; and the officers and men so clothed, armed,
and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the united states, in congress
assembled; but if the united states, in congress assembled, shall, on consideration of circumstances, judge
proper that any state should not raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any other
state should raise a greater number of men than the quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered,
clothed, armed, and equipped in the same manner as the quota of such state, unless the legislature of such state
shall judge that such extra number cannot be safely spared out of the same, in which case they shall raise,
officer, clothe, arm, and equip, as many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared. And the
officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time
agreed on by the united states in congress assembled.
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The united states, in congress assembled, shall never engage in a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in
time of peace, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value thereof nor
ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defence and welfare of the united states, or any of them, nor
emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the united states, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the
number of vessels of war to be built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a
commander in chief of the army or navy, unless nine states assent to the same, nor shall a question on any other
point, except for adjourning from day to day, be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the united
states in congress assembled.
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The congress of the united states shall have power to adjourn to any time within the year, and to any place
within the united states, so that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space of six Months,
and shall publish the Journal of their proceedings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties,
alliances, or military operations, as in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the delegates of
each State, on any question, shall be entered on the Journal, when it is desired by any delegate; and the
delegates of a State, or any of them, at his or their request, shall be furnished with a transcript of the said
Journal, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the legislatures of the several states.
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Article X. The committee of the states, or any nine of them, shall be authorized to execute, in the recess of
congress, such of the powers of congress as the united states, in congress assembled, by the consent of nine
states, shall, from time to time, think expedient to vest them with; provided that no power be delegated to the
said committee, for the exercise of which, by the articles of confederation, the voice of nine states, in the
congress of the united states assembled, is requisite.
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Article XI. Canada acceding to this confederation, and joining in the measures of the united states, shall be
admitted into, and entitled to all the advantages of this union: but no other colony shall be admitted into the
same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine states.
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Article XII. All bills of credit emitted, monies borrowed, and debts contracted by or under the authority of
congress, before the assembling of the united states, in pursuance of the present confederation, shall be deemed
and considered as a charge against the united States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said united states
and the public faith are hereby solemnly pledged.
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Article XIII. Every State shall abide by the determinations of the united states, in congress assembled, on all
questions which by this confederation are submitted to them. And the Articles of this confederation shall be
inviolably observed by every state, and the union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time
hereafter be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a congress of the united states, and be
afterwards con-firmed by the legislatures of every state.
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And Whereas it hath pleased the Great Governor of the World to incline the hearts of the legislatures we
respectively represent in congress, to approve of, and to authorize us to ratify the said articles of confederation
and perpetual union, Know Ye, that we, the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us
given for that purpose, do, by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our respective constituents, fully and
entirely ratify and confirm each and every of the said articles of confederation and perpetual union, and all and
singular the matters and things therein contained. And we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our
respective constituents, that they shall abide by the determinations of the united states in congress assembled, on
all questions, which by the said confederation are submitted to them. And that the articles thereof shall be
inviolably observed by the states we respectively represent, and that the union shall be perpetual. In Witness
whereof, we have hereunto set our hands, in Congress. Done at Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, the
ninth Day of July, in the Year of our Lord one Thousand seven Hundred and Seventy eight, and in the third year
of the Independence of America.
Resource:
Articles of Confederation. (1777). Our documents. Retrieved from http://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php? F
lash=true&doc=3&page=transcript
Day 1
1. The Articles of Confederation states, “Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every
Power, Jurisdiction and right, which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in
Congress assembled”. To which extent was this sentence, in the Articles of Confederation, influenced by
American fears of tyranny, according to the text?
2. According to lines thirteen to sixteen, what was the main goal of the Articles of Confederation?
3. Why are lines forty two to forty five descriptive of grievances addressed in the Declaration of Independence?
4. According to the text, what powers are reserved to federal government?
5. According to the text, what powers are reserved to the states?
Day 2
1. What conflicting authority did lines one hundred and twenty eight to one hundred and thirty grant congress and
the states, according to the text?
2. In what ways did lines one hundred and fifty nine to one hundred and sixty six limit congressional powers?
3. What are the weaknesses and strengths of the Articles of Confederation? Please use the text to substantiate
your answer.
4. In what way did grievances against the British, which were addressed in the Declaration of Independence,
influenced the writing of the Articles of Confederation?
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George Washington to Henry Knox
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Mount Vernon, Virginia, 3 February 1787.
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Autograph letter signed, 6 pages + docket. Mount Vernon 3d. February. 1787
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My dear Sir;
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I feel myself exceedingly obliged to you for the full, & friendly communications in your letters of the 14th. 21st. & 25th.
ult; and shall (critically as matters are described in the latter) be extremely anxious to know the issue of the movements
of the forces that were assembling, the one to support, the other to oppose the constitutional rights of Massachusetts. –
The moment is, indeed, important! – If government shrinks, or is unable to enforce its laws; fresh maneuvers will be
displayed by the insurgents – anarchy & confusion must prevail – and every thing will be turned topsy turvey in that
State; where it is not probable the mischiefs will terminate. – In
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[2] In your letter of the 14th. you express a wish to know my intention respecting the Convention, proposed to be held
at Philada, in May next. – In confidence I inform you, that it is not, at this time, my purpose to attend it. – When this
matter was first moved in the Assembly of this State, some of the principal characters, of it wrote to me, requesting to
be permitted to put my name in the delegation. – To this I objected – They again pressed, and I again refused; assigning
among other reasons my having declined meeting the Society of the Cincinnati at that place, about the same time; &
that I thought it would be disrespectful to that body (to whom I ow’d much) to be there on any other occasion. –
Notwithstanding these intimations, my name was inserted in the Act; and an official [inserted : communication] thereof
made by the Executive to me; to whom, atthe same time [inserted : that] I expressed my sense of the confidence
reposed in me, I declared, that as I saw no prospect of my attending, it was my
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[3] my wish that my name might not remain in the delegation, to the exclusion of another. – To this I have been
requested, in emphatical terms, not to decide absolutely, as no inconvenience would result from the non-appointment
of another, at least for sometime. – Thus the matter stands, which is the reason of my saying to you in confidence that
at present I retain my first intention – not to go. – In the meanwhile as I have the fullest conviction of your friendship
for, and attachment to me; – know your abilities to judge; – and your means of information, – I shall receive any
communications from you, respecting this business, with thankfulness. – My first wish is, to do for the best, and to act
with propriety; and you know me too well, to believe that reserve or concealment of any circumstance or opinion, would
be at all pleasing to me. The legallity of this Convention I do not mean to discuss – nor how problematical
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[4] problematical the issue of it may be. – That powers are wanting, none can deny. – Through what medium they are to
be derived, will, like other matters, engage public attention. – That which takes the shortest course to obtain them, will,
in my opinion, under present circumstances, be found best. – Otherwise, like a house on fire, whilst the most regular
mode of extinguishing it is contending for, the building is reduced to ashes. – My opinion of the energetic wants of the
federal government are well known – publickly & privately, I have declared it; and however constitutienally it may be for
Congress to point out the defects of the federal System, I am strongly inclined to believe that it would not be found the
most efficatious channel for the recommendation, more especially the alterations, to flow – for reasons too obvious to
enumerate. –
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The System on which you seem disposed to build a national government [ 5 ] vernment [ sic]is certainly more energetic,
and I dare say, in every point of view is more desirable than the present one; which, from experience; we find is not only
slow – debilitated – and liable to be thwarted by every breath, but is defective in that secrecy, which for the
accomplishment of many of the most important national purposes, is indispensably necessary; and besides, having the
Legislative, Executive & Judiciary departments concentered, is exceptionable. – But at the same time I give this opinion, I
believe that the political machine will yet be much tumbled & tossed, and possibly be wrecked altogether, before such a
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system as you have defined, will be adopted. – The darling Sovereignties of the States individually, – The Governors
elected & elect. – The Legislators – with a long trait of etcetera whose political consequence will be lessened, if not
anihilated, would give their weight of opposition to [6 ] to such a revolution. – But I may be speaking without book,
for scarcely ever going off my own farms I see few people who do not call upon me; & am very little acquainted with the
sentiments of the great world; [strikeout ] indeed, after what I have seen, or rather after what I have heard, I shall be
surprized at nothing; for if three years ago any person had told me that at this day, I should see [ strikeout ] such a
formidable [inserted : rebellion] against the laws & constitutions of our own making [inserted : as now appears] I should
have thought him a bedlamite – a fit subject for a mad house. Adieu, you know how much, and how sincerely am,ever,
Yr.
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Affecte& Most Obedt
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Servant Go: Washington
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Mrs Washington joins me in every good wish for yourself, – Mrs. Knox and the family. – [docket ]V.V.V. Mount Vernon, 3
February 1787. His Excellency Genl Washington Original No 26 –
George Washington to Henry Knox. (1787). Gilder Lehrman. Retrieved from http://www.scribd.com/doc /86912278
/George-Washington-discusses-Shays%E2%80%99-Rebellion-and-the-upcoming-Constitutional-Convention1787#fullscreen
Day 1
1. According to the text, what risk did George Washington foresee if Shay’s Rebellion was successful?
2. What is the author referring to when he states, “– If government shrinks, or is unable to enforce its laws; fresh
maneuvers will be displayed by the insurgents – anarchy & confusion must prevail – and every thing will be
turned topsy turvey in that State; where it is not probable the mischiefs will terminat”?
3. What did George Washigton mean when he stated, “The legallity of this Convention I do not mean to discuss –
nor how problematical the issue of it may be. That powers are wanting, none can deny”?
4. What does the author mean when he states, “My opinion of the energetic wants of the federal government are
well known – publickly & privately, I have declared it; and however constitutienally it may be for Congress to
point out the defects of the federal System, I am strongly inclined to believe that it would not be found the most
efficatious channel for the recommendation, more especially the alterations, to flow – for reasons too obvious
to enumerate”?
5. According to George Washington, how should power be divided between the states and the federal
government?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“ Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)”
Week 4
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
To what extent was the United States Constitution influenced by the Articles of Confederation and Declaration of
Independence?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Posterity
“United States Constitution”
Ordain
“Bill of Rights”
Vested
Enumeration
Subsequent
Prescribed
Concurrence
ascertained
Emolument
Misconstruction
Declaratory
Declaratory
Seized
Presentment
Indictment
ascertained
compulsory
construed
United States Constitution
Bill of Rights
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.2.b, 6.1.12.A.2.d
Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)
Week 4 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore the extent to which
major concepts discussed in the Declaration of Independence and Articles of Confederation were addressed in the
Constitution. The constant struggle for power is evident, even in the Constitution, as several parts of the Constitution aim
to address this struggle through a system of checks and balances, state verses federal rights, and citizen verses state and
federal government rights. Ironically, remnants of unresolved issues which led to the Revolutionary War were still
present, even after the establishment of a new government.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore how
concepts of power, which were mentioned in the Declaration of Independence and addressed in the Articles of
Confederation, were still the center of attention of the Constitution. Students will need to consider the emotional context
of words and how diction (word choice) affects an author’s message. When combined with writing about the passage and
teacher feedback, students will form a deeper understanding of ways the Declaration of Independence and Articles of
Confederation inspired the United States Constitution.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1-375 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 357- 468 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1- 75 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: To
what extent were major features of the Declaration of Independence and Articles of Confederation addressed in the
Constitution?
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The Constitution of the United States: A Transcription
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We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic
Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to
ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.
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Article. I.
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Section. 1.
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All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate
and House of Representatives.
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Section. 2.
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The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several
States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of
the State Legislature.
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No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a
Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.
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Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this
Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free
Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other
Persons. The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United
States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number of
Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Representative;
and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts
eight, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New-York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight,
Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.
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When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of
Election to fill such Vacancies.
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The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of
Impeachment.
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Section. 3.
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The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof
for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote.
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Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may
be into three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of
the second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the Expiration of the sixth Year, so that
one third may be chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of
the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next Meeting of the
Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies.
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No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the
United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen.
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The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally
divided.
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The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or
when he shall exercise the Office of President of the United States.
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The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or
Affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no Person shall be
convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present.
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Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold
and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be
liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.
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Section. 4.
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The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by
the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places
of chusing Senators.
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The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December,
unless they shall by Law appoint a different Day.
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Section. 5.
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Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each
shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to
compel the Attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide.
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Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the
Concurrence of two thirds, expel a Member.
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Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may
in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any question shall, at the
Desire of one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal.
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Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three
days, nor to any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.
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Section. 6.
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The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid
out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be
privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning
from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place.
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No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the
Authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been encreased
during such time; and no Person holding any Office under the United States, shall be a Member of either House during
his Continuance in Office.
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Section. 7.
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All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with
Amendments as on other Bills.
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Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be
presented to the President of the United States: If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his
Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and
proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be
sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by
two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by
yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each
House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall
have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their
Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law.
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Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be
necessary (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before
the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the
Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill.
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Section. 8.
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The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for
the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform
throughout the United States;
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To borrow Money on the credit of the United States;
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To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes;
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To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United
States;
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To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;
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To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States;
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To establish Post Offices and post Roads;
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To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive
Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries;
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To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;
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To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations;
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To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;
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To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;
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To provide and maintain a Navy;
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To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces;
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To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;
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To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed
in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the
Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;
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To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by
Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States,
and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same
shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings;--And
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To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other
Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.
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Section. 9.
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The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be
prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be imposed
on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person.
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The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the
public Safety may require it.
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No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed.
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No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion to the Census or enumeration herein before
directed to be taken.
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No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State.
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No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of
another; nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another.
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No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular
Statement and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time.
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No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under
them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind
whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.
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Section. 10.
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No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; emit
Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post
facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility.
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No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may
be absolutely necessary for executing it's inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any
State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject
to the Revision and Controul of the Congress.
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No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace,
enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually
invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay.
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Article. II.
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Section. 1.
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The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the
Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same Term, be elected, as follows:
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Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole
Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or
Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector.
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The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be
an Inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted for, and of the
Number of Votes for each; which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of
the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the
Senate and House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted. The Person having
the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President, if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors
appointed; and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal Number of Votes, then the House
of Representatives shall immediately chuse by Ballot one of them for President; and if no Person have a Majority, then
from the five highest on the List the said House shall in like Manner chuse the President. But in chusing the President,
the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from each State having one Vote; A quorum for this purpose shall
consist of a Member or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the States shall be necessary to a
Choice. In every Case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of the Electors
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shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse from
them by Ballot the Vice President.
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The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which
Day shall be the same throughout the United States.
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No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this
Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who shall not
have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States.
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In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers
and Duties of the said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by Law provide for the
Case of Removal, Death, Resignation or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall
then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be
elected.
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The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a Compensation, which shall neither be increased nor
diminished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that Period any other
Emolument from the United States, or any of them.
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Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation:--"I do solemnly swear (or
affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability,
preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States."
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Section. 2.
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The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several
States, when called into the actual Service of the United States; he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal
Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he
shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of
Impeachment.
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272
He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the
Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint
Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United
States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the
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Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the
Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments.
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The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting
Commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session.
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Section. 3.
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He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their
Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene
both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment,
he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; he
shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the Officers of the United States.
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Section. 4.
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The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment
for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.
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Article III.
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Section. 1.
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The judicial Power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress
may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices
during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services a Compensation, which shall not be
diminished during their Continuance in Office.
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Section. 2.
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The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United
States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;--to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other
public Ministers and Consuls;--to all Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction;--to Controversies to which the United
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States shall be a Party;--to Controversies between two or more States;-- between a State and Citizens of another State,-between Citizens of different States,--between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of different
States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects.
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In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the
supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have
appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall
make.
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The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where
the said Crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or
Places as the Congress may by Law have directed.
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Section. 3.
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Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving
them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same
overt Act, or on Confession in open Court.
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The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption
of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted.
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Article. IV.
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Section. 1.
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Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other
State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall
be proved, and the Effect thereof.
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Section. 2.
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The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.
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A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another
State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the
State having Jurisdiction of the Crime.
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No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence
of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the
Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due.
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Section. 3.
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352
New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the
Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States,
without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.
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The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or
other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any
Claims of the United States, or of any particular State.
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Section. 4.
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The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each
of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be
convened), against domestic Violence.
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Article. V.
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The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this
Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for
proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution,
when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the
one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that no Amendment which may be
made prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in
the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the
Senate.
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Article. VI.
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All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against
the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.
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382
This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or
which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in
every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.
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The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all
executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or
Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or
public Trust under the United States.
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Article. VII.
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The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution between
the States so ratifying the Same.
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397
The Word, "the," being interlined between the seventh and eighth Lines of the first Page, the Word "Thirty" being partly
written on an Erazure in the fifteenth Line of the first Page, The Words "is tried" being interlined between the thirty
second and thirty third Lines of the first Page and the Word "the" being interlined between the forty third and forty
fourth Lines of the second Page.
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Attest William Jackson Secretary
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done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of
our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of the Independance of the United States of America the
Twelfth In witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our Names,
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G°. Washington
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Presidt and deputy from Virginia
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Delaware
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Geo: Read
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Gunning Bedford jun
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John Dickinson
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Richard Bassett
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Jaco: Broom
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Maryland
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James McHenry
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Dan of St Thos. Jenifer
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Danl. Carroll
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Virginia
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John Blair
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James Madison Jr.
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North Carolina
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Wm. Blount
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Richd. Dobbs Spaight
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Hu Williamson
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429
South Carolina
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J. Rutledge
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Charles Cotesworth Pinckney
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Charles Pinckney
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Pierce Butler
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435
Georgia
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William Few
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Abr Baldwin
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439
New Hampshire
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John Langdon
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Nicholas Gilman
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Massachusetts
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Nathaniel Gorham
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Rufus King
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447
Connecticut
448
Wm. Saml. Johnson
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Roger Sherman
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451
New York
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Alexander Hamilton
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454
New Jersey
455
Wil: Livingston
456
David Brearley
457
Wm. Paterson
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Jona: Dayton
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460
Pennsylvania
461
B Franklin
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Thomas Mifflin
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Robt. Morris
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Geo. Clymer
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Thos. FitzSimons
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Jared Ingersoll
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James Wilson
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Gouv Morr
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United States Constitution (1787). Archives. Retrieved from http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters
/constitution.html
Day 1
1.
According to the texts, in which way is this statement contradicting the fundamentals of the Declaration of
Independence, “Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be
included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the
whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not
taxed, three fifths of all other Persons”?
2.
What is the text referring to when it states,” three fifths of all other Persons”?
3.
What precautions, according to the text, where taken to prevent any politician from becoming too powerful or a
tyrant?
4.
In which ways was the United States Constitution able to address concerns that led to the inevitable failure of
the Articles of Confederation, according to the text, in reference to lack of centralized power?
Day 2
1.
Article four declares the United States Constitution the ‘supreme law of the land”. According to the text, why is
this significant is establishing division of power?
2.
“No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in
Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be
delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due”. In what ways does this
statement, according to the text, define the relationships between states, while addressing limitations of the
Article of Confederation?
3.
In what ways, according to the text, did the Constitution address power struggles, which were evident in the
Declaration of Independence?
4.
In what ways, according to the text, did the Constitution address power struggles, which were evident in the
Articles of Confederation?
The Bill of Rights
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2
The Preamble to The Bill of Rights
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Congress of the United States begun and held at the City of New-York, on Wednesday the fourth of March, one
thousand seven hundred and eighty nine.
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THE Conventions of a number of the States, having at the time of their adopting the Constitution, expressed a desire, in
order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be
added: And as extending the ground of public confidence in the Government, will best ensure the beneficent ends of its
institution.
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RESOLVED by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two
thirds of both Houses concurring, that the following Articles be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States, as
amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all, or any of which Articles, when ratified by three fourths of the
said Legislatures, to be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of the said Constitution; viz.
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ARTICLES in addition to, and Amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America, proposed by Congress, and
ratified by the Legislatures of the several States, pursuant to the fifth Article of the original Constitution.
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Amendment I
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Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging
the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the
Government for a redress of grievances.
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Amendment II
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A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms,
shall not be infringed.
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Amendment III
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No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but
in a manner to be prescribed by law.
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Amendment IV
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The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and
seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation,
and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
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Amendment V
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No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a
Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or
public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall
be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without
due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.
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Amendment VI
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In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State
and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law,
and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have
compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence.
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Amendment VII
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In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be
preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than according
to the rules of the common law.
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Amendment VIII
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Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
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Amendment IX
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The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by
the people.
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Amendment X
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The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the
States respectively, or to the people.
Day 1
1.
What was the purpose of creating the Bill of Rights, according to the text?
2.
In which ways, according to the text, are concepts in the Declaration of Independence expressed in the Bill of
Rights?
3.
The bill of rights states, “The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or
disparage others retained by the people”. Why is this statement provocative in demonstrating the limitations of
the new government?
4.
What do the authors mean when they state, “The powers not delegated to the United States by the
Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people”?
5.
In which ways, according to the text, is the struggle of power between citizens, states, and federal government
still evident, according to the text?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“ Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)”
Week 5
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
To what degree did the Constitution fail to address issues that led to the Revolutionary War?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Irreverent
Gary B. Nash “Ordinary Americans and the Constitution” (2013)
Plebescite
James O. Horton “Race and the American Constitution: A Struggle
Fervent
toward National Ideals James”
Abolitionist
William Lloyd Garrison
Antifederalists
Frederick Douglass
Gnawing
Languishing
Jarring
Contentious
Egalitarian
Ominous
Contemptible
Contentious
Ambiguous
Ambivalent
Enumerated
subverted
circumventing
George Washington
Thomas Jefferson
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.2.b, 6.1.12.A.2.d
Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)
Week 5 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore the extent to which
issues that led to the Revolutionary War were addressed by the Constitution. The issue of slavery, with complex economic
and political ramifications, was largely compromised on, but never completely resolved by the passing of the Constitution.
Many Americans wondered whether the Constitution was really written for all Americans and were disappointed at the
outcome of the new government, which resulted from the Revolution. Issues, such as representation and human rights,
discussed in the Declaration of Independence, were not manifested completely in the Constitution, as much of the
population, because of passages of the Constitution, remained largely not enfranchised politically by the Constitution.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore how
federalism and anti-federalism was fired by undertones of slavery, economy, and political power and ways in which
compromises, manifested in the Constitution, left Americans disappointed at the capstone of their Revolutionary
experience. Students will need to consider the emotional context of words and how diction (word choice) affects an
author’s message. When combined with writing about the passage and teacher feedback, students will form a deeper
understanding of how the Constitution failed to address the values represented by the Declaration of Independence.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1-111 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1- 98 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 98- 206 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: To
what extent were values addressed in the Declaration of Independence unrepresented in the Constitution?
1
Ordinary Americans and the Constitution by Gary B. Nash
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The Constitution is so honored today, at home and abroad, that it may seem irreverent to suggest that for a great
many ordinary Americans, it was not what they wished as a capstone of their revolutionary experience. This is
not to say that they opposed the Constitution from beginning to end. Far from it. Rather, they were alarmed at
important omissions in the Constitution, particularly a Bill of Rights. Many believed that the Constitution was
the work of men of wealth and prestige who meant to submerge the most democratic features of the American
Revolution. This is why historians are generally agreed that if the Constitution had been put before the
electorate for an up-and-down vote—a plebescite, in effect—it would not have been ratified. Considering that
the suffrage was limited to about half of the adult white men (others were not qualified for lack of property),
this would have been a thumping rejection of what was seen by ordinary people as a conservative, elitist-tinged
document.
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14
With this in mind, let’s consider how three large groups—African Americans, artisans, and small farmers—
viewed the Constitution, and examine why these groups had deep reservations about its ability to steer the
nation forward without compromising the founding principles of the American Revolution.
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African Americans
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Not until 1845, after Madison’s long-hidden notes on the debates of the Constitutional Convention were
published, would William Lloyd Garrison, a fervent abolitionist, call the Constitution a “covenant with death”
and “an agreement with hell” because of the several pro-slavery clauses embodied in the document and how the
delegates to the convention put them there. Enslaved African Americans—about one-sixth of the nation’s
population in 1790—knew that well enough, for the Constitution that began with the lofty words “To create a
more perfect union” did nothing to release them and their children from slavery.
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This was obvious as well to free African Americans, though their fragile position in the northern and
Chesapeake states made it difficult for them to criticize the Constitution once it was ratified. And it was well
known that among the Antifederalists opposing ratification of the Constitution, some were disturbed at the proslavery character of the document. One such person was Luther Martin, attorney general of Maryland, who
railed against delaying the end of the slave trade for twenty years and lamented that the Constitution did not
include a clause “to authorize the general government from time to time, to make such regulations as should be
thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves.” In
protesting the fugitive slave clause (Article IV, Section 2) shortly after ratification, black Americans again
signified their understanding that northern delegates to the Constitutional Convention had bowed to southern
slave owners.
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It would take a half century before Frederick Douglass expressed what many of his black predecessors latently
believed about the Constitution, and this feeling grew as the number of slaves increased rapidly in the first half
of the nineteenth century. “The Constitution of the United States—What is it?” asked Douglass. “Who made it?
For whom and for what was it made?” His answer was disquieting for whites but empowering for blacks:
“Liberty and Slavery—opposite as Heaven and Hell—are both in the Constitution; and the oath to support the
latter is an oath to perform that which God has made impossible. . . . If we adopt the preamble, with Liberty and
Justice, we must repudiate the enacting clauses, with Kidnapping and Slave holding.”
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Artisans
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Representing perhaps one-tenth of the population, craftsmen ranged across a great many trades, and they were
far from unified in their political views. Nonetheless, most supported the Constitution. They knew that the
Articles of Confederation left the Continental Congress with no taxing power, with no “energy,” with no
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authority to raise an army to suppress insurrections, either by black slaves or white farmers’ desperate at post1783 demands for taxes and debt payments that they could not meet in the midst of a postwar depression. Also,
they favored a shift of power from state legislatures to a federal government because it promised federal
protection for the American-made goods that they produced in competition with British artisans. Tariff
protection, mandated by a stronger central government, fit their needs for the public to “buy American.”
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Yet a great many artisans had concerns about the Constitution. Particularly, they feared that it would usher in an
era where the democratic promise of the Revolution—both in economic and political terms—would wither
away.
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The artisans’ economic concerns centered on equal access to capital, land, and education and the chance to
achieve what they called a “decent competency.” Believing in the virtuousness of productive labor and the
indispensability of laboring people to the community, many artisans deplored what they saw as a growing
tendency of the rich to feed off the poor, while casting aspersions on “the sheeplike masses” and “the vulgar
herd.” If the Constitution facilitated the rise of a super-wealthy commercial elite, the day was not far off before
the small producers’ dream of social justice and a rough economic equality would be shattered. George Bryan,
writing as “Centinel,” put it plainly. He opposed the Constitution because it played into the hands of the
“aristocratic juntos of the well-born few, who had been zealously endeavoring since the establishment of their
[colonial] constitutions, to humble that offensive upstart—equal liberty.”
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Liberty also meant political rights. The artisans had found their voice during the Revolution, throwing off
deference to wealthy leaders, and coming to play important positions on seaport committees charged with
enforcing boycotts against British products. They had insisted that they were a part of the body politic—to be
enfranchised, allowed to run for office, and given respect for their service to the community. At the time of
Constitution-making, they were beginning to form mechanic organizations, which would soon become nodes of
political consciousness. All of this seemed at risk as the ratification debates engaged the public.
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In some towns, especially in the interior, artisans and small shopkeepers fiercely opposed ratification of the
Constitution. In Carlisle, Pennsylvania, for example, reported William Petrikin, an ordinary man, “almost every
day some new society [was] being formed” to block “this detestable federal conspiracy.” A volunteer militia
company that he led even pledged “to oppose the establishment of the new Constitution at the risque of our life
and fortunes.” Crowd action occurred only rarely during the ratification process, but sentiments ran strong
against what thousands of ordinary citizens saw as a retreat from the liberties they had gained during the
Revolution.
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By the late eighteenth century, most artisans had drifted away from the Federalist Party into the Jefferson-led
Democratic-Republican Party because some of the features of the Constitution that worried them at the time of
its creation came to the fore under the first several Congresses and the presidencies of Washington and Adams.
As one New York City sailmaker declaimed at a Fourth of July celebration in 1797, “Wherever the wealthy by
the influence of riches are enabled to direct the choice of public officers, there the downfall of liberty cannot be
very remote.” Proud to live “by the sweat of their brows,” the artisans passed down their fears of concentrated
economic and political power—the enemy of a society of equal opportunity and social justice—to industrial
laborers who by the 1820s were confronting capital in its expansive, freewheeling form.
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Small Farmers
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When Amos Singletary, the rough-hewn farmer from Worcester County, Massachusetts, rose before the state’s
elected convention gathered in 1788 to decide on whether to ratify the Constitution, he spoke without benefit of
any schooling. But standing behind the plow, he had developed a wealth of feelings and political instincts.
Singletary may have appreciated that a written constitution was in itself a landmark event in the Western world,
and he may have celebrated the fact that conventions of delegates elected by their constituents were charged
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with deciding on the wisdom of the document. These, after all, were breathtaking innovations in putting the
power in the people—or, as was the case in Massachusetts, to give a say in political matters to about half the
white adult males who qualified through property ownership.
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But gnawing at Singletary’s innards was something born of his lifelong experience with the men of wealth in
western Massachusetts. He, like most debt-ridden farmers tilling marginal lands in New England, had just left
behind a wrenching, blood-filled civil insurrection born out of desperation. “These lawyers, and men of
learning, and moneyed men, that talk so finely, and gloss over matters so smoothly, to make us poor illiterate
people swallow down the pill,” he sputtered, “expect to get into congress themselves; they expect to be
managers of the Constitution and get all the power and all the money into their own hands, and then they will
swallow up all of us little folks, like the great Leviathan. Mr. President; yes just as the whale swallowed up
Jonah. This is what I am afraid of.”
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Singletary did not speak for all farmers and probably not for most of the commercially successful men of the
plow. But he spoke for the hardscrabble families who eked out a living far from commercial markets. Such men
toiled on the frontiers of the new nation, especially in the Appalachian hill country from Maine to Georgia. As
small agricultural producers, they feared and hated what they regarded as moneyed, parasitical men who did not
live by their own labor but handled money, speculated in land, bore hard on debtors to whom they made loans,
and paid low taxes in relation to their wealth.
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Many ordinary farmers did support the Constitution because they accepted the Federalists’ arguments that the
nation was languishing under a government with insufficient power to levy taxes for national defense, conduct a
muscular foreign policy, and devise national solutions to other national problems. The promise of the addition
of a Bill of Rights, the lack of which was a bone in the throat of a majority of people, set at ease many who
feared the aristocratic tendencies of the Constitution and the transfer of power from state legislatures to a
federal Congress. But decade after decade, usually in times of economic stress, agrarian radicals would step
forward in every part of the expanding nation to seek redress for grievances that were rooted, in their view,
from a narrow, aggrandizing minority of wealthy Americans who benefited the most from the Constitution.
Gary B. Nash is professor emeritus of history at the University of California, Los Angeles. His books include
The Urban Crucible: Social Change, Political Consciousness and the Origins of the American Revolution
(1979), The Unknown American Revolution: The Unruly Birth of Democracy and the Struggle to Create
America (2005), and The Forgotten Fifth: African Americans in the Age of Revolution (2006).
Nash, Gary. (2013). Ordinary Americans and the Constitution. Retrieved from
https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/creating-new-government/essays/ordinary-americans-andconstitution
Day 1
1.
According to the text, to what extent did the Constitution fail to address “what they wished” was “a capstone of
their revolutionary experience”?
2.
What did Garrison mean when he stated that the Constitution was “covenant with death” and “an agreement
with hell”, according to the text?
3.
Douglass states, “Liberty and Slavery—opposite as Heaven and Hell—are both in the Constitution; and the oath
to support the latter is an oath to perform that which God has made impossible. . . . If we adopt the preamble,
with Liberty and Justice, we must repudiate the enacting clauses, with Kidnapping and Slave holding.” According
to the text, to what extent is this statement true?
4.
What did the author referring to, according to the text, when he stated, “’These lawyers, and men of learning,
and moneyed men, that talk so finely, and gloss over matters so smoothly, to make us poor illiterate people
swallow down the pill,’ he sputtered, ‘expect to get into congress themselves; they expect to be managers of
the Constitution and get all the power and all the money into their own hands, and then they will swallow up all
of us little folks, like the great Leviathan. Mr. President; yes just as the whale swallowed up Jonah. This is what I
am afraid of’”?
5.
According to the text, to which extent was the Bill of Rights a compromise between federalists and antifederalists?
6.
Referencing the Bill of Rights, in what ways did the Bill of rights fail to completely address the needs of all
citizens?
Race and the American Constitution: A Struggle toward National Ideals
by James O. Horton
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In 1780, Pennsylvania passed legislation that provided for gradual emancipation, and four years later
Connecticut and Rhode Island did the same. Thus, by the time the Constitutional Convention met in the spring
of 1787, it was clear to most delegates that the nation was moving toward a regional split on the question of
slavery.
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The convention gathered at the State House in Philadelphia, the same location where eleven years earlier the
Declaration of Independence had been signed. For four months, fifty-five delegates from twelve states met to
frame a Constitution for a new federal republic. Rhode Island, fearing federal interference with its internal state
affairs, refused to send a delegate and was the only state not represented. Other states had similar concerns
about the power of centralized government, but sent delegates nonetheless. In southern states, where slaves
were most numerous and the institution of slavery most economically and politically powerful, regional leaders
were determined to protect slaveholding interests against federal interference. These fears were heightened by
the action of the Congress in July, just two months after the convention convened. Then, still operating under
the Articles of Confederation, the Congress passed the Northwest Ordinance, creating a new territory from the
land of the United States west of Pennsylvania In the summer of 1852 Frederick Douglass took the platform at
Rochester, New York’s Corinthian Hall at the invitation of the Rochester Ladies Anti-Slavery Society. The
society had asked the former slave, who had become one of the most recognized anti-slavery speakers in the
nation, to deliver an oration as a part of its Fourth of July observance. Since the Fourth of July fell on a Sunday
in 1852, the society moved its observance to Monday, July 5, a decision with which Douglass agreed. For years,
free African Americans and many white abolitionists had refused to celebrate the Fourth of July. Their refusal
was a protest against the nation’s continuance of slavery, even as its Declaration of Independence professed its
commitment to human freedom. At New York City’s African Free School, for example, students vowed to use
the Fourth to attack the nation’s hypocrisy. In agreeing to address the Rochester group on July 5, Douglass
determined to use the occasion for his own personal protest.
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On July 5, 1852, a crowd of at least six hundred filled Corinthian Hall as Douglass delivered one of the most
striking lectures the residents of Rochester or any other American city had ever heard. It was, in fact, one of
America’s most memorable orations, presented at a critical moment in American history. Barely two years
before, in 1850, the federal government had issued an assault on the rights of African Americans in the form of
a harsh fugitive slave law. The law, part of a massive compromise measure, was designed to appease the
plantation South, making it easier for slaveholders to recover fugitive slaves, especially those seeking shelter in
non-slaveholding states and territories. Not only did the law mandate the capture and return of fugitives, but it
also endangered free blacks by requiring no legal protections or defense for anyone charged with being a
fugitive. The law even prohibited accused fugitives from speaking in their own defense. It also forced all
citizens, when charged, to assist authorities and slave catchers under penalty of fine and imprisonment for
refusal. Such injustice was a vivid reminder that African Americans could count on few legal protections. Also,
because this federal law nullified any opposing state measure, it was a jarring reminder of the fact that the law
of the land protected the rights of slaveholders, virtually ignoring African American rights.
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As Douglass stood before the crowd, he asked the question that cut to the core of America’s national
contradiction. “What to the slave is your Fourth of July?” His answer was even more unsettling to those
gathered to hear his words. It is, he said, “a day that reveals to him [the slave], more than all other days in the
year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim.” In light of its public commitment to
human rights and personal liberty, America’s continued support and protection of slavery, and its oppression of
free African Americans, Douglass leveled this indictment: “For revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy,
America reigns without a rival.”[1]
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Douglass’s charge was stinging, but hardly unique within the African American community or to any who had
followed the history of race in America to that time. From long before the United States claimed its
independence through revolution or established its governmental structure based on its grand Constitution, the
contradiction of a freedom-loving people tolerating and profiting from depriving their fellow human beings of
freedom was central to any understanding of the nation’s formation. Despite the lofty proclamations of the
declaration meant to justify the national break from England, and long before its independence, America fell
short of its ideals.
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On July 4, 1776, the Second Continental Congress, the representative body appointed by the legislatures of the
thirteen colonies then in rebellion against Great Britain, ratified America’s Declaration of Independence. This
Congress had been meeting since the start of the hostilities that came to be known as the American Revolution.
In 1781, after the American adoption of the Articles of Confederation, the original governing instrument of the
new nation, the Continental Congress assumed the name the Congress of Confederation. This representative
body governed the nation through the uncertain years of the Revolution until 1783. When Britain accepted the
Treaty of Paris, recognizing America’s independence and bringing the war to an end, the United States of
America struggled to maintain its national unity in the face of competing state interests.
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One of the most contentious issues of debate was the future of America’s institution of slavery, which by the
mid-1780s held hundreds of thousands of Africans and African Americans in bondage. Some Americans were
struck by the obvious contradiction between America’s egalitarian Declaration of Independence and its support
of slavery. During the Revolution and in its aftermath, many moved to abolish slavery, especially in northern
states where slaveholdings were generally smaller and slaveholders less powerful than in the South. In its
constitution of 1777, Vermont became the first of the rebellious colonies to banish slavery. In 1783 and 1784
Massachusetts and New Hampshire followed, removing slavery through a variety of legal interpretations of
constitutional provisions and northwest of the Ohio River. This was a vast region, more than 260,000 square
miles encompassing the area of the modern states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and the
northeastern part of Minnesota. Included as part of the ordinance was a provision prohibiting the movement of
slavery into this Northwest Territory. Slavery supporters interpreted this measure as an ominous sign for the
future of the institution.
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Significantly, many of the largest slaveholders in the United States were delegates at the Convention. Most of
them were determined to guard the institution against federal interference. The Georgia and South Carolina
delegations were adamant that their states would not accept any national constitution that restricted slavery.
“Without [slaves],” argued Rawlins Lowndes of his home state of South Carolina, “this state is one of the most
contemptible in the Union.” It was the source of the state’s “wealth, [and] our only natural resource,” he
declared. South Carolina, he believed was endangered by, “our kind friends in the [N]orth [who were]
determined soon to tie up our hands, and drain us of what we had.”[2]
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Debate grew so heated that delegates sought to sidestep the issue of slavery whenever possible, but they could
not avoid the subject. The Constitution, as accepted in the fall of 1787, protected slavery and empowered
slaveholders in important ways. In the three-fifths clause, it allowed states to count three-fifths of their slave
population in calculating the population number to be considered for apportioning representation in the US
House of Representatives and the Electoral College. Under this measure a single slaveholder with one hundred
slaves counted as the equivalent of sixty-one free people, giving the slave states increased numbers of
representatives and greatly expanding their power in the US Congress. This was a compromise between
delegates from non-slave states who argued that slaves should not be counted at all in determining population
size for the purpose of congressional representation and slave state delegates who demanded that the entire
slave population be added to state population figures. Thus, the three-fifths compromise increased southern
political power, allowing for greater protection of the institution of slavery. The South’s disproportionate power
in the Electoral College allowed Thomas Jefferson to secure the presidency in 1800.
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The framers also wrote into the Constitution a provision that assisted slaveholders in the recovery of fugitive
slaves, especially those who might seek sanctuary in non-slave states and territories. This section read, “No
Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in
Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be
delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due.”[3] This fugitive slave clause
protected a slaveholder’s human property, making the act of assisting a fugitive a constitutional offense. The
Constitution also protected slaveholders from their slaves, giving the federal government the power to put down
domestic rebellions, including slave insurrections.
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The third provision written into the Constitution concerning slavery focused on the Atlantic slave trade. Debates
over this issue were some of the most contentious in the entire four months of the convention. Although
arguments on this issue broke largely along regional lines, with the North favoring an end to American
participation in the African slave trade and the South standing against such a policy, restricting the trade was a
complex issue. Northern business often played a significant role in financing the trade, outfitting and supplying
the crews, and building the ships that transported slaves to American ports. This lucrative enterprise helped
create northern support for protecting the slave trade. Meanwhile, in some southern states concern about a
growing black population encouraged support for limiting slave importation. During the Revolution and in its
aftermath, Virginia (1778), Maryland (1783), North Carolina (1786), and South Carolina (1787) had actually
closed their ports to the African slave trade, hoping to limit the size of, and thus the danger posed by, their slave
populations. Indeed in an early draft of the Declaration, Jefferson had included as one of the grievances giving
rise to the quest for national independence a paragraph condemning the slave trade and the whole institution of
slavery as a “cruel war against human nature itself” forced on the colonies by Britain. Yet, the need for labor
and the increasing economic value of slavery overwhelmed these objections. It was one thing for slaveholders
to limit or expand the number of their slaves, but most would never accept such a condemnation of slavery or
agree to give up control of the institution. In response to the objections of his fellow slaveholders, Jefferson
excluded that paragraph from the final document.
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The question of the extent of state power under the national constitution was directly relevant to the question of
slavery and the slave trade. Some southern delegates insisted that the federal Congress have no authority to
interfere with slavery at all, but others agreed to a middle ground. More moderate delegates supported a
measure to deny Congress any power to limit the slave trade for at least twenty years. To many delegates,
northern and southern, this seemed a practical compromise. Nathaniel Gorham of Massachusetts rose to support
the idea. Some were uncomfortable with any constitutional reference to the trade, but Virginia delegate James
Madison raised the only voice against the compromise. He had drafted a plan for a strong federal government,
which he called the Virginia Plan, and he argued that “Twenty years will produce all the mischief that can be
apprehended from liberty to import slaves.” He then predicted that “So long a term will be more dishonorable to
the American character than to say nothing about it in the constitution.”[4] Madison’s words did not persuade
many of his fellow southerners who demanded that the federal government should have no right to interfere
with the Atlantic slave trade. The compromise held, however. “The migration or importation of such persons as
any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the
year 1808,” read the constitutional provision. It also provided that “a tax or duty may be imposed on such
importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person,” so long as the trade remained legal.[5]
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Thus, in the three-fifths compromise, the fugitive slave clause, and its twenty-year protection of the Atlantic
slave trade, the Constitution dealt with the slavery question, but never by name. So controversial was the issue,
that the framers consciously avoided the words “slave” and “slavery” as they crafted the Constitution. Neither
word appeared in the document as accepted by the convention and submitted to the states. As an article in the
Philadelphia Independent Gazetteer announced, “the dark and ambiguous words . . . are evidently chosen to
conceal from Europe that, in this enlightened country, the practice of slavery has its advocates among men in
high stations.”[6]
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George Washington, one of the nation’s most revered leaders, attended the convention as a Virginia delegate
and remained largely silent during these exchanges on slavery. He was a slaveholder but was also ambivalent
about slavery. His experience with black soldiers during the Revolution had raised questions in his mind about
the slave system, but he did not argue against it. To end slavery immediately, he believed, would be dangerous.
He hoped for a gradual abolition of the institution, but he understood the delicacy of the issue and its potential
danger for the formation of a strong national government. After the adoption of the Constitution he explained
that he was not happy with the compromises needed to construct a document acceptable to the convention,
especially those on the slavery issue. In early January of 1788, he wrote to Edmund Randolph, then governor of
Virginia, “There are some things in the new form [the Constitution] I will readily acknowledge, which never
did, and I am persuaded never will, obtain my cordial approbation.”[7]
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Over the next half century, the Constitution was continuously used to protect the institution of slavery from
federal interference and attacks leveled by the increasingly militant abolition movement. The Constitutional
standing of free African Americans was ambiguous, however. Under its provisions the First US Congress
passed a law in 1790 that specifically limited naturalized citizenship to white aliens. Again, with constitutional
sanction, the Second Congress passed legislation establishing a “uniform militia throughout the United States,”
but limited it to “each and every free able-bodied white male citizen of the respective states” between the ages
of eighteen and forty-five.[8]
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The Bill of Rights did not protect free blacks from local and state laws that deprived them of virtually all those
rights enumerated in the first ten Constitutional amendments. Despite the 1787 ordinance that outlawed slavery
from the Northwest Territory, Congress provided that only free white males could vote in the decision to carve
out Indiana from that region as a territory in preparation for statehood.
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In the pre–Civil War years, the Constitution did not protect free blacks from the racially discriminatory actions
of individual states. By 1830, free blacks could vote on an equal basis with whites only in Maine, New
Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania. In the Northwest Territory, where slavery had been
prohibited during the post-Revolutionary era, territorial governments severely restricted the rights of free
blacks. Some required that African Americans post a bond ranging from $500 to $1,000 in order to settle within
the territory, while others prohibited black immigration all together. Some of these restrictions remained in
force for much of the pre–Civil War period. Illinois in 1848 and Indiana in 1851 incorporated the prohibition of
African American settlement into their respective state constitutions. In 1849 the Oregon legislature prohibited
African American settlement in the territory. This restriction, paired with a ban on black voting rights, was built
into Oregon’s constitution as it was admitted to statehood in 1859.
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For many African Americans, a Constitution that would allow and even support individual states that enslaved
them and disregarded the liberty of even those who were free was a pro-slavery document not to be respected.
William Wells Brown, a former slave who, like Douglass, became an important figure in the abolition
movement, was convinced that as an instrument of proslavery power the Constitution must be replaced by a
new document oriented toward true liberty and human equality. “I would have the [slaveholder’s] Constitution
torn in shreds and scattered to the four winds of heaven,” he announced. “Let us destroy the Constitution and
build on its ruins the temple of liberty.” Many white abolitionists agreed that the Constitution was a product of
pro-slavery creation. In 1843 Boston abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison proposed that non-slaveholding states
secede from the nation governed by any such proslavery document as he held the Constitution to be. He called it
“a covenant with death and an agreement with Hell.” Eleven years later, on the Fourth of July in 1854, Garrison
publicly burned a copy of the US Constitution, pronouncing it “the source and parent of the other [American]
atrocities.” As the document burned, he cried out: “So perish all compromises with tyranny!” to which the
abolitionist crowd replied “Amen.”[9] Given the general denial of rights to all African Americans, free as well
as slave, and the growing impatience of abolitionists, white and black alike, with the governmental support of
racial injustice, Douglass’s question to his fifth of July Rochester audience in 1852 might well have been,
“What to freedom-loving Americans is the Fourth of July?” Eventually, Douglass came to believe that the
Constitution was not a pro-slavery document, but that it was being subverted in its intent by pro-slavery forces.
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The Constitution, then, was a creation of the ideals, the interests, and also the racial assumptions and prejudices
of those who drafted it and those who ratified it. The nation that took shape under its legal sanctions both
reflected and extended its original characteristics. As the voices of anti-slavery grew louder and more strident
during the first half of the nineteenth century, the constitutional protections of slavery came under increasing
attack. Finally, the secession of the southern states and the coming of civil war enabled President Abraham
Lincoln and his administration to remove constitutional protections for slavery, and to prohibit it with the
Thirteenth Amendment. In the aftermath of the Civil War the Constitution was further reshaped to remove race
as a prohibition to citizenship. In 1857 the Supreme Court had ruled that Dred Scott, a slave seeking his
freedom, could not bring his case before the federal court because African American people were not and could
not be American citizens. The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution ratified in 1868 declared that
citizenship could not be withheld on account of race, and the Fifteenth Amendment ratified in 1870 sought to
protect African American voting rights.
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The post–Civil War amendments to the Constitution did not prevent individual states, especially those in the
South, from circumventing constitutional protections for African American citizenship rights. They did,
however, provide a foundation upon which the twentieth-century Civil Rights Movement could build. Despite
the Supreme Court ruling in the 1896 Plessey v. Ferguson case allowing the formation of the Jim Crow
segregation system, a series of court victories based on constitutional civil rights protections led to the
momentous 1954 Brown decision and set the stage for the civil rights legislation of 1964 and 1965. American
racial attitudes have traditionally contradicted American professed ideals of freedom and equality. America’s
Constitution has reflected that contradiction and the struggle to reconcile American rhetoric with American
reality. Over the last two centuries, freedom-loving Americans have remained determined to see America live
up to the Revolutionary values upon which it founded its constitutional democracy.
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[1] Frederick Douglass, “The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro,” in Philip S. Foner, ed., The Life and
Writings of Frederick Douglass (New York: International Publishers Co., Inc., 1975), 181–204.
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[2] Lawrence Goldstone, Dark Bargain: Slavery, Profits and the Struggle for the Constitution (New York:
Walker and Co., 2005), 3–4.
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[3] United States Constitution, Article IV, Section 2.
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[4] Quoted in Matthew T. Mellon, Early American Views on Negro Slavery (New York: Bergman Publishers,
1969), 127–128.
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[5] United States Constitution, Article 1, Section 9.
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[6] Quoted in Hugh Thomas, The Slave Trade (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997) 501.
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[7] Jared Sparks, ed., The Writings of George Washington (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1855), 9:297.
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[8] Quoted in John Hope Franklin and Genna Rae McNeil, eds., African Americans and the Living Constitution
(Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1995), 23.
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[9] Richard Newman, ed., African American Quotations (New York: Checkmark Books, 2000), 90; Goldstone,
16; Henry Mayer, All on Fire: William Lloyd Garrison and the Abolition of Slavery (New York: St. Martin’s
Press, 1998), 445.
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James O. Horton is the Benjamin Banneker Professor Emeritus of American Studies and History, George
Washington University, and Historian Emeritus of the Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum of American
History. His books, coauthored with Lois E. Horton, include In Hope of Liberty: Free Black Culture and
Community in the North, 1700–1865 (1997) and Slavery and the Making of America (2004), the companion
book for the WNET PBS series of the same name that aired in February 2005.
Resource:
Jorton, J. (2013). Race and the American Constitution: A Struggle toward National Ideals. Retrieved from
https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/creating-new-government/essays/race-and-americanconstitution-struggle-toward-nationa
Day 1
1.
What does the author mean, according to the text, when he states, “ From long before the United States
claimed its independence through revolution or established its governmental structure based on its grand
Constitution, the contradiction of a freedom-loving people tolerating and profiting from depriving their fellow
human beings of freedom was central to any understanding of the nation’s formation”?
In which way, according to the text, where largely southern political and economic notions influential in the
Constitutional convention?
According to the text, in which way was the Declaration of Independence hypocritical, in light of the newly
formed government?
According to the text, in what way was the three fifths compromise more about political power and less about
the value placed on African American life?
Why was the federal and antifederal debate fired by slavery, according to the text?
2.
3.
4.
5.
Day 2
1. Why was the ban of the Transatlantic Slave Trade excluded from the Constitution, according to the author?
2. According to the text, why were compromises, regarding slavery, necessary to pass the Constitution?
3. What was the author referring to when he stated, “As an article in the Philadelphia Independent Gazetteer
announced, ‘the dark and ambiguous words . . . are evidently chosen to conceal from Europe that, in this
enlightened country, the practice of slavery has its advocates among men in high stations’”?
4. In which way was George Washington conflicted by the notion of slavery and the passing of the Constitution?
5. According to the text, what did the author mean when he stated, “Eventually, Douglass came to believe that the
Constitution was not a pro-slavery document, but that it was being subverted in its intent by pro-slavery
forces”?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“ Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)”
Week 6
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
In which way, mainly, did the early republic shape American policies, but fail to abide by values that led to the
Revolution?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Untrodden
Joseph J. Ellis “The Early Republic” (2013)
Fervent
Transcript of Alien and Sedition Acts (1798)
Prevailing
Pundits
Bedevil
Adroit
Covert
despotic
hyperbolic
preposterous
partisan
Foreseeable
Hamilton
Madison
Jefferson
Skullduggery
Prerequisite
XYZ
Alien and Sedition Acts in July of 1798
Abode
Penal
Sureties
Tenor
insurrection
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.2.b
Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)
Week 6 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore the extent to which the
early republic shaped American policy, but failed to address valued which led to the Constitution. Slavery, for example,
that was against the ideals of the Revolution, was unaddressed by the National Government and was allowed to grow
dramatically in following years, because Madison’s team claimed that it was a state issue. Problems between the
distinction between states’ rights and federal rights were apparent when states did not abide by the Treaty of New York
with the Creek Nation. Tensions grew over Hamilton’s financial ideas, because Sothern’s were fearful of the creation of a
national bank. Jay’s Treaty and the Proclamation of Neutrality made people question Washington and his authority. The
Constitution called into question the Alien Sedition Act and again the power of a president.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore how
many concepts addressed in the Declaration of Independence and Constitution remained unresolved even after the
Revolutionary War. Students will need to consider the emotional context of words and how diction (word choice) affects
an author’s message. When combined with writing about the passage and teacher feedback, students will form a deeper
understanding of how early republic policies highlight unresolved concepts in the Constitution and issues mentioned in
the Declaration of Independence.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1-89 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 90-161 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1- 152 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: In
which way, according to the texts, did the early republic shape American policies, but cause controversy?
The Early Republic
by Joseph J. Ellis
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In April of 1789 the ink on the recently ratified Constitution was barely dry when George Washington began the
trek from his Mount Vernon plantation to the national capital at New York. The public reverence usually
accorded to royalty was on display throughout the weeklong trip, including a laurel crown lowered from an arch
of triumph in Philadelphia, rose petals cast in Washington’s path by white-robed girls at Trenton, and a
specially composed ode sung by a chorus of sailors in New York harbor to the tune of “God Save the King.” It
was a rather courtly way to launch a republic.
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When he observed, “I walk on untrodden ground,” Washington was not exaggerating. The opening words of the
Constitution—“We the people of the United States”—expressed a fervent hope rather than a social reality. The
roughly four million settlers spread along the coastline and streaming over the Alleghenies felt their primary
allegiance, to the extent they felt any allegiance at all, to local, state, and regional authorities. No republican
government had ever before exercised control over a population this diffuse or a land mass this large, and the
prevailing assumption among most European pundits of the day was that, to paraphrase Abraham Lincoln’s
later formulation, a nation so conceived and so dedicated could not endure. The central task facing Washington
and the political elite that formed around him was to prove the pundits wrong.
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The numbers above, taken from the first census (1790), in addition to recording the size and distribution of the
American population, also exposed the central dilemma destined to bedevil American politics for the next
seventy years. That, of course, was slavery, which simultaneously contradicted the core principles of the
American Revolution and yet dominated the demography and economy of the states south of the Chesapeake.
Fully a quarter of the American population was African American, 90 percent of them enslaved, and their
numbers were doubling every twenty years. Of all the problems facing the early republic, slavery posed the
greatest threat to the infant American nation.
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And so, with Washington’s silent endorsement, southern delegates in the First Congress, under James
Madison’s adroit management, removed slavery from the federal agenda. In response to two petitions from
Philadelphia Quakers calling for an end to the slave trade and a gradual emancipation to end slavery itself, the
second petition signed by no less than Benjamin Franklin, the House ruled the petitions out of order on the
grounds that slavery was a state matter, thereby defusing the explosive issue for the foreseeable future. The
invention of the cotton gin in 1793 then extended and further imbedded slavery as the labor source in the Cotton
Kingdom of the Deep South.
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The census of 1790 made no mention of the approximately 100,000 American Indians, the vast majority living
in about thirty tribal units between the Alleghenies and the Mississippi. A collision was clearly coming between
these indigenous Americans and the tidal wave of white settlers pouring into the Ohio Valley. At the prompting
of Secretary of War Henry Knox, Washington made a heroic effort to resolve the American Indian dilemma in
accord with republican principles.
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In the summer of 1790 he signed the Treaty of New York with the Creek Nation, which granted the Creeks
sovereign control over the tribal lands in western Georgia and eastern Alabama, guaranteeing them federal
protection from white settlers, who would presumably flow past this Indian enclave. Washington envisioned
this treaty as the model to be followed with the other tribes, creating a series of Native American protectorates
east of the Mississippi that made Indian removal unnecessary.
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But it was not possible to enforce the treaty without the compliance of the state governments and a substantial
increase in the size of the Army, neither of which proved possible. The result was a tragedy of epic proportions,
namely genocide in slow motion.
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The centerpiece of Washington’s domestic program was Alexander Hamilton’s financial plan, passed in three
installments in 1790 and 1791. The flamboyant secretary of the treasury assumed responsibility for paying off
the national debt, estimated at $77.1 million, and rescuing American fiscal policy from the chaos created under
the Articles of Confederation. He proposed funding the national debt at par, assuming all the state debts, then
establishing a national bank, forerunner of the Federal Reserve Board, to manage the economy.
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Consolidating the debt and the fiscal policy at the national level made perfect sense to Hamilton, who presumed
that the Constitution had vested such powers in the executive branch. But opposition to the assumption scheme,
and even more so the National Bank, was fierce. Madison and Jefferson took the lead in declaring that the bank
was unconstitutional and that the whole Hamiltonian program constituted a conspiracy (i.e., “the dreaded
consolidation”) against the agrarian interests of the South.
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At first the Virginians attempted to negotiate with Hamilton, most famously in a bargain, brokered over dinner,
that traded passage of the assumption bill in return for locating the national capital on the Potomac. But after
losing the battle over the bank, Madison and Jefferson went into absolute, though covert, opposition to the
entire Federalist agenda. Jefferson hired the New Jersey journalist and part-time poet Philip Freneau to edit an
opposition newspaper, the National Gazette, which depicted Hamilton’s financial plan as a hostile takeover of
the American Revolution by “monarchists and moneymen” and accused the Federalists of attempting to recreate
just the kind of British tyranny on American soil that the war for independence had supposedly banished.
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This was hyperbolic rhetoric, and the suggestion that George Washington was the second coming of George III
was preposterous. But in 1794, when Washington led thirteen thousand militia to western Pennsylvania to put
down an insurrection by farmers protesting an excise tax on whiskey, both Jefferson and Madison described his
behavior as despotic. The seeds of an organized opposition, soon to call themselves Republicans, were now
planted.
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Claiming to be true defenders of “the spirit of ’76” and denying with utter sincerity that they were members of a
political party despite all the evidence to the contrary, the Republicans regarded any potent exercise of
executive power as evidence of an American monarchy and insisted that the authority to make all domestic
policy resided in the states. The clearest expression of their abiding political convictions came at the end of the
decade in the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions (1798), which located sovereignty in the state and limited
federal authority to foreign policy.
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The chief Republican organ became the Philadelphia-based Aurora, which portrayed Washington as either a
senile accomplice or a willing co-conspirator in the Hamiltonian plot to establish an American monarchy. The
political atmosphere had become charged, utterly toxic, and thoroughly partisan.
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Foreign policy soon became a casualty of the party wars, despite Washington’s best efforts to remain above the
conflict. The central issue was the government’s posture toward the French Revolution, which after a brief
romantic phase was now spiraling toward the blood-soaked guillotine. Despite nostalgic memories of France’s
invaluable assistance in winning American independence, Washington was a rock-ribbed realist immune to
French attachments and ideals. In 1793 he issued the Proclamation of Neutrality, declaring the FrancoAmerican alliance (1778) void and American isolation from Europe in the long-term American interest.
Jefferson argued that American ideals were its interests and that France was now the European embodiment of
those ideals. The Republican press followed Jefferson’s lead and urged mass demonstrations in Philadelphia to
protest Washington’s severance of the French connection.
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Matters came to a head in the debate over Jay’s Treaty (1796), a hard-headed bargain with Great Britain
designed to avoid war and tighten ties with America’s major trading partner. Such a diplomatic partnership with
America’s implacable enemy struck most citizens as untenable, and Republican operatives had a field day
denouncing the treaty as a pact with the Britannic Satan. But despite political machinations by Madison to have
the decisive vote occur in the House rather than the Senate, the treaty passed by a slim majority (51-48), a
tribute to Washington’s towering reputation.
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Perhaps out of frustration, the Aurora launched a smear campaign against the American icon, claiming to have
discovered evidence that Washington had accepted a British bribe during the war and that he had been a British
spy all along. This was an outrageous libel that only exposed how poisonous American politics had become. To
top it off, when Washington announced his decision to retire after two terms, which should have put the lie to
Republican charges of his monarchical intentions, the Aurora urged all Americans “to devoutly pray for his
imminent death.”
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The election of 1796 pitted Jefferson against John Adams. The political etiquette of the era forbad campaigning,
and Jefferson carried the preferred posture of indifference so far as to claim that he did not know he was a
candidate. The election was extremely close (71-68) and sectional, Adams winning the North and Jefferson the
South. In a quirk of the Constitution soon to be corrected, the runner-up Jefferson became vice president,
making him a Trojan horse within the Adams presidency.
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Few presidents in American history began their terms with greater burdens than Adams. In addition to a hostile
vice president, he faced “the shadow of Washington” problem: following the greatest hero of the Revolutionary
era. He also inherited Washington’s Cabinet, a second-tier group whose loyalties belonged to Hamilton.
(Adams misguidedly believed that he lacked the authority to choose his own team, and there were no
precedents.) The Republican press could hardly wait to level its guns on this short, stout, bald, thin-skinned
New Englander, known for emotional mood swings, which were interpreted as evidence of his mental
imbalance, if not insanity. Finally, he entered office with a so-called “quasi-war” raging with France, whose
frigates were scooping up American merchant ships in the Caribbean in retaliation for the British tilt embodied
in Jay’s Treaty.
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On the positive side, Adams was perhaps the best-read student of history in the founding generation. He
recognized that history’s shores were littered with the wreckage of emerging nations that foundered before they
could reach maturity. He believed that Washington’s Farewell Address got it right: unity at home, neutrality
abroad. He committed his presidency to ending the quasi-war with France and allowing the natural advantages
of the United States to grow in splendid isolation from Europe.
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To that end, in 1797 he dispatched a three-man peace delegation to Paris to negotiate a French version of Jay’s
Treaty. He coupled this diplomatic commitment with a buildup of the American Navy, which would enable the
United States to fight a defensive war on the high seas if the negotiations in Paris broke down.
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They quickly did, and in quite spectacular fashion. Talleyrand, the famously unscrupulous French foreign
minister, first refused to receive the American delegation, then sent three anonymous operatives, designated as
X,Y,Z, to demand a bribe of $250,000 as a prerequisite for further negotiations. When word of this blatant
skullduggery reached Philadelphia, Adams chose to keep it confidential, fearing it would provoke a popular
surge in anti-French sentiment that would force the country into unnecessary war.
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That almost happened when the pro-French Republicans, enjoying a two-to-one majority in the House, and
suspecting Adams himself of foul play, pushed through a resolution demanding to see all the dispatches. When
they exposed in excruciating detail the insulting behavior of the French government, popular opinion shifted
overnight. A mob estimated at 10,000 gathered outside the presidential mansion, cheering Adams and chanting
the new battle cry, “Millions for defense, not a cent for tribute.” If Adams had requested a declaration of war at
that moment his popularity would have soared and his re-election been assured.
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Instead, Adams made two decisions, one that placed a permanent stain on his presidency, and another that
virtually assured his defeat in the next election.
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The first decision, which he came to regret in his retirement, was to sign the Alien and Sedition Acts in July of
1798. These infamous statutes were designed to deport or disenfranchise foreign-born residents who were
disposed to support the Republican, pro-French agenda, and make it a crime to publish “any false, scandalous,
malicious writing or writings against the Government of the United States.” The Sedition Act was clearly
intended to silence the barrage of anti-Adams invective pouring out of Republican newspapers like the Aurora.
It was also, just as clearly, a violation of the republican principles enshrined in the First Amendment of the
Constitution. Its sole redeeming feature was to make truth a defense in all libel trials, a legal precedent of
considerable significance.
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The second decision, made in February of 1799, was to send another peace delegation to France. The entire
Federalist leadership in Congress claimed to be “thunderstruck” by the decision and began to circulate rumors
that Adams had lost his mind. Adams, in fact, knew that he was committing political suicide, but when weighed
in the balance against an expensive and unnecessary war with France, the decision was, as Jefferson might put
it, self-evident. If virtue was the watchword of a truly republican government—and it was—Adams had
committed the classic virtuous act.
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The result of the presidential election of 1800 was almost foreordained, given the chasm in the Federalist camp
created by the Adams decision to avoid war with France. Then Aaron Burr’s behind-the-scenes shenanigans in
New York essentially bought New York’s thirteen electoral votes for Jefferson in return for a place on the
ticket. The final tally (73-65) was closer than even Adams had expected. Awkwardly, Jefferson and Burr had
tied, and it required thirty-six contentious ballots in the House of Representatives to make Jefferson the
president. Adoption of the Twelfth Amendment in 1804 allowed electors to designate their choices for president
and vice president separately, so this would not happen again.
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And so as the decade, indeed the century, drew to a close, the first chapter in America’s republican experiment
was ending and a new one beginning, a transition symbolized by the shift of the capital to its Potomac location,
soon to be named Washington. More importantly, power had been transferred from one political party to
another, all done peacefully, even routinely, according to the dictates of the Constitution.
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Jefferson subsequently described his election as “The Revolution of 1800,” but in fact it was the nonrevolutionary character of the transition that mattered most, suggesting as it did continuation of the ongoing
experiment with republican government, an achievement that only a few developing countries over the next two
centuries would be able to replicate. Jefferson gave rhetorical resonance to the abiding consensus in his
inaugural address, declaring “We are all republicans – we are all federalists.” It had been a messy, bitterly
partisan, highly improvisational process, but the center had held.
Joseph J. Ellis, Ford Foundation Professor of History at Mount Holyoke, is the author of Founding Brothers:
The Revolutionary Generation, which received the Pulitzer Prize (2000); and American Creation: Triumphs and
Tragedies of the Republic (2007).
Ellis, J. (2013). The Early Republic. Gilder Lehrman. Retrieved from https://www.gilderlehrman.org/historyby-era/early-republic/essays/early-republic
Day 1
1. What did the author mean when he stated “The opening words of the Constitution—“We the people of the
United States”—expressed a fervent hope rather than a social reality”, according to the Constitution?
2. According to the text, in which way was slavery the greatest threat to the American nation?
3. In which ways, according to the text, did the interpretation of state and federal powers create tensions?
4. What was the author referring to, in the text, when he states, “Foreign policy soon became a casualty of the
party wars, despite Washington’s best efforts to remain above the conflict”?
5. In which ways, were foreign policies in America ironic, after the Constitution, considering the Revolutionary
War?
Day 2
1.
What did the author mean, according to the text, when he stated, “In a quirk of the Constitution soon to
be corrected, the runner-up Jefferson became vice president, making him a Trojan horse within the Adams
presidency”?
2.
Adams “believed that Washington’s Farewell Address got it right: unity at home, neutrality abroad”. What
actions, according to the text, did he take to attempt to accomplish this?
3.
In which ways did the Alien and Sedition Acts in July of 1798, according to the text, stain Adam’s presidency?
4.
In which ways, according to the text, did Adams commit political suicide by sending a second peace
delegation to France?
Transcript of Alien and Sedition Acts (1798)
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FIFTH CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
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At the Second Session,
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Begun and help at the city of Philadelphia, in the state of Pennsylvania, on Monday, the thirteenth of November, one
thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven.
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An Act Concerning Aliens.
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SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress
assembled, That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States at any time during the continuance of this act, to
order all such aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or shall have reasonable
grounds to suspect are concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the government thereof, to depart
out of the territory of the United Slates, within such time as shall be expressed in such order, which order shall be served
on such alien by delivering him a copy thereof, or leaving the same at his usual abode, and returned to the office of the
Secretary of State, by the marshal or other person to whom the same shall be directed. And in case any alien, so ordered
to depart, shall be found at large within the United States after the time limited in such order for his departure, and not
having obtained a license from the President to reside therein, or having obtained such license shall not have conformed
thereto, every such alien shall, on conviction thereof, be imprisoned for a term not exceeding three years, and shall
never after be admitted to become a citizen of the United States. Provided always, and be it further enacted, that if any
alien so ordered to depart shall prove to the satisfaction of the President, by evidence to be taken before such person or
persons as the President shall direct, who are for that purpose hereby authorized to administer oaths, that no injury or
danger to the United Slates will arise from suffering such alien to reside therein, the President may grant a license to
such alien to remain within the United States for such time as he shall judge proper, and at such place as he may
designate. And the President may also require of such alien to enter into a bond to the United States, in such penal sum
as he may direct, with one or more sufficient sureties to the satisfaction of the per- son authorized by the President to
take the same, conditioned for the good behavior of such alien during his residence in the United States, and not
violating his license, which license the President may revoke, whenever he shall think proper .
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SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, whenever he may deem it
necessary (for the public safety, to order to be removed out of the territory thereof, any alien who mayor shall be in
prison in pursuance of this act; and to cause to be arrested and sent out of the United States such of those aliens as shall
have been ordered to depart therefrom and shall not have obtained a license as aforesaid, in all cases where, in the
opinion of the President, the public safety requires a speedy removal. And if any alien so removed or sent out of the
United Slates by the President shall voluntarily return thereto, unless by permission of the President of the United
States, such alien on conviction thereof, shall be imprisoned so long as, in the opinion of the President, the public safety
may require.
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SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That every master or commander of any ship or vessel which shall come into any port
of the United States after the first day of July next, shall immediately on his arrival make report in writing to the collector
or other chief officer of the customs of such port, of all aliens, if any, on board his vessel, specifying their names, age,
the place of nativity, the country from which they shall have come, the nation to which they belong and owe allegiance,
their occupation and a description of their persons, as far as he shall be informed thereof, and on failure, every such
master and commander shall forfeit and pay three hundred dollars, for the payment whereof on default of such master
or commander, such vessel shall also be holden, and may by such collector or other officer of the customs be detained.
And it shall be the duty of such collector or other officer of the customs, forthwith to transmit to the office of the
department of state true copies of all such returns.
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SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That the circuit and district courts of the United States, shall respectively have
cognizance of all crimes and offences against this act. And all marshals and other officers of the United States are
required to execute all precepts and orders of the President of the United States issued in pursuance or by virtue of this
act.
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SEC. 5. And be it further enacted, That it shall be lawful for any alien who may be ordered to be removed from the
United States, by virtue of this act, to take with him such part of his goods, chattels, or other property, as he may find
convenient; and all property left in the United States by any alien, who may be removed, as aforesaid, shall be, and remain subject to his order and disposal, in the same manner as if this act had not been passed.
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SEC. 6. And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue and be in force for and during the term of two years from
the passing thereof.
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Jonathan Dayton, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
TH. Jefferson, Vice President of the United States and President of the Sentate.
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I Certify that this Act did originate in the Sentate.
Attest, Sam. A. Otis, Secretary
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APPROVED, June 25, 1798.
John Adams
President of the United States.
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An Act Respecting Alien Enemies
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SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress
assembled, That whenever there shall be a declared war between the United States and any foreign nation or
government, or any invasion or predatory incursion shall be perpetrated, attempted, or threatened against the territory
of the United States, by any foreign nation or government, and the President of the United States shall make public
proclamation of the event, all natives, citizens, denizens, or subjects of the hostile nation or government, being males of
the age of fourteen years and upwards, who shall be within the United States, and not actually naturalized, shall be
liable to be apprehended, restrained, secured and removed, as alien enemies. And the President of the United States
shall be, and he is hereby authorized, in any event, as aforesaid, by his proclamation thereof, or other public act, to
direct the conduct to be observed, on the part of the United States, towards the aliens who shall become liable, as
aforesaid; the manner and degree of the restraint to which they shall be subject, and in what cases, and upon what
security their residence shall be permitted, and to provide for the removal of those, who, not being permitted to reside
within the United States, shall refuse or neglect to depart therefrom; and to establish any other regulations which shall
be found necessary in the premises and for the public safety: Provided, that aliens resident within the United States,
who shall become liable as enemies, in the manner aforesaid, and who shall not be chargeable with actual hostility, or
other crime against the public safety, shall be allowed, for the recovery, disposal, and removal of their goods and effects,
and for their departure, the full time which is, or shall be stipulated by any treaty, where any shall have been between
the United States, and the hostile nation or government, of which they shall be natives, citizens, denizens or subjects:
and where no such treaty shall have existed, the President of the United States may ascertain and declare such
reasonable time as may be consistent with the public safety, and according to the dictates of humanity and national
hospitality.
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SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That after any proclamation shall be made as aforesaid, it shall be the duty of the
several courts of the United States, and of each state, having criminal jurisdiction, and of the several judges and justices
of the courts of the United States, and they shall be, and are hereby respectively, authorized upon complaint, against
any alien or alien enemies, as aforesaid, who shall be resident and at large within such jurisdiction or district, to the
danger of the public peace or safety, and contrary to the tenor or intent of such proclamation, or other regulations
which the President of the United States shall and may establish in the premises, to cause such alien or aliens to be duly
apprehended and convened before such court, judge or justice; and after a full examination and hearing on such
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complaint. and sufficient cause therefor appearing, shall and may order such alien or aliens to be removed out of the
territory of the United States, or to give sureties of their good behaviour, or to be otherwise restrained, conformably to
the proclamation or regulations which shall and may be established as aforesaid, and may imprison, or otherwise secure
such alien or aliens, until the order which shall and may be made, as aforesaid, shall be performed.
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SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the marshal of the district in which any alien enemy shall be
apprehended, who by the President of the United States, or by order of any court, judge or justice, as aforesaid, shall be
required to depart, and to be removed, as aforesaid, to provide therefor, and to execute such order, by himself or his
deputy, or other discreet person or persons to be employed by him, by causing a removal of such alien out of the
territory of the United States; and for such removal the marshal shall have the warrant of the President of the United
States, or of the court, judge or justice ordering the same, as the case may be.
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APPROVED, July 6, 1798.
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FIFTH CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
At the Second Session,
Begun and help at the city of Philadelphia, in the state of Pennsylvania, on Monday, the thirteenth of November, one
thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven.
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An Act in Addition to the Act, Entitled "An Act for the Punishment of Certain Crimes Against the United States."
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SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress
assembled, That if any persons shall unlawfully combine or conspire together, with intent to oppose any measure or
measures of the government of the United States, which are or shall be directed by proper authority, or to impede the
operation of any law of the United States, or to intimidate or prevent any person holding a place or office in or under
the government of the United States, from undertaking, performing or executing his trust or duty, and if any person or
persons, with intent as aforesaid, shall counsel, advise or attempt to procure any insurrection, riot, unlawful assembly,
or combination, whether such conspiracy, threatening, counsel, advice, or attempt shall have the proposed effect or not,
he or they shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, and on conviction, before any court of the United States
having jurisdiction thereof, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, and by imprisonment during
a term not less than six months nor exceeding five years; and further, at the discretion of the court may be holden to
find sureties for his good behaviour in such sum, and for such time, as the said court may direct.
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SEC. 2. And be it farther enacted, That if any person shall write, print, utter or publish, or shall cause or procure to be
written, printed, uttered or published, or shall knowingly and willingly assist or aid in writing, printing, uttering or
publishing any false, scandalous and malicious writing or writings against the government of the United States, or either
house of the Congress of the United States, or the President of the United States, with intent to defame the said
government, or either house of the said Congress, or the said President, or to bring them, or either of them, into
contempt or disrepute; or to excite against them, or either or any of them, the hatred of the good people of the United
States, or to stir up sedition within the United States, or to excite any unlawful combinations therein, for opposing or
resisting any law of the United States, or any act of the President of the United States, done in pursuance of any such
law, or of the powers in him vested by the constitution of the United States, or to resist, oppose, or defeat any such law
or act, or to aid, encourage or abet any hostile designs of any foreign nation against United States, their people or
government, then such person, being thereof convicted before any court of the United States having jurisdiction
thereof, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding two thousand dollars, and by imprisonment not exceeding two years.
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SEC. 3. And be it further enacted and declared, That if any person shall be prosecuted under this act, for the writing or
publishing any libel aforesaid, it shall be lawful for the defendant, upon the trial of the cause, to give in evidence in his
defence, the truth of the matter contained in publication charged as a libel. And the jury who shall try the cause, shall
have a right to determine the law and the fact, under the direction of the court, as in other cases.
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SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue and be in force until the third day of March, one thousand
eight hundred and one, and no longer: Provided, that the expiration of the act shall not prevent or defeat a prosecution
and punishment of any offence against the law, during the time it shall be in force.
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Jonathan Dayton, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
Theodore Sedgwick, President of the Sentate pro tempore.
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I Certify that this Act did originate in the Sentate.
Attest, Sam. A. Otis, Secretary
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APPROVED, July 14, 1798
John Adams
President of the United States.
Resources:
Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798. (2013). Our Documents. Retrieved from http://www.ourdocuments
q.gov/doc.php?doc=16&page=transcript
Day 1
1.
In what ways do lines eighteen to forty four of the text solidify American foreign policy during 1798?
2.
According to the text, what was the major intention of the Alien and Sedition acts?
3.
In which way did foreign policy, at the time, influence the passing of the Alien and Sedition acts, according to
the texts studied?
4.
Which Constitutional provisions opposed the implantations of these acts, according to the Constitution?
5.
According to the Constitution, which provisions supported the provisions of these acts?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“ Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)”
Week 7
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
In which ways were Jefferson and Hamilton’s ideologies demonstrative of unresolved issues that led to the Civil War?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Escheat
Jefferson's Opinion on the Constitutionality of a National Bank :
Paramount
1791
Construed
Hamilton's Opinion as to the Constitutionality of the Bank of the
Susceptible
United States : 1791
Enumerated
ad libitum
Solicitude
Axiom
Incumbent
Elucidation
Nugatory
Palpable
Jurisprudence
Subverted
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.2.d
Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)
Week 7 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore unresolved issues of
state and national power, which inevitably led to the civil war. These issues are exemplified in the Jefferson and Hamilton
debate over the creation of a national bank. Jefferson feared that the creation of a national bank would exceed the powers
of the Constitution, which were given to the federal government. Essentially, Jefferson believed that it was not wise to
overuse these powers, because these powers were granted to the states and states should have the authority to make
decisions. Hamilton, however, believed that it was the duty of the federal government to establish a national bank,
because these powers were implied by the Constitution. He believed in strong national power and that the states were the
property of the federal government. Hamilton believed that the national bank was important in the preservation of the
United States and that it would only benefit the states. Once again the issue of power, which led to the Revolutionary War,
was leading to a Civil War.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore how
the struggle of power, which led to the Revolutionary War, was unresolved by the creation of the Constitution. Students
will need to consider the emotional context of words and how diction (word choice) affects an author’s message. When
combined with writing about the passage and teacher feedback, students will form a deeper understanding of how
federalist and anti-federalists ideals, which would lead to the Civil War, resembled power struggles that led to the
Revolutionary War.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1-123 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1- 302 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 302- 742 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: In
which way does the Jefferson and Hamilton conflict over the creation of a national bank exemplify unresolved issues from
the Revolutionary War?
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Jefferson's Opinion on the Constitutionality of a National Bank : 1791
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The bill for establishing a National Bank undertakes among other things:
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1. To form the subscribers into a corporation.
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2. To enable them in their corporate capacities to receive grants of land; and so far is against the laws of
Mortmain.(1)
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3. To make alien subscribers capable of holding lands, and so far is against the laws of Alienage.
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4. To transmit these lands, on the death of a proprietor, to a certain line of successors; and so far changes the
course of Descents.
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5. To put the lands out of the reach of forfeiture or escheat, and so far is against the laws of Forfeiture and
Escheat.
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6. To transmit personal chattels to successors in a certain line and so far is against the laws of Distribution.
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7. To give them the sole and exclusive right of banking under the national authority; and so far is against the
laws of Monopoly.
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8. To communicate to them a power to make laws paramount to the laws of the States; for so they must be
construed, to protect the institution from the control of the State legislatures, and so, probably, they will be
construed.
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I consider the foundation of the Constitution as laid on this ground: That " all powers not delegated to the
United States, by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States or to the people."
[XIIth amendment.] To take a single step beyond the boundaries thus specially drawn around the powers of
Congress, is to take possession of a boundless field of power, no longer susceptible of any definition.
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The incorporation of a bank, and the powers assumed by this bill, have not, in my opinion, been delegated to the
United States, by the Constitution.
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I They are not among the powers specially enumerated: for these are: 1st A power to lay taxes for the purpose
of paying the debts of the United States; but no debt is paid by this bill, nor any tax laid. Were it a bill to raise
money, its origination in the Senate would condemn it by the Constitution.
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2. "To borrow money." But this bill neither borrows money nor ensures the borrowing it. The proprietors of the
bank will be just as free as any other money holders, to lend or not to lend their money to the public. The
operation proposed in the bill first, to lend them two millions, and then to borrow them back again, cannot
change the nature of the latter act, which will still be a payment, and not a loan, call it by what name you please.
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3. To "regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the States, and with the Indian tribes." To erect a
bank, and to regulate commerce, are very different acts. He who erects a bank, creates a subject of commerce in
its bills, so does he who makes a bushel of wheat, or digs a dollar out of the mines; yet neither of these persons
regulates commerce thereby. To make a thing which may be bought and sold, is not to prescribe regulations for
buying and selling. Besides, if this was an exercise of the power of regulating commerce, it would be void, as
extending as much to the internal commerce of every State, as to its external. For the power given to Congress
by the Constitution does not extend to the internal regulation of the commerce of a State, (that is to say of the
commerce between citizen and citizen,) which remain exclusively with its own legislature; but to its external
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commerce only, that is to say, its commerce with another State, or with foreign nations, or with the Indian
tribes. Accordingly the bill does not propose the measure as a regulation of trace, but as `' productive of
considerable advantages to trade." Still less are these powers covered by any other of the special enumerations.
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II. Nor are they within either of the general phrases, which are the two following:
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1. To lay taxes to provide for the general welfare of the United States, that is to say, "to lay taxes for the
purpose of providing for the general welfare." For the laying of taxes is the power, and the general welfare the
purpose for which the power is to be exercised. They are not to lay taxes ad libitum for any purpose they please;
but only to pay the debts or provide for the welfare of the Union. In like manner, they are not to do anything
they please to provide for the general welfare, but only to lay taxes for that purpose. To consider the latter
phrase, not as describing the purpose of the first, but as giving a distinct and independent power to do any act
they please, which might be for the good of the Union, would render all the preceding and subsequent
enumerations of power completely useless.
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It would reduce the whole instrument to a single phrase, that of instituting a Congress with power to do
whatever would be for the good of the United States; and, as they would be the sole judges of the good or evil,
it would be also a power to do whatever evil they please.
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It is an established rule of construction where a phrase will bear either of two meanings, to give it that which
will allow some meaning to the other parts of the instrument, and not that which would render all the others
useless. Certainly no such universal power was meant to be given them. It was intended to lace them up straitly
within the enumerated powers, and those without which, as means, these powers could not be carried into
effect. It is known that the very power now proposed as a means was rejected as an end by the Convention
which formed the Constitution. A proposition was made to them to authorize Congress to open canals, and an
amendatory one to empower them to incorporate. But the whole was rejected, and one of the reasons for
rejection urged in debate was, that then they would have a power to erect a bank, which would render the great
cities, where there were prejudices and jealousies on the subject, adverse to the reception of the Constitution.
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2. The second general phrase is, "to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the
enumerated powers." But they can all be carried into execution without a bank. A bank therefore is not
necessary, and consequently not authorized by this phrase.
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If has been urged that a bank will give great facility or convenience in the collection of taxes, Suppose this were
true: yet the Constitution allows only the means which are "necessary," not those which are merely
"convenient" for effecting the enumerated powers. If such a latitude of construction be allowed to this phrase as
to give any non-enumerated power, it will go to everyone, for there is not one which ingenuity may not torture
into a convenience in some instance or other, to some one of so long a list of enumerated powers. It would
swallow up all the delegated powers, and reduce the whole to one power, as before observed. Therefore it was
that the Constitution restrained them to the necessary means, that is to say, to those means without which the
grant of power would be nugatory
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But let us examine this convenience and see what it is. The report on this subject, page 3, states the only general
convenience to be, the preventing the transportation and re-transportation of money between the States and the
treasury, (for I pass over the increase of circulating medium, ascribed to it as a want, and which, according to
my ideas of paper money, is clearly a demerit.) Every State will have to pay a sum of tax money into the
treasury; and the treasury will have to pay, in every State, a part of the interest on the public debt, and salaries to
the officers of government resident in that State. In most of the States there will still be a surplus of tax money
to come up to the seat of government for the officers residing there. The payments of interest and salary in each
State may he made by treasury orders on the State collector. This will take up the greater part of the money he
has collected in his State, and consequently prevent the great mass of it from being drawn out of the State. If
there be a balance of commerce in favor of that State against the one in which the government resides, the
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surplus of taxes will be remitted by the bills of exchange drawn for that commercial balance. And so it must be
if there was a bank. But if there be no balance of commerce, either direct or circuitous, all the banks in the
world could not bring up the surplus of taxes, but in the form of money. Treasury orders then, and bills of
exchange may prevent the displacement of the main mass of the money collected, without the aid of any bank;
and where these fail, it cannot be prevented even with that aid.
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Perhaps, indeed, bank bills may be a more convenient vehicle than treasury orders. But a little difference in the
degree of convenience cannot constitute the necessity which the Constitution makes the ground for assuming
any non-enumerated power.
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Besides, the existing banks will, without a doubt, enter into arrangements for lending their agency, and the more
favorable, as there will be a competition among them for it; whereas the bill delivers us up bound to the national
bank, who are free to refuse all arrangement, but on their own terms, and the public not free, on such refusal, to
employ any other bank. That of Philadelphia I believe, now does this business, by their post-notes, which, by an
arrangement with the treasury, are paid by any State collector to whom they are presented. This expedient alone
suffices to prevent the existence of that necessity which may justify the assumption of a non-enumerated power
as a means for carrying into effect an enumerated one. The thing may be done, and has been done, and well
done, without this assumption, therefore it does not stand on that degree of necessity which can honestly justify
it.
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It may be said that a bank whose bills would have a currency all over the States, would be more convenient than
one whose currency is limited to a single State. So it would be still more convenient that there should be a bank,
whose bills should have a currency all over the world. But it does not follow from this superior conveniency,
that there exists anywhere a power to establish such a bank; or that the world may not go on very well without
it.
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Can it be thought that the Constitution intended that for a shade or two of convenience, more or less, Congress
should be authorized to break down the most ancient and fundamental laws of the several States; such as those
against Mortmain, the laws of Alienage, the rules of descent, the acts of distribution, the laws of escheat and
forfeiture, the laws of monopoly? Nothing but a necessity invincible by any other means, can justify such a
prostitution of laws, which constitute the pillars of our whole system of jurisprudence. Will Congress be too
strait-laced to carry the Constitution into honest effect, unless they may pass over the foundation-laws of the
State government for the slightest convenience of theirs ?
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The negative of the President is the shield provided by the Constitution to protect against the invasions of the
legislature: 1. The right of the Executive. 2. Of the Judiciary. 3. Of the States and State legislatures. The present
is the case of a right remaining exclusively with the States, and consequently one of those intended by the
Constitution to be placed under its protection,
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It must be added, however, that unless the President's mind on a view of everything which is urged for and
against this bill, is tolerably clear that it is unauthorized by the Constitution; if the pro and the con hang so even
as to balance his judgment, a just respect for the wisdom of the legislature would naturally decide the balance in
favor of their opinion. It is chiefly for cases where they are clearly misled by error, ambition, or interest, that the
Constitution has placed a check in the negative of the President.
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(1) Though the Constitution controls the laws of Mortmain so far as to permit Congress itself to hold land
for certain purposes, yet not so far as to permit them to communicate a similar right to other corporate
bodies.-T.
Jefferson's Opinion on the Constitutionality of a National Bank. (1791). Yale Law School Lillian
Goldman Law Library. Retrieved from http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/bank-tj.asp
Day 1
1.
2.
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5.
In your own words, what did Jefferson mean when he stated, “To communicate to them a power
to make laws paramount to the laws of the States; for so they must be construed, to protect the
institution from the control of the State legislatures, and so, probably, they will be construed”,
according to the text?
What did the author mean, according to the text, when he stated, “I consider the foundation of
the Constitution as laid on this ground: That " all powers not delegated to the United States, by
the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States or to the people."
[XIIth amendment.] To take a single step beyond the boundaries thus specially drawn around the
powers of Congress, is to take possession of a boundless field of power, no longer susceptible of
any definition”?
The Constitution grants National power to "regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among
the States, and with the Indian tribes". What argument does Jefferson use to oppose the use of
this statement in the Constitution for the creation of a national bank, according to the text?
Jefferson states, “To consider the latter phrase, not as describing the purpose of the first, but as
giving a distinct and independent power to do any act they please, which might be for the good
of the Union, would render all the preceding and subsequent enumerations of power completely
useless”. According to lines forty two to ninety two of the text, what is he referring to?
What does Jefferson mean when he states, “The negative of the President is the shield provided
by the Constitution to protect against the invasions of the legislature: 1. The right of the
Executive. 2. Of the Judiciary. 3. Of the States and State legislatures. The present is the case of a
right remaining exclusively with the States, and consequently one of those intended by the
Constitution to be placed under its protection”, according to the text?
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Hamilton's Opinion as to the Constitutionality of the Bank of the United States : 1791
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The Secretary of the Treasury having perused with attention the papers containing the opinions of the Secretary
of State and Attorney General, concerning the constitutionality of the bill for establishing a National Bank,
proceeds, according to the order of the President, to submit the reasons which have induced him to entertain a
different opinion.
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It will naturally have been anticipated, that in performing this task, he would feel uncommon solicitude.
Personal considerations alone, arising from the reflection that the measure originated with him, would be
sufficient to produce it. The sense which he has manifested of the great importance of such an institution to the
successful administration of the department under his particular care, and an expectation of serious ill
consequences to result from a failure of the measure, do not permit him to be without anxiety on public
accounts. But the chief solicitude arises from a firm persuasion, that principles of construction like those
espoused by the Secretary of State and Attorney General, would be fatal to the just and indispensable authority
of the United States.
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In entering upon the argument, it ought to be premised that the objections of the Secretary of State and Attorney
General are founded on a general denial of the authority of the United States to erect corporations. The latter,
indeed, expressly admits, that if there be anything in the bill which is not warranted by the Constitution, it is the
clause of incorporation.
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Now it appears to the Secretary of the Treasury that this general principle is inherent in the very definition of
government, and essential to every step of progress to be made by that of the United States, namely: That every
power vested in a government is in its nature sovereign, and includes, by force of the term, a right to employ all
the means requisite and fairly applicable to the attainment of the ends of such power, and which are not
precluded by restrictions and exceptions specified in the Constitution, or not immoral, or not contrary to the
essential ends of political society.
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This principle, in its application to government in general, would be admitted as an axiom; and it will be
incumbent upon those who may incline to deny it, to prove a distinction, and to show that a rule which, in the
general system of things, is essential to the preservation of the social order, is inapplicable to the United States.
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The circumstance that the powers of sovereignty are in this country divided between the National and State
governments, does not afford the distinction required. It does not follow from this, that each of the portion of
powers delegated to the one or to the other, is not sovereign with regard to its proper objects. It will only follow
from it, that each has sovereign power as to certain things, and not as to other things. To deny that the
government of the United States has sovereign power, as to its declared purposes and trusts, because its power
does not extend to all cases would be equally to deny that the State governments have sovereign power in any
case, because their power does not extend to every case. The tenth section of the first article of the Constitution
exhibits a long list of very important things which they may not do. And thus the United States would furnish
the singular spectacle of a political society without sovereignty, or of a people governed, without government.
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If it would be necessary to bring proof to a proposition so clear, as that which affirms that the powers of the
federal government, as to its objects, were sovereign, there is a clause of its Constitution which would be
decisive. It is that which declares that the Constitution, and the laws of the United States made in pursuance of
it, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority, shall be the serene law of the land. The
power which can create the supreme law of the land in any case, is doubtless sovereign as to such case.
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This general and indisputable principle puts at once an end to the abstract question, whether the United States
have power to erect a corporation; that is to say, to give a legal or artificial capacity to one or more persons,
distinct from the natural. For it is unquestionably incident to sovereign power to erect corporations, and
consequently to that of the United States, in relation to the objects intrusted to the management of the
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government. The difference is this: where the authority of the government is general, it can create corporations
in ad cases, where it is confined to certain branches of legislation, it can create corporations only in those cases.
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Here then, as far as concerns the reasonings of the Secretary of State and the Attorney General, the affirmative
of the constitutionality of the bill might be permitted to rest. It will occur to the President, that the principle here
advanced has been untouched by either of them.
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For a more complete elucidation of the point, nevertheless, the arguments which they had used against the
power of the government to erect corporations, however foreign they are to the great and fundamental rule
which has been stated, shall be particularly examined. And after showing that they do not tend to impair its
force, it shall also be shown that the power of incorporation, incident to the government in certain cases, does
fairly extend to the particular case which is the object of the bill.
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The first of these arguments is, that the foundation of the Constitution is laid on this ground: " That all powers
not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited to it by the States, are reserved for the
States, or to the people." Whence it is meant to be inferred, that Congress can in no case exercise any power not
Included in those not enumerated in the Constitution. And it is affirmed, that the power of erecting a corporation
is not included in any of the enumerated powers.
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The main proposition here laid down, in its true signification is not to be questioned. It is nothing more than a
consequence of this republican maxim, that all government is a delegation of power. But how much is delegated
in each case, is a question of fact, to be made out by fair reasoning and construction, upon the particular
provisions of the Constitution, taking as guides the general principles and general ends of governments.
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It is not denied that there are implied well as express powers, and that the former are as effectually delegated as
the tatter. And for the sake of accuracy it shall be mentioned, that there is another class of powers, which may
be properly denominated resting powers. It will not be doubted, that if the United States should make a conquest
of any of the territories of its neighbors, they would possess sovereign jurisdiction over the conquered territory.
This would be rather a result, from the whole mass of the powers of the government, and from the nature of
political society, than a consequence of either of the powers specially enumerated.
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But be this as it may, it furnishes a striking illustration of the general doctrine contended for; it shows an
extensive case in which a power of erecting corporations is either implied in or would result from, some or all
of the powers vested in the national government. The jurisdiction acquired over such conquered country would
certainly be competent to any species of legislation.
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To return: It is conceded that implied powers are to be considered as delegated equally with express ones. Then
it follows, that as a power of erecting a corporation may as well be implied as any other thing, it may as well be
employed as an instrument or mean of carrying into execution any of the specified powers, as any other
instrument or mean whatever. The only question must be in this, as in every other case, whether the mean to be
employed or in this instance, the corporation to be erected, has a natural relation to any of the acknowledged
objects or lawful ends of the government. Thus a corporation may not be erected by Congress for
superintending the police of the city of Philadelphia, because they are not authorized to regulate the police of
that city. But one may be erected in relation to the collection of taxes, or to the trade with foreign countries, or
to the trade between the States, or with the Indian tribes; because it is the province of the federal government to
regulate those objects, and because it is incident to a general sovereign or legislative power to regulate a thing,
to employ all the means which relate to its regulation to the best and greatest advantage.
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A strange fallacy seems to have crept into the manner of thinking and reasoning upon the subject. Imagination
appears to have been unusually busy concerning it. An incorporation seems to have been regarded as some great
independent substantive thing; as a political end of peculiar magnitude and moment; whereas it is truly to be
considered as a quality, capacity, or mean to an end. Thus a mercantile company is formed, with a certain
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capital, for the purpose of carrying on a particular branch of business. Here the business to be prosecuted is the
end. The association, in order to form the requisite capital, is the primary mean. Suppose that an incorporation
were added to this, it would only be to add a new quality to that association, to give it an artificial capacity, by
which it would be enabled to prosecute the business with more safety and convenience.
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That the importance of the power of incorporation has been exaggerated, leading to erroneous conclusions, will
further appear from tracing it to its origin. The Roman law is the source of it, according to which a voluntary
association of individuals, at any tome, or for any purpose, was capable of producing it. In England, whence our
notions of it are immediately borrowed, it forms part of the executive authority, and the exercise of it has been
often delegated by that authority. Whence, therefore, the ground of the supposition that it lies beyond the reach
of all those very important portions of sovereign power, legislative as well as executive, which belongs to the
government of the United States.
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To this mode of reasoning respecting the right of employing all the means requisite to the execution of the
specified powers of the government, it is objected, that none but necessary and proper means are to be
employed; and the Secretary of State maintains, that no means are to be considered as necessary but those
without which the grant of the power would be nugatory. Nay, so far does he go in his restrictive interpretation
of the word, as even to make the case of necessity which shall warrant the constitutional exercise of the power
to depend on casual and temporary circumstances; an idea which alone refutes the construction. The expediency
of exercising a particular power, at a particular time, must, indeed depend on circumstances, but the
constitutional right of exercising it must be uniform and invariable, the same to-day as to-morrow.
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All the arguments, therefore, against the constitutionality of the bill derived from the accidental existence of
certain State banks, institutions which happen to exist to-day, and, for aught that concerns the government of the
United States, may disappear tomorrow, must not only be rejected as fallacious, but must be viewed as
demonstrative that there is a radical source of error in the reasoning.
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It is essential to the being of the national government, that so erroneous a conception of the meaning of the
word necessary should be exploded.
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It is certain that neither the grammatical nor popular sense of the term requires that construction. According to
both, necessary often means no more than needful, requisite, incidental, useful, or conducive to. It is a common
mode of expression to say, that it is necessary for a government or a person to do this or that thing, when
nothing more is intended or understood, than that the interests of the government or person require, or will be
promoted by, the doing of this or that thing. The imagination can be at no loss for exemplifications of the use of
the word in this sense. And it is the true one in which it is to be understood as used in the Constitution. The
whole turn of the clause containing it indicates, that it was the intent of the Convention, by that clause, to give a
liberal latitude to the exercise of the specified powers. The expressions have peculiar comprehensiveness. They
are thought to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all
other powers vested by the Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer
thereof."
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To understand the word as the Secretary of State does, would be to depart from its obvious and popular sense,
and to give it a restrictive operation, an idea never before entertained. It would be to give it the same force as if
the word absolutely or indispensably had been prefixed to it.
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Such a construction would beget endless uncertainty and embarrassment. The cases must be palpable and
extreme, in which it could be pronounced, with certainty, that a measure was absolutely necessary, or one,
without which, the exercise of a given power would be nugatory. There are few measures of any government
which would stand so severe a test. To insist upon it, would be to make the criterion of the exercise of any
implied power, a case of extreme necessity; which is rather a rule to justify the overleaping of the bounds of
constitutional authority, than to govern the ordinary exercise of it.
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It may be truly said of every government, as well as of that of the United States, that it has only a right to pass
such laws as are necessary and proper to accomplish the objects intrusted to it. For no government has a right to
do merely what it pleases. Hence, by a process of reasoning similar to that of the Secretary of State, it might be
proved that neither of the State governments has a right to incorporate a bank. It might be shown that all the
public business of the state could be performed without a bank, and inferring thence that it was unnecessary, it
might be argued that it could not be done, because it is against the rule which has been just mentioned. A like
mode of reasoning would prove that there was no power to incorporate the inhabitants of a town, with a view to
a more perfect police. For it is certain that an incorporation may be dispensed with, though it is better to have
one. It is to be remembered that there is no express power in any State constitution to erect corporations.
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The degree in which a measure is necessary, can never be a test of the legal right to adopt it; that must be a
matter of opinion, and can only be a test of expediency. The relation between the measure and the end; between
the nature of the mean employed toward the execution of a power, and the object of that power must be the
criterion of constitutionality, not the more or less of necessity or utility.
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The practice of the government is against the rule of construction advocated by the Secretary of State. Of this,
the Act concerning lighthouses, beacons, buoys, and public piers, is a decisive example. This, doubtless, must
be referred to the powers of regulating trade, and is fairly relative to it. But it cannot be affirmed that the
exercise of that power in this instance was strictly necessity or that the power itself would be nugatory, with out
that of regulating establishments of this nature.
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This restrictive interpretation of the word necessary is also contrary to this sound maxim of construction,
namely, that the powers contained in a constitution of government, especially those which concern the general
administration of the affairs of a country, its finances, trade, defense, etc., ought to be construed liberally in
advancement of the public good. This rule does not depend on the particular form of a government, or on the
particular demarcation of the boundaries of its powers, but on the nature and object of government itself. The
means by which national exigencies are to be provided for, national inconveniences obviated, national
prosperity promoted, are of such infinite variety, extent, and complexity, that there must of necessity be great
latitude of discretion in the selection and application of those means. Hence, consequently, the necessity and
propriety of exercising the authorities intrusted to a government on principles of liberal construction.
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The Attorney General admits the rule, but takes a distinction between a State and the Federal Constitution. The
latter, he thinks, ought to be construed with greater strictness, because there is more danger of error in defining
partial than General powers. But the reason of the rule forbids such a distinction. This reason is, the variety and
extent of public exigencies, a far greater proportion of which, and of a far more critical kind, are objects of
National than of State administration. The greater danger of error, as far as it is supposable, may be a prudential
reason for caution in practice, but it cannot be a rule of restrictive interpretation.
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In regard to the clause of the Constitution immediately under consideration, it is admitted by the Attorney
General, that no restrictive effect can be ascribed to it. He defines the word necessary thus: ``To be necessary is
to be incidental, and may be denominated the natural means of executing a power."
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But while on the one hand the construction of the Secretary of State is deemed inadmissible, it will not be
contended, on the other, that the clause in question gives any new or independent power. But it gives an explicit
sanction to the doctrine of implied powers, and is equivalent to an admission of the proposition that the
government, as to its specified powers and objects, has plenary and sovereign authority, in some cases
paramount to the States; in others, co-ordinate with it. For such is the plain import of the declaration, that it may
pass all tams necessary and proper to carry into execution those powers.
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It is no valid objection to the doctrine to say, that it is calculated to extend the power of the government
throughout the entire sphere of State legislation. The same thing has been said, and may be said, with regard to
every exercise of power by implication or construction.
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The moment the literal meaning is departed from, there is a chance of error and abuse. And yet an adherence to
the letter of its powers would at once arrest the motions of government. It is not only agreed, on all hands, that
the exercise of constructive powers is indispensable, but every act which has been passed, is more or less an
exemplification of it. One has been already mentioned that relating to lighthouses, etc. that which declares the
power of the President to remove officers at pleasure, acknowledges the same truth in another and a signal
instance.
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The truth is, that difficulties on this point are inherent in the nature of the Federal Constitution; they result
inevitably from a division of the legislative power. The consequence of this division is, that there will be cases
clearly within the power of the national government; others, clearly without its powers; and a third class, which
will leave room for controversy and difference of opinion, and concerning which a reasonable latitude of
judgment must be allowed.
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But the doctrine which is contended for is not chargeable with the consequences imputed to it. It does not affirm
that the national government is sovereign in all respects, but that it is sovereign to a certain extent; that is, to the
extent of the objects of its specified powers.
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It leaves, therefore, a criterion of what is constitutional, and of what is not so. This criterion is the end, to which
the measure relates as a mean. If the end be clearly comprehended within any of the specified powers, and if the
measure have an obvious relation to that end, and is not forbidden by any particular provision of the
Constitution, it may safely be deemed to come within the compass of the national authority. There is also this
further criterion, which may materially assist the decision: Does the proposed measure abridge a pre-existing
right of any State or of any individual ? If it does not, there is a strong presumption in favor of its
constitutionality, and slighter relations to any declared object of the Constitution may be permitted to turn the
scale.
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The general objections, which are to be inferred from the reasonings of the Secretary of State and Attorney
General, to the doctrine which has been advanced, have been stated, and it is hoped satisfactorily answered,
Those of a more particular nature shall now be examined.
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The Secretary of State introduces his opinion with an observation, that the proposed incorporation undertakes to
create certain capacities, properties, or attributes, which are against the laws of alienage, descents, escheat and
forfeiture, distribution and monopoly, and to confer a power to make laws paramount to those of the States. And
nothing, says he, in another place, but necessity, invincible by other means, can justify such a prostration of
laws, which constitute the pillars of our whole system of jurisprudence, and are the foundation laws of the State
governments. If these are truly the foundation laws of the several States, then have most of them subverted their
own foundations. For there is scarcely one of them which has not, since the establishment of its particular
constitution, made material alterations in some of those branches of its jurisprudence, especially the law of
descents. But it is not conceived how anything can be called the fundamental law of a State government which
is not established in its constitution unalterable by the ordinary legislature. And, with regard to the question of
necessity, it has been shown that this can only constitute a question of expediency, not of right.
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To erect a corporation, is to substitute a legal or artificial for a natural person, and where a number are
concerned, to give them individuality. To that legal or artificial person, once created, the common law of every
State, of itself, annexes all those incidents and attributes which are represented as a prostration of the main
pillars of their jurisprudence.
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It is certainly not accurate to say, that the erection of a corporation is against those different head's of the State
laws; because it is rather to create a kind of person or entity, to which they are inapplicable, and to which the
general rule of those laws assign a different regimen. The laws of alienage cannot apply to an artificial person,
because it can have no country; those of descent cannot apply to it, because it can have no heirs; those of
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escheat are foreign from it, for the same reason; those of forfeiture, because it cannot commit a crime; those of
distribution, because, though it may be dissolved, it cannot die.
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As truly might it be said, that the exercise of the power of prescribing the rule by which foreigners shall be
naturalized, is against the law of alienage, while it is, in fact, only to put them in a situation to cease to be the
subject of that law. To do a thing which Is against a law, is to do something which it forbids, or which is a
violation of it.
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But if it were even to be admitted that the erection of a corporation is a direct alteration of the state laws, in the
enumerated particulars, it would do nothing toward proving that the measure was unconstitutional. If the
government of the United States can do no act which amounts to an alteration of a State law, all its powers are
nugatory; for almost every new law is an alteration, in same way or other, of an old law, either common or
statute.
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There are laws concerning bankruptcy in some States. Some States have laws regulating the values of foreign
coins. Congress are empowered to establish uniform laws concerning bankruptcy throughout the United States,
and to regulate the values of foreign coins. The exercise of either of these powers by Congress, necessarily
involves an alteration of the laws of those States.
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Again. Every person, by the common law of each State, may export his property to foreign countries, at
pleasure.: But Congress, in pursuance of the power of regulating trade, may prohibit the exportation of
commodities; in doing which, they would alter the common law of each State, in abridgment of individual right.
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It can therefore never be good reasoning to say this or that act is unconstitutional, because it alters this or that
law of a State. It must be shown that the act which makes the alteration is unconstitutional on other accounts,
not because it makes the alteration.
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There are two points in the suggestions of the Secretary of State, which have been noted, that are peculiarly
incorrect. One is, that the proposed incorporation is against the laws of monopoly, because it stipulates an
exclusive right of banking under the national authority; the other, that it gives power to the institution to make
laws paramount to those of the States.
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But, with regard to the first: The bill neither prohibits any State from erecting as many banks as they please, nor
any number of individuals from associating to carry on the business, and consequently, is free from the charge
of establishing a monopoly; for monopoly implies a legal impediment to the carrying on of the trade by others
than those to whom it is granted.
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And with regard to the second point, there is still less foundation. The by-laws of such an institution as a bank
can operate only on its own members can only concern the disposition of its own property, and must essentially
resemble the rules of a private mercantile partnership. They are expressly not to be contrary to law; and law
must here mean the law of a State, as well as of the United States. There never can be a doubt, that a law of a
corporation, if contrary to a law of a State, must be overruled as void unless the law of the State is contrary to
that of the United States and then the question will not be between the law of the State and that of the
corporation, but between the law of the State and that of the United States.
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Another argument made use of by the Secretary of State is, the rejection of a proposition by the Convention to
empower Congress to make corporations, either generally, or for some special purpose.
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What was the precise nature or extent of this proposition, or what the reasons for refusing it, is not ascertained
by any authentic document, or even by accurate recollection. As far as any such document exists, it specifies
only canals. If this was the amount of it, it would, at most, only prove that it was thought inexpedient to give a
power to incorporate for the purpose of opening canals, for which purpose a special power would have been
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necessary, except with regard to the western territory, there being nothing in any part of the Constitution
respecting the regulation of canals. It must be confessed, however, that very different accounts are given of the
import of the proposition, and of the motives for rejecting it. Some affirm, that it was confined to the opening of
canals and obstructions in rivers, others, that it embraced banks; and others, that it extended to the power of
incorporating generally. Some, again, allege, that it was disagreed to because it was thought improper to vest in
Congress a power of erecting corporations. Others, because it was thought unnecessary to specify the power,
and inexpedient to furnish an additional topic of objection to the Constitution. In this state of the matter, no
inference whatever can be drawn from it.
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But whatever may have been the nature of the proposition, or the reasons for rejecting it, nothing is included by
it, that is the proposition, in respect to the real merits of the question. The Secretary of State will not deny, that,
whatever may have been the intention of the framers of a constitution, or of a law, that intention is to be sought
for in the instrument itself, according to the usual and established rules of construction. Nothing is more
common than for laws to express and elect more or less than was intended. If, then, a power to erect a
corporation in any case be deducible, by fair inference, from the whole or any part of the numerous provisions
of the Constitution of the United States arguments drawn from extrinsic circumstances regarding the in tension
of the Convention must be rejected.
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Most of the arguments of the Secretary of State, which have not been considered in the foregoing remarks, are
of a nature rather to apply to the expediency than to the constitutionality of the bill. They will, however, be
noticed in the discussions which will be necessary in reference to the particular heads of the powers of the
government which are involved in the question.
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Those of the Attorney General will now properly come under view.
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His first objection is, that the power of incorporation is not expressly given to Congress. This shall be conceded,
but in this sense only, that it is not declared in express terms that Congress may erect a corporation. But this
cannot mean, that there are not certain express powers which necessary include it. For instance Congress have
express power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten
miles square) as may, by cession of particular States and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the
government of the United States; and to exercise like authority over all places purchased, by consent of the
legislature of the State in which the same shall be for the erection of forts, arsenals, dock-yards, and other
needful buildings. Here, then, is express power to exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over
certain Ices, that is to do, in respect to those places, all that any government whatsoever may do. For language
does not afford a more complete designation of sovereign power than in those comprehensive terms. It is, in
other words, a power to pass all laws whatsoever, and consequently, to pass laws for erecting corporations, as
well as for any other purpose which is the proper object of law in a free govern meet.
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Surely it can never be believed that Congress, with exclusive powers of legislation in all cases whatsoever,
cannot erect a corporation within the district which shall become the seat of government, for the better
regulation of its police. And yet there is an unqualified denial of the power to erect corporations in every case
on the part both of the Secretary of State and of the Attorney General; the former, indeed, speaks of that power
in these emphatical terms: That it is a right remaining exclusively with the States.
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As far, then, as there is an express power to do any particular act of legislation, there is an express one to erect a
corporation in the case above described. But, accurately speaking, no particular power is more than that implied
in a, general one. Thus the power to lay a duty on a gallon of rum is only a particular implied in the general
power to collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises. This serves to explain in what sense it may be said that
Congress have not an express power to make corporations.
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This may not be an improper place to take notice of an argument which was used in debate in the House of
Representatives. It was there argued, that if the Constitution intended to confer so important a power as that of
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erecting corporations, it would have been expressly mentioned. But the case which has been noticed is clearly
one in which such a power exists, and yet without any specification of express grant of it, further than as every
particular implied in a general power can be said to be so granted.
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But the argument itself is founded upon an exaggerated and erroneous conception of the nature of the power. It
has been shown that it is not of so transcendent a kind as the reasoning supposes, and that, viewed in a just light,
it is a mean which ought to have been left to implication, rather than an end which ought to have been expressly
granted.
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Having observed that the power of erecting corporations is not expressly granted to Congress, the Attorney
General proceeds thus:
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" If it can be exercised by them, it must be
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"1. Because the nature of the federal government implies it.
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"2. Because it is involved in some of the specified powers of legislation.
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" 3. Because it is necessary and proper to carry into execution some of the specified powers."
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To be implied in the nature of the federal government, says he, would beget a doctrine so indefinite as to grasp
every power.
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This proposition, it ought to be remarked, is not precisely, or even substantially, that which has been relied
upon. The proposition relied upon is, that the specified powers of Congress are in their nature sovereign. That it
is incident to sovereign power to erect corporations, and that therefore Congress have a right, within the sphere
and in relation to the objects of their power, to erect corporations. It shall, however, be supposed that the
Attorney General would consider the two propositions in the same light, and that the objection made to the one
would be made to the other.
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To this objection an answer has been already given. It is this, that the doctrine is stated with this express
qualification, that the right to erect corporations does only extend to cases and objects within the sphere of the
specified powers of the government. A general legislative authority implies a power to erect corporations in all
cases. A particular legislative power implies authority to erect corporations in relation to cases arising under
that power only. Hence the affirming that, as incident to sovereign power, Congress may erect a corporation in
relation to the collection of their taxes, is no more to affirm that they may do whatever else they please, than the
saying that they have a power to regulate trade, would be to affirm that they have a power to regulate religion;
or than the maintaining that they have sovereign power as to taxation, would be to maintain that they have
sovereign power as to everything else.
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The Attorney General undertakes in the next place to show, that the power of erecting corporations is not
involved in any of the specified powers of legislation confided to the national government. In order to this, he
has attempted an enumeration of the particulars which he supposes to be comprehended under the several heads
of the Covers to lay and collect taxes, &c.; to borrow money on the credit of the United States, to regulate
commerce with sovereign nations; between the States, and with the Indian tribes, to dispose of and make all
needful rules and regulations respecting the territory of other property belonging to the United States. The
design of which enumeration is to show, what is included under those different heads of power, and negatively,
that the power of erecting corporations is not included.
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The truth of this inference or conclusion must depend on the accuracy of the enumeration. If it can be shown
that the enumeration is defective, the inference is destroyed. To do this will be attended with no difficulty.
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The heads of the power to lay and collect taxes are stated to be:
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1. To stipulate the sum to be lent.
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2. An interest or no interest to be paid.
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3. The time and manner of repaying, unless the loan be placed on an irredeemable fund.
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This enumeration is liable to a variety of objections. It omits in the first place, the pledging or mortgaging of a
fund for the security of the money lent, an usual, and in most cases an essential ingredient.
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The idea of a stipulation of an interest or no interest is too confined. It should rather have been said, to stipulate
the consideration of the loan. Individuals often borrow on considerations other than the payment of interest, so
may governments, and so they often find it necessary to do. Everyone recollects the lottery tickets and other
douceurs often given in Great Britain as collateral inducements to the lending of money to the government.
There are also frequently collateral conditions, which the enumeration does not contemplate. Every contract
which has been made for moneys borrowed in Holland, induces stipulations that the sum due shall bedded from
taxes, and from sequestration in time of war, and mortgages all the land and property of the United States for
the reimbursement.
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It is also known that a lottery is a common expedient for borrowing money, which certainly does not fall under
either of the enumerated heads.
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The heads of the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, are stated to be:
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1. To prohibit them or their commodities from our ports.
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2. To impose duties on them, where none existed before, or to increase existing; duties on them.
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3. To subject them to any species of custom-house regulation.
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4. To grant them any exemptions or privileges which policy may suggest.
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This enumeration is far more exceptionable than either of the former. It omits everything that relates to the
citizens' vessels, or commodities of the United States.
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The following palpable omissions occur at once:
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I Of the power to prohibit the exportation of commodities, which not only exists at all times, but which in time
of war it would be necessary to exercise, particularly with relation to naval and warlike stores
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i. Of the power to prescribe rules concerning the characteristics and privileges of an American bottom, how she
shall be navigated, or whether by citizens or foreigners, or by a proportion of each
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3. Of the power of regulating the manner of contracting with seamen; the police of ships on their voyages, &c.,
of which the Act for the government and regulation of seamen, in the merchants' service, is a specimen.
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That the three preceding articles are omissions, will not be doubted there is a long list of items in addition,
which admit of little, if any question, of which a few samples shall be given.
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1. The granting of bounties to certain kinds of vessels, and certain species of merchandise; of this nature, is the
allowance on dried and pickled fish and salted provisions
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2. The prescribing of rules concerning the inspection of commodities to be exported. Though the States
individually are competent to this regulation, yet there is no reason, in point of authority at least, why a general
system might not be adopted by the United States.
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3. The regulation of policies of insurance; of salvage upon goods found at sea, and the disposition of such
goods.
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4. The regulation of pilots.
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5. The regulation of bills of exchange drawn by a merchant of one State upon a merchant of another State. This
last rather belongs to the regulation of trade between the States, but is equally omitted in the specifications
under that head
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The last enumeration relates to the power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting
the territory or other property belonging to the United States.
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The heads of this power are said to be:
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1. To exert an ownership over the territory of the United States which may be properly called the property of the
United States, as in the western territory, and to institute a government therein, or
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2. To exert an ownership over the other property of the United States.
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The idea of exerting an ownership over the territory or other property of the United States, is particularly
indefinite and vague. It does not at all satisfy the conception of what must have been intended by a power to
make all needful rules and regulations, nor would there have been any use for a special clause, which authorized
nothing more. For the right of exerting an ownership is implied in the very definition of property. It is admitted,
that in regard to the western territory, something more is intended; even the institution of a government, that is,
the creation of a body politic, or corporation of the highest nature; one which, in its maturity, will be able itself
to create other corporations. Why, then, does not the same clause authorize the erection of a corporation, in
respect to the regulation or disposal of any other of the property of the United States.
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This idea will be enlarged upon in another place.
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Hence it appears, that the enumerations which have been attempted by the Attorney General, are so imperfect,
as to authorize no conclusion whatever; they, therefore, have no tendency to disprove that each and every of the
powers, to which they relate, includes that of erecting corporations, which they certainly do, as the subsequent
illustrations will snore and more evince.
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It is presumed to have been satisfactorily shown in the course of the preceding observations:
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1. That the power of the government, as to the objects intrusted to its management, is, in its nature, sovereign.
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2. That the right of erecting corporations is one inherent in, and inseparable from, the idea of sovereign power.
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3. That the position, that the government of the United States can exercise no power, but such as is delegated to
it by its Constitution, does not militate against this principle.
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4. That the word necessary, in the general clause, can have no restrictive operation derogating from the force of
this principle indeed' that the degree in which a measure is or is not necessary cannot be a test of constitutional
right, but of expediency only.
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5. That the power to erect corporations is not to be considered as an independent or substantive power, but as an
incidental and auxiliary one, and was therefore more properly left to implication, than expressly granted.
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6. That the principle in question does not extend the power of the government beyond the prescribed limits,
because it only affirms a power to incorporate for purposes within the sphere of the specified powers.
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And lastly, that the right to exercise such a power in certain cases is unequivocally granted in the most positive
and comprehensive terms. To all which it only remains to be added, that such a power has actually been
exercised in two very eminent instances; namely, in the erection of two governments, one northwest of the
River Ohio, and the other southwest the last independent of any antecedent compact. And these result in a full
and complete demonstration that the Secretary of State and the Attorney General are mistaken when they deny
generally the power of the national government to erect corporations.
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It shall now be endeavored to be shown that there is a power to erect one of the kind proposed by the bill. This
will be done by tracing a natural and obvious relation between the institution of a bank and the objects of
several of the enumerated powers of the government; and by showing that, politically speaking, it is necessary
to the effectual execution of one or more of those powers.
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In the course of this investigation, various instances will be stated, by way of illustration of a right to erect
corporations under those powers.
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Some preliminary observations may be proper.
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The proposed bank is to consist of an association of persons, for the purpose of creating a joint capital, to be
employed chiefly and essentially in loans. So far the object is not only lawful, but it is the mere exercise of a
right which the law allows to every individual. The Bank of New York, which is not incorporated, is an
example of such an association. The bill proposed ill addition that the government shall become a joint
proprietor in this undertaking, and that it shall permit the bills of the company, payable on demand, to be
receivable in its revenues; and stipulates that it shall not grant privileges, similar to those which are to be
allowed to this company, to any others. All this is incontrovertibly within the compass of the discretion of the
government. The only question is, whether it has a right to incorporate this company, in order to enable it the
more effectually to accomplish ends which are in themselves lawful.
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To establish such a right, it remains to show the relation of such an institution to one or more of the specified
powers of the government. Accordingly it is affirmed that it has a relation, more or less direct, to the power of
collecting taxes, to that of borrowing money, to that of regulating trade between the States, and to those of
raising and maintaining fleets and armies. To the two former the relation Nay be said to be immediate; and in
the last place it will be argued, that it is clearly within the provision which authorizes the making of all needful
rules and regulations concerning the property of the United States, as the same has been practiced upon by the
government.
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A bank relates to the collection of taxes in two ways indirectly, by increasing the quantity of circulating
medium and quickening circulation, which facilitates the means of paying directly, by creating a convenient!
species of medium in which they are to be paid.
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To designate or appoint the money or thing in which taxes are to be paid, is not only a proper, but a necessary
exercise of the power of collecting them. Accordingly Congress, in the lava concerning the collection of the
duties on imposts and tonnage, have provided that they shall be paid in gold and silver. But while it was an
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indispensable part of the work to say in what they should be paid, the choice of the specific thing was mere
matter of discretion. The payment might have been required in the commodities themselves. Taxes in kind,
however ill-judged, are not without precedents, even in the United States; or it Night have been in the paper
money of the several States, or in the bills of the Bank of North America, New York and Massachusetts, all or
either of them; or it might have been in bills issued under the authority of the United States.
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No part of this can, it is presumed, be disputed. The appointment, then, of the money or thing in which the taxes
are to be paid, is an incident to the power of collection. And among the expedients which may be adopted, is
that of bills issued under the authority of the United States.
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Now, the manner of issuing these bills is again matter of discretion. The government might doubtless proceed in
the following manner:
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It might provide that they should be issued under the direction of certain officers, payable on demand, and, in
order to support their credit, and give them a ready circulation, it might, besides giving them a currency in its
taxes, set apart, out of any moneys in its treasury, a given sum, and appropriate it, under the direction of those
officers, as a fund for answering the bills, as presented for payment.
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The constitutionality of all this would not admit of a question, and yet it would amount to the institution of a
bank, with a view to the more convenient collection of taxes, For the simplest and most precise idea of a bank
is, a deposit of coin, or other property, as a fund for circulating credit upon it, which is to answer the purpose of
money. That such an arrangement would be equivalent to the establishment of a bank, would become obvious if
the place where the fund to be set apart was kept should be made a receptacle of the moneys of all other persons
who should incline to deposit them there for safe-keeping; and would become still more so, if the officers
charged with the direction of the fund were authorized to make discounts at the usual rate of interest, upon good
security. To deny the power of the government to add these ingredients to the plan, would be to refine away all
government.
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A further process will still more clearly illustrate the point. Suppose, when the species of bank which has been
described was about to be instituted, it was to be urged that, in order to secure to it a due degree of confidence,
the fund ought not only to be set apart and appropriated generally, but ought to be specifically vested in the
officers who were to have the direction of it, and in their successors in office, to the end that it might acquire the
character of private property, incapable of being resumed without a violation of the sanctions by which the
rights of property are protected, and occasioning more serious and general alarm the apprehension of which
might operate as a check upon the government. Such a proposition might be opposed by arguments against the
expedience of it, or the solidity of the reason assigned for it, but it is not conceivable what could be urged
against its constitutionality; and yet such a disposition of the thing would amount to the erection of a
corporation; for the true definition of a corporation seems to be this: It is a legal person, or a person created by
act of law, consisting of one or more natural persons authorized to hold property, or a franchise in succession, in
a legal, as contradistinguished from natural, capacity.
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Let the illustration proceed a step further.. Suppose a bank of the mature which has been described, with or
without incorporation, had been instituted, and that experience had evinced as it probably would, that, being
wholly under a public direction, it possessed not the confidence requisite to the credit of the bills. Suppose, also,
that, by some of those adverse conjunctures which occasionally attend nations, there had been a very great drain
of the specie of the country, so as not only to cause general distress for want of an adequate medium of
circulation, but to produce, in consequence of that circumstance, considerable defalcations in the public
revenues. Suppose, also, that there was no bank instituted in any State; in such a posture of things, would it not
be most manifest, that the incorporation of a bank like that proposed by the bill would be a measure
immediately relative to the effectual collection of the taxes, and completely within the province of the sovereign
power of providing, by all laws necessary and proper, for that collection ? If it be said, that such a state of things
would render that necessary, and therefore constitutional, which is not so now, the answer to this, and a solid
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one it doubtless is, must still be that which has been already stated circumstances may affect the expediency of
the measure, but they can neither add to nor diminish its constitutionality.
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A bank has a direct relation to the power of borrowing money, because it is an usual, and in sudden emergencies
an essential, instrument in the obtaining of loans to government.
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A nation is threatened with a war, large sums are wanted on a sudden to make the requisite preparations. Taxes
are laid for the purpose, but it requires tine to obtain the benefit of them. Anticipation is indispensable. If there
be a bank the supply can at once be had. If there be none, loans from individuals must be sought. The progress
of these is often too slow for the exigency ill some situations they are not practicable at all. Frequently when
they are, it is of great consequence to be able to anticipate the product of them by advance from a bank.
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The essentiality of such an institution as an instrument of loans is exemplified at this very moment. An Indian
expedition is to be prosecuted. The only fund, out of which the money can arise, consistently with the public
engagements, is a tax, which only begins to be collected in July next. The preparations, however, are instantly
to be made. The money must, therefore, be borrowed and of whom could it be borrowed if there were no public
banks ?
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It happens that there are institutions of this kind, but if there were none, it would be indispensable to create one.
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Let it then be supposed that the necessity existed, (as but for a casualty would be the case,) that proposals were
made for obtaining a loan; that a number of individuals came forward and said, we are willing to accommodate
the government with the money; with what we have in hand, and the credit we can raise upon it, we doubt not of
being able to furnish the sum required; but in order to this, it is indispensable that we should be incorporated as
a bank. This is essential toward putting it in our power to do what is desired, and we are obliged on that account
to make it the consideration or condition of the loan.
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Can it be believed that a compliance with this proposition would be unconstitutional ? Does not this alone
evince the contrary ? It is a necessary part of a power to borrow, to be able to stipulate the consideration or
conditions of a loan. It is efficient as has been remarked elsewhere, that this is not confined to the mere
stipulation of a franchise. If it may, and it is not perceived why it may not, then the grant of a corporate capacity
may be stipulated as a consideration of the loan. There seems to be nothing unfit or foreign from the nature of
the thing in giving individuality, or a corporate capacity to a number of persons, who are willing to lend a sum
of money to the government, the better to enable them to do it, and make them an ordinary instrument of loans
in future emergencies of the state. But the more general view of the subject is still more satisfactory. The
legislative power of borrowing money, and of making all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution
that power, seems obviously competent to the appointment of the organ, through which the abilities and wills of
individuals may be roost efficaciously exerted for the accommodation of the government by loans.
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The Attorney General opposes to this reasoning the following observation: "Borrowing money presupposes the
accumulation of a fund to be lent, and is secondary to the creation of an ability to lend." This is plausible in
theory, but is not true in fact. In a great number of cases, a previous accumulation of a fund equal to the whole
sum required does not exist. And nothing more can be actually presupposed, than that there exist resources,
which, put into activity to the greatest advantage by the nature of the operation with the government, will be
equal to the effect desired to be produced. All the provisions and operations of government must be presumed to
contemplate things as they really are.
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The institution of a bank has also a natural relation to the regulation of trade between the States, in so far as it is
conducive to the creation of a convenient medium of exchange between them, and to the keeping up a full
circulation, by preventing the frequent displacement of the metals in reciprocal remittances Money is the very
hinge on which commerce turns. And this does not merely mean gold and silver; many other things have served
the purpose, with different degrees of utility. Paper has been extensively employed.
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It cannot, therefore, be admitted, with the Attorney General, that the regulation of trade between the States, as it
concerns the medium of circulation and exchange, ought to be considered as confined to coin. It is even
supposable that the whole or the greatest part, of the coin of the country might be carried out of it.
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The Secretary of State objects to the relation here insisted upon by the following mode of reasoning: To erect a
bank, says he, and to regulate commerce, are very different acts. He who creates a bank, creates a subject of
commerce, so does he who snakes a bushel of wheat, or digs a dollar out of the Nines, yet neither of these
persons regulates commerce thereby. To make a thing which may be bought and sold, is not to prescribe
regulations for buying and selling.
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This making the regulation of commerce to consist in prescribing rules for buying and selling this, indeed, is a
species of regulation of trade, hut is one which falls more aptly within the province of the local jurisdictions
than within that of the general government, whose care they must be presumed to have been intended to be
directed to those general political arrangements concerning trade on which its aggregated interests depend,
rather than to the details of buying and selling. Accordingly, such only are the regulations to be found in the
laws of the United States whose objects are to give encouragement to the enterprise of our own merchants, and
to advance our navigation and manufactures. And it is in reference to these general relations of commerce, that
an establishment which furnishes facilities to circulation, and a convenient medium of exchange and alienation,
is to be regarded as a regulation of trade.
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The Secretary of State further argues, that if this was a regulation of commerce, it would be void, as extending
as much to the internal commerce of every State as to its external. But what regulation of commerce does not
extend to the internal commerce of every State ? What are all the duties upon imported articles amounting to
prohibitions, but so many bounties upon domestic manufactures, affecting the interests of different classes of
citizens, in different ways? What are all the provisions in the Coasting Acts which relate to the trade between
district and district of the same State? In short, what regulation of trade between the States but must affect the
internal trade of each State? What can operate upon the whole, but must extend to every part ?
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The relation of a bank to the execution of the powers that concern the common defense has been anticipated. It
has been noted, that, at this very moment, the aid of such an institution is essential to the measures to be pursued
for the protection of our frontiers.
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It now remains to show, that the incorporation of a bank is within the operation of the provision which
authorizes Congress to make all needful rules and regulations concerning the property of the United States. But
it is previously necessary to advert to a distinction which has been taken by the Attorney General.
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He admits that the word property may signify personal property, however acquired, and yet asserts that it cannot
signify money arising from the sources of revenue pointed out in the Constitution, " because," says he, " the
disposal and regulation of money is the final cause for raising it by taxes."
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But it would be more accurate to say that the object to which money is intended to be applied is thermal cause
for raising it, than that the disposal and regulation of it is such.
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The support of government - the support of troops for the common defense - the payment of the public debt, are
the true final causes for raising money. The disposition and regulation of it, when raised, are the steps by which
it is applied to tile ends for which it was raised, not the ends themselves. Hence, therefore, the money to be
raised by taxes, as well as any other personal property, must be supposed to come within the meaning, as they
certainly do within the letter, of authority to make all needful rules and regulations concerning the property of
the United States.
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A case will make this plainer. Suppose the public debt discharged, and the funds now pledged for it liberated. In
some instances it would be found expedient to repeal tile taxes; in others, the repeal might injure our own
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industry, our agriculture and manufactures. In these cases they would, of course, be retained. Here, then, would
be moneys arising from the authorized sources of revenue, which would not fall within the rule by which the
Attorney General endeavors to except them from other personal property, and from the operation of the clause
in question. The moneys being in the coffers of government, what is to hinder such a disposition to be made of
them as is contemplated in the bill; or what an incorporation of the parties concerned, under the clause which
has been cited ?
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It is admitted that with regard to the western territory they give a power to erect a corporation that is, to institute
a government; and by what rule of construction can it be maintained, that the same words in a constitution of
government will not have the same effect when applied to one species of property as to another as far as the
subject is capable of it ? Or that a legislative power to make all needful rules and regulations, or to pass all laws
necessary and proper, concerning the public property, which is admitted to authorize an incorporation in one
case, will not authorize it in another ? will justify the institution of a government over the western territory, and
will not justify the incorporation of a bank for the more useful management of the moneys of the United States ?
If it will do the last, as well as the first, then under this provision alone, the bill is constitutional, because it
contemplates that the United States shall be joint proprietors of the stock of the bank.
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There is an observation of the Secretary of State to this effect which may require notice in this place:-Congress,
says he, are not to lay taxes ad libitum, for any purpose they please, but only to pay the debts or provide for the
welfare of the Union. Certainly no inference can be drawn from this against the power of applying their money
for the institution of a bank. It is true that they cannot without breach of trust lay taxes for any other purpose
than the general welfare; but so neither can any other government. The welfare of the community is the only
legitimate end for which money can be raised on the community. Congress can be considered as under only one
restriction which does not apply to other governments, they cannot rightfully apply the money they raise to any
purpose merely or purely local.
615
616
617
618
619
620
621
But, with this exception, they have as large a discretion in relation to the application of money as any legislature
whatever. The constitutional test of a right application must always be, whether it be for a purpose of general or
local nature. If the former, there can be no want of constitutional power. The quality of the object as how far it
will really promote or not the welfare of the Union must be matter of conscientious discretion, and the
arguments for or against a measure in this light must be arguments concerning expediency or inexpediency, not
constitutional right. Whatever relates to the general order of the finances, to the general interests of trade, etc.,
being general objects, are constitutional ones for the Application of money.
622
623
624
625
626
A bank, then, whose bills are to circulate in all the revenues of the country, is evidently a general object, and,
for that very reason, a constitutional one, as far as regards the appropriation of money to it. Whether it will
really be a beneficial one or not, is worthy of careful examination, but is no more a constitutional point, in the
particular referred to, than the question, whether the western lands shall be sold for twenty or thirty cents per
acre.
627
628
629
630
631
A hope is entertained that it has, by this time, been made to appear, to the satisfaction of the President, that a
bank has a natural relation to the power of collecting taxes-to that of regulating trade-to that of providing for the
common defense and that, as the bill under consideration contemplates the government in the light of a joint
proprietor of the stock of the bank, it brings the case within the provision of the clause of the Constitution which
immediately respects the property of the United States.
632
633
634
Under a conviction that such a relation subsists, the Secretary of the Treasury, with all deference, conceives that
it will result as a necessary consequence from the position that all the special powers of government are
sovereign, as to the proper objects
635
636
that the incorporation of a bank is a constitutional measure, and that the objections taken to the bill, in this
respect, are ill-founded.
637
638
639
640
But, from an earnest desire to give the utmost possible satisfaction to the mind of the President, on so delicate
and important a subject, the Secretary of the Treasury will ask his indulgence, while he gives some additional
illustrations of cases in which a power of erecting corporations may be exercised, under some of those heads of
the specified powers of the government, which are alleged to include the right of incorporating a bank.
641
642
643
644
645
i. It does not appear susceptible of a doubt, that if Congress had thought proper to provide, in the collection
laws, that the bonds to be given for the duties should be given to the collector of the district, A or B. as the case
might require, to inure to him and his successors in office, in trust for the United States, that it would have been
consistent with the Constitution to make such an arrangement; and yet this, it is conceived, would amount to an
incorporation.
646
647
648
649
650
651
652
653
654
i. It is not an unusual expedient of taxation to farm particular branches of revenue-that is, to mortgage or sell the
product of them for certain definite sums, leaving the collection to the parties to whom they are mortgaged or
sold. There are even examples of this in the United States. Suppose that there was any particular branch of
revenue which it was manifestly expedient to place on this footing, and there were a number of persons willing
to engage with the government, upon condition that they should be incorporated, and the sums invested in them,
as well for their greater safety, as for the more convenient recovery and management of the taxes. Is it
supposable that there could be any constitutional obstacle to the measure ? It is presumed that there could be
none. It is certainly a mode of collection which it would be in the discretion of the government to adopt, though
the circumstances must be very extraordinary that would induce the Secretary to think it expedient.
655
656
657
658
659
660
661
662
663
664
3. Suppose a new and unexplored branch of trade should present itself, with some foreign country. Suppose it
was manifest that to undertake it with advantage required an union of the capitals of a number of individuals,
and that those individuals would not be disposed to embark without an incorporation, as well to obviate that
consequence of a private partnership which makes every individual liable in his whole estate for the debts of the
company, to their utmost extent, as for the more convenient management of the business-what reason can there
be to doubt that the national government would have a constitutional right to institute and incorporate such a
company? None. They possess a general authority to regulate trade with foreign countries. This is a mean which
has been practiced to that end, by all the principal commercial nations, who have trading companies to this day,
which have subsisted for centuries. Why may not the United States, constitutionally, employ the means usual in
other countries, for attaining the ends intrusted to them ?
665
666
667
668
A power to make all needful rules and regulations concerning territory, has been construed to mean a power to
erect a government. A power to regulate trade, is a power to make all needful rules and regulations concerning
trade. Why may it not, then, include that of erecting a trading company, as well as, in other cases, to erect a
government ?
669
670
671
672
673
It is remarkable that the State conventions, who had proposed amendments in relation to this point, have most,
if not all of them, expressed themselves nearly thus: Congress shall not grant monopolies, nor erect any
company with exclusive advantages of commerce! Thus, at the same time, expressing their sense, that the
power to erect trading companies or corporations was inherent in Congress, and objecting to it no further than
as to the grant of exclusive privileges.
674
675
676
677
678
679
The Secretary entertains all the doubts which prevail concerning the utility of such companies, but he cannot
fashion to his own mind a reason, to induce a doubt, that there is a constitutional authority in the United States
to establish them. If such a reason were demanded, none could be given, unless it were this: That Congress
cannot erect a corporation. Which would be no better than to say, they cannot do it, because they cannot do itfirst presuming an inability, without reason, and then assigning that inability as the cause of itself. Illustrations
of this kind might be multiplied without end. They shall, however, be pursued no further.
680
681
There is a sort of evidence on this point, arising from an aggregate view of the Constitution, which is of no
inconsiderable weight: the very general power of laying and collecting taxes, and appropriating their proceeds--
682
683
684
685
686
that of borrowing money indefinitely--that of coining money, and regulating foreign coins-that of making all
needful rules and regulations respecting the property of the United States. These powers combined, as well as
the reason and nature of the thing, speak strongly this language: that it is the manifest design and scope of the
Constitution to vest in Congress all the powers requisite to the effectual administration of the finances of the
United States. As far as concerns this object, there appears to be no parsimony of power.
687
688
689
690
To suppose, then. that the government is precluded from the employment of so usual and so important an
instrument for the administration of its finances as that of a bank, is to suppose what does not coincide with the
general tenor and complexion of the constitution, and what is not agreeable to impressions that any new
spectator would entertain concerning it.
691
692
Little less than a prohibitory clause can destroy the strong presumptions which result from the general aspect of
the government. Nothing but demonstration should exclude the idea that the power exists.
693
694
In all questions of this nature, the practice of mankind ought to have great weight against the theories of
individuals.
695
696
697
The fact, for instance, that all the principal commercial nations have made use of trading corporations or
companies, for the purpose of external commerce, is a satisfactory proof that the establishment of them is an
incident to the regulation of the commerce.
698
699
700
701
702
This other fact, that banks are an usual engine in the administration of national finances, and an ordinary and the
most effectual instrument of loan, and one which, in this country, has been found essential, pleads strongly
against (he supposition that a government, clothed with most of the most important prerogatives of sovereignty
in relation to its revenues, its debts, its credits, its defense, its trade, its intercourse with foreign nations, is
forbidden to make use of that instrument as an appendage to its own authority.
703
704
705
706
It has been stated as an auxiliary test of constitutional authority to try whether it abridges any pre-existing right
of any State, or any individual. The proposed investigation will stand the most severe examination on this point.
Each State may still erect as many banks as it pleases. Every individual may still carry on the banking business
to any extent he pleases.
707
708
709
710
711
Another criterion may be this. Whether the institution or thing has a more direct relation, as to its uses, to the
objects of the reserved powers of the State governments than to those of the powers delegated by the United
States. This, rule, indeed, is less precise than the former, but it may still serve as some guide. Surely a bank has
more reference to the objects intrusted to the national government than to those left to the care of the State
governments. The common defense is decisive in this comparison.
712
713
It is presumed that nothing of consequence in the observations of the Secretary of State, and Attorney General,
has been left un-noticed.
714
715
716
717
There are, indeed, a variety of observations of the Secretary of State designed to show that the utilities ascribed
to a bank, in relation to the collection of taxes, and to trade, could be obtained without it; to analyze which,
would prolong the discussion beyond all bounds. It shall be forborne for two reasons. First, because the report
concerning the bank, may speak for itself in this respect
718
719
and secondly, because all those observations are grounded on the erroneous idea that the quantum of necessity
or utility is the test of a constitutional exercise of power.
720
721
722
One or two remarks only shall be made. One is, that he has taken no notice of a very essential advantage to
trade in general which is mentioned in the report, as peculiar to the existence of a bank circulation, equal in the
public estimation to gold and silver. It is this that renders it unnecessary to lock up the money of the country, to
723
724
725
726
727
728
729
730
731
732
accumulate for months successively, in order to the periodical payment of interest. The other is this: that his
arguments to show that treasury orders and bills of exchange, from tint. course of trade, will prevent any
considerable displacement of the metals, are founded on a particular view of the subject. A case will prove this.
The sums collected in a State may be small in comparison with the debt due to it; the balance of its trade direct
and circuitous with the seat of government, may be even, or nearly so; here, then, without bank bills, which in
that State answer the purpose of coin, there must be a displacement of the coin, in proportion to the difference
between the sum collected in the State, and that to be paid in it. With bank bills, no such displacement would
take place, or as far as it did, it would be gradual and insensible. In many other ways, also, would there be at
least a temporary and inconvenient displacement of the coin, even where the course of trade would eventually
return it to its proper channel.
733
734
735
The difference of the two situations in point of convenience to the treasury, can only be appreciated by one,
who experiences the embarrassments of making provision for the payment of the interest on a stock, continually
changing place in thirteen different places.
736
737
738
739
740
741
742
One thing which has been omitted, just occurs, although it is not very material to the main argument. The
Secretary of State affirms that the bill only contemplates a repayment, not a loan, to the government. But here
he is certainly mistaken. It is true the government invests in the stock of the bank a sum equal to that which it
receives on loan. But let it be remembered, that it does not, therefore, cease to be a proprietor of the stock,
which would be the case, if the money received back were in the nature of a payment. It remains a proprietor
still, and will share in the profit or loss of the institution, according as the dividend is more or less than the
interest it is to pay on the sum borrowed. Hence that sum is manifestly, and in the strictest sense, a loan.
Resource:
Hamilton's Opinion as to the Constitutionality of the Bank of the United States: 1791. (2013). Yale
University of Law Lillian Goldman Law Library. Retrieved from http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th
_century/bank-ah.asp
Day 1
1.
What was Hamilton referring to when he states, “That every power vested in a government is in
its nature sovereign, and includes, by force of the term, a right to employ all the means requisite
and fairly applicable to the attainment of the ends of such power, and which are not precluded by
restrictions and exceptions specified in the Constitution, or not immoral, or not contrary to the
essential ends of political society”, according to the text in lines nineteen to twenty three?
2.
What does Hamilton, according to the text, mean when he states, “To deny that the government
of the United States has sovereign power, as to its declared purposes and trusts, because its
power does not extend to all cases would be equally to deny that the State governments have
sovereign power in any case, because their power does not extend to every case”?
3.
In your own words, what does the author mean when he states, “To insist upon it, would be to
make the criterion of the exercise of any implied power, a case of extreme necessity; which is
rather a rule to justify the overleaping of the bounds of constitutional authority, than to govern
the ordinary exercise of it”, according to the text in lines 128 to 142?
4.
Hamilton states, “The truth is, that difficulties on this point are inherent in the nature of the
Federal Constitution; they result inevitably from a division of the legislative power. The
consequence of this division is, that there will be cases clearly within the power of the national
government; others, clearly without its powers; and a third class, which will leave room for
controversy and difference of opinion, and concerning which a reasonable latitude of judgment
must be allowed.” In which ways does this statement depict unsolved issues from the
Revolutionary War, according to the text?
Day 2
1.
According to the text, what examples of the use of federalist powers to exert control over the
nation does Hamilton cite?
2.
Hamilton states, “To establish such a right, it remains to show the relation of such an institution
to one or more of the specified powers of the government. Accordingly it is affirmed that it has a
relation, more or less direct, to the power of collecting taxes, to that of borrowing money, to that
of regulating trade between the States, and to those of raising and maintaining fleets and armies.”
According to lines 446- 452 in the text text, in your own words, what did he mean by this?
3.
In which way does Hamilton, according to the text, refute allegations that creating a national
bank would be unconstitutional and excess use of federal power?
4.
According to the text, what is the purpose of this text?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“ Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's) ”
Week 8
Summative Assessment
Students will take an assessment analyzing primary and secondary source documents of the Revolution and New Nation
Era and write an argument citing evidence from those source documents which they select and about whether the
American Revolution was a radical revolution, in terms of addressing economical, ideological, and political issues which
drove the Revolutionary War.
Focus Question
In which ways, if at all, was the Revolution War a radical revolution, in terms of addressing economical, ideological, and
political issues which drove the Revolutionary War?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the date
and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-By the end of grade 10, read and comprehend history/social studies texts in the grades 9–10 text complexity band
independently and proficiently.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Introduce precise claim(s), distinguish the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and create an organization that
establishes clear relationships among the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Use precise language and domain-specific vocabulary to manage the complexity of the topic and convey a style
appropriate to the discipline and context as well as to the expertise of likely readers.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Jefferson's Opinion on the Constitutionality of a National Bank :
1791
Hamilton's Opinion as to the Constitutionality of the Bank of the
United States : 1791
Joseph J. Ellis “The Early Republic” (2013)
Transcript of Alien and Sedition Acts (1798)
Gary B. Nash “Ordinary Americans and the Constitution” (2013)
James O. Horton “Race and the American Constitution: A Struggle
toward National Ideals James”
“United States Constitution”
“Bill of Rights”
“Articles of Confederation” ( 1777)
“George Washigton’s letter to Henry Knox” (1787)
Martin, J. “No Way Out: Lord Cornwallis, the Siege of Yorktown,
and America’s Victory in the War for Independence” (2013)
Bernstein, R. “Inventing American Diplomacy” (2013)
Declaration of Independence” (1776)
David Armitage “The Declaration of Independence in Global
Perspective” (2013)
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.2.a, 6.1.12.A.2.b, 6.1.12.d, 6.1.12.A.2.e, 6.12.A.2.f
Revolution and the New Nation (1754-1820's)
Week 8 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to synthesize the readings of the
past seven weeks.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summative Assessment
Many historians argue that the Revolutionary War failed to address issues described in the Declaration of
Independence. Other historians argue that the Revolutionary War produced a significant impact nationally and
internationally.
Considerations:
What is your evaluation of this? In which ways, if at all, was the Revolution War a radical revolution, in terms
of addressing economical, ideological, and political issues which drove the Revolutionary War? Why? What
other evidence would you need to strengthen your claim?
Writing Task
Citing evidence from various texts read in this unit, defend a position about whether the American Revolution
was a radical revolution, in terms of addressing economical, ideological, and political issues which drove the
Revolutionary War.
Newark Public Schools
United States I Unit Overview
“Unit 3-Expansion and Reform (1801-1861)”
Summative Assessment
Students will write an argument citing evidence from those documents in which they select and defend a position about
what was the most important contributing factor to American disunity between 1801 and 1861.
Essential Questions
Enduring Understandings
What were the social and political factors that
 Reform was led by unfulfilled promises by the
contributed to tensions in America, which contributed to
Declaration of Independence and the Constitution and
division and secession?
created disunity in America.
 The abolitionist movement, led by religious leaders and
women, was influential and was essential in pushing
the end of slavery.
 Industrialization of the north and southern dependence
of slavery, for agriculture, was one the contributing
factors for southern secession.
 The northern belief in stronger federal power and
southern belief in state sovereignty was one of the
driving forces of secession.
 The Dred Scott decision had significant implications on
whether slavery was abolished or allowed to continue.
 Lincoln’s election pushed the southerners to succeed
the Union, because southerners believed that their way
of life was being threatened.
Focus Questions
Week 1:
Week 2:
Week 3:
To what extent did the Revolutionary
In which way did Manifest Destiny
In which way, primarily, did the
War create a social and political
provoke bitter dissent within the
acquisition of land aggravate disunity
rupture, which created disunity in
national polity?
between the North and the South?
America?
Week 4:
In which way did the issue of slavery,
which was largely unaddressed directly
by the Constitution, primarily, create
tensions that would lead to the civil
war?
Week 7:
What was the most important
contributing factor to American
disunity between 1801 and 1861 and
why?
Week 5:
How, primarily, did the Industrial
Revolution aid in the division between
the South and the North, which led to
the Civil War?
Week 6:
To what extent did the Dred Scott
decision create tensions, which
contributed to succession?
Learning Targets
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-By the end of grade 10, read and comprehend history/social studies texts in the grades 9–10 text complexity band
independently and proficiently.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
Introduce precise claim(s), distinguish the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and create an organization that
establishes clear relationships among the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
Use precise language and domain-specific vocabulary to manage the complexity of the topic and convey a style
appropriate to the discipline and context as well as to the expertise of likely readers.
Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Academic Vocabulary
Conveyance
Imperative
Divisive
Flagrant
Ominous
endorsed
Elitist
contentious
raucous
Eradicated
discursively
plebian
Disparagement
drudgery
Apace
Drudgery
undulated
proliferating
repietized
proselytizing
Harking
Agitated
Schemes
Enflaming
Equivocate
Ameliorative
fulcrum
Entwined
construed
coalesced
encumbrances
depreciable
indemnity
gallantry
belligerents
aggrandizement
encroachment
concurrence
deigning
unquenchable
encumbrances
Assemblages
Forborne
Acquiescence
Repugnance
Disapprobation
Appropriations
Transpired
Scrupulously
aggrandizement
Strife
Acquiesce
dissensions
Endeavor
Indispensable
Demagogues
Solicitous
Incipient
Apportionment
Preponderance
irretrievably
Consummated
ascendancy
countenance
perilous
asunder
ecclesiastical
assemblage
appertained
subjugation
Propriety
Ceded
Immemorial
Injunction
Brethren
Candor
Conscientious
Ascertained
Acerbity
Conspicuous
Reprobation
Vehement
Contemporaneous
Flagrante
Cession
Nomenclature
Appellation
Rousing
privy
peonism
Exasperate
disinclination
injunction
Alacrity
peremptorily
emanate
Ignominious
epithets
incendiary
Benevolence
vernacular
vitiated
Depraved
reproachful
arrondissement
Conciliatory
melioration
pigmies
Inalienable
Controverting
Propounded
Requisite
Treasonable
debarred
Blandishments
Adornment
Eminent
Emoluments
Epitome
Avaricious
Enfeebling
Reprehensible
Enervate
Conjecture
countenanced
abased
Obliged
Valiantly
Garbling
Augmenting
Perversion
Covert
Ascendency
Extinction
Turmoil
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Lament
Imbroglio
Extraneous
Compromise of 1850
Texas Annexation
Missouri Compromise
Mexican War
Abolitionists
American Temperance society
Antebellum
Manifest Destiny
Dred Scott Decision
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.12.A.3.a, 6.12.a.3.b, 6.12.A.3.c, 6.1.12.A.3.e, 6.12.A.3.f6.1.12.A.3.h, 6.12.C.3.a, 6.1.12.D.3.e
743
Expansion and Reform (1801-1861) Unit Overview
Unit Rationale: In this unit, students gain an understanding of the factors that led to southern succession. Students will
investigate how state and federal power struggles, economic systems, the Dred Scott case, issues that were unresolved by
the Constitution, and how social and political factors, which were created by the Revolutionary War, aided in the division
of America. Students will explore ways in which the south and the north developed separate interests, which led to
succession. First-person accounts, maps, speeches, and other primary and secondary source materials may be used to
answer historical questions.
Historical Thinking:
The study of history rests on knowledge of facts, dates, names, places, events, and ideas. However, true
historical understanding requires students to engage in historical thinking: to raise questions and to marshal
solid evidence in support of their answers; to go beyond the facts presented in their textbooks and examine the
historical record for themselves; to consult documents, journals, diaries, artifacts, historic sites, works of art,
quantitative data, and other evidence from the past, and to do so imaginatively--taking into account the
historical context in which these records were created and comparing the multiple points of view of those on the
scene at the time.
“Facts are crucial to historical understanding, but there is only way for them to take root in memory: Facts are
mastered by engaging students in historical questions that spark their curiosity and make them passionate about
seeking answers.” (“Reading Like A Historian”, Wineburg, Martin, and Monte-Sano, Teachers College Press,
New York, 2011.)
Four main skills help to facilitate historical understanding: sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and
corroborating.

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Sourcing-Historians begin reading a document at the end by sourcing it. They glance at the first couple
of words but then go immediately to the document’s attribution. Who wrote this source and when? Is it
a diary entry? A memo obtained through the Freedom of Information Act? A leaked e-mail? Is the
author in a position to know first-hand or this account based on hearsay? Sourcing transforms the act of
reading from passive reception to engaged and active interrogation.
Contextualizing-Contextualizing is the notion that events MUST be located in place and time to be
properly understood.
Close Reading-Primary and secondary sources provide students with an opportunity for close reading.
They are the place to teach students to slow down and read closely, to think deeply about word choice
and subtext.
Corroborating-Corroborating is a strategy in which a reader asks questions about important details to
determine points of agreement and disagreement. By comparing and contrasting multiple account,
students can start to build a real understanding of what happened in the past and why.
Discipline Specific Literacy:
Research has shown that a key to literacy is exposing students to a rich diet of texts that mix genre and style “at a variety
of difficulty levels and on a variety of topics.” Primary sources confront readers with varied styles and textures of
language that push the boundaries of literacy.
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“ Expansion and Reform (1801-1861)”
Week 1
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
To what extent did the Revolutionary War create a social and political rupture, which created disunity in America?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Conveyance
Joyce Appleby “National Expansion and Reform, 1815–1860”
Imperative
(2013)
Divisive
Flagrant
Ominous
endorsed
elitist
contentious
raucous
eradicated
discursively
plebian
disparagement
drudgery
Apace
Drudgery
undulated
proliferating
re-pietized
proselytizing
Harking
Agitated
Schemes
Enflaming
Equivocate
Ameliorative
fulcrum
entwined
construed
coalesced
abolitionists
American Temperance Society
Antebellum
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.D.3.e, 6.12.A.3.f
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Expansion and Reform (1801-1861)
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Week 1 Overview
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Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore social and political
factors that contributed to tensions in America, which contributed to division and secession. While the Revolutionary War
united Americans for a common purpose, once it was completed, Americans lacked the central glue that united them. The
South and the North, because of economical, industrial, and geographical reasons, became distinct entities with their own
agendas. The slavery issue further divided the South and the North. Issues over power and human rights, which led many
people to fight during the Revolutionary War, ironically became the reason for separation within America.
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By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore how
disunity in America was aided by the communication of individual group agendas. Issues such as alcohol, slavery,
women’s rights, and religion further added to disconnect between Americans after the Revolutionary War. In addition, the
frustration with the failure of the Revolutionary War to address concerns, which prompted the Revolutionary War and
making of a new government, led many Americans to press for changes, which selectively favored groups, as appose to
the nation as a whole.
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Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
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Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
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Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
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Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
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Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
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Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
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Day One:
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Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
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Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1- 104 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
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Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
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Day Two:
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Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
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Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 105-220 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
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Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
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Day Three:
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Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
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Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 221-317 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
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Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
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Day Four:
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Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
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Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
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The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
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In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
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Day Five:
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Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: In
which ways did unresolved issued from the Revolutionary War, which were unaddressed in the Construction, lead to
disunity in America prior to the Civil War?
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National Expansion and Reform, 1815–1860
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by Joyce Appleby
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A good way to understand the men and women who created America’s reform tradition and carried it across the
Mississippi in the years before the Civil War is to look at the political heritage their parents and grandparents
left to them. The very idea of generations resonated with new meaning after independence. The conveyance of
social responsibility from one generation to another is always a fascinating interplay of the inherited and the
novel, but the American Revolution was a social and political rupture that clouded the future for young
Americans. Together they faced a new way of life in a new nation.
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While this attachment within the generation that inherited the Revolution weakened traditional loyalties, it also
held out the promise of creating a new political will that would extend across the continent. The Revolutionary
leader Gouverneur Morris expressed this hope when he wrote that a “national spirit is the natural result of
national existence; and although some of the present generation may feel colonial oppositions of opinion, that
generation will die away, and give place to a race of Americans.”[1]
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Fighting a war for independence had not unified Americans. Rather it created the problem of unity—an
imperative to hang together once the actual fighting ended and peace had been secured. The states were held
together by a loose confederation. Much of the land Americans claimed still remained part of the ancestral
domain of American Indians. The commonalities that did exist among the states—those of language, law, and
institutional history—pointed in the wrong direction, back to the past when they were still part of the British
Empire.
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The Declaration of Independence with its charged statements about equality and “certain unalienable rights”
proved far more divisive than unifying. The flagrant contradiction between slavery and the principle of equality
led to the first emancipation movement as one after another of the northern states abolished slavery in the
waning years of the eighteenth century. With these remarkable acts, the Mason-Dixon boundary between
Maryland and Pennsylvania became the symbolic division between freedom and slavery, an ominous
development at a time when Americans were working to strengthen their union.
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The Constitution created a national government along with the new responsibility of being an American citizen
for white men. Most of those who George Washington invited to serve in his administration were social
conservatives who believed that the world was divided between the talented few and the ordinary many. They
endorsed individual freedom and equality before the law, but believed that members of the upper class should
govern, restricting the common man to voting. Thomas Jefferson, chafing at this elitist doctrine, organized an
opposition to the Federalists based on the contentious issues of popular participation, free speech, and equal
opportunity. Two raucous presidential campaigns permanently disrupted the electoral decorum that the
Federalists had hoped to impose with the new constitutional order. Jefferson’s presidential victory in 1800
opened the way for the next generation to fashion the world’s first liberal society.
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The embrace of personal liberty as a defining feature of American politics gave concrete grounds for the hope
that slavery would end. The number of free blacks, swollen by northern emancipation, southern manumissions,
and greater scope for self-liberation, led to the formation of African American communities. Their success gave
the lie to slaveholders’ dismissive claims about the abilities of African Americans. After the Revolution, whites
and blacks mingled in churches and shops, on the frontier and in the cities of the Upper South and the North,
along with persistent racial prejudice. Despite the campaigns to abolish slavery in the northern states, African
Americans figured on the margins of political life, and the existence of slavery in the “land of the free”
continued to exacerbate sectional tensions.
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During this time a French countess planted the seeds of a powerful idea—American exceptionalism—in a letter
to Jefferson on the eve of the French Revolution: “The characteristic difference between your revolution and
ours,” she wrote, “is that having nothing to destroy, you had nothing to injure, and labouring for a people, few
in number, incorrupted, and extended over a large tract of country, you have avoided all the inconvenience of a
situation, contrary in every respect.” Then she added, “Every step in your revolution was perhaps the effect of
virtue, while ours are often faults, and sometimes crimes.”[2]
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This view of the United States as exceptional was echoed among reform-minded Europeans. “They are the hope
of the human race, they may well become its model,” Anne Robert Turgot told the pro-American English
minister Richard Price. The famed editor of the Encyclopedie, Denis Diderot, proclaimed the new United States
an asylum from fanaticism and tyranny “for all the peoples of Europe.”
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The new nation appeared exceptional to such Europeans because, in their view, its healthy, young, hardworking population had won a revolutionary prize—what was seen as an empty continent upon which to settle
its free-born progeny. America was exceptional because the familiar predators of ordinary folk—the extorting
tax collector, the overbearing nobleman, the persecuting priest, the extravagant ruler—had failed to make the
voyage across the Atlantic. Natural abundance, tolerance, exemption from Old World social evils—these were
among the materials from which the European reform imagination created the exceptional United States. This
view ignored the new nation’s reliance on slavery and its displacement of Native peoples, who did not figure in
the romanticized view of a New World, where the evils of the Old World could be eradicated.
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America’s ordinary citizens took up this view, celebrating what was distinctively American: its institutional
innovations, its leveling spirit, above all, its expanded opportunities for common people. To them the idea of
American exceptionalism had enormous appeal, for it played to their strengths. Taking up western land could
become a movement for spreading democratic institutions across the continent. Being exceptional established a
reciprocity between American abundance and high moral purposes. It infused the independence and hardiness
of America’s farming families with civic value, generating patriotic images that could resonate widely without
addressing the question of slavery.
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The Fourth of July rhetoric of the hoi polloi made clear that American exceptionalism freed them from the
elite’s embrace of European gentility. To be genteel, one had to accept the cultural domination of Europe. For
ordinary Americans the country’s greatness emerged in a lustier set of ideals—open opportunity, an unfettered
spirit of inquiry, destruction of privilege, personal independence.
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During the nineteenth century, ordinary white Americans ignored the insignificance of their country on the
world stage and propelled their republic discursively into the march of progress, a resonant new idea in Western
culture. What might be construed elsewhere as uninterestingly plebian was elevated to a new goal for mankind.
America was the only nation, Richard Hofstadter wryly commented, that began with perfection and aspired to
progress. And American history was written to explain how this could be.[3]
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Three themes of American exceptionalism came into play: the clean slate with its implicit rejection of the past,
the autonomy of the individual with its accompanying disparagement of dependency, and the commitment to
natural rights with the corollary that democratic governance could best protect them. The metaphor of a clean
slate helped create the illusion of a frontier emptied of human inhabitants—a virginal continent—an image that
drew a veil over the violent encounters with the indigenous peoples that actually paced the westward trek of
Americans. The autonomous man enjoyed the freedom to be the designer of his and his family’s life unaided or
impeded by others, and the republic drew its worth from protecting individual rights. Democratic rhetoric
likewise drew a veil over the severe limits that existed for those whose race or sex had already been assigned a
value at birth.
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This idea of being exceptional didn’t really become the core of national identity until those who fought for
independence and wrote the Constitution had retired from public life—as the Virginia dynasty of Jefferson,
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Madison, and Monroe, gave way to men such as John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson. Then a new
generation of Americans took possession of their legacy and wrapped their imagination around the idea of a
special role in world history for their nation. The tensions between the ideal and reality generated the reform
movements that flourished in antebellum America. Activists became agents of change in an era of change,
brought about by the convergence of political revolutions, intellectual ferment, and social turbulence.
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During these same years, America entered into a period of commercial expansion that promoted the
construction of roads, the extension of postal services, and the founding of newspapers in country towns. A
dense new communication network amplified the resonance of partisan disputes. The control over information
and opinions once exercised exclusively by an elite had been wrested away by the articulate critics of that elite.
A strong consensus quickly formed that American democracy required a broad base of educated people and
literacy became widespread for both men and women, promoted by religious and commercial demands.
Reading became a necessity, met by a thriving print culture. European visitors expressed astonishment that
those who lived in the rural areas were as well informed as city dwellers.
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Land lured men and women westward. By 1810 a third of the American population lived in a new settlement.
The conclusion of the War of 1812 added another push towards the frontier as soldiers got paid in land bounties.
The fertile lands of the Ohio and Mississippi Valleys beckoned, giving ordinary men a chance to capitalize their
family’s labor. All this movement thrust the nation into sustained warfare against the native inhabitants.
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Urbanization grew apace; population in the older cities more than doubled, though three-quarters of Americans
still lived on farms or rural towns on the eve of the Civil War. Within a decade, merchants, freed from British
restrictions, sent ships across the Pacific and into the Indian Ocean. Baltimore became the fastest growing city
in the United States, benefitting from its access to both the Atlantic and the hinterland for the raw materials and
customers for its flourishing flour-milling industry. Yankee ingenuity displayed itself in manufacturing and
retailing. In the rural Northeast where there were plenty of rivers, entrepreneurs tapped into waterpower. Both
men and women sought liberation from the drudgery of farm work in the hundreds of factories that sprang up
along the waterways of Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Connecticut. Enterprise moved out to the
countryside and down the social ladder as a market emerged that matched the nation’s geographic and public
reach.
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Antebellum economic growth undulated through boom and bust cycles, the busts being remembered as the
Panics of 1819, 1837, and 1857. The European demand for cotton created most of the booms—though the
discovery of gold in the newly acquired California in 1848 was the most spectacular. Cotton, however, tied the
American economy to slavery at the very time that the first emancipation movement created the portentous
division between free and slave states. Profits from cotton coursed through the whole American economy.
Southern specialization meant that plantation owners looked north for wood products, tools, and some
foodstuffs, while they imported their luxury items from Europe.
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As northern states used their impressive communications network to spread their values, southerners—that is,
the planter elite—began to perceive themselves standing against the nation, straining at the bonds of union as
they drew closer to one another through shared political goals and intense sociability. Enslaved men and
women, whose numbers ranged from 30 percent to 60 percent of each slave state’s population, formed ties with
slaves on neighboring plantations, though they all lived in fear of being sent to the southern frontier of Georgia,
Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi. Poorer whites clustered in the small communities of the hill country.
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The Bill of Rights and the steady, if slow, expansion of the suffrage for white men and a few free black men
kept the democratic torch burning. Equally significant was the disestablishment of colonial churches. Between
1786 and 1833, Virginia, Vermont, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Massachusetts replaced their established
churches with religious freedom, like those of the other states. Their leaders could have approved multiple
established churches, but they opted to disentangle religious and political institutions, mirroring at the state
level that “wall of separation between church and state” which Jefferson wrote about in 1802. This move
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particularly benefitted Baptists and Methodists, which were the fastest-growing denominations in the nation.
Neither had enjoyed state support and both had suffered discrimination from the established churches.
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Although the majority of Americans were nominally Christians, many of them lived without places of worship,
especially those who had moved to the frontier. Paying for clergy, church buildings, and seminaries now
depended upon voluntary contributions, and without state support, many churches struggled to survive. Yet the
separation of church and state paradoxically strengthened religion in America, for it permitted a hundred
spiritual flowers to bloom, and bloom they did. Ministers began experimenting with new methods designed
explicitly to revive Christianity in America.
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In the early 1800s revivals passed in waves over the country’s villages, towns, and cities. They could be
scheduled or impromptu, held in church buildings or out in the open at great camp meetings lasting many days.
Charismatic preachers exhorted men and women to confess their sins and accept the grace extended to them
through Christ. Many achieved fame for their persuasive ability. The astute French visitor Alexis de
Tocqueville commented wryly that every time he was told he was going to meet a priest, he met a politician.[4]
To be born again became the core religious experience. While some churches continued to accept the doctrine
of predestination associated with Calvin, an increasing number believed that good works contributed to a
Christian’s claim on heaven.
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These revivals transformed American culture and the nature of Protestant Christianity in the United States.
Ministers, responding to the “call to do the Lord’s work,” would pack their Bibles in their saddle bags and set
off to find a field of souls to harvest. The Methodist Church organized circuits for their ministers to ride to
extend their reach. The revivalists’ stress on personal salvation led to the neglect of other elements of Christian
dogma and of the learned clergy to explicate them. They also encouraged personal commitments that went far
beyond conventional service attendance. Critics within America’s older churches—Lutheran, Dutch Reformed,
Congregational, Presbyterian, and Episcopal—found much to find fault with in this new movement. They
considered its theology shallow and disliked what they saw as manipulative appeals to the emotions, but the
evangelicals were astoundingly popular.[5]
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Reliance upon the Bible led to differing interpretations and new denominations. Every contested meaning had
the potential of inspiring a new group of worshippers. Upstate New York was called “the burned over district”
in reference to the intense passions aroused by the revivals as well as their frequency. The Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints sprang from this soil, while the Disciples of Christ began as an effort to bring all the
denominations together and ended by adding to the proliferating array. Without a formal hierarchy, the Baptists
were particularly prone to splintering over doctrinal differences.
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After a long period during which many Christians had drifted toward a more rationalist understanding of
divinity and others had been set adrift by the turmoil of two wars, the disestablishment campaigns, and
westward movement, the revivals successfully re-pietized America. While Evangelicals may have constituted a
minority, they successfully imposed their mores upon the public.
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The new denominations educated members in democratic practices as well. Forming new churches required
volunteers to raise funds, build organizations, and participate in decision-making. Women, blacks, and the poor,
often excluded from voting, learned about democratic governance in their churches. With a strong wind at their
back, Evangelical Protestants sought to fill in the empty canvas of the American continent, assured by their
success and their confidence in the fresh footings of the US Constitution.[6]
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The zeal generated by the revivals fueled an extensive missionary movement, at home among the American
Indian tribes and abroad. In the early nineteenth century, the American Board of Commissions for Foreign
Missionaries sent young missionary couples to Asia, a field opened up by American commerce to Ceylon and
India.[7] Evangelical associations like the Bible Society, the Peace Society, and the Sunday School Union
followed in quick succession.
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The General Union for Promoting the Observance of the Sabbath was organized to ensure the sanctity of
Sundays. They exerted pressure on storekeepers to show respect for the day of rest and worship, but lost the
battle to close post offices or stop the flow of water into the Erie Canal where rowdy boatman shattered Sabbath
tranquility.[8] The network of Evangelical organizations became known as the Benevolent Empire, a term that
captures their proponent’s aspiration to rise above denominational differences to join forces for proselytizing
and educating, wherever needed. Scarcely a social ill escaped the attention of these men and women.
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In 1827 a perceptive observer was struck by the constant churning of people in the United States. He concluded
that if “movement and the quick succession of sensations and ideas constitute life, here one lives a hundred fold
more than elsewhere; here, all is circulation, motion, and boiling agitation.” He continued, “Experiment follows
experiment; enterprise follows enterprise.”[9] A British naval officer more laconically commented that “the
Americans are a restless, locomotive people: whether for business or pleasure, they are ever on the move in
their own country, and they move in masses. . . . Wandering about seems engrafted in their Nature,” he added;
they “forever imagine that the Lands further off are still better than those upon which they are already
settled.”[10] These observers saw the novelty of a society directed almost entirely by the ambitious dreams that
had been unleashed by their exceptional situation.
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In all this mobility lay the seeds of the many social problems Evangelicals addressed. The decline of traditional
ordering mechanisms had led to deteriorating standards of personal behavior. Anyone who wasn’t a reformer
usually needed reforming. In 1820, Americans fifteen years and older drank more liquor than ever before or
since. Artisans in most shops took a whiskey break every morning and afternoon. Children could easily
encounter alcoholic teachers; heavy drinking punctuated most public celebrations. Gambling and ritualized
violence figured prominently in public life as well, and mobs formed easily. The lightly governed, newly settled
communities in the West had their urban equivalent in the older cities where the decadal doubling of population
created entirely new neighborhoods.
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Efforts to stop alcohol consumption were largely a top-down affair until Lyman Beecher, one of the stars of the
revival movement, launched the American Temperance Society in 1826. He shifted the focus from the hopeless
drunkard to the social drinker and made abstinence, not moderation, the goal. Fanning out to the West and the
South, Beecher’s group swept up Methodists and Baptists who had long deplored the pervasive drinking. His
temperance tracts reached 100,000 readers at a time when the biggest paper in the country had a circulation of
4,500.[11]
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In the 1840s, a new group, the Washington Temperance Society, garnered a membership of half a million in
three years. Formed by working-class men in Baltimore, the Washingtonians campaigned to secure local-option
prohibition laws. Harking back to the Revolutionary heritage, temperance workers claimed that they had
liberated themselves from a tyranny worse than Britain’s. Changes in American drinking habits came swiftly;
consumption was cut in half in the ten years between 1835 and 1845, but the campaign to make the sale of
alcoholic beverages illegal persisted through the century.[12]
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Many Catholics immigrated to the United States during the Irish potato famines of the 1840s and 1850s. Less
censorious about drinking—they picnicked with beer in public parks—Catholics drew the ire of temperance
leaders. They also suffered persecution from nativist groups who feared and defamed their religion. Joined by
emigrating Germans, the Catholics soon built their own churches, parochial schools, and seminaries. When John
Hughes became Archbishop of New York in 1842, Catholics acquired a forceful champion who publicly
exposed every insult and injury that Catholics sustained. Americans slowly came to realize that their respect for
religious freedom meant more than tolerating diversity within the Protestant fold.
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The two most significant reform causes of the antebellum period called for the end of slavery and full
citizenship for women. In the afterglow of the Revolution, anti-slavery societies agitated for cures for this
poisonous thorn in the body politic. State legislatures, including Virginia’s, debated schemes for emancipation.
Free African Americans were particularly active in keeping the issue alive with petitions to legislatures, legal
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suits, pamphlets, newspapers, and acts of self-liberation.[13] They were particularly eager to undermine
colonization societies, which attempted to solve the problem of racial prejudice by sending freed slaves to
Africa. The Quakers, first in the anti-slavery field, helped establish the so-called underground railroad to ease
southern slaves’ flight from captivity. The fear of slave revolts, after the successful one in Haiti, haunted white
southerners. The 1820 census showed that the slave population had almost doubled in twenty years.[14]
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The increasing profitability of cotton gradually stilled anti-slavery voices in the South, and it took some
dramatic developments to stir much concern about southern slavery in the North. Missouri applied for
admission to the Union as a slave state—the first state carved from the Louisiana Purchase of 1803. New York
Congressman James Talmadge, railing against the extension of such “a monstrous scourge,” tried to tack on a
gradual emancipation provision to the enabling act. Finally, under the Missouri Compromise of 1820, Missouri
came in as a slave state with the promise of no further extension of slavery, in essence pushing the problem off
to an uncertain future and energizing some new opponents to slavery.
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William Lloyd Garrison brought the full force of evangelical fervor to the abolition movement. A
newspaperman by trade, he started the Liberator in 1831 and founded, with others, the American Anti-Slavery
Society in 1833. His statement in the Liberator’s first issue gives a sense of his fierce determination: “I am in
earnest—I will not equivocate—I will not excuse—I will not retreat a single inch—AND I WILL BE HEARD.”
Abolitionists followed his lead by abandoning gradual and ameliorative measures and demanding “immediate
and complete emancipation.”[15] This position provoked the wrath of southerners and the scorn of many in
Garrison’s native New England.
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Congress was intent on containing, not enflaming, the conflict over slavery. Despite the clear right of
Americans to petition Congress, they adopted a gag rule to prevent anti-slavery petitions from being read. This
issue rankled as no other, until abolitionists were able to persuade Congress to change it. Senator and former
Vice-President John Calhoun said this repeal put the states on an irreversible path towards conflict over
slavery.[16] Not until the new Republican Party in 1854 articulated its opposition to any extension of slavery
into the western territories did anti-slavery northerners find a unifying, rallying position.
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Mobilizing people against slavery triggered a movement to secure greater political participation for women.
Sarah and Angelina Grimke, who championed both abolition and women’s rights, were forceful advocates from
the South. With Garrison, they proved to be the fulcrum for the entwined efforts. Propertied women had voted
in New Jersey for thirty-three years after the Revolution, but they lost that right as citizenship became less
defined by property and more by independence, which the law denied women. At the same time American
popular culture defined woman’s role as the presiding domestic presence and nurturer of male citizens.[17]
When the American Anti-Slavery Society encouraged women to take an active part in its outreach, some men
broke away to form an anti-slavery society that did not admit women. This kind of response intensified the
determination of a handful of pioneers—Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan Anthony, Lucy Stone, and Lucretia
Mott—to pursue the struggle for equal rights for women. It would be hard to exaggerate how radical this
movement was in the 1840s and 1850s, yet the work these women had done in anti-slavery work and the
temperance movement made it seem quite natural to them that women should be active in the public sphere.
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Stanton came from a prominent New York family. She not only received an excellent academy education, she
also learned about the law from her father’s law clerks. Strong willed and talented, she studied and then rejected
the legal system that so thoroughly subordinated women, especially wives, to men.[18] She and her abolitionist
husband honeymooned in London, where they attended the Anti-Slavery Convention in 1840. Mott, a
charismatic Quaker feminist, also attended. When the men voted to deny women participation in the conference,
Stanton and Mott forged a bond. Mott, like two other women’s rights leaders, Lucy Stone and Susan Anthony,
had awakened to the discrimination against women when she discovered that male colleagues where she was
teaching earned four times more than she did.
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Stone was the first woman from Massachusetts to earn a college degree; she was also unique in refusing to take
her husband’s name. Stanton said that Stone “was the first person by whom the heat of the American public was
deeply stirred on the woman question.”[19]
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Through temperance and abolitionist work, many women learned the organizational skills that were to stand
them in good stead when they turned their heads and hearts toward eradicating the laws and mores subjugating
women because of their sex. In 1848, Stanton and Mott threw themselves into organizing the Woman’s Rights
Convention in Seneca Falls, New York. Drawing 300 activists, among them forty men, the convention endorsed
Stanton’s Declaration of Sentiments, which was based on the Declaration of Independence. Delegates at the
convention passed a number of resolutions, including an audacious claim for the right to vote. Leading
newspapers, in an attempt to ridicule the proceedings, published in full the Declaration of Sentiments with its
description of an aristocracy of sex “exalting brute force above moral power, vice above virtue, ignorance above
education, and the son above the mother who bore him.” The publicity was an attempt to scandalize the public,
but Stanton shrewdly observed the widening of their of readership as a result.
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Learning about the Seneca Falls convention drew Susan Anthony to active participation in the women’s rights
movement. Her Quaker father was both a cotton manufacturer and an abolitionist who undertook her education
after he discovered that her primary school limited the subjects it would teach girls. In 1851, Anthony met
Stanton, and the two of them founded the first women’s temperance society. After that they traveled together on
speaking tours, which became forays into hostile territory punctuated by insults and battery. Stone, who was
also an indefatigable speaker, reported occasions when she was hit by ice, rotten fruit, eggs, and a hymnal.[20]
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Many women were turned into agitators for women’s rights because of negative reactions to their participation
in the reform movements that were sweeping the North in the antebellum period. They felt compelled to seek
the liberty, equality, and independence that Americans extolled as a national legacy and overcame any personal
timidity to do so. After the Civil War, they continued to campaign for the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment
that abolished slavery. But the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868 giving newly freed African
American men the voting privileges that the women had so long sought became a bitter pill to swallow.[21]
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Defending slavery through the decades placed the southern states in opposition to the experimental thrust of
northern life. Increasingly northerners and southerners construed their differences as implicit challenges to one
another. Emancipation had given those in the North a deceptive sense of their political convictions. The opening
up of opportunities to move, to innovate, to express personal opinions defined for many what it meant to be an
American. In making the ideal American a restless, ingenious, and accomplishment-centered person,
northerners characterized the nation in a way that made southern differences ever more apparent. Over time
southern states coalesced as the South, a separate society from that of the rest of the nation. Its leaders no longer
apologized for slavery as they had in the Revolutionary area; instead they defended it as the basis of a truly
genteel, American, civilization.
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Conflict became inevitable when northern voters rallied around Abraham Lincoln and supported the Republican
Party’s adamant opposition to the extension of slavery in the presidential election of 1860. Lincoln’s victory
drove southern leaders to secede rather than accept the containment of slavery. With the firing of cannon on
Fort Sumter, the federal redoubt in Charleston harbor, on April 12, 1861, they took up arms to defend their way
of a life.
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The ardent reform campaigns had given ordinary northerners a sense that their country was what Turgot had
called the “hope of the human race.”[22] As European countries retreated from democracy, the United States
seemed more and more exceptional as a self-governing people dedicated to securing inalienable rights for
all.[23] Northern soldiers fought to save the union as described in the Declaration of Independence. Halting the
extension of slavery had unified them; abolishing slavery came about through fighting the war. Evangelical
Christians with their intense reforming zeal supplied the energy for the reform movements of the 1830s, 1840s,
and 1850s. Fusing the social ideals of liberty and equality with the personal ones of seeking redemption, they
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had narrowed the scope for compromise. They had also fortified Northerners to fight for their values as keenly
as those in the South fought for theirs.
[1] Gouverneur Morris to John Jay, Jan. 10, 1784 in The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, ed.
Henry P. Johnson (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1891), 3:104–105.
[2] Les Amities Americaines de Madame d’Houdetot, d’apres sa correspondance
inedite avec Benjamin Franklin et Thomas Jefferson, ed. Gilbert Chinard (Paris: Daupeley-Gouverneur, 1924),
56.
[3] Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London:
Verso, 1983), 15. I have borrowed Anderson’s phrase.
[4] Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, ed. Phillips Bradley (New York: Vintage Books, 1954),
1:304–307.
[5] Daniel Walker Howe, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815–1848 (New York:
Oxford, 2007), 187.
[6] Sidney Mead, “Denominationalism: The Shape of Protestantism in America,” Church History 23 (1954);
Howe, What Hath God Wrought, 180-188.
[7] Appleby, Inheriting the Revolution: The First Generation of Americans (Cambridge MA: Harvard
University Press, 2001), 13.
[8] Richard R. John, “Taking Sabbatarianism Seriously: The Postal System, the Sabbath and the Transformation
of American Political Culture,” Journal of the Early Republic 10 (Winter 1990): 538.
[9] Michel Chevalier, Society, Manners, and Politics in the United States: Letters on North America, ed. John
W. Ward (1839; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1961), 299.
[10] Frederick Marryat, A Diary in America, with Remarks on Its Institutions, ed. Sydney Jackman (New York:
Knopf, 1962), 366.
[11] Appleby, Inheriting the Revolution, 205-215. See also Merton M. Hyman et al, Drinkers, Drinking, and
Alcohol-Related Mortality and Hospitalizations: A Statistical Compendium (New Brunswick NJ: Rutgers
University Press, 1980).
[12] W.J. Rorabaugh, The Alcoholic Republic: An American Tradition (New York: Oxford University Press,
1979), 7-9, 40-46, 191-195; Joyce Appleby, “The Personal Roots of the First American Temperance
Movement,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 14 (1997):141-159; Robert L. Hampel,
Temperance and Prohibition in Massachusetts, 1813-1852 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1982), 24; 183-185 offers a historiographical survey of the subject.
[13] Joseph Yannielli, “George Thompson among the Africans: Empathy, Authority, and Insanity in the Age of
Abolition,” Journal of American History, 96 (March 2010):986ff.
[14] Appleby, Inheriting the Revolution, 247
[15] Henry Mayer, All on Fire: William Lloyd Garrison and the Abolition of Slavery (New York: St. Martin’s
Press, 1998), 225.
[16] Corey Robin, The Reactionary Mind: Conservatism from Edmund Burke to Sarah Palin (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2011), 6.
[17] Robert Abzug, Cosmos Crumbling: American Reform and the Religious Imagination (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1994); Barbara Leslie Epstein, The Politics of Domesticity: Women, Evangelism, and
Temperance in Nineteenth-Century America (Middleton CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1981).
[18] Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Eighty Years & More: Reminiscences, 1815–1897 (Lebanon, NH: University
Press of New England, 1993), 1:5-6, 333, 48, 54. See also Ellen Carol Dubois, Feminism and Suffrage: The
Emergence of an Independent Women’s Movement in America, 1848-1869 (Ithaca NY: Cornell University
Press, 1999).
[19] Alice Stone Blackwell, Lucy Stone: Pioneer of Woman’s Rights (Charlottesville VA: University Press of
Virginia, 2001), 94. See also Jean H. Baker, Votes for Women: The Struggle for Suffrage Revisited (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2002).
[20] Elinor Rice Hays, Morning Star: A Biography of Lucy Stone, 1818–1893 (New York: Harcourt, Brace,
1961), 72-73; Sally Gregory McMillen, Seneca Falls and the Origins of the Women’s Rights Movement (New
York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 81. See also Rebecca J. Mead, How the Vote Was Won: Woman Suffrage
in the Western United States, 1868–1914. (New York: New York University Press, 2004).
[21] Ann D. Gordon, ed. The Selected Papers of Elizabeth Cady Stanton & Susan B. Anthony (New Brunswick
NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2001), 2:567.
[22] Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot, The Life and Writings of Turgot: Comptroller-General of France, 1774–6,
ed. W. Walker Stephens (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1895), 303.
[23] Gary W. Gallagher, The Union War, (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2011).
Joyce Appleby is professor of history emerita at the University of California, Los Angeles, and author of
Inheriting the Revolution: the First Generation of Americans (2000). Her most recent book is The Relentless
Revolution: A History of Capitalism (2010).
Appleby, Joyce. (2013). National Expansion and Reform, 1815–1860 Gilder Lehrman. Retrieved from
https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/national-expansion-and-reform-1815-1860.
Day 1
1. According to lines fourteen to nineteen, which factors contributed to disunity between Americans, after the
Revolutionary War?
2. In which ways, according to the text, did the Declaration of Independence exemplify the disunity of America?
3. According to the text, in which way does the Constitution highlight disunity between America?
4. What was the author referring to when he wrote, “America was the only nation, Richard Hofstadter wryly
commented, that began with perfection and aspired to progress”?
5. In which ways did the spread of literacy and communication aid in disunity, according to the text?
Day 2
1. In which ways, according to the test, did geography and the need for goods further create disunity between the
north and the south?
2. What was the author referring to when he stated, “As northern states used their impressive communications
network to spread their values, southerners—that is, the planter elite—began to perceive themselves standing
against the nation, straining at the bonds of union as they drew closer to one another through shared political
goals and intense sociability”, in lines 122 to 124?
3. In which ways did the disestablishment of colonial churches create tension in America?
4. The author states, “Harking back to the Revolutionary heritage, temperance workers claimed that they had
liberated themselves from a tyranny worse than Britain’s”. In which way, according to the text, does this
statement embody the turmoil in America after the Revolutionary War?
5. The author states, “Americans slowly came to realize that their respect for religious freedom meant more than
tolerating diversity within the Protestant fold”. According to the text, what does the author mean?
Day 3
1. The author stated, “The increasing profitability of cotton gradually stilled anti-slavery voices in the South,
and it took some dramatic developments to stir much concern about southern slavery in the North”. To
what extent does this statement demonstrated divergence between Southerners and Northerners?
2. According to lines 250 to 261, in which ways did the anti-slavery movements further exhibit the divisions
between Americans, which were unresolved by the Constitution?
3. What does the author mean when he stated, “In making the ideal American a restless, ingenious, and
accomplishment-centered person, northerners characterized the nation in a way that made southern
differences ever more apparent”, according to the text?
4. The author states, “Fusing the social ideals of liberty and equality with the personal ones of seeking
redemption, they had narrowed the scope for compromise. They had also fortified Northerners to fight for
their values as keenly as those in the South fought for theirs”. What does the author mean by this
statement?
1
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“ Expansion and Reform (1801-1861)”
Week 2
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
In which way did Manifest Destiny provoke bitter dissent within the national polity?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Assemblages
Henry Clay, “America Should Not Annex Texas” (1844)
Forborne
John L. O’ Sullivan, “America Should Annex Texas” (1845)
Acquiescence
Repugnance
Disapprobation
Appropriations
Transpired
Scrupulously
aggrandizement
encumbrances
depreciable
indemnity
gallantry
belligerents
aggrandizement
encroachment
concurrence
deigning
unquenchable
encumbrances
Strife
Acquiesce
Dissensions
Manifest Destiny
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.6A.3.b, 6.1.12.A.3.a, 6,1.12.B.3.a
Expansion and Reform (1801-1861)
Week 2 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore ways in which
Manifest Destiny provoked bitter dissent within the national polity. The debate over the annexation of Texas was not
simply a debate over the addition of more land, but over slavery, southern and northern power, congressional power, and
international policies.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore how
disunity in American polity was aided by the war with Mexico and the annexation of Texas. Issues that remained
unresolved by the Revolutionary War and the Constitution continued to surface and would soon lead to a bitter civil war
between the North and the South.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1- 173 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 174-253 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1-83 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: In
which ways did debates over the annexation of Texas raise underlying fears of division within America?
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Raleigh, April 17, 1844.
To the Editors of the National Intelligencer
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I regret that I have not the advantage of a view of the treaty itself, so as to enable me to adapt an expression of my opinion to the actual conditions and
stipulations which it contains. Not possessing that opportunity, I am constrained to
treat the question according to what I presume to be the terms of the treaty. If, without the loss of national character, without the hazard of foreign war, with the general concurrence of the nation, without any danger to the integrity of the Union
and without giving an unreasonable price for Texas, the question of annexation
were presented, it would appear in quite a different light from that in which, I
apprehend, it is now to be regarded.
Gentlemen: Subsequent to my departure from Ashland, in December last, I
received various communications from popular assemblages and private individuals,
requesting an expression of my opinion upon the question of the annexation of Texas
to the United States. I have forborne to reply to them, because it was not very convenient, during the progress of my journey, to do so, and for other reasons. I did
not think it proper, unnecessarily, to introduce at present a new element among the
other exciting subjects which agitate and engross the public mind. The rejection
of the overture of Texas, some years ago, to become annexed to the United States,
had met with general acquiescence. Nothing had since occurred materially to vary
the question. I had seen no evidence of a desire being entertained, on the part of
any considerable portion of the American people, that Texas should become an integral part of the United States. During my sojourn in Now Orleans, I had, indeed, been greatly surprised, by information which I received from Texas, that, in
the course of last fall, a voluntary overture had proceeded from Executive of
the United States to the authorities of Texas, to conclude a treaty of annexation;
and that, in order to overcome the repugnance felt by any of them to a negotiation
upon the subject, strong, and, as I believed, erroneous representations had been
made to them of a state of opinion in the Senate of the United States favorable to
the ratification of such a treaty. According to these representations, it had been
ascertained that a number of Senators, varying from thirty-five to forty-two, were
ready to sanction such a treaty. I was aware, too, that holders of Texas lands and
Texas scrip, and speculators in them, were actively engaged in promoting the object of
annexation. Still, 1 did not believe that any Executive of the United States
would venture upon so grave and momentous a proceeding, not only without any
general manifestation of public opinion in favor of it, but in direct opposition to
rong and decided expressions of public disapprobation. But it appears that I was
niiWken. To the astonishment of the whole nation, we are now informed that a treaty
of annexation has been actually concluded, and is to be submitted to the Senate for
its consideration. The motives for my silence, therefore, no longer remain, and I
feel it to be duty to present an exposition of my views and opinions upon the
question, for wSjtf they may be worth, to the public consideration. I adopt this
method, as being convenient than several replies to the respective communications which I
huvereceived, *
The United States acquired a title to Texas, extending, as I believe, to the Rio
del Norte, by the treaty of Louisiana. They ceded and relinquished that title to
Spain by the treaty of 18J9, by which the Sabine was substituted for the Rio del
Norte as our western boundary. This treaty was negotiated under the
administration of Mr. Monroe, and with the concurrence of his Cabinet, of which Messrs.
Crawford, Calhoun, and Wirt, being a majority, all Southern gentlemen, composed
a part. When the treaty was laid before the House of Representatives, being a
member of that body, I expressed the opinion, which I then entertained, and still
hold, that Texas was sacrificed to the acquisition of Florida. We wanted Florida;
but I thought it must, from its position, inevitably fall into our possession ; that the
point of a few years, sooner or later, was of no sort of consequence, and that, in
giving five millions dollars and Texas for it, we gave more than a just equivalent.
But, if we made a great sacrifice in the surrender of Texas, we ought to take care
not to make too great a sacrifice in the attempt to reacquire it.
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My opinions of the inexpediency of the treaty of 1819 did not prevail. The
country and Congress were satisfied with it, appropriations were made to carry it
into effect, the line of the Sabine was recognized by us as our boundary, in
negotiations both with Spain and Mexico, after Mexico became independent, and
measures have been in actual progress to mark the line, from the Sabine to Red river,
and thence to the Pacific ocean. We have thus fairly alienated our title to Texas,
by solemn national compacts, to the fulfillment of which we stand bound by good
faith and national honor. It is therefore perfectly idle and ridiculous, if not dishonorable, to talk of resuming our title to Texas, as if we had never parted with it.
We can no more do that than Spain can resume Florida, France Louisiana, or
Great Britain the thirteen colonies now composing a part of the United States.
During the administration of Mr. Adams, Mr. Poinsett, minister of the United
States at Mexico, was instructed by me, with the President's authority, to propose
a repurchase of Texas ; but he forbore even to make an overture for that purpose.
Upon his return to the United States, he informed me, at New Orleans, that his
reason for not making it was, that he knew the purchase was wholly impracticable,
and that he was persuaded that, if he made the overture, it would have no other
effect than to aggravate irritations, already existing, upon matters of difference
between the two countries.
The events which have since transpired in Texas are well known. She
revolted against the Government of Mexico, flew to arms, and finally fought and won the
memorable battle of San Jacinto, annihilating a Mexican army, and making a captive of the Mexican President. The signal success of that Revolution was greatly
aided, if not wholly achieved, by citizens of the United States who had migrated
to Texas. These succors, if they could not always be prevented by the
Government of the United States, were furnished in a manner and to an extent which
brought upon some national reproach in the eyes of an impartial world. Aid,
in my opinion, they impose on us the obligation of scrupulously avoiding the
imputation of having instigated , aided the revolution with the ultimate view of
territorial aggrandizement. After the battle of San Jacinto, the United States
recognised the independence of Texas, in conformity with the principle and practice
which have always prevailed in their councils of recognising the Government " de
facto" without regarding the question de jure. That recognition did not affect or
impair the rights of Mexico, or change the relations which existed between her and
Texas. She, on the contrary, has preserved all her rights, and has continued to
assert, and so far as I know yet asserts, her right to reduce Texas to obedience, as
a part of the Republic of Mexico. According to late intelligence, it is probable that
she has agreed upon a temporary suspension of hostilities; but, if that has been
done, I presume it is with the purpose, upon the termination of the armistice, of
renewing the war and enforcing her rights, as she considers them.
This narrative shows the present actual condition of Texas, so far as I have information about it. If it be correct, Mexico has not abandoned, but perseveres in
the assertion of her rights by actual force of arms, which, if suspended, are intended
to be renewed. Under these circumstances, if the Government of the United States
were to acquire Texas, it would acquire along with it all the encumbrances which
Texas is under, and among them the actual or suspended war between Mexico and
Texas. Of that consequence there cannot be a doubt. Annexation and war with
Mexico are identical. Now, for one, I certainly am not willing to involve this
country in a foreign war for the object of acquiring Texas. I know there are those
who regard such a war with indifference, and as a trifling affair, on account of the
weakness of Mexico, and her inability to inflict serious injury upon this country.
But I do not look upon it thus lightly. I regard all wars as great calamities, to be
avoided, if possible, and honorable peace as the wisest and truest policy of this
country. What the United States most need are, union, peace, and patience. Nor
do I think that the weakness of a Power should form a motive, in any case, for
inducing us to engage in or to depreciale the evils of war. Honor and good and
justice are equally due from this country towards the weak as towards the strong,
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And if an act of injustice were to be perpetrated towards any Power, it would be more
compatible with the dignity of the nation, and, in my judgment, less dishonorable,
to inflict it upon a powerful instead of a weak foreign nation. But are we perfectlysure that we should be free from injury in a state of war with Mexico? Have we
any security that countless numbers of foreign vessels, under the authority and flag of
Mexico, would not prey upon our defenceless commerce in the Mexican gulf, on
the Pacific ocean, and on every other sea and ocean. What commerce, on the
other hand, does Mexico offer, as an indemnity for our losses, to the gallantry and
enterprise of our countrymen. This view of the subject supposes that the war
would be confined to the United States and Mexico, as the only belligerents. But
have we any certain guaranty that Mexico would obtain no allies among the great
European Powers? Suppose any such Powers, jealous of our increasing
greatness, and disposed to check our growth and cripple us, were to take part in behalf
of Mexico in the war, how would the different belligerents present themselves to
Christendom and the enlightened world. We have been seriously charged with
an inordinate spirit of territorial aggrandizement; and, without admitting the justice of the charge, it must be owned that we have made vast acquisitions of
territory within the last forty years. Suppose Great Britain and France, or one of
them, were to take part with Mexico, and, by a manifesto, were to proclaim that
their objects were to assist a weak and helpless ally to check the spirit of
encroachment and ambition of an already overgrown Republic, seeking still further
acquisitions of territory, to maintain the independence of Texas, disconnected with the
United States, and to prevent the further propagation of slavery from the United
States, what would be the effect of such allegations upon the judgment of an impartial and
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Assuming that the annexation of Texas is war with Mexico, is it competent to
the treaty-making power to plunge this country into war, not only without the
concurrence of, but without deigning to consult Congress, to which, by the
Constitution, belongs exclusively the power of declaring war?
enlightened world
I have hitherto considered the question upon the supposition that the annexation
attempted without the assent of Mexico. If she yields her consent, that would affect the
foreign aspect of the question, if it did not remove all foreign. On the assumption of
that assent, the question would be confined to the domestic considerations which belong
to it, embracing the terms and conditions which annexation is proposed. I do not think
that Texas ought to be received by the Union, as an integral part of it, in decided
opposition to the wishes of a considerable and respectable portion of the Confederacy. I
think it far more wise and important to compose and harmonize the present Confederacy, as
it now exists, than to introduce a new element of discord and distraction into it. In my
opinion, it should be the constant and earnest endeavor of American states
to eradicate prejudices, to cultivate and foster concord, and to produce generate
contentment among all parts of our Confederacy. And true wisdom, it seems, points to the
duty of rendering its present members happy, prosperous, and satisfied with each other,
rather than to attempt to introduce alien members, against the common consent and with
the certainty of deep dissatisfaction. Mr. Jefferson expressed the opinion, and others
believed, that it never was in the contemplation of the framers of the Constitution to
add foreign territory to the Confederacy, out of which new States were to be formed. The
acquisitions of Louisiana aid Florida may be defended upon the peculiar ground of the
relation which to the States of the Union. After they were admitted, we might well
pause awhile, people our vast wastes, develop our resources, prepare the means of
what we possess, and augment our strength, power, and greatness. If
thereafter further territory should be wanted for an increased population, we need
no apprehensions, but that it will be acquired by means, it is to be hoped,
lair, honorable, and constitutional.
It is useless to disguise that there are those who espouse and those who oppose
tbe annexation of Texas upon the ground of the influence which it would exert, in
the alliance of political power, between two great sections of the Union. I conceive that
no motive for the acquisition of foreign territory would be more unfirming, or pregnant
with more fatal consequences, than that of obtaining it for the purpose of strengthening
one part against another part of the common Confederacy. Such a principle, put into
practical operation, would menace the existence, if it not certainly sow the seeds of a
dissolution of the Union. It would be to proclaim to the world an insatiable and
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unquenchable thirst for foreign conquest or acquisition of territory. For if today Texas
be acquired to strengthen one part of the Confederacy, tomorrow Canada may be required to
add strength to another. Still, after that might have been obtained, still other and
further acquisitions would be necessary, to equalize and adjust the balance of political
power. Finally, progress of this spirit of universal dominion, the part of the
Confederacy that is now weakest would find itself still weaker from the impossibility of
new theatres for those peculiar institutions which it is charged with being to extend.
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But would Texas, ultimately, really add strength to that which is now considered
The weakest part of the Confederacy? If my information be correct, it would not.
According to that, the territory of Texas is susceptible of a division into five States
of convenient size and form. Of these, two only would be adapted to those peculiar
institutions to which I have referred, and the other three, lying west and north
Antonio, being only adapted to farming and grazing purposes, from the nature, their soil,
climate, and productions, would not admit of those institutions. Therefore, there would
be two slave and three free States probably added to the Union. If this view of the soil
and geography of Texas be correct, it might serve ta diminish the zeal both of those who
oppose and those who are urging annexation.
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In the future progress of events, it is probable that there will be a voluntary or
forcible separation of the British North American possessions from the parent
country. I am strongly inclined to think that it will be best for the happiness of
parties, that, in that event, they should be erected into a separate and independent
Republic. With the Canadian Republic on one side, that of Texas on the other
and the United States, the friend of both, between them, each could advance its.
own happiness by such constitutions, laws, and measures, as were best adapted to
its peculiar condition. They would be natural allies, ready, by co-operation, to
repel any European or foreign attack upon either. Each would afford a securerefuge to the persecuted and oppressed, driven into exile by either of the others.
They would emulate each other in improvements, in free institutions, and in the
science of self-government. Whilst Texas has adopted our Constitution as a
model of hers, she has, in several important particulars, greatly improved upon.
Should Texas be annexed to the Union, the United States will assume and be responsible
for the debt of Texas, be its amount what it may. What it is, I do not know certainly;
but the least I have seen it stated at is thirteen millions of dollars. And this
responsibility will exist, whether there be a stipulation in the treaty or not expressly
assuming the payment of the debt of Texas. For I suppose it to be undeniable, that, if
one nation becomes incorporated in another, all that debts, and obligations, and
encumbrances, and wars, of the incorporated nation, become the debris, and obligations,
and encumbrances, and wars, of the common name created by the incorporation.
If any European nation entertains any ambitious designs upon Texas, such as
that of colonizing her, or in any way subjugating her, I should regard it as the
imperative duty of the Government of the United States to oppose to such designs
the most firm and determined resistance, to the extent, if necessary, of appearance* So
arms to prevent the accomplishment of any such designs. The Executive of the
United States ought to be informed as to the aims and views of foreign Powers with
regard to Texas; and I presume that, if there be any of the exceptionable
character which I have indicated, the Executive will disclose to the coordinate
departments of the Government, if not to the public, the evidence of them. From what
I have seen and heard, I believe that Great Britain has recently formally and
solemnly disavowed any such aims or purposes — has declared that she is desirous only
of the independence of Texas, and that she has no intention to interfere in her
domestic institutions. If she has made such disavowal and declaration, I presume they
are in the possession of the Executive.
Although I have felt compelled, from the nature of the inquiries addressed to
me, to extend this communication to a much greater length than I could have
wished, I could not do justice to the subject, and fairly and fully expose my own
opinions, in a shorter space. In conclusion, they may be stated in a few words to
be, that I consider the annexation of Texas, at this time, without the assess of
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Mexico, as a measure compromising the national character, involving us certainly
in war with Mexico, probably with other foreign Powers, dangerous to the integrity
of the Union, inexpedient in the present financial condition of the country, and not
called for by any general expression of public opinion.
I am, respectfully, your obedient servant,
H. CLAY
Clay, H.(2013). Henry Clay Letter. Archives. Retrieved from http://archive.org/stream/
lettersofmessrsc00clay/lettersofmessrsc00clay_djvu.txt
Day 1
1. The author states, “If, without the loss of national character, without the hazard of foreign war, with the general
concurrence of the nation, without any danger to the integrity of the Union and without giving an unreasonable
price for Texas, the question of annexation were presented, it would appear in quite a different light from that
in which, I apprehend, it is now to be regarded”. What does the author, according to the text, mean by this?
2. What is the author referring to when he states, “But, if we made a great sacrifice in the surrender of Texas, we
ought to take care not to make too great a sacrifice in the attempt to reacquire it”?
3. According to the text, what was the author referring to when he stated, "under this circumstances, if the
Government of the United States were to acquire Texas, it would acquire along with it all encumbrances which
Texas is under, and among them the actual or suspended war between Mexico and Texas"?
4. According to author, in which ways can the annexation of Texas be detrimental to America?
Day 2
1. According to the text, what does the author mean when he states, "Assuming that the annexation of Texas is
war with Mexico, is it competent to the treaty-making power to plunge this country into war, not only without
the concurrence of, but without deigning to consult Congress, to which, by the Constitution, belongs exclusively
the power of declaring war?
2. The author states, "I think it far more wise and important to compose and harmonize the present Confederacy,
as it now exists, than to introduce a new element of discord and distraction into it." According to the text, what
did the author mean by this statement?
3. According to text, in which way will the annexation of Texas promote political power, which would create
tension between countries and between the Union and the Confederacy?
4. In which way, economically, according to the text, would the United States be negatively affected by the
annexation of Texas?
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America Should Annex Texas (1845) John L. Sullivan
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It is time now for opposition to the Annexation of Texas to cease, all further agitation of the waters of bitterness
and strife, at least in connection with this question,—-even though it may perhaps be required of us as a
necessary condition of the freedom of our institutions, that we must live on forever in a state of unpausing
struggle and excitement upon some subject of party division or other. But, in regard to Texas, enough has now
been given to Party. It is time for the common duty of Patriotism to the Country to succeed;—or if this claim
will not be recognized, it is at least time for common sense to acquiesce with decent grace in the inevitable and
the irrevocable.
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Texas is now ours. Already, before these words are written, her Convention has undoubtedly ratified the
acceptance, by her Congress, of our proffered invitation into the Union; and made the requisite changes in her
already republican form of constitution to adopt it to its future federal relations. Her star and her stripe may
already be said to have taken their place in the glorious blazon of our common nationality; and the sweep of our
eagle's wing already includes within its circuit the wide extent of her fair and fertile land. She is no longer to us
a mere geographical space—a certain combination of coast, plain, mountain, valley, forest and stream. She is no
longer to us a mere country on the map. She comes within the dear and sacred designation of Our Country....
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Why, were other reasoning wanting, in favor of now elevating this question of the reception of Texas into the
Union, out of the lower region of our past party dissensions, up to its proper level of a high and broad
nationality, it surely is to be found, fouled abundantly, in the manner in which other nations have undertaken to
intrude themselves into it, between us and the proper parties to the case, in a spirit of hostile interference against
us, for the avowed object of thwarting our policy and hampering our power, limiting our greatness and checking
the fulfillment of our manifest destiny to overspread the continent allotted by Providence for the free
development of oar yearly multiplying millions ....
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Nor is there any just foundation of the charge that Annexation is a great pro-slavery measure—calculated to
increase and perpetuate that institution. Slavery had nothing to do with it.... The country which was the subject
of Annexation in this case, from its geographical position and relations, happens to be—-or rather the portion of
it now actually settled, happens to be—a slave country. But a similar process might have taken place in
proximity to a different section of our Union; and indeed there is a great deal of Annexation yet to take place,
within the life of the present generation, along the whole line of our northern border. Texas has been absorbed
into the Union in the inevitable fulfillment of the general law which is rolling our population westward; the
connection of which with that ratio of growth in population which is destined within a hundred years to swell
our numbers to the enormous population of two hundred and fifty millions (if not more), is too evident to leave
us in doubt of the manifest design of Providence in regard to the occupation of this continent. It was
disintegrated from Mexico in the natural course of events, by a process perfectly legitimate on its own part,
blameless on ours; and in which all the censures due to wrong, perfidy and folly, rest on Mexico alone. And
possessed as it was by a population which was in truth but a colonial detachment from our own, and which was
still bound by myriad ties of the very heartstrings to its old relations, domestic and political, their incorporation
into the Union was not only inevitable, but the most natural, right and proper thing in the world—and it is only
astonishing that there should be any among ourselves to say it nay....
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California will, probably, next fall away from the loose adhesion which, in such a country as Mexico, holds a
remote province in a slight equivocal kind of dependence on the metropolis. Imbecile and distracted, Mexico
never can exert any real governmental authority over such a country. The impotence of the one and the distance
of the other, must make the relation one of virtual independence; unless, by stunting the province of all natural
growth, and forbidding that immigration which can alone develop its capabilities and fulfill the purposes of its
creation, tyranny may retain a military 'dominion which is no government in the legitimate sense of the term. In
the case of California this is now impossible. The Anglo-Saxon foot is already on its borders. Already the
advance guard of the irresistible army of Anglo-Saxon emigration has begun to pour down upon it, armed with
the plough and the rifle, and marking its trail with schools and colleges, courts and representative hails, mills
and meeting- houses. A population will soon be in actual occupation of California, over which it will be idle for
Mexico to dream of dominion.
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They will necessarily become independent. All this without agency of our government, without responsibility of
our people—in the natural flow of events, the spontaneous working of principles, and the adaptation of the
tendencies and wants of the human race to the elemental circumstances in the midst of which they find
themselves placed. And they will have a right to independence—to selfgovernment—to the possession of the
homes conquered from the wilderness by their own labors and dangers, sufferings and sacrifices—a better and a
truer right than the artificial title of sovereignty in Mexico a thousand miles distant, inheriting from Spain a title
good only against those who have none better. Their right independence will be the natural right of
selfgovernment belonging to any community strong enough to maintain it—distinct in position, origin and
character, and free from any mutual obligations of membership of a common political body, binding it to others
by the duty of loyalty and compact of public faith. This will be their title to independence; and by this title,
there can be no doubt that the population now fast streaming down upon California will both assert and
maintain the independence. Whether they will then attach themselves to our Union or not, is not to be predicted
with any certainty. Unless the projected railroad across the continent to the Pacific be carried into effect,
perhaps they may not; though even in that case, the day is not distant when the Empires of the Atlantic and
Pacific would again flow together into one, as soon as their inland border should approach each other. But that
great work, colossal as appears the plan on its first suggestion, cannot remain long unbuilt. Its necessity for this
very purpose of binding and holding together in its iron clasp our fast settling Pacific region with that of the
Mississippi valley—the natural facility of the route—the ease with which any amount of labor for the
construction can be drawn in from the overcrowded populations of Europe, to be paid in the lands made
valuable by the progress of the work itself—and its immense utility to the commerce of the world with the
whole eastern coast of Asia, alone almost sufficient for the support of such a road— these considerations give
assurance that the day cannot be distant which shall witness the conveyance of the representatives from Oregon
and California to Washington within less time than a few years ago was devoted to a similar journey by those
from Ohio; while the magnetic telegraph will enable the editors of the "San Francisco Union," the "Astoria
Evening Post," or the "Nootka Morning News" to set up in type the first half of the President's Inaugural, before
the echoes of the latter half shall have died away beneath the lofty porch of the Capitol, as spoken from his lips.
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Away, then, with all idle French talk of balances of power on the American Continent. There is no growth in
Spanish America! Whatever progress of population there may be in the British Canada as, is only for their own
early severance of their present colonial relation to the little island three thousand miles across the Atlantic;
soon to be followed by Annexation, and destined to swell the still accumulating momentum of our progress.
And whatsoever may hold the balance, though they should cast into the opposite scale all the bayonets and
cannon, not only of France and England, but of Europe entire, how would it kick the beam against the simple
solid weight of the two hundred and fifty or three hundred millions—and American millions—destined to
gather beneath the flutter of the stripes and stars, in the fast hastening year of the Lord 1845.
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Resource:
Sullivan, J.(2013). US resources. Retrieved from http://1.scds.org/resources/USHistory/1845_John%20L.%20O'Sullivan,%20On%20Manifest%20Destiny.pdf
Day 1
1. What is the author referring to, according to the text, when he states, “It is time now for opposition to the
Annexation of Texas to cease, all further agitation of the waters of bitterness and strife, at least in connection
with this question,—-even though it may perhaps be required of us as a necessary condition of the freedom of
our institutions, that we must live on forever in a state of unpausing struggle and excitement upon some subject
of party division or other”?
2. The author states, “Why, were other reasoning wanting, in favor of now elevating this question of the reception
of Texas into the Union, out of the lower region of our past party dissensions, up to its proper level of a high and
broad nationality, it surely is to be found, fouled abundantly, in the manner in which other nations have
undertaken to intrude themselves into it, between us and the proper parties to the case, in a spirit of hostile
interference against us, for the avowed object of thwarting our policy and hampering our power, limiting our
greatness and checking the fulfillment of our manifest destiny to overspread the continent allotted by
Providence for the free development of oar yearly multiplying millions ....” . According to the text, what does the
author mean by this?
3. According to lines twenty three to thirty two, in which way does the author address the issue of the division of
union, in regards to slavery?
4. According to the text, what arguments does the author make regarding Mexico’s claim of Texas and their ability
to govern Texas?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“ Expansion and Reform (1801-1861)”
Week 3
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
In which way, primarily, did the acquisition of land aggravate disunity between the North and the South?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Endeavor
Sen. John C. Calhoun, “THE CAUSES BY WHICH THE UNION
Indispensable
IS ENDANGERED”March 4, 1850
Demagogues
Solicitous
Incipient
Apportionment
Preponderance
Irretrievably
Consummated
ascendancy
countenance
perilous
asunder
ecclesiastical
assemblage
appertained
subjugation
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.3.a, 6.1.12.A.4.b
Expansion and Reform (1801-1861)
Week 3 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore ways in which the
addition of new territory further divided the south and the north. Although, the issue of slavery was one of the causes that
aggravated the civil war, it was not the only cause. A political battle, over power, was fueled when the northerners
dominated government and the equilibrium of power between the North and the South was compromised. Southerners felt
crippled by northern suppression and felt underrepresented, politically.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore how
disunity between the north and the south was fueled by Southern fears of disenfranchisement. Issues that remained
unresolved by the Revolutionary War and Constitution had once again come to the forefront.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1- 102 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 103-290 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 291-359 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: In
which way, primarily, did the acquisition of new territories lead to further disunity, between the North and the South?
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THE CAUSES BY WHICH THE UNION IS ENDANGERED
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Sen. John C. Calhoun
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March 4, 1850
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I have, Senators, believed from the first that the agitation of the subject of slavery would, if not prevented by
some timely and effective measure, end in disunion. Entertaining this opinion, I have, on all proper occasions,
endeavored to call the attention of both the two great parties which divide the country to adopt some measure to
prevent so great a disaster, but without success. The agitation has been permitted to proceed, with almost no
attempt to resist it, until it has reached a point when it can no longer be disguised or denied that the Union is in
danger. You have thus had forced upon you the greatest and the gravest question that can ever come under your
consideration --- How can the Union be preserved? To give a satisfactory answer to this mighty question, it is
indispensable to have an accurate and thorough knowledge of the nature and the character of the cause by which
the Union is endangered. Without such knowledge it is impossible to pronounce, with any certainty, by what
measure it can be saved; just as it would be impossible for a physician to pronounce, in the case of some
dangerous disease, with any certainty, by what remedy the patient could be saved, without similar knowledge of
the nature and character of the cause which produced it. The first question, then, presented for consideration, in
the investigation I propose to make, in order to obtain such knowledge, is --- What is it that has endangered the
Union?
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To this question there can be but one answer, --- that the immediate cause is the almost universal discontent
which pervades all the States composing the Southern section of the Union. This widely-extended discontent is
not of recent origin. It commenced with the agitation of the slavery question, and has been increasing ever
since. The next question, going one step further back, is --- What has caused this widely diffused and almost
universal discontent?
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It is a great mistake to suppose, as it is by some, that it originated with demagogues, who excited the discontent
with the intention of aiding their personal advancement, or with the disappointed ambition of certain politicians,
who resorted to it as the means of retrieving their fortunes. On the contrary, all the great political influences of
the section were arrayed against excitement, and exerted to the utmost to keep the people quiet. The great mass
of the people of the South were divided, as in the other section, into Whigs and Democrats. The leaders and the
presses of both parties in the South were very solicitous to prevent excitement and to preserve quiet; because it
was seen that the effects of the former would necessarily tend to weaken, if not destroy, the political ties which
united them with their respective parties in the other section. Those who know the strength of party ties will
readily appreciate the immense force which this cause exerted against agitation, and in favor of preserving
quiet. But, great as it was, it was not sufficient to prevent the wide-spread discontent which now pervades the
section. No; some cause, far deeper and more powerful than the one supposed, must exist, to account for
discontent so wide and deep. The question then recurs --- What is the cause of this discontent? It will be found
in the belief of the people of the Southern States, as prevalent as the discontent itself, that they cannot remain,
as things now are, consistently with honor and safety, in the Union. The next question to be considered is --What has caused this belief?
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One of the causes is, undoubtedly, to be traced to the long-continued agitation of the slave question on the part
of the North, and the many aggressions which they have made on the rights of the South during the time. I will
not enumerate them at present, as it will be done hereafter in its proper place.
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There is another lying back of it --- with which this is intimately connected --- that may be regarded as the great
and primary cause. This is to be found in the fact that the equilibrium between the two sections, in the
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Government as it stood when the constitution was ratified and the Government put in action, has been
destroyed. At that time there was nearly a perfect equilibrium between the two, which afforded ample means to
each to protect itself against the aggression of the other; but, as it now stands, one section has the exclusive
power of controlling the Government, which leaves the other without any adequate means of protecting itself
against its encroachment and oppression. To place this subject distinctly before you, I have, Senators, prepared
a brief statistical statement, showing the relative weight of the two sections in the Government under the first
census of 1790 and the last census of 1840.
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According to the former, the population of the United States, including Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee,
which then were in their incipient condition of becoming States; but were not actually admitted, amounted to
3,929,827. Of this number the Northern States had 1,997,899, and the Southern 1,952,072, making a difference
of only 45,827 in favor of the former States. The number of States, including Vermont, Kentucky, and
Tennessee, were sixteen; of which eight, including Vermont, belonged to the Northern section, and eight,
including Kentucky and Tennessee, to the Southern, --- making an equal division of the States between the two
sections under the first census. There was a small preponderance in the House of Representatives, and in the
electoral college, in favor of the Northern, owing to the fact that, according to the provisions of the constitution,
in estimating the federal numbers five slaves count but three; but it was too small to affect sensibly the perfect
equilibrium which, with that exception, existed at the time. Such was the equality of the two sections when the
States composing them agreed to enter into a Federal Union. Since then the equilibrium between them has been
greatly disturbed.
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According to the last census the aggregate population of the United States amounted to 17,063,357, of which
the Northern section contained 9,728,920, and the Southern 7,334,437, making a difference in round numbers,
of 2,400,000. The number of States had increased from sixteen to twenty-six, making an addition of ten States.
In the meantime the position of Delaware had become doubtful as to which section she properly belonged.
Considering her as neutral, the Northern States will have thirteen and the Southern States twelve, making a
difference in the Senate of two Senators in favor of the former. According to the apportionment under the
census of 1840, there were two hundred and twenty-three members of the House of Representatives, of which
the Northern States had one hundred and thirty-five, and the Southern States (considering Delaware as neutral)
eighty-seven, making a difference in favor of the former in the House of Representatives of forty-eight. The
difference in the Senate of two members, added to this, gives to the North, in the electoral college, a majority of
fifty. Since the census of 1840, four States have been added to the Union --- Iowa, Wisconsin, Florida, and
Texas. They leave the difference in the Senate as it stood when the census was taken; but add two to the side of
the North in the House, making the present majority in the House in its favor fifty, and in the electoral college
fifty-two.
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The result of the whole is to give the Northern section a predominance in every department of the Government,
and thereby concentrate in it the two elements which constitute the Federal Government, --- majority of States,
and a majority of their population, estimated in federal numbers. Whatever section concentrates the two in itself
possesses the control of the entire Government.
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But we are just at the close of the sixth decade, and the commencement of the seventh. The census is to be taken
this year, which must add greatly to the decided preponderance of the North in the House of Representatives
and in the electoral college. The prospect is, also, that a great increase will be added to its present
preponderance in the Senate, during the period of the decade, by the addition of new States. Two territories,
Oregon and Minnesota, are already in progress, and strenuous efforts are making to bring in three additional
States from the territory recently conquered from Mexico; which, if successful, will add three other States in a
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short time to the Northern section, making five States; and increasing the present number of its States from
fifteen to twenty, and of its Senators from thirty to forty. On the contrary, there is not a single territory in
progress in the Southern section, and no certainty that any additional State will be added to it during the decade.
The prospect then is, that the two sections in the Senate, should the efforts now made to exclude the South from
the newly acquired territories succeed, will stand, before the end of the decade, twenty Northern States to
fourteen Southern (considering Delaware as neutral), and forty Northern Senators to twenty-eight Southern.
This great increase of Senators, added to the great increase of members of the House of Representatives and the
electoral college on the part of the North, which must take place under the next decade, will effectually and
irretrievably destroy the equilibrium which existed when the Government commenced.
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Had this destruction been the operation of time, without the interference of Government, the South would have
had no reason to complain; but such was not the fact. It was caused by the legislation of this Government, which
was appointed, as the common agent of all, and charged with the protection of the interests and security of all.
The legislation by which it has been effected, may be classed under three heads. The first is, that series of acts
by which the South has been excluded from the common territory belonging to all the States as members of the
Federal Union --- which have had the effect of extending vastly the portion allotted to the Northern section, and
restricting within narrow limits the portion left the South. The next consists in adopting a system of revenue and
disbursements, by which an undue proportion of the burden of taxation has been imposed upon the South, and
an undue proportion of its proceeds appropriated to the North; and the last is a system of political measures, by
which the original character of the Government has been radically changed. I propose to bestow upon each of
these, in the order they stand, a few remarks, with the view of showing that it is owing to the action of this
Government, that the equilibrium between the two sections has been destroyed, and the whole powers of the of
the system centered in a sectional majority.
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The first of the series of acts by which the South was deprived of its due share of the territories, originated with
the confederacy which preceded the existence of this Government. It is to be found in the provision of the
ordinance of 1787. Its effect was to exclude the South entirely from that vast and fertile region which lies
between the Ohio and the Mississippi rivers, now embracing five States and one territory. The next of the series
is the Missouri compromise, which excluded the South from that large portion of Louisiana which lies north of
36" 30', excepting what is included in the State of Missouri. The last of the series excluded the South from the
whole of the Oregon Territory. All these, in the slang of the day, were what are called slave territories, and not
free soil; that is, territories belonging to slaveholding powers and open to the emigration of masters with their
slaves. By these several acts, the South was excluded from 1,238,025 square miles - an extent of country
considerably exceeding the entire valley of the Mississippi. To the South was left the portion of the Territory of
Louisiana lying south of 36° 30', and the portion north of it included in the State of Missouri, with the portion
lying south of 36° 30', including the States of Louisiana and Arkansas, and the territory lying west of the latter,
and south of 36" 30', called the Indian country. These, with the Territory of Florida, now the State, make, in the
whole, 253,503 square miles, To this must be added the territory acquired with Texas. If the whole should be
added to the Southern section, it would make an increase of 325,520, which would make the whole left to the
South, 609,023. But a large part of Texas is still in contest between the two sections, which leaves it uncertain
what will be the real extent of the portion of territory that may be left to the South.
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I have not included the territory recently acquired by the treaty with Mexico. The North is making the most
strenuous efforts to appropriate the whole to herself, by excluding the South from every foot of it. If she should
succeed, it will add to that from which the South has already been excluded, 526,078 square miles, and would
increase the whole which the North has appropriated to herself, to 1,764,023, not including the portion that she
may succeed in excluding us from in Texas. To sum up the whole, the United States, since they declared their
independence, have acquired 2,373,046 square miles of territory, from which the North will have excluded the
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South, if she should succeed in monopolizing the newly acquired territories, about three-fourths of the whole,
leaving to the South but about one-fourth.
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Such is the first and great cause that has destroyed the equilibrium between the two sections in the Government.
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The next is the system of revenue and disbursements which has been adopted by the Government. It is well
known that the Government has derived its revenue mainly from duties on imports. I shall not undertake to
show that such duties must necessarily fall mainly on the exporting States, and that the South, as the great
exporting portion of the Union, has in reality paid vastly more than her due portion of the revenue; because I
deem it unnecessary, as the subject has on so many occasions been fully discussed. Nor shall I, for the same
reason, undertake to show that a far greater portion of the revenue has been disbursed at the North, than its due
share; and that the joint effect of these causes has been, to transfer a vast amount from South to North, which,
under an equal system of revenue and disbursements, would not have been lost to her. If to this be added, that
many of the duties were imposed not for revenue but for protection, --- that is, intended to put money, not in the
treasury, but directly into the pocket of the manufacturers, --- some conception may be formed of the immense
amount which, in the long course of sixty years, has been transferred from South to North. There are no data by
which it can be estimated with any certainty; but it is safe to say, that it amounts to hundreds of millions of
dollars. Under the most moderate estimate, it would be sufficient to add greatly to the wealth of the North, and
thus greatly increase her population by attracting emigration from all quarters to that section.
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This, combined with the great primary cause, amply explains why the North has acquired a preponderance in
every department of the Government by its disproportionate increase of population and States. The former, as
has been shown has increased, in fifty years, 2,400,000 over that of the South. This increase of population,
during so long a period, is satisfactorily accounted for, by the number of emigrants, and the increase of their
descendants, which have been attracted to the Northern section from Europe and the South, in consequence of
the advantages derived from the causes assigned. If they had not existed --- if the South had retained all the
capital which has been extracted from her by the fiscal action of the Government; and, if it had not been
excluded by the ordinance of 1787 and the Missouri compromise, from the region lying between the Ohio and
the Mississippi rivers, and between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains north of 36° 30' - it scarcely
admits of a doubt, that it would have divided the emigration with the North, and by retaining her own people,
would have at least equaled the North in population under the census of 1840, and probably under that about to
be taken. She would also, if she had retained her equal rights in those territories, have maintained an equality in
number of States with the North, and have preserved the equilibrium between the two sections that existed at
the commencement of the Government The loss, then, of the equilibrium is to be attributed to the action of this
Government.
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But while these measures were destroying the equilibrium between the two sections, the action of the
Government was leading to a radical change in its character; by concentrating all the power of the system in
itself. The occasion will not permit me to trace the measures by which this great change has been consummated.
If it did, it would not be difficult to show that the process commenced at an early period of the Government; and
that it proceeded, almost without interruption, step by step, until it absorbed virtually its entire powers; but
without going through the whole process to establish the fact, it may be done satisfactorily by a very short
statement.
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That the Government claims, and practically maintains the right to decide in the last resort, as to the extent of its
powers, will scarcely be denied by any one conversant with the political history of the country. That it also
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claims the right to resort to force to maintain whatever power it claims, against all opposition, is equally certain.
Indeed it is apparent, from what we daily hear, that this has become the prevailing and fixed opinion of a great
majority of the community. Now, I ask, what limitation can possibly be placed upon the powers of a
government claiming and exercising such rights? And, if none can be, how can the separate governments of the
States main them by the constitution --- or the people of the several States maintain those which are reserved to
them, and among others, the sovereign powers by which they ordained and established, not only their separate
State Constitutions and Governments, but also the Constitution and Government of the United States? But, if
they have no constitutional means of maintaining them against the right claimed by this Government, it
necessarily follows, that they hold them at its pleasure and discretion, and that all the powers of the system are
in reality concentrated in it. It also follows, that the character of the Government has been changed in
consequence, from a federal republic, as it originally came from the hands of its framers, into a great national
consolidated democracy. It has indeed, at present, all the characteristics of the latter, and not one of the former,
although it still retains its outward form.
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The result of the whole of these causes combined is --- that the North has acquired a decided ascendency over
every department of this Government, and through it a control over all the powers of the system. A single
section governed by the will of the numerical majority, has now, in fact, the control of the Government and the
entire powers of the system. what was once a constitutional federal republic, is now converted, in reality, into
one as absolute as that of the Autocrat of Russia,and as despotic in its tendency as any absolute government that
ever existed.
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As, then, the North has the absolute control over the Government, it is manifest, that on all questions between it
and the South, where there is a diversity of interests, the interest of the latter will be sacrificed to the former,
however oppressive the effects may be; as the South possesses no means by which it can resist, through the
action of the Government. But if there was no question of vital importance to the South, in reference to which
there was a diversity of views between the two sections, this state of things might be endured, without the hoard
of destruction to the South. But such is not the fact. There is a question of vital importance to the Southern
section, in reference to which the views and feelings of the two sections are as opposite and hostile as they can
possibly be.
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I refer to the relation between the races in the Southern Section, which constitutes a vital portion of her social
organization. Every portion of the North entertains views and feelings more or less hostile to it. Those most
opposed and hostile, regard it as a sin, and consider themselves under the most sacred obligation to use every
effort to destroy it. Indeed, to the extent that they conceive they have power; they regard themselves as
implicated in the sin, and responsible for not suppressing it by the use of all and every means. Those less
opposed and hostile, regard it as a crime - an offence against humanity, as they call it; and, although not so
fanatical, feel themselves bound to use all efforts to effect the same object; while those who are least opposed
and hostile, regard it as a blot and a stain on the character of what they call the Nation, and feel themselves
accordingly bound to give it no countenance or support. On the contrary, the Southern situation regards the
relation as one which cannot be destroyed without subjecting the two races to the greatest calamity, and the
section to poverty, desolation, and wretchedness; and accordingly they feel bound, by every consideration of
interest and safety, to defend it.
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This hostile feeling on the part of the North towards the social organization of South long lay dormant, but it
only required some cause to act on those who felt most intensely that they were responsible for its continuance,
to call it into action. The increasing power of this Government, and of the control of the Northern section over
all its departments furnished the cause. It was this which made an impression on the minds of many, that there
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was little or no restraint to prevent the Government from doing whatever it might choose to do. This was
sufficient of itself to put the most fanatical portion of the North in action, for the purpose of destroying the
existing relation between the two races in the South.
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The first organized movement towards it commenced in 1835. Then, for the first time, societies were organized,
presses established, lecturers sent forth to excite the people of the North, and incendiary publications scattered
over the whole South, through the mail. The South was thoroughly aroused. Meetings were held everywhere,
and resolutions adopted, calling upon the North to apply a remedy to arrest the threatened evil, and pledging
themselves to adopt measures for their own protection, if it was not arrested. At the meeting of Congress,
petitions poured in from the North, calling upon Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and to
prohibit, what they called, the internal slave trade between the States - announcing at the same time, that their
ultimate object was to abolish slavery, not only in the District, but in the States and throughout the Union. At
this period, the number engaged in the agitation was small, and possessed little or no personal influence.
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Neither party in Congress had, at that time, any sympathy with them or their cause. The members of each party
presented their petitions with great reluctance. Nevertheless, small and contemptible as the party then was, both
of the great parties of the North dreaded them. They felt, that though small, they were organized in reference to
a subject which had a great and a commanding influence over the Northern mind. Each party, on that account,
feared to oppose their petitions, lest the opposite party should take advantage of the one who might do so, by
favoring them. The effect was, that both united in insisting that the petitions should be received, and that
Congress should take jurisdiction over the subject. To justify their course, they took the extraordinary ground,
that Congress was bound to receive petitions on every subject, however objectionable they might be, and
whether they had, or had not, jurisdiction over the subject. These views prevailed in the House of
Representatives, and partially in the Senate; and thus the party succeeded in their first movements, in gaining
what they pro-posed -a position in Congress, from which agitation could be extended over the whole Union.
This was the commencement of the agitation, which has ever since continued, and which, as is now
acknowledged, has endangered the Union itself.
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As for myself, I believed at that early period, if the party who got up the petitions should succeed in getting
Congress to take jurisdiction, that agitation would follow, and that it would in the end, if not arrested, destroy
the Union. I then so expressed myself in debate, and called upon both parties to take grounds against assuming
jurisdiction; but in vain. Had my voice been heeded, and had Congress refused to take jurisdiction, by the united
votes of all parties, the agitation which followed would have been prevented, and the fanatical zeal that gives
impulse to the agitation, and which has brought us to our present perilous condition, would have become
extinguished, from the want of fuel to feed the flame. That was the time for the North to have shown her
devotion to the Union; but, unfortunately, both of the great parties of that section were so intent on obtaining or
retaining party ascendency, that all other considerations were overlooked or forgotten.
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What has since followed are but natural consequences. With the success of their first movement, this small
fanatical party began to acquire strength; and with that, to become an object of courtship to both the great
parties. The necessary consequence was, a further increase of power, and a gradual tainting of the opinions of
both of the other parties with their doctrines, until the infection has extended over both; and the great mass of
the population of the North, who, whatever may be their opinion of the original abolition party, which still
preserves its distinctive organization, hardly ever fail, when it comes to acting, to co-operate in carrying out
their measures. With the increase of their influence, they extended the sphere of their action. In a short time
after the commencement of their first movement, they had acquired sufficient influence to induce the
legislatures of most of the Northern States to pass acts, which in effect abrogated the clause of the constitution
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that provides for the delivery up of fugitive slaves. Not long after, petitions followed to abolish slavery in forts,
magazines, and dock-yards, and all other places where Congress had exclusive power of legislation This was
followed by petitions and resolutions of legislatures of the Northern States, and popular meetings, to exclude the
Southern States from all territories. acquired, or to be acquired, and to prevent the admission of any State
hereafter into the Union, which, by its constitution does not prohibit slavery. And Congress is invoked to do all
this, expressly with the view to the final abolition of slavery in the States. That has been avowed to be the
ultimate object from the beginning of the agitation until the present time; and yet the great body of both parties
of the North, with the full knowledge of the fact, although disavowing the abolitionists, have cooperated with
them in almost all their measures.
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Such is a brief history of the agitation, as far as it has yet advanced. Now I ask, Senators, what is there to
prevent its further progress, until it fulfills the ultimate end proposed, unless some decisive measure should be
adopted to prevent it? Has any one of the causes, which has added to its increase from its original small and
contemptible beginning until it has attained its present magnitude, diminished in force? Is the original cause of
the movement - that slavery is a sin, and ought to be suppressed - weaker now than at the commencement? Or is
the abolition party less numerous or influential, or have they less influence with, or control over the two great
parties of the North in elections? Or has the South greater means of influencing or controlling the movements of
this Government now, than it had when the agitation commenced? To all these questions but one answer can be
given: No --- no --- no. The very reverse is true. Instead of being weaker, all the elements in favor of agitation
are stronger now than they were in 1835, when it first commenced, while all the elements of influence on the
part of the South are weaker. Unless something decisive is done, I again ask, what is to stop this agitation,
before the great and final object at which it aims - the abolition of slavery in the States --- is consummated? Is
it, then, not certain, that if something is not done to arrest it, the South will be forced to choose between
abolition and secession? Indeed, as events are now moving, it will not require the South to secede, in order to
dissolve the Union. Agitation will of itself effect it, of which its past history furnishes abundant proof - as I shall
next proceed to show.
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It is a great mistake to suppose that disunion can be effected by a single blow. The cords which bound these
States together in one common Union, are far too numerous and powerful for that. Disunion must be the work
of time. It is only through a long process, and successively, that the cords can be snapped, until the whole fabric
falls asunder. Already the agitation of the slavery question has snapped some of the most important, and has
greatly weakened all the others, as I shall proceed to show.
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The cords that bind the States together are not only many, but various in character. Some are spiritual or
ecclesiastical; some political; others social. Some appertain to the benefit conferred by the Union, and others to
the feeling of duty and obligation.
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The strongest of those of a spiritual and ecclesiastical nature, consisted in the unity of the great religious
denominations, all of which originally embraced the whole Union. All these denominations, with the exception,
perhaps, of the Catholics, were organized very much upon the principle of our political institutions. Beginning
with smaller meetings, corresponding with the political divisions of the country, their organization terminated in
one great central assemblage, corresponding very much with the character of Congress. At these meetings the
principal clergymen and lay members of the respective denominations, from all parts of the Union, met to
transact business relating to their common concerns. It was not confined to what appertained to the doctrines
and discipline of the respective denominations, but extended to plans for disseminating the Bible --- establishing
missions, distributing tracts --- and of establishing presses for the publication of tracts, newspapers, and
periodicals, with a view of diffusing religious information --- and for the support of their respective doctrines
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and creeds. All this combined contributed greatly to strengthen the bonds of the Union. The ties which held
each denomination together formed a strong cord to hold the whole Union together; but, powerful as they were,
they have not been able to resist the explosive effect of slavery agitation.
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The first of these cords which snapped, under its explosive force, was that of the powerful Methodist Episcopal
Church. The numerous and strong ties which held it together, are all broken, and its unity gone. They now form
separate churches; and, instead of that feeling of attachment and devotion to the interests of the whole church
which was formerly felt, they are now arrayed into two hostile bodies, engaged in litigation about what was
formerly their common property.
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The next cord that snapped was that of the Baptists --- one of the largest and most respectable of the
denominations. That of the Presbyterian is not entirely snapped, but some of its strands have given way. That of
the Episcopal Church is the only one of the four great Protestant denominations which remains unbroken and
entire.
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The strongest cord, of a political character, consists of the many and powerful ties that have held together the
two great parties which have, with some modifications, existed from the beginning of the Government. They
both extended to every portion of the Union, and strongly contributed to hold all its parts together. But this
powerful cord has fared no better than the spiritual. It resisted, for a long time, the explosive tendency of the
agitation, but has finally snapped under its force - if not entirely, in a great measure. Nor is there one of the
remaining cords which has not been greatly weakened. To this extent the Union has already been destroyed by
agitation, in the only way it can be, by sundering and weakening the cords which bind it together.
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If the agitation goes on, the same force, acting with increased intensity, as has been shown, will finally snap
every cord, when nothing will be left to hold the States together except force. But, surely, that can, with no
propriety of language, be called a Union, when the only means by which the weaker is held connected with the
stronger portion is force. It may, indeed, keep them connected; but the connection will partake much more of
the character of subjugation, on the part of the weaker to the stronger, than the union of free, independent, and
sovereign States, in one confederation, as they stood in the early stages of the Government, and which only is
worthy of the sacred name of Union.
Calhoun. J. (2013). South May be forced to Leave the Union. Civil War Causes. Retrieved from:
http://civilwarcauses.org/saddress.htm
Day 1
1. The author states, “The great mass of the people of the South were divided, as in the other section, into
Whigs and Democrats. The leaders and the presses of both parties in the South were very solicitous to
prevent excitement and to preserve quiet; because it was seen that the effects of the former would
necessarily tend to weaken, if not destroy, the political ties which united them with their respective
parties in the other section”. According to the text, what does the author mean by this statement?
2. The author states, “There is another lying back of it --- with which this is intimately connected --- that
may be regarded as the great and primary cause. This is to be found in the fact that the equilibrium
between the two sections, in the Government as it stood when the constitution was ratified and the
Government put in action, has been destroyed.” According to the text, what does the author mean by this
statement?
3. According to lines 53 to 81 of the text, how has the addition of new states contributed to disunity
between the North and the South?
4. The author states, “The result of the whole is to give the Northern section predominance in every
department of the Government, and thereby concentrate in it the two elements which constitute the
Federal Government, --- majority of States, and a majority of their population, estimated in federal
numbers. Whatever section concentrates the two in itself possesses the control of the entire
Government”. According to the text, what does the author mean by this?
Day 2
1. The author states, “The next consists in adopting a system of revenue and disbursements, by which an
undue proportion of the burden of taxation has been imposed upon the South, and an undue proportion
of its proceeds appropriated to the North; and the last is a system of political measures, by which the
original character of the Government has been radically changed”. According to the text, what does the
author mean by this?
2. According to the text, in lines 162-176, how did the South suffer from northern overrepresentation, the
ordinance of 1787, and the Missouri compromise?
3. The author states, "Now, I ask, what limitation can possibly be placed upon the powers of the States
main them by the constitution-- or the people of thee several States maintain those which are reserved to
them, and among others, the sovereign powers by which they ordained and established, not only their
separate State Constitutions and Governments, but also the Constitution and Government of the United
States". According to the text, in which way is this statement demonstrative of deep rooted issues that
led to the Civil War?
4. The author states, " The necessary consequence was, a further increase of power, and a gradual tainting
of the opinions of both of the other parties with their doctrines, until the infection has extended over
both; and the great mass of the population of the North, who, whatever may be their opinion of the
original abolition party, which still preserves its distinctive organization, hardly ever fail, when it comes
to acting, to co-operate in carrying out their measures". According to the text, what does the author
mean by this statement?
Day 3
1. According to the text, what idea is the author attempting to convey, in lines 292 to 307, in reference to
northern motivations?
2. The author makes a powerful statement, “If the agitation goes on, the same force, acting with increased
intensity, as has been shown, will finally snap every cord, when nothing will be left to hold the States
together except force. But, surely, that can, with no propriety of language, be called a Union, when the
only means by which the weaker is held connected with the stronger portion is force”. According to the
text, what does the author mean by this statement?
3. Conferring to the text, in which way has slavery agitation caused further division within great religious
denominations in America and contributed to a division within America?
4. According to the text, what was the main purpose of the text?
1
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“ Expansion and Reform (1801-1861)”
Week 4
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
In which way did the issue of slavery, which was largely unaddressed by the Constitution, primarily, create tensions that
would lead to the civil war?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Propriety
Webster, D. “The Union Must be preserved” (1850)
Ceded
Immemorial
Injunction
Brethren
Candor
Conscientious
Ascertained
Acerbity
Conspicuous
Reprobation
Vehement
Contemporaneous
Cession
Nomenclature
Appellation
Flagrante
rousing
privy
peonism
exasperate
disinclination
injunction
alacrity
peremptorily
emanate
ignominious
epithets
incendiary
benevolence
vernacular
vitiated
depraved
reproachful
arrondissement
conciliatory
melioration
pigmies
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A.4.a
Expansion and Reform (1801-1861)
Week 4 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore ways in which
tensions between the North and the South were caused by failure of the Constitution to adequately address the issue of
slavery. The truth is that the Constitution neither directly supported or banned slavery in America and in doing this,
ultimately, gave the states authority to decide for themselves. As the South turns to slavery, as a means to support their
economy, their livelihood is threatened by a northern push to abolish slavery.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore how
the acquisition of new territories created a battle to maintain power in congress. Everyone knew that America, as it was
divided, could not survive without addressing the issue of slavery. Slavery in America was a necessary economic evil that
was allowed to grow, but could not be trimmed, as the Constitution failed to provide that power to the federal government
and it was now, legally, in the hands of the states. Ultimately, the issue of state verses federal power became a power
force in the road to the Civil War.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1- 311 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 312- 600 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 601-951 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: In
which way did the failure of the Constitution to fully address the issue of slavery, further create tensions between the
North and the South?
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The Union Must be preserved (1850)
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Mr. President: I wish to speak to-day, not as a Massachusetts man, nor as a Northern man, but as an American,
and a member of the Senate of the United States. It is fortunate that there is a Senate of the United States; a
body not yet moved from its propriety, not lost to a just sense of its own dignity and its own high
responsibilities, and a body to which the country looks, with confidence, for wise, moderate, patriotic, and
healing counsels.
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It is not to be denied that we live in the midst of strong agitations, and are surrounded by very considerable
dangers to our institutions and government. The imprisoned winds are let loose. The East, the North, and the
stormy South combine to throw the whole ocean into commotion, to toss its billows to the skies, and disclose its
profoundest depths. I do not affect to regard myself, Mr. President, as holding, or as fit to hold, the helm in this
combat with the political elements; but I have a duty to perform, and I mean to perform it with fidelity, not
without a sense of existing dangers, but not without hope. I have a part to act, not for my own security or safety,
for I am looking out for no fragment upon which to float away from the wreck, if wreck there must be, but for
the good of the whole, and the preservation of all; and there is that which will keep me to my duty during this
struggle, whether the sun and the stars shall appear, or shall not appear for many days.
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I speak to-day for the preservation of the Union. "Hear me for my cause." I speak, to-day, out of a solicitous and
anxious heart for the restoration to the country of that quiet and that harmony which make the blessings of this
Union so rich and so dear to us all. These are the topics that I propose to myself to discuss; these are the
motives, and the sole motives, that influence me in the wish to communicate my opinions to the Senate and the
country; and if I can do anything, however little, for the promotion of these ends, I shall have accomplished all
that I expect.
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Mr. President, it may not be amiss to recur very briefly to the events which, equally sudden and extraordinary,
have brought the political condition of the country to what it now is. In May, 1846, the United States declared
war against Mexico. Our armies, then on the frontiers, entered the provinces of that republic, met and defeated
all her troops, penetrated her mountain passes, and occupied her capital. The marine force of the United States
took possession of her forts and her towns, on the Atlantic and on the Pacific. In less than two years a treaty was
negotiated, by which Mexico ceded to the United States a vast territory, extending seven or eight hundred miles
along the shores of the Pacific, and reaching back over the mountains, and across the desert, until it joins the
frontier of the State of Texas.
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It so happened, in the distracted and feeble condition of the Mexican government, that, before the declaration of
war by the United States against Mexico had become known in California, the people of California, under the
lead of American officers, overthrew the existing provincial government of California, the Mexican authorities,
and ran up an independent flag. When the news arrived at San Francisco that war had been declared by the
United States against Mexico, this independent flag was pulled down, and the stars and stripes of this Union
hoisted in its stead. So, Sir, before the war was over, the forces of the United States, military and naval, had
possession of San Francisco and Upper California, and a great rush of emigrants from various parts of the world
took place into California in 1846 and 1847. But now, behold another wonder.
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In January of 1848, the Mormons, or some of them, made a discovery of an extraordinarily rich mine of gold,
or, rather, of a very great quantity of gold, hardly fit to be called a mine, for it was spread near the surface, on
the lower part of the south, or American, branch of the Sacramento. They seem to have attempted to conceal
their discovery for some time; but soon another discovery, perhaps of greater importance, was made of gold, in
another part of the American branch of the Sacramento, and near Sutter's Fort, as it is called. The fame of these
discoveries spread far and wide. They inflamed more and more the spirit of emigration towards California,
which had already been excited; and persons crowded in hundreds, and flocked towards the Bay of San
Francisco.
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This, as I have said, took place in the winter and spring of 1848. The digging commenced in the spring of that
year, and from that time to this the work of searching for gold has been prosecuted with a success not heretofore
known in the history of this globe. We all know, Sir, how incredulous the American public was at the accounts,
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which reached us, at first, of these discoveries; but we all know, now, that these accounts received, and continue
to receive, daily confirmation, and down to the present moment I suppose the assurances are as strong, after the
experience of these several months, of mines of gold apparently inexhaustible in the regions near San Francisco,
in California, as they were at any period of the earlier dates of the accounts.
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It so happened, Sir, that, although, after the return of peace, it became a very important subject for legislative
consideration and legislative decision, to provide a proper territorial government for California, yet differences
of opinion in the counsels of the Government prevented the establishment of any such territorial government, at
the last session of Congress. Under this state of things, the inhabitants of San Francisco and California, then
amounting to a great number of people, in the summer of last year, thought it to be their duty to establish a local
government. Under the proclamation of General Riley, the people chose delegates to a convention; that
convention met at Monterey. They formed a constitution for the State of California, and it was adopted by the
people of California in their primary assemblages. Desirous of immediate connection with the United States, its
Senators were appointed and Representatives chosen, who have come hither, bringing with them the authentic
Constitution of the State of California; and they now present themselves, asking, in behalf of their State, that it
may be admitted into this Union as one of the United States.
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This constitution, Sir, contains an express prohibition against slavery, or involuntary servitude, in the State of
California. It is said, and I suppose truly, that of the members who composed that Convention, some sixteen
were natives of, and had been residents in, the slaveholding States, about twenty-two were from the nonslaveholding States, and the remaining ten members were either native Californians or old settlers in that
country. This prohibition against slavery, it is said, was inserted with entire unanimity.
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And it is this circumstance, Sir, the prohibition of slavery by that Convention, which has contributed to raise, I
do not say it has wholly raised, the dispute as to the propriety of the admission of California into the Union
under this constitution. It is not to be denied, Mr. President, nobody thinks of denying that, whatever reasons
were assigned at the commencement of the late war with Mexico, it was prosecuted for the purpose of the
acquisition of territory, and under the alleged argument that the cession of territory was the only form in which
proper compensation could be made to the United States by Mexico, for the various claims and demands which
the people of this country had against that government. At any rate, it will be found that President Polk's
message, at the commencement of the session of December, 1847, avowed that the war was to be prosecuted
until some acquisition of territory should be made.
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And, as the acquisition was to be south of the line of the United States, in warm climates and countries, it was
naturally, I suppose, expected by the South, that whatever acquisitions were made in that region would be added
to the slaveholding portion of the United States. Very little of accurate information was possessed of the real
physical character, either of California or New Mexico; and events have turned out as was not expected. Both
California and New Mexico are likely to come in as free; and therefore some degree of disappointment and
surprise has resulted. In other words, it is obvious that the question which has so long harassed the country, and
at some times very seriously alarmed the minds of wise and good men, has come upon us for a fresh discussion;
the question of slavery in these United States.
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Now, Sir, I propose, perhaps at the expense of some detail and consequent detention of the Senate, to review
historically this question, which, partly in consequence of its own importance, and partly, perhaps mostly, in
consequence of the manner in which it has been discussed in one and the other portion of the country, has been
a source of so much alienation and unkind feeling.
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We all know, Sir, that slavery has existed in the world from time immemorial. There was slavery, in the earliest
periods of history, in the Oriental nations. There was slavery among the Jews; the theocratic government of that
people ordained no injunction against it. There was slavery among the Greeks; and the ingenious philosophy of
the Greeks found, or sought to find, a justification for it exactly upon the grounds which have been assumed for
such a justification in this country; that is, a natural and original difference among the races of mankind, and the
inferiority of the black or colored race to the white. The Greeks justified their system of slavery upon that idea,
precisely. They held the African, and in some parts the Asiatic, tribes to be inferior to the white race; but they
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did not show, I think, by any close process of logic, that, if this were true, the more intelligent and the stronger
had therefore a right to subjugate the weaker.
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The more manly philosophy and jurisprudence of the Romans placed the justification of slavery on entirely
different grounds.
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The Roman jurists, from the first and down to the fall of the empire, admitted that slavery was against the
natural law, by which, as they maintained, all men, of whatsoever clime, color, or capacity were equal; but they
justified slavery, first, upon the ground and authority of the law of nations, arguing, and arguing truly, that at
that day the conventional law of nations admitted that captives in war, whose lives, according to the notions of
the times, were at the absolute disposal of the captors, might, in exchange for exemption from death, be made
slaves for life, and that such servitude might descend to their posterity. The jurists of Rome also maintained that
by the civil law, there might be servitude or slavery, personal and hereditary; first, by the voluntary act of an
individual, who might sell himself into slavery; secondly, by his being reduced into a state of slavery by his
creditors in satisfaction of his debts; and, thirdly, by being placed in a state of servitude or slavery for crime.
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At the introduction of Christianity, the Roman world was full of slaves, and I suppose there is to be found no
injunction against that relation between man and man, in the teachings of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, or of any
of his Apostles. The object of the instruction imparted to mankind by the founder of Christianity was to touch
the heart, purify the soul, and improve the lives of individual men. That object went directly to the first fountain
of all political and all social relations of the human race, as well as of all true religious feelings, the individual
heart and mind of man.
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Now, Sir, upon the general nature, and character, and influence of slavery, there exists a wide difference of
opinion between the Northern portion of this country and the Southern. It is said on the one side that, if not the
subject of any injunction or direct prohibition in the New Testament, slavery is a wrong; that it is founded
merely in the right of the strongest; and that it is an oppression, like unjust wars, like all those conflicts by
which a mighty nation subjects a weaker nation to its will; and that slavery, in its nature, whatever may be said
of it in the modifications which have taken place, is not in fact according to the meek spirit of the Gospel. It is
not "kindly affectioned"; it does not "seek another's, and not its own"; it does not "let the oppressed go free."
These are sentiments that are cherished, and recently with greatly augmented force, among the people of the
Northern States. They have taken hold of the religious sentiment of that part of the country, as they have more
or less taken hold of the religious feelings of a considerable portion of mankind.
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The South, upon the other side, having been accustomed to this relation between the two races all their lives,
from their birth, having been taught, in general, to treat the subjects of this bondage with care and kindness, and
I believe, in general, feeling for them great care and kindness, have not taken the view of the subject which I
have mentioned. There are thousands of religious men, with consciences as tender as any of their brethren at the
North, who do not see the unlawfulness of slavery; and there are more thousands, perhaps, that, whatsoever they
may think of it in its origin, and as a matter depending upon natural right, yet take things as they are, and,
finding slavery to be an established relation of the society in which they live, can see no way in which, let their
opinions on the abstract question be what they may, it is in the power of the present generation to relieve
themselves from this relation. And, in this respect, candor obliges me to say, that I believe they are just as
conscientious, many of them, and the religious people, all of them, as they are in the North who hold different
opinions.
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Why, Sir, the honorable Senator from South Carolina, the other day, alluded to the separation of that great
religious community, the Methodist Episcopal Church. That separation was brought about by differences of
opinion upon this particular subject of slavery. I felt great concern, as that dispute went on, about the result; and
I was in hopes that the difference of opinion might be adjusted, because I looked upon that religious
denomination as one of the great props of religion and morals, throughout the whole country, from Maine to
Georgia, and westward, to our utmost western boundary. The result was against my wishes and against my
hopes. I have read all their proceedings and all their arguments; but I have never yet been able to come to the
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conclusion that there was any real ground for that separation; in other words, that any good could be produced
by that separation. I must say I think there was some want of candor and charity.
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Sir, when a question of this kind seizes on the religious sentiments of mankind, and comes to be discussed in
religious assemblies of the clergy and laity, there is always to be expected, or always to be feared, a great
degree of excitement. It is in the nature of man, manifested by his whole history, that religious disputes are apt
to become warm, as men's strength of conviction is proportionate to their views of the magnitude of the
questions. In all such disputes, there will sometimes men be found with whom every thing is absolute,
absolutely wrong, or absolutely right.
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They see the right clearly; they think others ought so to see it, and they are disposed to establish a broad line of
distinction between what is right, and what is wrong. And they are not seldom willing to establish that line upon
their own convictions of truth and justice; and are ready to mark and guard it, by placing along it a series of
dogmas, as lines of boundary on the earth's surface are marked by posts and stones. There are men who, with
clear perceptions, as they think, of their own duty, do not see how too hot a pursuit of one duty may involve
them in the violation of others, or how too warm an embracement of one truth may lead to a disregard of other
truths equally important. As I heard it stated strongly, not many days ago, these persons are disposed to mount
upon some particular duty as upon a war-horse, and to drive, furiously on and upon, and over, all other duties
that may stand in the way.
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There are men who, in times of that sort, and in disputes of that sort, are of opinion that human duties may be
ascertained with the exactness of mathematics. They deal with morals as with mathematics; and they think what
is right may be distinguished from what is wrong, with the precision of an algebraic equation. They have,
therefore, none too much charity towards others who differ from them. They are apt, too, to think that nothing is
good but what is perfect, and that there are no compromises or modifications to be made in consideration of
difference of opinion, or in deference to other men's judgment. If their perspicacious vision enables them to
detect a spot on the face of the sun, they think that a good reason why the sun should be struck down from
heaven. They prefer the chance of running into utter darkness, to living in heavenly light, if that heavenly light
be not absolutely without any imperfection.
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There are impatient men; too impatient always to give heed to the admonition of St. Paul, "that we are not to do
evil that good may come"; too impatient to wait for the slow progress of moral causes in the improvement of
mankind. They do not remember that the doctrines and the miracles of Jesus Christ have, in eighteen hundred
years, converted only a small portion of the human race; and among the nations that are converted to
Christianity, they forget how many vices and crimes, public and private, still prevail, and that many of them,
public crimes especially, which are so clearly offenses against the Christian religion, pass without exciting
particular indignation. Thus wars are waged, and unjust wars.
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I do not deny that there may be just wars. There certainly are; but it was the remark of an eminent person, not
many years ago, on the other side of the Atlantic, that it was one of the greatest reproaches to human nature, that
wars are sometimes just. The defence of nations sometimes causes a just war against the injustice of other
nations.
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Now, Sir, in this state of sentiment upon the general nature of slavery lies the cause of a great part of those
unhappy divisions, exasperations, and reproaches, which find vent and support in different parts of the Union.
Slavery does exist in the United States. It did exist in the States before the adoption of this Constitution, and at
that time.
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And now let us consider, Sir, for a moment, what was the state of sentiment, North and South, in regard to
slavery, at the time this Constitution was adopted. A remarkable change has taken place since; but what did the
wise and great men of all parts of the country think of slavery, then? In what estimation did they hold it at the
time when this Constitution was adopted? Now, it will be found, Sir, if we will carry ourselves by historical
research back to that day, and ascertain men's opinions by authentic records still existing among us, that there
was no great diversity of opinion between the North and South, upon the subject of slavery. And it will be found
that both parts of the country held it equally an evil, a moral and political evil. It will not be found that, either at
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the North or at the South, there was much, though there was some, invective against slavery as inhuman and
cruel.
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The great ground of objection to it was political; that it weakened the social fabric; that, taking the place of free
labor, society became less strong and labor less productive; and, therefore, we find from all the eminent men of
the time the clearest expression of their opinion that slavery is an evil. And they ascribed its existence here, not
without truth, and not without some acerbity of temper and force of language, to the injurious policy of the
mother country, who, to favor the navigator, had entailed these evils upon the Colonies. I need hardly refer, Sir,
particularly to the publications of the day. They are matters of history on the record. The eminent men, the most
eminent men, and nearly all the conspicuous politicians of the South, held the same sentiments; that slavery was
an evil, a blight, a blast, a mildew, a scourge, and a curse. There are no terms of reprobation of slavery so
vehement in the North at that day as in the South. The North was not so much excited against it as the South;
and the reason is, I suppose, because there was much less of it at the North, and the people did not see, or think
they saw, the evils so prominently as they were seen, or thought to be seen, at the South.
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Then, Sir, when this Constitution was framed, this was the light in which the Convention viewed it. The
Convention reflected the judgment and sentiments of the great men of the South. A member of the other House,
whom I have not the honor to know, in a recent speech, has collected extracts from these public documents.
They prove the truth of what I am saying, and the question then was, how to deal with it, and how to deal with it
as an evil. Well, they came to this general result. They thought that slavery could not be continued in the
country, if the importation of slaves were made to cease, and therefore they provided that after a certain period
the importation might be prevented, by the act of the new government. Twenty years was proposed by some
gentleman, a Northern gentleman, I think, and many of the Southern gentlemen opposed it as being too long.
Mr. Madison, especially, was something warm against it. He said it would bring too much of this mischief into
the country to allow the importation of slaves for such a period.
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Because we must take along with us, in the whole of this discussion, when we are considering the sentiments
and opinions in which the constitutional provision originated, that the conviction of all men was, that if the
importation of slaves ceased, the white race would multiply faster than the black race, and that slavery would
therefore gradually wear out and expire. It may not be improper here to allude to that, I had almost said,
celebrated opinion of Mr. Madison. You observe, Sir, that the term slave, or slavery, is not used in the
Constitution. The Constitution does not require that "fugitive slaves" shall be delivered up. It requires that
"persons held to service in one State, and escaping into another, shall be delivered up." Mr. Madison opposed
the introduction of the term slave, or slavery, into the Constitution; for he said that he did not wish to see it
recognized by the Constitution of the United States of America, that there could be property in men.
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Now, Sir, all this took place at the Convention in 1787; but, connected with this, concurrent and
contemporaneous, is another important transaction, not sufficiently attended to. The Convention for framing this
Constitution assembled in Philadelphia in May, and sat until September, 1787. During all that time, the
Congress of the United States was in session at New York. It was a matter of design, as we know, that the
Convention should not assemble in the same city where Congress was holding its sessions. Almost all the public
men of the country, therefore, of distinction and eminence, were in one or the other of these two assemblies; and
I think it happened, in some instances, that the same gentlemen were members of both. If I mistake not, such
was the case of Mr. Rufus King, then a member of Congress from Massachusetts, and at the same time a
member of the Convention to frame the Constitution.
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Now, it was in the summer of 1787, the very time when the Convention in Philadelphia was framing this
Constitution, that the Congress in New York was framing the Ordinance of 1787. They passed that Ordinance
on the 13th of July, 1787, at New York, the very month, perhaps the very day, on which these questions, about
the importation of slaves and the character of slavery, were debated in the Convention at Philadelphia. And so
far as we can now learn, there was a perfect concurrence of opinion between these respective bodies; and it
resulted in this Ordinance of 1787, excluding slavery as to all the territory over which the Congress of the
United States had jurisdiction, and that was, all the territory northwest of the Ohio.
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Three years before, Virginia and other States had made a cession of that great territory to the United States. And
a most magnificent act it was. I never reflect upon it without a disposition to do honor and justice, and justice
would be the highest honor, to Virginia, for the cession of her northwestern territory. I will say, Sir, it is one of
her fairest claims to the respect and gratitude of the United States, and that, perhaps, it is only second to that
other claim which attaches to her; that from her counsels, and from the intelligence and patriotism of her
leading statesmen, proceeded the first idea put into practice of the formation of a general constitution of the
United States.
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Now. Sir, the Ordinance of 1787 was applied thus to the whole territory over which the Congress of the United
States had jurisdiction. It was adopted two years before the Constitution of the United States went into
operation; because the Ordinance took effect immediately on its passage, while the Constitution of the United
States, having been framed, was to be sent to the States to be adopted by their Conventions; and then a
government was to be organized under it. This Ordinance, then, was in operation and force when the
Constitution was adopted and the Government put in motion, in April, 1789.
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Mr. President, three things are quite clear as historical truths. One is, that there was an expectation that, on the
ceasing of the importation of slaves from Africa, slavery would begin to run out here. That was hoped and
expected. Another is, that, as far as there was any power in Congress to prevent the spread of slavery in the
United States, that power was executed in the most absolute manner, and to the fullest extent. . . .The honorable
member [Mr. Calhoun] said, the other day, that he considered this Ordinance as the first, in the series of
measures, calculated to enfeeble the South, and deprive them of their just participation in the benefits and
privileges of this government. He says, very properly, that it was enacted under the old Confederation and
before this Constitution went into effect; but, my present purpose is only to say, Mr. President, that it was
established with the entire and unanimous concurrence of the whole South. Why, there it stands!
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The vote of every State in the Union was unanimous in favor of the Ordinance, with the exception of a single
individual vote, and that individual vote was given by a Northern man. But, Sir, the Ordinance abolishing, or
rather prohibiting, slavery northwest of the Ohio, has the hand and seal of every Southern member in Congress.
So this ordinance was no aggression of the North on the South.
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The other and third clear historical truth is, that the Convention meant to leave slavery, in the States, as they
found it, entirely under the authority and control of the States themselves.
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This was the state of things, Sir, and this the state of opinion, under which those very important matters were
arranged, and those three important things done; that is, the establishment of the Constitution with a recognition
of slavery as it existed in the States; the establishment of the ordinance prohibiting, to the full extent of all
territory owned by the United States, the introduction of slavery into that territory, while leaving to the States all
power over slavery in their own limits; and creating a power, in the new government, to put an end to the
importation of slaves, after a limited period. And here, Sir, we may pause.
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We may reflect for a moment upon the entire coincidence and concurrence of sentiment, between the North and
the South, upon all these questions, at the period of the adoption of the Constitution. But opinions, Sir, have
changed, greatly changed, changed North, and changed South. Slavery is not regarded in the South now as it
was then. ...[Here Webster digressed to acknowledge the attention of Mr. Mason, and paid a tribute to his
distinguished grandfather.]
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Here we may pause. There was, if not an entire unanimity, a general concurrence of sentiment, running through
the whole community, and especially entertained by the eminent men of all parts of the country. But soon a
change began, at the North and the South, and a severance of opinion showed itself; the North growing much
more warm and strong against slavery, and the South growing much more warm and strong in its support. Sir,
there is no generation of mankind whose opinions are not subject to be influenced by what appear to them to be
their present, emergent, and exigent interests. I impute to the South no particularly selfish view in the change
which has come over her. I impute to her certainly no dishonest view. All that has happened has been natural. It
has followed those causes which always influence the human mind and operate upon it.
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What, then, have been the causes which have created so new a feeling in favor of slavery in the South, which
have changed the whole nomenclature of the South on that subject, so that, from being thought and described in
the terms I have mentioned and will not repeat, it has now become an institution, a cherished institution in that
quarter; no evil, no scourge, but a great religious, social, and moral blessing, as I think I have heard it latterly
spoken of? I suppose this, Sir, is owing to the sudden uprising and rapid growth of the COTTON plantations of
the South. So far as any motive consistent with honor, justice, and general judgment could act, it was the
COTTON interest that gave a new desire to promote slavery, to spread it, and to use its labor. I again say that
that was produced by causes which we must always expect to produce like effects; the whole interest of the
South became connected, more or less, with it.
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If we look back to the history of the commerce of this country at the early years of this government, what were
our exports? Cotton was hardly, or but to a very limited extent, known. The tables will show that the exports of
cotton for the years 1790 and 1791 were not more than forty or fifty thousand dollars a year. It has gone on
increasing rapidly, until it may now, perhaps, in a season of great product and high prices, amount to a hundred
millions of dollars. In the years I have mentioned, there was more of wax, more of indigo, more of rice, more of
almost every article of export from the South, than of cotton. I think it is true when Mr. Jay negotiated the treaty
of 1794 with England, that he did not know that cotton was exported at all from the United States; and I have
heard it said, also, that the custom-house in London refused to admit cotton, upon an allegation that it could not
be an American production, there being, as they supposed, no cotton raised in America. They could hardly think
so now!
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Well, Sir, we know what followed. The age of cotton became the golden age of our Southern brethren. It
gratified their desire for improvement and accumulation, at the same time that it excited it. The desire grew by
what it fed upon, and there soon came to be an eagerness for other territory, a new area or new areas, for the
cultivation of the cotton crop; and measures leading to this result were brought about rapidly, one after another,
under the lead of Southern men at the head of the Government, they having a majority in both branches to
accomplish their ends.
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The honorable member from South Carolina observed that there has been a majority all along in favor of the
North. If that be true, Sir, the North has acted either very liberally and kindly, or very weakly; for they never
exercised that majority efficiently five times in the history of the Government, when a division, or trial of
strength, arose. Never. Whether they were out-generalled, or whether it was owing to other causes, I shall not
stop to consider; but no man acquainted with the history of the country can deny, that the general lead in the
politics of the country, for three fourths of the period that has elapsed since the adoption of the Constitution, has
been a Southern lead.
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In 1802, in pursuit of the idea of opening a new cotton region, the United States obtained a cession from
Georgia of the whole of her western territory, now embracing the rich and growing State of Alabama. In 1803,
Louisiana was purchased from France, out of which the States of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Missouri, have been
framed, as slaveholding States. In 1819 the cession of Florida was made, bringing in another region of
slaveholding property and territory. Sir, the honorable member from South Carolina thought he saw in certain
operations of the Government, such as the manner of collecting the revenue, and the tendency of measures
calculated to promote emigration into the country, what accounts for the more rapid growth of the North than
the South. He ascribes that more rapid growth, not to the operation of time, but to the system of government,
and administration, established under this Constitution. That is matter of opinion.
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To a certain extent it may be true; but it does seem to me that if any operation of the Government could be
shown in any degree to have promoted the population, and growth, and wealth of the North, it is much more
sure that there are sundry important and distinct operations of the Government, about which no man can doubt,
tending to promote, and which absolutely have promoted, the increase of the slave interest and the slave
territory of the South. Allow me to say that it was not time that brought in Louisiana; it was the act of men. It
was not time that brought in Florida; it was the act of men. And lastly, Sir, to complete these acts of men which
have contributed so much to enlarge the area and the sphere of the institution of slavery, Texas, great and vast
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and illimitable Texas, was added to the Union as a slave State in 1845; and that, Sir, pretty much closed the
whole chapter, and settled the whole account.
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That closed the whole chapter, that settled the whole account, because the annexation of Texas, upon the
conditions and under the guaranties upon which she was admitted, did not leave within the control of this
Government an acre of land, capable of being cultivated by slave labor, between this Capitol and the Rio
Grande or the Nueces, or whatever is the proper boundary of Texas, not an acre. From that moment, the whole
country, from this place to the western boundary of Texas, was fixed, pledged, fastened, decided, to be slave
territory forever, by the solemn guaranties of law. And I now say, Sir, as the proposition upon which I stand this
day, and upon the truth and firmness of which I intend to act until it is overthrown, that there is not at this
moment within the United States, or any territory of the United States, a single foot of land, the character of
which, in regard to its being free-soil territory or slave territory, is not fixed by some law, and some irrepealable
law, beyond the power of the action of the Government. Now, is it not so with respect to Texas? Why it is most
manifestly so.
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The honorable member from South Carolina, at the time of the admission of Texas, held an important post in
the Executive Department of the Government; he was Secretary of State. Another eminent person of great
activity and adroitness in affairs, I mean the late Secretary of the Treasury [Mr. Walker], was a conspicuous
member of this body, and took the lead in the business of annexation, in cooperation with the Secretary of State;
and I must say that they did their business faithfully and thoroughly; there was no botch left in it. They rounded
it off, and made as close joiner-work as ever was exhibited. Resolutions of annexation were brought into
Congress, fitly joined together, compact, firm, efficient, conclusive upon the great object which they had in
view, and those resolutions passed.
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Allow me to read a part of these resolutions. It is the third clause of the second section of the resolution of the
1st of March, 1845, for the admission of Texas, which applies to this part of the case. That clause reads in these
words:--
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"New States, of convenient size, not exceeding four in number, in addition to said State of Texas, and having
sufficient population, may hereafter, by the consent of said State, be formed out of the territory thereof, which
shall be entitled to admission under the provisions of the Federal Constitution. And such States as may be
formed out of that portion of said territory lying south of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude,
commonly known as the Missouri Compromise line, shall be admitted into the Union with or without slavery,
as the people of each State asking admission may desire; and in such State or States as shall be formed out of
said territory north of said Missouri Compromise line, slavery or involuntary servitude (except for crime) shall
be prohibited."
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Now, what is here stipulated, enacted, and secured? It is, that all Texas south of 36o 30', which is nearly the
whole of it, shall be admitted into the Union as a slave State. It was a slave State, and therefore came in as a
slave State; and the guaranty is, that new States shall be made out of it, to the number of four, in addition to the
State then in existence and admitted at that time by these resolutions, and that such States as are formed out of
that portion of Texas lying south of 36o 30', may come in as slave States. I know no form of legislation which
can strengthen this. I know no mode of recognition that can add a tittle of weight to it.
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I listened respectfully to the resolutions of my honorable friend from Tennessee [Mr. Bell]. He proposed to
recognize that stipulation with Texas. But any additional recognition would weaken the force of it; because it
stands here on the ground of a contract, a thing done for a consideration. It is a law founded on a contract with
Texas, and designed to carry that contract into effect. A recognition, now, founded not on any consideration or
any contract, would not be so strong as it now stands on the face of the resolution. Now, I know no way, I
candidly confess, in which this government, acting in good faith, as I trust it always will, can relieve itself from
that stipulation and pledge, by any honest course of legislation whatever. And therefore I say again, that, so far
as Texas is concerned, in the whole of that State south of 36o 30', which, I suppose, embraces all the territory
capable of slave cultivation, there is no land, not an acre, the character of which is not established by law; a law
which cannot be repealed without the violation of a contract, and plain disregard of the public faith.
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I hope, Sir, it is now apparent that my proposition, so far as it respects Texas, has been maintained, and that the
provision in this article is clear and absolute; and it has been well suggested by my friend from Rhode Island,
that that part of Texas which lies north of 36o 30' of north latitude, and which may be formed into free States, is
dependent, in like manner, upon the consent of Texas, herself a slave State.
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Now, Sir, how came this? How came it to pass that within these walls, where it is said by the honorable member
from South Carolina that the free States have always had a majority, this resolution of annexation, such as I
have described it, obtained a majority in both houses of Congress? Sir, it obtained that majority by the great
number of Northern votes added to the entire Southern vote, or at least nearly the whole of the Southern votes.
The aggregate was made up of Northern and Southern votes. In the House of Representatives it stood, I think,
about eighty Southern votes for the admission of Texas, and about fifty Northern votes for the admission of
Texas. In the Senate the vote stood for the admission of Texas twenty-seven, and twenty-five against it; and of
those twenty-seven votes, constituting the majority, no less than thirteen came from the free States, and four of
them were from New England. The whole of these thirteen Senators, constituting within a fraction, you see, one
half of all the votes in this body for the admission of this immeasurable extent of slave territory, were sent here
by free States.
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Sir, there is not so remarkable a chapter in our history of political events, political parties, and political men, as
is afforded by this admission of a new slave-holding territory, so vast that a bird cannot fly over it in a week.
New England, as I have said, with some of her own votes, supported this measure. Three fourths of the votes of
the liberty-loving Connecticut were given for it in the other house, and one half here. There was one vote for it
from Maine, but I am happy to say not the vote of the honorable member who addressed the Senate the day
before yesterday (Mr. Hamlin), and who was then a Representative from Maine in the House of
Representatives: but there was a vote or two from Maine, aye, and there was one vote for it from Massachusetts,
given by a gentleman then representing, and now living in, the district in which the prevalence of Free Soil
sentiment for a couple of years or so has defeated the choice of any member to represent it in Congress.
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Sir, that body of Northern and Eastern men who gave those votes at that time are now seen taking upon
themselves, in the nomenclature of politics, the appellation of the Northern Democracy. They undertook to
wield the destinies of this empire, if I may give that name to a republic, and their policy was, and they persisted
in it, to bring into this country and under this government all the territory they could. They did it, in the case of
Texas, under pledges, absolute pledges, to the slave interests, and they afterwards lent their aid in bringing in
these new conquests, to take their chances for slavery or freedom.
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My honorable friend from Georgia, in March, 1847, moved the Senate to declare that the war ought not to be
prosecuted for the conquest of territory, or for the dismemberment of Mexico. The whole of the Northern
Democracy voted against it. He did not get a vote from them. It suited the patriotic and elevated sentiments of
the Northern Democracy to bring in a world from among the mountains and valleys of California and New
Mexico, or any other part of Mexico, and then quarrel about it; to bring it in, and then endeavor to put upon it
the saving grace of the Wilmot Proviso.
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There were two eminent and highly respectable gentlemen from the North and East, then leading gentlemen in
the Senate--I refer, and I do so with entire respect, for I entertain for both of those gentlemen, in general, high
regard to Mr. Dix of New York and Mr. Niles of Connecticut--who both voted for the admission of Texas. They
would not have that vote any other way than as it stood; and they would have it as it did stand. I speak of the
vote upon the annexation of Texas.
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Those two gentlemen would have the resolution of annexation just as it is, without amendment; and they voted
for it just as it is, and their eyes were all open to its true character. The honorable member from South Carolina
who addressed us the other day was then Secretary of State. His correspondence with Mr. Murphy, the Charge
d'Affaires of the United States in Texas, had been published. That correspondence was all before those
gentlemen, and the Secretary had the boldness and candor to avow in that correspondence, that the great object
sought by the annexation of Texas was to strengthen the slave interest of the South. Why, Sir, he said so in so
many words -
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[Mr. Calhoun. Will the honorable Senator permit me to interrupt him for a moment?]
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Certainly.
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[Mr. Calhoun: I am very reluctant to interrupt the honorable gentleman; but, upon a point of so much
importance, I deem it right to put myself rectus in curia. I did not put it upon the ground assumed by the
Senator. I put it upon this ground: that Great Britain had announced to this country, in so many words, that her
object was to abolish slavery in Texas, and, through Texas, to accomplish the abolition of slavery in the United
States and the world. The ground I put it on was, that it would make an exposed frontier, and, if Great Britain
succeeded in her object, it would be impossible that that frontier could be secured against the aggressions of the
Abolitionists; and that this government was bound, under the guaranties of the Constitution, to protect us
against such a state of things.]
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That comes, I suppose, Sir, to exactly the same thing. It was, that Texas must be obtained for the security of the
slave interest of the South.
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[Mr. Calhoun: Another view is very distinctly given.]
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That was the object set forth in the correspondence of a worthy gentleman not now living, who preceded the
honorable member from South Carolina in the Department of State. There repose on the files of the Department,
as I have occasion to know, strong letters from Mr. Upshur to the United States minister in England, and I
believe there are some to the same minister from the honorable Senator himself, asserting to this effect the
sentiments of this government; namely, that Great Britain was expected not to interfere to take Texas out of the
hands of its then existing government and make it a free country. But my argument, my suggestion, is this; that
those gentlemen who composed the Northern Democracy when Texas was brought into the Union saw clearly
that it was brought in as a slave country, and brought in for the purpose of being maintained as slave territory, to
the Greek Kalends.
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I rather think the honorable gentleman who was then Secretary of State might, in some of his correspondence
with Mr. Murphy, have suggested that it was not expedient to say too much about this object, lest it should
create some alarm. At any rate, Mr. Murphy wrote to him that England was anxious to get rid of the constitution
of Texas, because it was a constitution establishing slavery; and that what the United States had to do was to aid
the people of Texas in upholding their constitution; but that nothing should be said which should offend the
fanatical men of the North. But, Sir, the honorable member did avow this object himself, openly, boldly, and
manfully; he did not disguise his conduct or his motives.
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[Mr. Calhoun: Never, never.]
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What he means he is very apt to say.
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[Mr. Calhoun: Always, always.]
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And I honor him for it.
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This admission of Texas was in 1845. Then, in 1847, flagrante bello between the United States and Mexico, the
proposition I have mentioned was brought forward by my friend from Georgia, and the Northern Democracy
voted steadily against it. Their remedy was to apply to the acquisitions, after they should come in, the Wilmot
Proviso. What follows? These two gentlemen, worthy and honorable and influential men, and if they had not
been they could not have carried the measure, these two gentlemen, members of this body, brought in Texas,
and by their votes they also prevented the passage of the resolution of the honorable member from Georgia, and
then they went home and took the lead in the Free Soil party. And there they stand, Sir!
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They leave us here, bound in honor and conscience by the resolutions of annexation; they leave us here, to take
the odium of fulfilling the obligations in favor of slavery which they voted us into, or else the greater odium of
violating those obligations, while they are at home making capital and rousing speeches for free soil and no
slavery. And therefore I say, Sir, that there is not a chapter in our history, respecting public measures and public
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men, more full of what would create surprise, more full of what does create, in my mind, extreme mortification,
than that of the conduct of the Northern Democracy on this subject.
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Mr. President, sometimes, when a man is found in a new relation to things around him and to other men, he says
the world has changed, and that he has not changed. I believe, Sir, that our self-respect leads us often to make
this declaration in regard to ourselves when it is not exactly true. An individual is more apt to change, perhaps,
than all the world around him. But, under the present circumstances, and under the responsibility which I know
I incur by what I am now stating here, I feel at liberty to recur to the various expressions and statements, made
at various times, of my own opinions and resolutions respecting the admission of Texas, and all that has
followed.
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Sir, as early as 1836, or in the early part of 1837, there was conversation and correspondence between myself
and some private friends on this project of annexing Texas to the United States; and an honorable gentleman
with whom I have had a long acquaintance, a friend of mine, now perhaps in this chamber, I mean General
Hamilton, of South Carolina, was privy to that correspondence.
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I had voted for the recognition of Texan independence, because I believed it to be an existing fact, surprising
and astonishing as it was, and I wished well to the new republic; but I manifested from the first utter opposition
to bringing her, with her slave territory, into the Union. I happened, in 1837, to make a public address to
political friends in New York, and I then stated my sentiments upon the subject. It was the first time that I had
occasion to advert to it; and I will ask a friend near me to have the kindness to read an extract from the speech
made by me on that occasion. It was delivered in Niblo's Garden, in 1837.
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[Mr. Greene read this extract from the speech to which Senator Webster referred:
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"Gentlemen, we all see that, by whomsoever possessed, Texas is likely to be a slave-holding country; and I
frankly avow my entire unwillingness to do any thing which shall extend the slavery of the African race on this
continent, or add other slave-holding States to the Union.
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"When I say that I regard slavery in itself as a great moral, social, and political evil, I only use language which
has been adopted by distinguished men, themselves citizens of slave-holding States.
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"I shall do nothing, therefore, to favor or encourage its further extension. We have slavery already amongst us.
The Constitution found it in the Union; it recognized it, and gave it solemn guaranties.
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"To the full extent of those guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the Constitution. All the
stipulations contained in the Constitution in favor of the slave-holding States which are already in the Union
ought to be fulfilled, and, so far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled, in the fullness of their spirit, and beyond
the reach of Congress. It is a concern of the States themselves; they have never submitted it to Congress, and
Congress has no rightful power over it.
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"I shall concur, therefore, in no act, no measure, no menace, no indication of purpose, which shall interfere or
threaten to interfere with the exclusive authority of the several States over the subject of slavery as it exists
within their respective limits. All this appears to me to be matter of plain and imperative duty.
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"But when we come to speak of admitting new States, the subject assumes an entirely different aspect. Our
rights and our duties are then both different. ***
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"I see, therefore, no political necessity for the annexation of Texas to the Union; no advantage to be derived
from it; and objections to it of a strong, and, in my judgment, decisive character."]
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I have nothing, Sir, to add to, or to take from, those sentiments. That speech, the Senate will perceive, was made
in 1837. The purpose of immediately annexing Texas at that time was abandoned or postponed; and it was not
revived with any vigor for some years. In the mean time it happened that I had become a member of the
executive administration, and was for a short period in the Department of State. The annexation of Texas was a
subject of conversation, not confidential, with the President and heads of departments, as well as with other
public men. No serious attempt was then made, however, to bring it about. I left the Department of State in
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May, 1843, and shortly after I learned, though by means which were no way connected with official
information, that a design had been taken up of bringing Texas, with her slave territory and population, into this
Union.
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I was in Washington at the time, and persons are now here who will remember that we had an arranged meeting
for conversation upon it. I went home to Massachusetts and proclaimed the existence of that purpose, but I
could get no audience and but little attention. Some did not believe it, and some were too much engaged in their
own pursuits to give it any heed. They had gone to their farms or to their merchandise, and it was impossible to
arouse any feeling in New England, or in Massachusetts, that should combine the two great political parties
against this annexation; and, indeed, there was no hope of bringing the Northern Democracy into that view, for
their leaning was all the other way. But, Sir, even with Whigs, and leading Whigs, I am ashamed to say, there
was a great indifference towards the admission of Texas, with slave territory, into this Union.
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The project went on. I was then out of Congress. The annexation resolutions passed on the 1st of March, 1845;
the legislature of Texas complied with the conditions and accepted the guaranties; for the language of the
resolution is, that Texas is to come in "upon the conditions and under the guaranties herein prescribed." I was
returned to the Senate in March, 1845, and was here in December following, when the acceptance by Texas of
the conditions proposed by Congress was communicated to us by the President, and an act for the
consummation of the union was laid before the two houses. The connection was then not completed. A final
law, doing the deed of annexation ultimately, had not been passed; and when it was put upon its final passage
here, I expressed my opposition to it, and recorded my vote in the negative; and there that vote stands, with the
observations that I made upon that occasion.
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It has happened that, between 1837 and this time, on various occasions, I have expressed my entire opposition
to the admission of slave States, or the acquisition of new slave territories, to be added to the United States. I
know, Sir, no change in my own sentiments, or my own purposes, in that respect. I will now ask my friend from
Rhode Island to read another extract from a speech of mine made at a Whig Convention in Springfield,
Massachusetts, in the month of September, 1847.
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[Mr. Greene:
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"We hear much just now of a panacea for the dangers and evils of slavery and slave annexation, which they call
the 'Wilmot Proviso.' That certainly is a just sentiment, but it is not a sentiment to found any new party upon. It
is not a sentiment on which Massachusetts Whigs differ. There is not a man in this hall who holds to it more
firmly than I do, nor one who adheres to it more than another.
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"I feel some little interest in this matter, Sir. Did not I commit myself in 1837 to the whole doctrine, fully,
entirely? And I must be permitted to say that I cannot quite consent that more recent discoverers should claim
the merit and take out a patent.
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"I deny the priority of their invention. Allow me to say, Sir, it is not their thunder. ***
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"We are to use the first and last and every occasion which offers to oppose the extension of slave power.
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"But I speak of it here, as in Congress, as a political question, a question for statesmen to act upon. We must so
regard it. I certainly do not mean to say that it is less important in a moral point of view, that it is not more
important in many other points of view; but as a legislator, or in any official capacity, I must look at it, consider
it, and decide it as a matter of political action."]
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On other occasions, in debates here, I have expressed my determination to vote for no acquisition, or cession, or
annexation, north or south, east or west. My opinion has been, that we have territory enough, and that we should
follow the Spartan maxim, "Improve, adorn what you have," seek no further. I think it was in some observations
that I made on the three-million loan bill that I avowed this sentiment. In short, Sir, it has been avowed quite as
often, in as many places, and before as many assemblies, as any humble opinions of mine ought to be avowed.
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But now that, under certain conditions, Texas is in the Union, with all her territory, as a slave State, with a
solemn pledge, also, that, if she shall be divided into many States, those States may come in as slave States
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south of 36o 30', how are we to deal with this subject? I know no way of honest legislation, when the proper
time comes for the enactment, but to carry into effect all that we have stipulated to do.
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I do not entirely agree with my honorable friend from Tennessee (Mr. Bell), that, as soon as the time comes
when she is entitled to another representative, we should create a new State. On former occasions, in creating
new States out of Territories, we have generally gone upon the idea that, when the population of the territory
amounts to about sixty thousand, we would consent to its admission as a State. But it is quite a different thing
when a State is divided, and two or more States made out of it. It does not follow in such a case that the same
rule of apportionment should be applied. That, however, is a matter for the consideration of Congress, when the
proper time arrives.
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I may not then be here; I may have no vote to give on the occasion; but I wish it to be distinctly understood,
that, according to my view of the matter, this government is solemnly pledged, by law and contract, to create
new States out of Texas, with her consent, when such States are formed out of Texan territory lying south of
36o 30', to let them come in as slave States. That is the meaning of the resolution which our friends, the
Northern Democracy, have left us to fulfill; and I, for one, mean to fulfill it, because I will not violate the faith
of the Government. What I mean to say is, that the time for the admission of new States formed out of Texas,
the number of such States, their boundaries, the requisite amount of population, and all other things connected
with the admission, are in the free discretion of Congress except this; to wit, that, when new States formed out
of Texas are to be admitted, they have a right, by legal stipulation and contract, to come in as slave States.
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Now, as to California and New Mexico, I hold slavery to be excluded from these territories by a law even
superior to that which admits and sanctions it in Texas. I mean the law of nature, of physical geography, the law
of the formation of the earth. That law settles for ever, with a strength beyond all terms of human enactment,
that slavery cannot exist in California or New Mexico. Understand me, Sir; I mean slavery as we regard it;
slaves in gross, of the colored race, transferable by sale and delivery, like other property.
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I shall not discuss the point, but leave it to the learned gentlemen who have undertaken to discuss it; but I
suppose there is no slave of that description in California now. I understand that peonism, a sort of penal
servitude, exists there, or rather a sort of voluntary sale of a man and his offspring for debt, as it is arranged and
exists in some parts of California and some provinces of Mexico. But what I mean to say is, that African
slavery, as we see it among us, is as utterly impossible to find itself, or to be found in California and New
Mexico, as any other natural impossibility.
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California and New Mexico are Asiatic in their formation and scenery. They are composed of vast ridges of
mountains, of great height, with broken ridges and deep valleys. The sides of these mountains are entirely
barren; their tops capped by perennial snow. There may be in California, now made free by its constitution, and
no doubt there are, some tracts of valuable land. But it is not so in New Mexico. Pray, what is the evidence
which every gentleman must have obtained on this subject, from information sought by himself or
communicated by others?
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I have inquired and read all I could find., in order to acquire information on this important question. What is
there in New Mexico that could, by any possibility, induce any body to go there with slaves? There are some
narrow strips of tillable land on the borders of the rivers; but the rivers themselves dry up before midsummer is
gone. All that the people can do in that region, is to raise some little articles, some little wheat for their tortillas,
and that by irrigation. And who expects to see a hundred black men cultivating tobacco, corn, cotton, rice, or
any thing else, on lands in New Mexico, made fertile only by irrigation?
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I look upon it, therefore, as a fixed fact, to use an expression current at this day, that both California and New
Mexico are destined to be free, so far as they are settled at all, which I believe, in regard to New Mexico, will be
very little for a great length of time; free by the arrangement of things by the Power above us. I have therefore
to say, in this respect also, that this country is fixed for freedom, to as many persons as shall ever live in it, by as
irrepealable and more irrepealable a law, than the law that attaches to the right of holding slaves in Texas; and I
will say further, that if a resolution, or a law, were now before us to provide a territorial Government for New
Mexico, I would not vote to put any prohibition into it whatever. The use of such a prohibition would be idle, as
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it respects any effect it would have upon the territory; and I would not take pains to reaffirm an ordinance of
Nature, nor to reenact the will of God. I would put in no Wilmot Proviso for the mere purpose of a taunt or a
reproach. I would put into it no evidence of the votes of superior power; for no purpose but to wound the pride,
even whether a just pride, a rational pride, or an irrational pride, to wound the pride of the gentlemen who
belong to Southern States. I have no such object, no such purpose.
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They would think it a taunt, an indignity; they would think it to be an act taking away from them what they
regard as a proper equality of privilege; and whether they expect to realize any benefit from it or not, they
would think it at least a plain theoretic wrong; that something more or less derogatory to their character and
their rights had taken place. I propose to inflict no such wound upon any body, unless something essentially
important to the country, and efficient to the preservation of liberty and freedom, is to be effected.
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Therefore, I repeat, Sir, and I repeat it because I wish it to be understood, that I do not propose to address the
Senate often on this subject. I desire to pour out all my heart in as plain a manner as possible; and I say, again,
therefore, that if a proposition were now here for a Government for New Mexico, and it was moved to insert a
provision for the prohibition of slavery, I would not vote for it.
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Now, Mr. President, I have established, so far as I proposed to go into any line of observation to establish, the
proposition with which I set out, and upon which I propose the stand or fall; and that is, that the whole territory
of the States in the United States, or in the newly acquired territory of the United States, has a fixed and settled
character, now fixed and settled by law, which cannot be repealed; in the case of Texas without a violation of
public faith, and by no human power in regard to California or New Mexico; that, therefore, under one or other
of these laws, every foot of land in the States or in the Territories has already received a fixed and decided
character.
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Sir, if we were now making a Government for New Mexico, and any body should propose a Wilmot Proviso, I
should treat it exactly as Mr. Polk treated that provision for excluding slavery from Oregon. Mr. Polk was
known to be in opinion decidedly averse to the Wilmot Proviso; but he felt the necessity of establishing a
Government for the Territory of Oregon; and, though the proviso was in it, he knew it would be entirely
nugatory; and, since it must be entirely nugatory, since it took away no right, no describable, no estimable, no
weighable or tangible right of the South, he said he would sign the bill for the sake of enacting a law to form a
government in that Territory, and let that entirely useless, and, in that connection, entirely senseless, proviso
remain.
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Sir, we hear much of the annexation of Canada; and if there be any man, any of the Northern Democracy, or any
one of the Free Soil party, who supposes it necessary to insert a Wilmot Proviso in a territorial government of
New Mexico, that man would of course be of opinion that it is necessary to protect the everlasting snows of
Canada from the foot of slavery by the same overspreading wing of an act of Congress. Sir, wherever there is a
substantive good to be done, wherever there is a foot of land to be staid back from becoming slave territory, I
am ready to assert the principle of the exclusion of slavery. I am pledged to it from the year 1837; I have been
pledged to it again and again; and I will perform those pledges; but I will not do a thing unnecessarily that
wounds the feelings of others, or that does discredit to my own understanding.
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Mr. President, in the excited times in which we live, there is found to exist a state of crimination and
recrimination between the North and South. There are lists of grievances produced by each; and those
grievances, real or supposed, alienate the minds of one portion of the country from the other, exasperate the
feelings, and subdue the sense of fraternal affection, patriotic love, and mutual regard. I shall bestow a little
attention, Sir, upon these various grievances existing on the one side and on the other. I begin with complaints
of the South.
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I will not answer, further than I have, the general statements of the honorable Senator from South Carolina, that
the North has grown upon the South in consequence of the manner of administering this government, in the
collecting of its revenues, and so forth. These are disputed topics, and I have no inclination to enter into them.
But I will state these complaints, especially one complaint of the South, which has in my opinion just
foundation; and that is, that there has been found at the North, among individuals and among legislators, a
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disinclination to perform fully, their constitutional duties in regard to the return of persons bound to service who
have escaped into the free States. In that respect, it is my judgment that the South is right, and the North is
wrong.
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Every member of every Northern legislature is bound by oath, like every other officer in the country, to support
the Constitution of the United States; and this article of the Constitution, which says to these States, that they
shall deliver up fugitives from service, is as binding in honor and conscience as any other article. No man
fulfills his duty in any legislature who sets himself to find excuses, evasions, escapes from this constitutional
obligation. I have always thought that the Constitution addressed itself to the legislatures of the States or to the
States themselves. It says that those persons escaping to other States "shall be delivered up," and I confess I
have always been of the opinion that it was an injunction upon the States themselves. When it is said that a
person escaping into another State, and becoming therefore within the jurisdiction of that State, shall be
delivered up, it seems to me the import of the clause is, that the State itself, in obedience to the Constitution,
shall cause him to be delivered up. That is my judgment. I have always entertained that opinion, and I entertain
it now.
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But when the subject, some years ago, was before the Supreme Court of the United States, the majority of the
judges held, that the power to cause fugitives from service to be delivered up was a power to be exercised under
the authority of this Government. I do not know, on the whole, that it may not have been a fortunate decision.
My habit is to respect the result of judicial deliberations, and the solemnity of judicial decisions. But, as it now
stands, the business of seeing that these fugitives are delivered up resides in the power of Congress and the
national judicature, and my friend at the head of the Judiciary Committee has a bill on the subject now before
the Senate, with some amendments to it, which I propose to support, with all its provisions, to the fullest extent.
And I desire to call the attention of all sober-minded men, of all conscientious men, in the North, of all men
who are not carried away by any fanatical idea or by any false idea whatever, to their constitutional obligations.
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I put it to all the sober and sound minds at the North as a question of morals, and a question of conscience.
What right have they, in their legislative capacity, or any other capacity, to endeavor to get round this
Constitution, to embarrass the free exercise of the rights secured by the Constitution to the persons whose slaves
escape from them? None at all; none at all. Neither in the forum of conscience, nor before the face of the
Constitution, are they justified, in my opinion. Of course it is a matter for their consideration. They probably, in
the turmoil of the times, have not stopped to consider of this. They have followed what seemed to be the current
of thought and of motives, as the occasion arose, and they neglected to investigate fully the real question, and to
consider their constitutional obligations; as, I am sure, if they did consider, they would fulfill them with alacrity.
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Therefore, I repeat, Sir, that here is a ground of complaint against the North well founded, which ought to be
removed, which it is now in the power of the different departments of this Government to remove; which calls
for the enactment of proper laws authorizing the judicature of this Government, in the several States, to do all
that is necessary for the recapture of fugitive slaves, and for the restoration of them to those who claim them.
Wherever I go, and whenever I speak on the subject, and when I speak here I desire to speak to the whole
North, I say that the South has been injured in this respect, and has a right to complain; and the North has been
too careless of what I think the Constitution peremptorily and emphatically enjoins upon her as a duty.
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Complaint has been made against certain resolutions that emanate from Legislatures at the North, and are sent
here to us, not only on the subject of slavery in this District, but sometimes recommending Congress to consider
the means of abolishing slavery in the States. I should be sorry to be called upon to present any resolutions here
which could not be referable to any committee or any power in Congress; and, therefore, I should be unwilling
to receive from the Legislature of Massachusetts any instructions to present resolutions expressive of any
opinion whatever on the subject of slavery, as it exists at the present moment in the States, for two reasons:
because, first, I do not consider that the Legislature of Massachusetts has any thing to do with it; and next, I do
not consider that I, as her representative here, have any thing to do with it.
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Sir, it has become, in my opinion, quite too common; and if the Legislatures of the States do not like that
opinion, they have a great deal more power to put it down than I have to uphold it; it has become, in my
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opinion, quite too common a practice for the State Legislatures to present resolutions here on all subjects, and to
instruct us on all subjects. There is no public man that requires instruction more than I do, or who requires
information more than I do, or desires it more heartily; but I do not like to have it come in too imperative a
shape.
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I took notice, with pleasure, of some remarks upon this subject made the other day in the Senate of
Massachusetts, by a young man of talent and character, of whom the best hopes may be entertained. I mean Mr.
Hillard. He told the Senate of Massachusetts that he would vote for no instructions, whatever, to be forwarded
to members of Congress, nor for any resolutions to be offered, expressive of the sense of Massachusetts, as to
what her members of Congress ought to do. He said, that he saw no propriety in one set of public servants
giving instructions and reading lectures to another set of public servants. To their own master all of them must
stand or fall, and that master is their constituents.
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I wish these sentiments could become more common, a great deal more common. I have never entered into the
question, and never shall, about the binding force of instructions. I will, however, simply say this: if there be
any matter pending in this body, while I am a member of it, in which Massachusetts has an interest of her own
not adverse to the general interests of the country, I shall pursue her instructions with gladness of heart and with
all the efficiency which I can bring to the occasion. But if the question be one which affects her interest, and at
the same time equally affects the interest of all the other States, I shall no more regard her particular wishes or
instructions than I should regard the wishes of a man who might appoint me an arbitrator, or referee, to decide
some question of important private right between him and his neighbor, and then instruct me to decide in his
favor.
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If ever there was a Government upon earth it is this Government; if ever there was a body upon earth it is this
body, which should consider itself as composed by agreement of all, each member appointed by some, but
organized by the general consent of all, sitting here, under the solemn obligations of oath and conscience, to do
that which they think to be best for the good of the whole.
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Then, Sir, there are the abolition societies, of which I am unwilling to speak, but in regard to which I have very
clear notions and opinions. I do not think them useful. I think their operations for the last twenty years have
produced nothing good or valuable. At the same time, I know thousands of their members to be honest and good
men; perfectly well-meaning men. They have excited feelings; they think they must do something for the cause
of liberty; and in their sphere of action, they do not see what else they can do, than to contribute to an abolition
press, or an abolition society, or to pay an abolition lecturer. I do not mean to impute gross motives even to the
leaders of these societies, but I am not blind to the consequences of their proceedings. I cannot but see what
mischiefs their interference with the South has produced. And is it not plain to every man? Let any gentleman
who doubts of that, recur to the debates in the Virginia House of Delegates in 1832, and he will see with what
freedom a proposition made by Mr. Jefferson Randolph for the gradual abolition of slavery was discussed in
that body.
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Every one spoke of slavery as he thought; very ignominious and disparaging names and epithets were applied to
it. The debates in the House of Delegates on that occasion, I believe, were all published. They were read by
every colored man who could read, and to those who could not read, those debates were read by others. At that
time Virginia was not unwilling or afraid to discuss this question, and to let that part of her population know as
much of the discussion as they could learn. That was in 1832. As has been said by the honorable member from
South Carolina, these abolition societies commenced their course of action in 1835. It is said, I do not know
how true it may be, that they sent incendiary publications into the slave States; at any rate, they attempted to
arouse, and did arouse, a very strong feeling; in other words, they created great agitation in the North against
Southern slavery. Well, what was the result?
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The bonds of the slaves were bound more firmly than before, their rivets were more strongly fastened. Public
opinion, which in Virginia had begun to be exhibited against slavery, and was opening out for the discussion of
the question, drew back and shut itself up n its castle. I wish to know whether any body in Virginia can, now,
talk as Mr. Randolph, Governor McDowell, and others talked openly, and sent their remarks to the press, in
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1832? We all know the fact, and we all know the cause; and every thing that these agitating people have done
has been, not to enlarge, but to restrain, not to set free, but to bind faster, the slave population of the South.
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That is my judgment. Sir, as I have said, I know many abolitionists in my own neighborhood, very honest, good
people, misled, as I think, by strange enthusiasm; but they wish to do something, and they are called on to
contribute, and they do contribute; and it is my firm opinion this day, that within the last twenty years as much
money has been collected and paid to the abolition societies, abolition presses, and abolition lecturers, as would
purchase the freedom of every slave, man, woman and child, in the State of Maryland, and send them all to
Liberia. I have no doubt of it. But I have yet to learn that the benevolence of these abolition societies has at any
time taken that particular turn. [Laughter.]
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Again, Sir, the violence of the press is complained of. The press violent! Why, Sir, the press is violent
everywhere. There are outrageous reproaches in the North against the South, and there are reproaches no better
in the South against the North. Sir, the extremists of both parts of this country are violent; they mistake loud and
violent talk for eloquence and for reason. They think that he who talks loudest reasons best. And this we must
expect, when the press is free, as it is here, and I trust always will be; for, with all its licentiousness and all its
evil, the entire and absolute freedom of the press is essential to the preservation of government on the basis of a
free constitution. Wherever it exists there will be foolish paragraphs and violent paragraphs in the press, as there
are, I am sorry to say, foolish speeches and violent speeches in both houses of Congress.
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In truth, Sir, I must say that, in my opinion, the vernacular tongue of the country has become greatly vitiated,
depraved, and corrupted by the style of our Congressional debates. [Laughter.] And if it were possible for those
debates to vitiate the principles of the people as much as they have depraved their tastes, I should cry out, "God
save the Republic!"
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Well, in all this I see no solid grievance, no grievance presented by the South, within the redress of the
government, but the single one to which I have referred; and that is, the want of a proper regard to the
injunction of the Constitution for the delivery of fugitive slaves.
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There are also complaints of the North against the South. I need not go over them particularly. The first and
gravest is, that the North adopted the Constitution, recognizing the existence of slavery in the States, and
recognizing the right, to a certain extent, of the representation of slaves in Congress, under a state of sentiment
and expectation which does not now exist; and that, by events, by circumstances, by the eagerness of the South
to acquire territory and extend her slave population, the North finds itself, in regard to the relative influence of
the South and the North, of the free States and the slave States, where it never did expect to find itself when
they agreed to the compact of the Constitution. They complain, therefore, that, instead of slavery being regarded
as an evil, as it was then, an evil which all hoped would be extinguished gradually, it is now regarded by the
South as an institution to be cherished, and preserved, and extended; an institution which the South has already
extended to the utmost of her power by the acquisition of new territory.
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Well, then passing from that, every body in the North reads; and every body reads whatsoever the newspapers
contain; and the newspapers, some of them, especially those presses to which I have alluded, are careful to
spread about among the people every reproachful sentiment uttered by any Southern man bearing at all against
the North; every thing that is calculated to exasperate, to alienate; and there are many such things, as every body
will admit, from the South, or some portion of it, which are disseminated among the reading people, and they do
exasperate, and alienate, and produce a most mischievous effect upon the public mind at the North.
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Sir, I would not notice things of this sort appearing in obscure quarters; but one thing has occurred in this debate
which struck me very forcibly. An honorable member from Louisiana addressed us the other day on this
subject. I suppose there is not a more amiable and worthy gentleman in this chamber, nor a gentleman who
would be more slow to give offense to anybody, and he did not mean in his remarks to give offense. But what
did he say? Why, Sir, he took pains to run a contrast between the slaves of the South and the laboring people of
the North, giving the preference, in all points of condition, and comfort, and happiness, to the slaves of the
South. The honorable member, doubtless, did not suppose that he gave any offense, or did any injustice. He was
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merely expressing his opinion. But does he know how remarks of that sort will be received by the laboring
people of the North?
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Why, who are the laboring people of the North? They are the North. They are the people who cultivate their
own farms with their own hands; freeholders, educated men, independent men. Let me say, Sir, that five-sixths
of the whole property of the North is in the hands of the laborers of the North; they cultivate their farms, they
educate their children, they provide the means of independence. If they are not freeholders, they earn wages;
these wages accumulate, are turned into capital, into new freeholds, and small capitalists are created. That is the
case, and such the course of things among the industrious and frugal. And what can these people think when so
respectable and worthy a gentleman as the member from Louisiana undertakes to prove that the absolute
ignorance and the abject slavery of the South are more in conformity with the high purposes and destiny of
immortal, rational, human beings, than the educated, the independent, free labor of the North?
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There is a more tangible and irritating cause of grievance at the North. Free blacks are constantly employed in
the vessels of the North, generally as cooks or stewards. When the vessel arrives at a Southern port, these free
colored men are taken on shore, by the police or municipal authority, imprisoned, and kept in prison, till the
vessel is again ready to sail. This is not only irritating, but exceedingly unjustifiable and oppressive. Mr. Hoar's
mission, some time ago, to South Carolina, was a well-intended effort to remove this cause of complaint. The
North thinks such imprisonments illegal and unconstitutional; and as the cases occur constantly, and frequently,
they regard it as a great grievance.
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Now, Sir, so far as any of these grievances have their foundation in matters of law, they can be redressed, and
ought to be redressed; and so far as they have their foundation in matters of opinion, in sentiment, in mutual
crimination and recrimination, all that we can do is to endeavor to allay the agitation, and cultivate a better
feeling and more fraternal sentiments between the South and the North.
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Mr. President, I should much prefer to have heard from every member on this floor declarations of opinion that
this Union could never be dissolved, than the declaration of opinion by anybody that, in any case, under the
pressure of any circumstances, such a dissolution was possible. I hear with pain, and anguish, and distress, the
word "secession," especially when it falls from the lips of those who are patriotic, and known to the country,
and known all over the world, for their political services. Secession! Peaceable secession! Sir, your eyes and
mine are never destined to see that miracle. The dismemberment of this vast country without convulsion! The
breaking up of the fountains of the great deep without ruffling the surface! Who is so foolish, I beg everybody's
pardon, as to expect to see any such thing? Sir, he who sees these States, now revolving in harmony around a
common centre, and expects to see them quit their places and fly off without convulsion, may look the next
hour to see the heavenly bodies rush from their spheres, and jostle against each other in the realms of space,
without causing the crush of the universe.
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There can be no such thing as a peaceable secession. Peaceable secession is an utter impossibility. Is the great
Constitution under which we live, covering this whole country; is it to be thawed and melted away by secession,
as the snows on the mountains melt under the influence of a vernal sun, disappear almost unobserved, and run
off? No, Sir! No, Sir! I will not state what might produce the disruption of the Union; but, Sir, I see as plainly as
I see the sun in heaven, what that disruption itself must produce; I see that it must produce war, and such a war
as I will not describe, in its twofold character.
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Peaceable secession! Peaceable secession! The concurrent agreement of all members of this great republic to
separate! A voluntary separation, with alimony on one side and on the other. Why, what would be the result?
Where is the line to be drawn? What States are to secede? What is to remain American? What am I to be? An
American no longer? Am I to become a sectional man, a local man, a separatist? with no country in common
with the gentlemen who sit around me here, or who fill the other House of Congress? Heaven forbid! Where is
the flag of the republic to remain? Where is the eagle still to tower? Or is he to cower, and shrink, and fall to the
ground? Why, Sir, our ancestors, our fathers and our grandfathers, those of them that are yet living amongst us
with prolonged lives, would rebuke and reproach us; and our children and our grandchildren would cry out
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shame upon us, if we, of this generation, should dishonor these ensigns of the power of the Government and the
harmony of that Union, which is every day felt among us with so much joy and gratitude.
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What is to become of the army? What is to become of the navy? What is to become of the public lands? How is
each of the thirty States to defend itself? I know, although the idea has not been stated distinctly, there is to be,
or it is supposed possible that there should be, a Southern Confederacy. I do not mean, when I allude to this
statement, that any one seriously contemplates such a state of things. I do not mean to say that it is true, but I
have heard it suggested elsewhere, that that idea has originated a design to separate. I am sorry, Sir, that it has
ever been thought of, talked of, or dreamed of, in the wildest flights of human imagination. But the idea, so far
as it exists, must be of a separation, assigning the slave States to one side, and the free States to the other.
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Sir, there is not, I may express myself too strongly, perhaps, but some things, some moral things, are almost as
impossible as other natural or physical things; and I hold the idea of a separation of these States, those that are
free to form one government, and those that are slaveholding to form another, as a moral impossibility. We
could not separate the States by any such line, if we were to draw it. We could not sit down here to-day and
draw a line of separation that would satisfy any five men in the country. There are natural causes that would
keep and tie us together, and there are social and domestic relations which we could not break if we would, and
which we should not if we could.
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Sir, nobody can look over the face of this country at the present moment, nobody can see where its population is
the most dense and growing, without being ready to admit, and compelled to admit, that ere long America will
be in the valley of the Mississippi.
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Well, now, Sir, I beg to inquire what the wildest enthusiast has to say on the possibility of cutting that river in
two, and leaving free States at its source, and its branches, and slave States down near its mouth, each forming a
separate government? Pray, Sir, pray, sir, let me say to the people of this country that these things are worthy of
their pondering and of their consideration. Here, Sir, are five millions of freemen in the free States north of the
river Ohio: Can any body suppose that this population can be severed, by a line that divides them from the
territory of a foreign and an alien government, down somewhere, the Lord knows where, upon the lower banks
of the Mississippi?
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What would become of Missouri? Will she join the arrondissement of the slave States? Shall the man from the
Yellow Stone and the Platte be connected, in the new Republic, with the man who lives on the southern
extremity of the Cape of Florida? Sir, I am ashamed to pursue this line of remark. I dislike it, I have an utter
disgust for it. I would rather hear of natural blasts and mildews, war, pestilence, and famine, than to hear
gentlemen talk of secession. To break up! To break up this great Government, to dismember this glorious
country, to astonish Europe with an act of folly such as Europe for two centuries has never beheld in any
Government or any People! No, Sir; no, sir! There will be no secession! Gentlemen are not serious when they
talk of secession.
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Sir, I hear there is to be a convention held at Nashville. I am bound to believe that if worthy gentlemen meet at
Nashville in convention their object will be to adopt counsels conciliatory; to advise the South to forbearance
and moderation, and to advise the North to forbearance and moderation; and to inculcate principles of brotherly
love and affection, and attachment to the Constitution of the country as it now is. I believe, if the convention
meet at all, it will be for this purpose; for certainly, if they meet for any purpose hostile to the Union, they have
been singularly inappropriate in their selection of a place. I remember, Sir, that, when the treaty was concluded
between France and England, at the peace of Amiens, a stern old Englishman and an orator, who regarded the
conditions of the peace as ignominious to England, said in the House of Commons, that if King William could
know the terms of that treaty, he would turn in his coffin! Let me commend this saying of Mr. Windham, in all
its emphasis and in all its force, to any persons, who shall meet at Nashville for the purpose of concerting
measures for the overthrow of this Union, over the bones of Andrew Jackson!
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Sir, I wish now to make two remarks, and hasten to a conclusion. I wish to say, in regard to Texas, that if it
should be, hereafter, at any time, the pleasure of the Government of Texas to cede to the United States a portion,
larger or smaller, of her territory which lies adjacent to New Mexico, and north of 36o 30' of north latitude, to
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be formed into free States, for a fair equivalent in money or in the payment of her debt, I think it an object well
worthy the consideration of Congress, and I shall be happy to concur in it myself, if I should be in the public
counsels of the country at that time.
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I have one other remark to make. In my observations upon slavery as it has existed in the country, and as it now
exists, I have expressed no opinion of the mode of its extinguishment or melioration. I will say, however,
though I have nothing to propose, because I do not deem myself so competent as other gentlemen to take any
lead, that if any gentleman from the South shall propose a scheme of colonization, to be carried on by this
government upon a large scale, for the transportation of free colored people to any colony or any place in the
world, I should be quite disposed to incur almost any degree of expense to accomplish that object. Nay, Sir,
following an example set more than twenty years ago by a great man, then a Senator from New York, I would
return to Virginia, and through her for the benefit of the whole South, the money received from the lands and
territories ceded by her to this Government, for any such purpose as to relieve, in whole or in part, or in any
way to diminish or deal beneficially with, the free colored population of the Southern States.
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I have said that I honor Virginia for her cession of this territory. There have been received into the treasury of
the United States eighty millions of dollars, the proceeds of the sales of the public lands ceded by her. If the
residue should be sold at the same rate, the whole aggregate will exceed two hundred millions of dollars. If
Virginia and the South see fit to adopt any proposition to relieve themselves from the free people of color
among them, or such as may be made free, they have my free consent that the Government shall pay them any
sum of money out of its proceeds, which may be adequate to the purpose.
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And now, Mr. President, I draw these observations to a close. I have spoken freely, and I meant to do so. I have
sought to make no display; I have sought to enliven the occasion by no animated discussion, nor have I
attempted any train of elaborate argument. I have wished only to speak my sentiments, fully and at large, being
desirous, once and for all, to let the Senate know, and to let the country know, the opinions and sentiments
which I entertain on all these subjects. These opinions are not likely to be suddenly changed. If there be any
future service that I can render to the country, consistently with these sentiments and opinions, I shall cheerfully
render it. If there be not, I shall still be glad to have had the opportunity to disburden my conscience from the
bottom of my heart, and to make known every political sentiment that therein exists.
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And now, Mr. President, instead of speaking of the possibility or utility of secession, instead of dwelling in
these caverns of darkness, instead of groping with those ideas so full of all that is horrid and horrible, let us
come out into the light of day; let us enjoy the fresh air of Liberty and Union; let us cherish those hopes which
belong to us; let us devote ourselves to those great objects that are fit for our consideration and our action; let us
raise our conceptions to the magnitude and the importance of the duties that devolve upon us; let our
comprehension be as broad as the country for which we act, our aspirations as high as its certain destiny; let us
not be pigmies in a case that calls for men. Never did there devolve on any generation of men higher trusts than
now devolve upon us, for the preservation of this Constitution, and the harmony and peace of all who are
destined to live under it.
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Let us make our generation one of the strongest and brightest links in that golden chain, which is destined, I
fondly believe, to grapple the people of all the States to this Constitution for ages to come. We have a great,
popular, constitutional government, guarded by law, and by judicature, and defended by the whole affections of
the people. No monarchical throne presses these States together; no iron chain of military power encircles them;
they live and stand under a government popular in its form, representative in its character, founded upon
principles of equality, and so constructed, we hope, as to last for ever.
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In all its history it has been beneficent; it has trodden down no man's liberty; it has crushed no State. Its daily
respiration is liberty and patriotism; its yet youthful veins are full of enterprise, courage, and honorable love of
glory and renown. Large before, the country has now, by recent events, become vastly larger. This republic now
extends, with a vast breadth, across the whole continent. The two great seas of the world wash the one and the
other shore. We realize, on a mighty scale, the beautiful description of the ornamental border of the buckler of
Achilles: -
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"Now, the broad shield complete, the artist crown'd
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With his last band, and poured the ocean round;
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In living silver seem'd the waves to roll,
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And beat the buckler's verge, and bound the whole."
Webster, D. (2013). The Union Must be Preserved. Truth Based Logic. Retrieved from:
http://truthbasedlogic.com/webster.htm
Day 1
1. According to the text, what is the author’s objective in lines 1 to 146?
2. The author states, “Now, Sir, in this state of sentiment upon the general nature of slavery lies the cause
of a great part of those unhappy divisions, exasperations, and reproaches, which find vent and support in
different parts of the Union. Slavery does exist in the United States. It did exist in the States before the
adoption of this Constitution, and at that time”. What is the author, according to the text, referring to
when he makes this statement?
3. The author states, “The great ground of objection to it was political; that it weakened the social fabric;
that, taking the place of free labor, society became less strong and labor less productive; and, therefore,
we find from all the eminent men of the time the clearest expression of their opinion that slavery is an
evil”. According to the text, what does he mean by this?
4. According to the text, what evidence does the author provide for the abolition of slavery, as the author
states was intended by the founding fathers?
5. What does the author mean, according to the text, when he states, “So far as any motive consistent with
honor, justice, and general judgment could act, it was the COTTON interest that gave a new desire to
promote slavery, to spread it, and to use its labor. I again say that that was produced by causes which we
must always expect to produce like effects; the whole interest of the South became connected, more or
less, with it”?
6. The author states, “The age of cotton became the golden age of our Southern brethren. It gratified their
desire for improvement and accumulation, at the same time that it excited it. The desire grew by what it
fed upon, and there soon came to be an eagerness for other territory, a new area or new areas, for the
cultivation of the cotton crop; and measures leading to this result were brought about rapidly, one after
another, under the lead of Southern men at the head of the Government, they having a majority in both
branches to accomplish their ends”. According to the text, what does the author mean by this statement?
Day 2
1. The author states, “To a certain extent it may be true; but it does seem to me that if any operation of the
Government could be shown in any degree to have promoted the population, and growth, and wealth of
the North, it is much more sure that there are sundry important and distinct operations of the
Government, about which no man can doubt, tending to promote, and which absolutely have promoted,
the increase of the slave interest and the slave territory of the South”. According to the text, what does
the author referring to in this statement?
2. According to the text, what is the author referring to when he states, “They leave us here, bound in
honor and conscience by the resolutions of annexation; they leave us here, to take the odium of fulfilling
the obligations in favor of slavery which they voted us into, or else the greater odium of violating those
obligations, while they are at home making capital and rousing speeches for free soil and no slavery”?
3. The author states, “To the full extent of those guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by
the Constitution. All the stipulations contained in the Constitution in favor of the slave-holding States
which are already in the Union ought to be fulfilled, and, so far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled, in
the fullness of their spirit, and beyond the reach of Congress. It is a concern of the States themselves;
they have never submitted it to Congress, and Congress has no rightful power over it.” According to the
text, what does he mean by this?
4. The author states, “But now that, under certain conditions, Texas is in the Union, with all her territory,
as a slave State, with a solemn pledge, also, that, if she shall be divided into many States, those States
may come in as slave States south of 36o 30', how are we to deal with this subject? I know no way of
honest legislation, when the proper time comes for the enactment, but to carry into effect all that we
have stipulated to do”. According to the text, what does the author mean by this and what is the author
implying?
Day 3
1. According to the text, who is the author addressing in lines 657 to 664 and what is the author’s position
regarding these issues?
2. According to the author, in lines 676 to 692, in which way does the slave issue address deeper rooted
issues of state and federal powers?
3. According to the text, in lines 700 to 707, what is the author’s position for a proposition to abolish
slavery in the states?
4. The author states, “The first and gravest is, that the North adopted the Constitution, recognizing the
existence of slavery in the States, and recognizing the right, to a certain extent, of the representation of
slaves in Congress, under a state of sentiment and expectation which does not now exist; and that, by
events, by circumstances, by the eagerness of the South to acquire territory and extend her slave
population, the North finds itself, in regard to the relative influence of the South and the North, of the
free States and the slave States, where it never did expect to find itself when they agreed to the compact
of the Constitution”. According to the text, what does the author mean by this powerful statement?
1
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“ Expansion and Reform (1801-1861)”
Week 5
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
How, primarily, did the Industrial Revolution aide in the division between the South and the North, which led to the Civil
War?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Stephen A. Douglas, “Popular Sovereignty Should Settle the Slavery
Inalienable
Question” (1858)
Controverting
Helper, H. “The Impending Crisis of the South” (1857)
Propounded
Requisite
Treasonable
debarred,
blandishments
Adornment
Eminent
Emoluments
Epitome
Avaricious
Enfeebling
Reprehensible
Enervate
conjecture
countenanced
abased
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.A4.a
Expansion and Reform (1801-1861)
Week 5 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore ways in which the
diverse economies of the North and South led to the civil war. The North, which was mostly industrial, relied less on the
institution of slavery. The Southern economy, however, was mostly based on agriculture and was fueled by slavery.
Essentially, if slavery were outlawed, by Northern forces in congress, southerners would no longer benefit from the
institution of slavery and the Southern economy would be viable to collapse.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore how
the industrial revolution, which spread like wildfire in the North and was slow to catch on in the South, created disunity in
America. The Northerners, which no longer relied on the economic system of slavery, condemned slavery, but to the
Southerners slavery was essential to preserve their economy, which was largely agricultural. By forcing abolition,
Northerners were also forcing the industrialization of the South.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1- 158 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 159- 381 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 1-100 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: To
what degree did the diverse economies of the North and South contribute to conflicts, which led to the civil war?
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Popular Sovereignty should settle the slavery question Stephen Douglas (1858)
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LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: It is now nearly four months since the canvass between Mr. Lincoln and
myself commenced. On the 16th of June the Republican Convention assembled at Springfield and
nominated Mr. Lincoln as their candidate for the U.S. Senate, and he, on that occasion, delivered a
speech in which he laid down what he understood to be the Republican creed and the platform on which
he proposed to stand during the contest. The principal points in that speech of Mr. Lincoln's were: First,
that this government could not endure permanently divided into free and slave States, as our fathers
made it; that they must all become free or all become slave; all become one thing or all become the
other, otherwise this Union could not continue to exist. I give you his opinions almost in the identical
language he used. His second proposition was a crusade against the Supreme Court of the United States
because of the Dred Scott decision; urging as an especial reason for his opposition to that decision that it
deprived the negroes of the rights and benefits of that clause in the Constitution of the United States
which guarantees to the citizens of each State, all the rights, privileges, and immunities of the citizens of
the several States.
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On the 10th of July I returned home, and delivered a speech to the people of Chicago, in which I
announced it to be my purpose to appeal to the people of Illinois to sustain the course I had pursued in
Congress. In that speech I joined issue with Mr. Lincoln on the points which he had presented. Thus
there was an issue clear and distinct made up between us on these two propositions laid down in the
speech of Mr. Lincoln at Springfield, and controverted by me in my reply to him at Chicago. On the
next day, the 11th of July, Mr. Lincoln replied to me at Chicago, explaining at some length, and reaffirming the positions which he had taken in his Springfield speech. In that Chicago speech he even
went further than he had before, and uttered sentiments in regard to the negro being on an equality with
the white man. (That's so.) He adopted in support of this position the argument which Lovejoy and
Codding, and other Abolition lecturers had made familiar in the northern and central portions of the
State, to wit: that the Declaration of Independence having [4] declared all men free and equal, by Divine
law, also that negro equality was an inalienable right, of which they could not be deprived. He insisted,
in that speech, that the Declaration of Independence included the negro in the clause asserting that all
men were created equal, and went so far as to say that if one man was allowed to take the position, that
it did not include the negro, others might take the position that it did not include other men. He said that
all these distinctions between this man and that man, this race and the other race, must be discarded, and
we must all stand by the Declaration of Independence, declaring that all men were created equal.
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The issue thus being made up between Mr. Lincoln and myself on three points, we went before the
people of the State. During the following seven weeks, between the Chicago speeches and our first
meeting at Ottawa, he and I addressed large assemblages of the people in many of the central counties.
In my speeches I confined myself closely to those three positions which he had taken controverting his
proposition that this Union could not exist as our fathers made it, divided into free and slave States,
controverting his proposition of a crusade against the Supreme Court because of the Dred Scott
decision, and controverting his proposition that the Declaration of Independence included and meant the
negroes as well as the white men, when it declared all men to be created equal. (Cheers for Douglas.) I
supposed at that time that these propositions constituted a distinct issue between us, and that the
opposite positions we had taken upon them we would be willing to be held to in every part of the State.
I never intended to waver one hair's breadth from that issue either in the north or the south, or wherever
I should address the people of Illinois. I hold that when the time arrives that I cannot proclaim my
political creed in the same terms not only in the northern but the southern part of Illinois, not only in the
northern but the southern States, and wherever the American flag waves over American soil, that then
there must be something wrong in that creed. (``Good, good,'' and cheers.) So long as we live under a
common constitution, so long as we live in a confederacy of sovereign and equal States, joined together
as one for certain purposes, that any political creed is radically wrong which cannot be proclaimed in
every State, and every section of that Union alike. I took up Mr. Lincoln's three propositions in my
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several speeches, analyzed them, and pointed out what I believed to be the radical errors contained in
them. First, in regard to his doctrine that this government was in violation of the law of God which says,
that a house divided against itself cannot stand, I repudiated it as a slander upon the immortal framers of
our constitution. I then said, have often repeated, and now again assert, that in my opinion this
government can endure forever, (good) divided into free and slave States as our fathers made it,---each
State having the right to prohibit, abolish or sustain slavery just as it pleases. (``Good,'' ``right,'' and
cheers.) This government was made upon the great basis of the sovereignty of the States, the right of
each State to regulate its own domestic institutions to suit itself, and that right was conferred with
understanding and expectation that inasmuch as each locality had separate interests, each locality must
have different and distinct local and domestic institutions, corresponding to its wants and interests. Our
fathers knew when they made the government, that the laws and institutions which were well adapted to
the green mountains of Vermont, were unsuited to the rice plantations of South Carolina. They knew
then, as well as we know now, that the laws and institutions which would be well adapted to the
beautiful prairies of Illinois would not be suited to the mining regions of California. They knew that in a
Republic as broad as this, having such a variety of soil, climate and interest, there must necessarily be a
corresponding variety of local laws---the policy and institutions of each State adapted to its condition
and wants. For this reason this Union was established on the right of each State to do as it pleased on the
question of slavery, and every other question; and the various States were not allowed to complain of,
much less interfere, with the policy of their neighbors. (``That's good doctrine,'' ``that's the doctrine,''
and cheers.)
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Suppose the doctrine advocated by Mr. Lincoln and the abolitionists of this day had prevailed when the
Constitution was made, what would have been the result? Imagine for a moment that Mr. Lincoln had
been a member of the convention that framed the Constitution of the United States, and that when its
members were about to sign that wonderful document, he had arisen in that convention as he did at
Springfield this summer, and addressing himself to the President, had said ``a house divided against
itself cannot stand; (laughter) this government divided into free and slave States cannot endure, they
must all be free or all be slave, they must all be one thing or all be the other, otherwise, it is a violation
of the law of God, and cannot continue to exist;''---suppose Mr. Lincoln had convinced that body of
sages, that that doctrine was sound, what would have been the result? Remember that the Union was
then composed of thirteen States, twelve of which were slaveholding and one free. Do you think that the
one free State would have outvoted the twelve slaveholding States, and thus have secured the abolition
of slavery? (No, no.) On the other hand, would not the twelve slaveholding States have outvoted the one
free State, and thus have fastened slavery, by a Constitutional provision, on every foot of the American
Republic forever? You see that if this abolition doctrine of Mr. Lincoln had prevailed when the
government was made, it would have established slavery as a permanent institution, in all the States
whether they wanted it or not, and the question for us to determine in Illinois now as one of the free
States is, whether or not we are willing, having become the majority section, to enforce a doctrine on the
minority, which we would have resisted with our heart's blood had it been attempted on us when we
were in a minority. (``We never will,'' ``good, good,'' and cheers.) How has the South lost her power as
the majority section in this Union, and how have the free States gained it, except under the operation of
that principle which declares the right of the people of each State and each territory to form and regulate
their domestic institutions in their own way. It was under that principle that slavery was abolished in
New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania; it was under
that principle that one half of the slaveholding States became free; it was under that principle that the
number of free States increased until from being one out of twelve States, we have grown to be the
majority of States of the whole Union, with the power to control the House of Representatives and
Senate, and the power, consequently, to elect a President by Northern votes without the aid of a
Southern State. Having obtained this power under the operation of that great principle, are you now
prepared to abandon the principle and declare that merely because we have the power you will wage a
war against the Southern States and their institutions until you force them to abolish slavery
everywhere. (No, never, and great applause.)
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After having pressed these arguments home on Mr. Lincoln for seven weeks, publishing a number of
my speeches, we met at Ottawa in joint discussion, and he then began to crawfish a little, and let himself
down. (Immense applause.) I there propounded certain questions to him. Amongst others, I asked him
whether he would vote for the admission of any more slave States in the event the people wanted them.
He would not answer. (Applause and laughter.) I then told him that if he did not answer the question
there I would renew it at Freeport, and would then trot him down into Egypt and again put it to him.
(Cheers.) Well, at Freeport, knowing that the next joint discussion took place in Egypt, and being in
dread of it, he did answer my question in regard to no more slave States in a mode which he hoped
would be satisfactory to me, and accomplish the object he had in view. I will show you what his answer
was. After saying that he was not pledged to the Republican doctrine of ``no more slave States,'' he
declared.
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I state to you freely, frankly, that I should be exceedingly sorry to ever be put in the position of having
to pass upon that question. I should be exceedingly glad to know that there never would be another slave
State admitted into this Union.
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Here, permit me to remark, that I do not think the people will ever force him into a position against his
will. (Great laughter and applause.) He went on to say:
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But I must add in regard to this, that if slavery shall be kept out of the territory during the territorial
existence of any one given territory and then the people should, having a fair chance and clear field
when they come to adopt a constitution, if they should do the extraordinary thing of adopting a slave
constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence of the institution among them, I see no alternative if
we own the country, but we must admit it into the Union.
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That answer Mr. Lincoln supposed would satisfy the old-line Whigs, composed of Kentuckians and
Virginians, down in the southern part of the State. Now, what does it amount to? I desired to know
whether he would vote to allow Kansas to come into the Union with slavery or not as her people
desired. He would not answer; but in a round about way said that if slavery should be kept out of a
territory during the whole of its territorial existence, and then the people, when they adopted a State
constitution, asked admission as a slave State, he supposed he would have to let the State come in. The
case I put to him was an entirely different one. I desired to know whether he would vote to admit a State
if Congress had not prohibited slavery in it during its territorial existence, as Congress never pretended
to do under Clay's compromise measures of 1850. He would not answer, and I have not yet been able to
get an answer from him. (Laughter, ``he'll answer this time,'' ``he's afraid to answer,'' etc.) I have asked
him whether he would vote to admit Nebraska if her people asked to come in as a State with a
constitution recognizing slavery, and he refused to answer. (``Put him through,'' ``give it to him,'' and
cheers.) I have put the question to him with reference to New Mexico, and he has not uttered a word in
answer. I have enumerated the territories, one after another, putting the same question to him with
reference to each, and he has not said, and will not say, whether, if elected to Congress, he will vote to
admit any territory now in existence with such a constitution as her people may adopt. He invents a case
which does not exist, and cannot exist under this government, and answers it; but he will not answer the
question I put to him in connection with any of the territories now in existence. (``Hurrah for Douglas,''
``three cheers for Douglas.'') The contract we entered into with Texas when she entered the Union
obliges us to allow four States to be formed out of the old State, and admitted with or without slavery as
the respective inhabitants of each may determine. I have asked Mr. Lincoln three times in our joint
discussions whether he would vote to redeem that pledge, and he has never yet answered. He is as silent
as the grave on the subject. (Laughter, ``Lincoln must answer,'' ``he will,'' &c.) He would rather answer
as to a state of the case which will never arise than commit himself by telling what he would do in a
case which would come up for his action soon after his election to Congress. (``He'll never have to act
on any question,'' and laughter.) Why can he not say whether he is willing to allow the people of each
State to have slavery or not as they please, and to come into the Union when they have the requisite
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population as a slave or a free State as they decide? I have no trouble in answering the question. I have
said everywhere, and now repeat it to you, that if the people of Kansas want a slave State they have a
right, under the constitution of the United States, to form such a State, and I will let them come into the
Union with slavery or without, as they determine. (``That's right,'' ``good,'' ``hurrah for Douglas all the
time,'' and cheers.) If the people of any other territory desire slavery let them have it. If they do not want
it let them prohibit it. It is their business not mine. (``That's the doctrine.'') It is none of your business in
Missouri whether Kansas shall adopt slavery or reject it. It is the business of her people and none of
yours. The people of Kansas has as much right to decide that question for themselves as you have in
Missouri to decide it for yourselves, or we in Illinois to decide it for ourselves. (``That's what we
believe,'' ``We stand by that,'' and cheers.)
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And here I may repeat what I have said in every speech I have made in Illinois, that I fought the
Lecompton constitution to its death, not because of the slavery clause in it, but because it was not the act
and deed of the people of Kansas. I said then in Congress, and I say now, that if the people of Kansas
want a slave State, they have a right to have it. If they wanted the Lecompton constitution, they had a
right to have it. I was opposed to that constitution because I did not believe that it was the act and deed
of the people, but on the contrary, the act of a small, pitiful minority acting in the name of the majority.
When at last it was determined to send that constitution back to the people, and accordingly, in August
last, the question of admission under it was submitted to a popular vote, the citizens rejected it by nearly
ten to one, thus showing conclusively, that I was right when I said that the Lecompton constitution was
not the act and deed of the people of Kansas, and did not embody their will. (Cheers.)
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I hold that there is no power on earth, under our system of government, which has the right to force a
constitution upon an unwilling people. (That's so.) Suppose there had been a majority of ten to one in
favor of slavery in Kansas, and suppose there had been an abolition President, and an abolition
administration, and by some means the abolitionists succeeded in forcing an abolition constitution on
those slaveholding people, would the people of the South have submitted to that act for one instant. (No,
no.) Well, if you of the South would not have submitted to it a day, how can you, as fair, honorable and
honest men insist on putting a slave constitution on a people who desire a free State. (``That's so,'' and
cheers.) Your safety and ours depend upon both of us acting in good faith, and living up to that great
principle which asserts the right of every people to form and regulate their domestic institutions to suit
themselves, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. (``That's the doctrine,'' and immense
applause.)
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Most of the men who denounced my course on the Lecompton question, objected to it not because I was
not right, but because they thought it expedient at that time, for the sake of keeping the party together, to
do wrong. (Cheers.) I never knew the Democratic party to violate any one of its principles out of policy
or expediency, that it did not pay the debt with sorrow. There is no safety or success for our party unless
we always to right, and trust the consequences to God and the people. I chose not to depart from
principle for the sake of expediency in the Lecompton question, and I never intend to do it on that or
any other question. (Good.)
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But I am told that I would have been all right if I had only voted for the English bill after Lecompton
was killed. (Laughter and cheers.) You know a general pardon was granted to all political offenders on
the Lecompton question, provided they would only vote for the English bill. I did not accept the benefits
of that pardon, for the reason that I had been right in the course I had pursued, and hence did not require
any forgiveness. Let us see how the result has been worked out. English brought in his bill referring the
Lecompton Constitution back to the people, with the provision that if it was rejected Kansas should be
kept out of the Union until she had the full ratio of population required for a member of Congress, thus
in effect declaring that if the people of Kansas would only consent to come into the Union under the
Lecompton Constitution, and have a slave State when they did not want it, they should be admitted with
a population of 35,000, but that if they were so obstinate as to insist upon having just such a constitution
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as they thought best, and to desire admission as a free State, then they should be kept out until they had
93,420 inhabitants. I then said, and I now repeat to you, that whenever Kansas has people enough for a
slave State she has people enough for a free State. (``That's the doctrine all over,'' ``Hurrah for
Douglas.'') I was and am willing to adopt the rule that no State shall ever come into the Union until she
has the full ratio of population for a member of Congress, provided that rule is made uniform. I made
that proposition in the Senate last winter, but a majority of the Senators would not agree to it; and I then
said to them if you will not adopt the general rule I will not consent to make an exception of Kansas.
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I hold that it is a violation of the fundamental principles of this government to throw the weight of
federal power into the scale, either in favor of the free or the slave States. Equality among all the States
of this Union is a fundamental principle in our political system. We have no more right to throw the
weight of the federal government into the scale in favor of the slaveholding than the free States, and last
of all should our friends in the South consent for a moment that Congress should withhold its powers
either way when they know that there is a majority against them in both Houses of Congress.
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Fellow citizens, how have the supporters of the English bill stood up to their pledges not to admit
Kansas until she obtained a population of 93,420 in the event she rejected the Lecompton constitution?
How? The newspapers inform us that English himself, whilst conducting his canvass for re-election, and
in order to secure it, pledged himself to his constituents that if returned he would disregard his own bill
and vote to admit Kansas into the Union with such population as she might have when she made
application. (Laughter and applause.) We are informed that every Democratic candidate for Congress in
all the States where elections have recently been held, was pledged against the English bill, with
perhaps one or two exceptions. Now, if I had only done as these Anti-Lecompton men who voted for the
English bill in Congress, pledging themselves to refuse to admit Kansas if she refused to become a slave
State until she had a population of 93,420, and then returned to their people, forfeited their pledge, and
made a new pledge to admit Kansas at any time she applied, without regard to population, I would have
had no trouble. You saw the whole power and patronage of the federal government wielded in Indiana,
Ohio, and Pennsylvania to re-elect Anti-Lecompton men to Congress who voted against Lecompton,
then voted for the English bill, and then denounced the English bill, and pledged themselves to their
people to disregard it. (Good.) My sin consists in not having given a pledge, and then in not having
afterwards forfeited it. For that reason, in this State, every postmaster, every route agent, every collector
of the ports, and every federal office holder, forfeits his head the moment he expresses a preference for
the Democratic candidates against Lincoln and his abolition associates. (That's so, and cheers.) A
Democratic Administration which we helped to bring into power, deems it consistent with its fidelity to
principle and its regard to duty, to wield its power in this State in behalf of the Republican abolition
candidates in every country and every Congressional district against the Democratic party. All I have to
say in reference to the matter is, that if that administration have not regard enough for principle, if they
are not sufficiently attached to the creed of the Democratic party to bury forever their personal
hostilities in order to succeed in carrying out our glorious principles, I have. (Good, good and cheers.) I
have no personal difficulties with Mr. Buchanan or his cabinet. He chose to make certain
recommendations to Congress as he had a right to do on the Lecompton question. I could not vote in
favor of them. I had as much right to judge for myself how I should vote as he had how he should
recommend. He undertook to say to me, if you do not vote as I tell you, I will take off the heads of your
friends. (Laughter.) I replied to him, ``you did not elect me, I represent Illinois and I am accountable to
Illinois, as my constituency, and to God, but not to the President or to any other power on earth.'' (Good,
good, and vociferous applause.)
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And now this warfare is made on me because I would not surrender my connections of duty, because I
would not abandon my constituency, and receive the orders of the executive authorities how I should
vote in the Senate of the United States. (``Never do it,'' ``three cheers,'' &c.) I hold that an attempt to
control the Senate on the part of the Executive is subversive of the principles of our constitution.
(``That's right.'') The Executive department is independent of the Senate, and the Senate is independent
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of the President. In matters of legislation the President has a veto on the action of the Senate, and in
appointments and treaties the Senate has a veto on the President. He has no more right to tell me how I
shall vote on his appointments than I have to tell him whether he shall veto or approve a bill that the
Senate has passed. Whenever you recognize the right of the Executive to say to a Senator, ``do this, or I
will take off the heads of your friends,'' you convert this government from a republic into a despotism.
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Whenever you recognize the right of a President to say to a member of
Congress, ``vote as I tell you, or I will bring a power to bear against you at home which will crush you,''
you destroy the independence of the representative, and convert him into a tool of Executive power.
(``That's so,'' and applause.) I resisted this invasion of the constitutional rights of a Senator, and I intend
to resist it as long as I have a voice to speak, or a vote to give. Yet, Mr. Buchanan cannot provoke me to
abandon one iota of Democratic principles out of revenge or hostility to his course. (``Good, good, three
cheers for Douglas.'') I stand by the platform of the Democratic party, and by its organization, and
support its nominees. If there are any who choose to bolt, the fact only shows that they are not as good
Democrats as I am. (``That's so,'' ``good,'' and applause.)
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My friends, there never was a time when it was as important for the Democratic party, for all national
men, to rally and stand together as it is to-day. We find all sectional men giving up past differences and
continuing the one question of slavery, and when we find sectional men thus uniting, we should unite to
resist them and their treasonable designs. Such was the case in 1850, when Clay left the quiet and peace
of his home, and again entered upon public life to quell agitation and restore peace to a distracted
Union. Then we Democrats, with Cass at our head, welcomed Henry Clay, whom the whole nation
regarded as having been preserved by God for the times. He became our leader in that great fight, and
we rallied around him the same as the Whigs rallied around old Hickory in 1832, to put down
nullification. (Cheers.) Thus you see that whilst Whigs and Democrats fought fearlessly in old times
about banks, the tariff, distribution, the specie circular, and the sub-treasury, all united as a band of
brothers when the peace, harmony, or integrity of the Union was imperiled. (Tremendous applause.) It
was so in 1850, when abolitionism had even so far divided this country, North and South, as to endanger
the peace of the Union; Whigs and Democrats united in establishing the compromise measures of that
year, and restoring tranquillity and good feeling. These measures passed on the joint action of the two
parties. They rested on the great principle that the people of each State and each territory should be left
perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions to suit themselves. You Whigs and we
Democrats justified them in that principle. In 1854, when it became necessary to organize the territories
of Kansas and Nebraska, I brought forward the bill on the same principle. In the Kansas-Nebraska bill
you find it declared to be the true intent and meaning of the act not to legislate slavery into any State or
territory, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate
their domestic institutions in their own way. (``That's so,'' and cheers.) I stand on that same platform in
1858 that I did in 1850, 1854, and 1856. The Washington Union, pretending to be the organ of the
Administration, in the number of the 5th of this month, devotes three columns and a half to establish
these propositions: First, that Douglas, in his Freeport speech, held the same doctrine that he did in his
Nebraska bill in 1854; second, that in 1854 Douglas justified the Nebraska bill upon the ground that it
was based upon the same principle as Clay's compromise measures of 1850. The Union thus proved that
Douglas was the same in 1858 that he was in 1856, 1854, and 1850, and consequently argued that he
was never a Democrat. (Great laughter.) Is it not funny that I was never a Democrat? (Renewed
laughter.) There is no pretence that I have changed a hair's breadth. The Union proves by my speeches
that I explained the compromise measures of 1850 just as I do now, and that I explained the Kansas and
Nebraska bill in 1854 just as I did in my Freeport speech, and yet says that I am not a Democrat, and
cannot be trusted, because I have not changed during the whole of that time. It has occurred to me that
in 1854 the author of the Kansas and Nebraska bill was considered a pretty good Democrat. (Cheers.) It
has occurred to me that in 1856, when I was exerting every nerve and every energy for James Buchanan,
standing on the same platform then that I do now, that I was a pretty good Democrat. (Renewed
applause.) They now tell me that I am not a Democrat, because I assert that the people of a territory, as
well as those of a State, have the right to decide for themselves whether slavery can or can not exist in
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such territory. Let me read what James Buchanan said on that point when he accepted the Democratic
nomination for the Presidency in 1856. In his letter of acceptance, he used the following language:
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The recent legislation of Congress respecting domestic slavery, derived as it has been from the original
and pure fountain of legitimate political power, the will of the majority, promises ere long to allay the
dangerous excitement. This legislation is founded upon principles as ancient as free government itself,
and in accordance with them has simply declared that the people of a territory like those of a state, shall
decide for themselves WHETHER SLAVERY SHALL OR SHALL NOT EXIST WITHIN THEIR
LIMITS.
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Dr. Hope will there find my answer to the question he propounded to me before I commenced speaking.
(Vociferous shouts of applause.) Of course no man will consider it an answer, who is outside of the
Democratic organization, bolts Democratic nominations, and indirectly aids to put abolitionists into
power over Democrats. But whether Dr. Hope considers it an answer or not, every fair minded man will
see that James Buchanan has answered the question, and has asserted that the people of a territory, like
those of a State, shall decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits. I
answer specifically if you want a further answer, and say that while under the decision of the Supreme
Court, as recorded in the opinion of Chief Justice Taney, slaves are property like all other property and
can be carried into territory of the United States the same as any other description of property, yet when
you get them there they are subject to the local law of the territory just like all other property. You will
find in a recent speech delivered by that able and eloquent statesman, Hon. Jefferson Davis, at Bangor,
Maine, that he took the same view of this subject that I did in my Freeport speech. He there said:
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If the inhabitants of any territory should refuse to enact such laws and police regulations as would give
security to their property or to his, it would be rendered more or less valueless in proportion to the
difficulties of holding it without such protection. In the case of property in the labor of man, or what is
usually called slave property, the insecurity would be so great that the owner could not ordinarily retain
it. Therefore, though the right would remain, the remedy being withheld, it would follow that the owner
would be practically debarred, by the circumstances of the case, from taking slave property into a
territory where the sense of the inhabitants was opposed to its introduction. So much for the oft repeated
fallacy of forcing slavery upon any community.
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You will also find that the distinguished Speaker of the present House of Representatives, Hon. Jas. L.
Orr, construed the Kansas and Nebraska bill in this same way in 1856, and also that great intellect of the
South, Alex. H. Stephens, put the same construction upon it in Congress that I did in my Freeport
speech. The whole South are rallying to the support of the doctrine that if the people of a Territory want
slavery they have a right to have it, and if they do not want it that no power on earth can force it upon
them. I hold that there is no principle on earth more sacred to all the friends of freedom than that which
says that no institution, no law, no constitution, should be forced on an unwilling people contrary to
their wishes; and I assert that the Kansas and Nebraska bill contains that principle. It is the great
principle contained in that bill. It is the principle on which James Buchanan was made President.
Without that principle he never would have been made President of the United States. I will never
violate or abandon that doctrine if I have to stand alone. (Hurrah for Douglas.) I have resisted the
blandishments and threats of power on the one side, and seduction on the other, and have stood
immovably for that principle, fighting for it when assailed by Northern mobs, or threatened by Southern
hostility. (``That's the truth,'' and cheers.) I have defended it against the North and the South, and I will
defend it against whoever assails it, and I will follow it wherever its logical conclusions lead me. (``So
will we all,'' ``hurrah for Douglas.'') I say to you that there is but one hope, one safety for this country,
and that is to stand immovably by that principle which declares the right of each State and each territory
to decide these questions for themselves. (Hear him, hear him.) This government was founded on that
principle, and must be administered in the same sense in which it was founded.
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But the Abolition party really think that under the Declaration of Independence the negro is equal to the
white man, and that negro equality is an inalienable right conferred by the Almighty, and hence, that all
human laws in violation of it are null and void. With such men it is no use for me to argue. I hold that
the signers of the Declaration of Independence had no reference to negroes at all when they declared all
men to be created equal. They did not mean negro, nor the savage Indians, nor the Fejee Islanders, nor
any other barbarous race. They were speaking of white men. (``It's so,'' ``it's so,'' and cheers.) They
alluded to men of European birth and European descent---to white men, and to none others, when they
declared that doctrine. (``That's the truth.'') I hold that this government was established on the white
basis. It was established by white men for the benefit of white men and their posterity forever, and
should be administered by white men, and none others. But it does not follow, by any means, that
merely because the negro is not a citizen, and merely because he is not our equal, that, therefore, he
should be a slave. On the contrary, it does follow, that we ought to extend to the negro race, and to all
other dependent races all the rights, all the privileges, and all the immunities which they can exercise
consistently with the safety of society. Humanity requires that we should give them all these privileges;
christianity commands that we should extend those privileges to them. The question then arises what are
those privileges, and what is the nature and extent of them. My answer is that that is a question which
each State must answer for itself. We in Illinois have decided it for ourselves. We tried slavery, kept it
up for twelve years, and finding that it was not profitable we abolished it for that reason, and became a
free State. We adopted in its stead the policy that a negro in this State shall not be a slave and shall not
be a citizen. We have a right to adopt that policy. For my part I think it is a wise and sound policy for
us. You in Missouri must judge for yourselves whether it is a wise policy for you. If you choose to
follow our example, very good; if you reject it, still well, it is your business, not ours. So with
Kentucky. Let Kentucky adopt a policy to suit herself. If we do not like it we will keep away from it,
and if she does not like ours let her stay at home, mind her own business and let us alone. If the people
of all the States will act on that great principle, and each State mind its own business, attend to its own
affairs, take care of its own negroes and not meddle with its neighbors, then there will be peace between
the North and the South, the East and the West, throughout the whole Union. (Cheers.) Why can we not
thus have peace? Why should we thus allow a sectional party to agitate this country, to array the North
against the South, and convert us into enemies instead of friends, merely that a few ambitious men may
ride into power on a sectional hobby? How long is it since these ambitious Northern men wished for a
sectional organization? Did any one of them dream of a sectional party as long as the North was the
weaker section and the South the stronger? Then all were opposed to sectional parties; but the moment
the North obtained the majority in the House and Senate by the admission of California, and could elect
a President without the aid of Southern votes, that moment ambitious Northern men formed a scheme to
excite the North against the South, and make the people be governed in their votes by geographical
lines, thinking that the North, being the stronger section, would outvote the South, and consequently
they, the leaders, would ride into office on a sectional hobby. I am told that my hour is out. It was very
short.
Douglas, S. (2013). Slavery Should Not Be Allowed to Spread. The Seventh Lincoln-Douglas Debate.
Retrieved from http://products.ilrn-support.com/wawc2c01c/content/wciv2/readings/lincoln.html
Day 1
1. The author states, “So long as we live under a common constitution, so long as we live in a confederacy
of sovereign and equal States, joined together as one for certain purposes, that any political creed is
radically wrong which cannot be proclaimed in every State, and every section of that Union alike”.
According to the text, what does the author mean by this statement?
2. The author states, “This government was made upon the great basis of the sovereignty of the States, the
right of each State to regulate its own domestic institutions to suit itself, and that right was conferred
with understanding and expectation that inasmuch as each locality had separate interests, each locality
must have different and distinct local and domestic institutions, corresponding to its wants and
interests”. According to the text, what is the author referring to when he states this?
3. The author states, “Having obtained this power under the operation of that great principle, are you now
prepared to abandon the principle and declare that merely because we have the power you will wage a
war against the Southern States and their institutions until you force them to abolish slavery
everywhere.” In which way, according to the text, does the abolition of slavery affect Southern states
and their institutions?
4. According to the text, what is the author’s main argument regarding the issue of slavery?
Day 2
1. The author states, “I hold that it is a violation of the fundamental principles of this government to throw
the weight of federal power into the scale, either in favor of the free or the slave States. Equality among
all the States of this Union is a fundamental principle in our political system”. According to the text,
what does the author mean by this statement?
2. According to lines 270 to 272, who does the author blame for the disunity between the North and the
South?
3. According to the author, in which way can disunity between the north and south be solved?
4. According to the text, what does the author claim as Lincoln’s three main errors and how does the
author substantiate his claims?
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CHAPTER IX.
COMMERCIAL CITIES--SOUTHERN COMMERCE.
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OUR theme is a city--a great Southern importing, exporting, and manufacturing city, to be located at some
point or port on the coast of the Carolinas, Georgia or Virginia, where we can carry on active commerce, buy,
sell, fabricate, receive the profits which accrue from the exchange of our own commodities, open facilities for
direct communication with foreign countries, and establish all those collateral sources of wealth, utility, and
adornment, which are the usual concomitants of a metropolis, and which add so very materially to the interest
and importance of a nation. Without a city of this kind, the South can never develop her commercial resources
nor attain to that eminent position to which those vast resources would otherwise exalt her. According to
calculations based upon reasonable estimates, it is owing to the lack of a great commercial city in the South,
that we are now annually drained of more than One Hundred and Twenty Millions of Dollars! We should,
however, take into consideration the negative loss as well as the positive. Especially should we think of the
influx of emigrants, of the visits of strangers and cosmopolites, of the patronage to hotels and public halls, of
the profits of travel and transportation, of the emoluments of foreign and domestic trade, and of numerous other
advantages which have their origin exclusively in wealthy, enterprising, and densely populated cities.
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Nothing is more evident than the fact, that our people have never entertained a proper opinion of the
importance of home cities. Blindly, and greatly to our own injury, we have contributed hundreds of millions of
dollars towards the erection of mammoth cities at the North, while our own magnificent bays and harbors have
been most shamefully disregarded and neglected. Now, instead of carrying all our money to New-York,
Philadelphia, Boston, and Cincinnati, suppose we had kept it on the south side of Mason and Dixon's line--as
we would have done, had it not been for slavery--and had disbursed it in the upbuilding of Norfolk, Beaufort,
Charleston, or Savannah, how much richer, better, greater, would the South have been to-day! How much
larger and more intelligent would have been our population. How many hundred thousand natives of the South
would now be thriving at home, instead of adding to the wealth and political power of other parts of the Union.
How much greater would be the number and length of our railroads, canals, turnpikes, and telegraphs. How
much greater would be the extent and diversity of our manufactures. How much greater would be the grandeur,
and how much larger would be the number of our churches, theatres, schools, colleges, lyceums, banks, hotels,
stores, and private dwellings. How many more clippers and steamships would we have sailing on the ocean,
how vastly more reputable would we be abroad, how infinitely more respectable, progressive, and happy, would
we be at home.
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That we may learn something of the importance of cities in general, let us look for a moment at the great
capitals of the world. What would England be without London? What would France be without Paris? What
would Turkey be without Constantinople? Or, to come nearer home, what would Maryland be without
Baltimore? What would Louisiana be without New Orleans? What would South Carolina be without
Charleston? Do we ever think of these countries or States without thinking of their cities also? If we want to
learn the news of the country, do we not go to the city, or to the city papers? Every metropolis may be regarded
as the nucleus or epitome of the country in which it is situated; and the more prominent features and
characteristics of a country, particularly of the people of a country, are almost always to be seen within the
limits of its capital city. Almost invariably do we find the bulk of the floating funds, the best talent, and the most
vigorous energies of a nation concentrated in its chief cities; and does not this concentration of wealth, energy,
and talent, conduce, in an extraordinary degree, to the growth and prosperity of the nation? Unquestionably.
Wealth develops wealth, energy develops energy, talent develops talent. What, then, must be the condition of
those countries which do not possess the means or facilities of centralizing their material forces, their energies,
and their talents? Are they not destined to occupy an inferior rank among the nations of the earth? Let the
South answer.
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And now let us ask, and we would put the question particularly to Southern merchants, what do we so
much need as a great Southern metropolis? Merchants of the South, slaveholders! you are the avaricious
assassinators of your country! You are the channels through which more than one hundred and twenty millions
of dollars--$120,000,000--are annually drained from the South and conveyed to the North. You are daily
engaged in the unmanly and unpatriotic work of impoverishing the land of your birth. You are constantly
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enfeebling our resources and rendering us more and more tributary to distant parts of the nation. Your conduct
is reprehensible, base, criminal.
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Whether Southern merchants ever think of the numerous ways in which they contribute to the
aggrandizement of the North, while, at the same time, they enervate and dishonor the South, has, for many
years, with us, been a matter of more than ordinary conjecture. If, as it would seem, they have never yet thought
of the subject, it is certainly desirable that they should exercise their minds upon it at once. Let them scrutinize
the workings of Southern money after it passes north of Mason and Dixon's line. Let them consider how much
they pay to Northern railroads and hotels, how much to Northern merchants and shop-keepers, how much to
Northern shippers and insurers, how much to Northern theatres, newspapers, and periodicals. Let them also
consider what disposition is made of it after it is lodged in the hands of the North.
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Is not the greater part of it paid out to Northern manufacturers, mechanics, and laborers, for the very articles
which are purchased at the North--and to the extent that this is done, are not Northern manufacturers,
mechanics, and laborers directly countenanced and encouraged, while, at the same time, Southern
manufacturers, mechanics, and laborers, are indirectly abased, depressed, and disabled? It is, however, a
matter of impossibility, on these small pages, to notice or enumerate all the methods in which the money we
deposit in the North is made to operate against us; suffice it to say that it is circulated and expended there,
among all classes of the people, to the injury and impoverishment of almost every individual in the South. And
yet, our cousins of the North are not, by any means, blameworthy for availing themselves of the advantages
which we have voluntarily yielded to them. They have shown their wisdom in growing great at our expense, and
we have shown our folly in allowing them to do so. Southern merchants, slaveholders, and slave-breeders,
should be the objects of our censure; they have desolated and impoverished the South; they are now making
merchandize of the vitals of their country; patriotism is a word nowhere recorded in their vocabulary; town,
city, country--they care for neither; with them, self is always paramount to every other consideration.
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Having already compared slavery with freedom in the States, we will now compare it with freedom in the
cities. From every person as yet unconvinced of the despicableness of slavery, we respectfully ask attention to
the following letters, which fully explain themselves:--
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FINANCE DEPARTMENT COMPTROLLER'S OFFICE,
New-York, February 17th, 1857.
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H. R. HELPER, ESQ.,
Dear Sir:--
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Your letter to Mayor Wood has been handed to me for an answer, which I take pleasure in giving as
follows:
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The last assessment of property in this city was made in August, 1856.
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The value of all the real and personal property in the city, according to that assessment, is $511,740,492.
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A census of the city was taken in 1855, and the number of inhabitants at that time can be obtained only
from the Secretary of State.
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Very truly yours,
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A. S. CADY.
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STATE OF NEW-YORK, SECRETARY'S OFFICE,
Albany, February 24, 1857.
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H. R. HELPER, ESQ.,
Dear Sir:--
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Yours of the 17th February, in regard to the population of the city of New York, is before me. According to
the census of
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1855 the population was 629,810
1850 the population was 515,547
1845 the population was 371,223
1840 the population was 312,710
1835 the population was 268,089
1830 the population was 197,112
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As to the population now, you have the same facilities of judging that we have from the above table.
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Very truly yours,
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A. N. WAKEFIELD, Chief Clerk.
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Helper, H. (2013). The Impending Crisis of the South. Documenting the American South. Retrieved from :
http://docsouth.unc.edu/nc/helper/helper.html
Day 1
1. According to the text, in lines 3 to 15, what is the author urging the South to do?
2. The author states, “Blindly, and greatly to our own injury, we have contributed hundreds of millions of dollars
towards the erection of mammoth cities at the North, while our own magnificent bays and harbors have been
most shamefully disregarded and neglected. Now, instead of carrying all our money to New-York, Philadelphia,
Boston, and Cincinnati, suppose we had kept it on the south side of Mason and Dixon's line--as we would have
done, had it not been for slavery--and had disbursed it in the upbuilding of Norfolk, Beaufort, Charleston, or
Savannah, how much richer, better, greater, would the South have been to-day”. According to the text, what
does the author mean by this?
3. According to lines 46 to 60 of the text, what does the author accuse Southern slaveholders of?
4. The author states, “Southern merchants, slaveholders, and slave-breeders, should be the objects of our censure;
they have desolated and impoverished the South; they are now making merchandize of the vitals of their
country; patriotism is a word nowhere recorded in their vocabulary; town, city, country--they care for neither;
with them, self is always paramount to every other consideration”. What does the author mean by this,
according to the text?
5. To what extent, according the text, does the economy of the south differ from the economy of the north?
Newark Public Schools
United States History I
“ Expansion and Reform (1801-1861)”
Week 6
Formative Assessment
Text dependent questions that follow the primary source document.
Focus Question
To what extent did the Dred Scott decision create tensions, which contributed to succession?
Learning Objectives
-Use historical thinking skills such as sourcing, contextualizing, close reading, and corroborating to answer historical
questions.
-Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to such features as the
date and origin of the information.
-Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of how key
events or ideas develop over the course of the text.
-Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary describing political, social,
or economic aspects of history/social science.
-Write arguments focused on discipline-specific content by introducing precise, knowledgeable claim(s), establishing the
significance of the claim(s), distinguishing the claim(s) from alternate or opposing claims, and creating an organization
that logically sequences the claim(s), counterclaims, reasons, and evidence.
-Develop the topic with well-chosen, relevant, and sufficient facts, extended definitions, concrete details, quotations, or
other information and examples appropriate to the audience’s knowledge of the topic.
-Draw evidence from informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.
Possible Activities and Support
Political Cartoon Analysis- Locate political cartoons from the era and ask students to analyze the symbolism of the cartoon
as it pertains to the documents being reviewed.
Document Analysis Forms from the National Archives to assist students in reading and analyzing the documents.
Content-Specific Vocabulary/Terms
Suggested Text(s)
Obliged
Abraham Lincoln, “Last Joint Debate , at Alton: Mr. Lincoln’s
Valiantly
Reply” (1858)
Dred Scott Decision
Garbling
Augmenting
Ascendency
Lament
Perversion
Extinction
Imbroglio
Covert
Turmoil
Extraneous
Standards Alignment:
CCSS RH.9-10.1, RH.9-10.2, RH.9-10.4, RH.9-10.10, WHST.9-10.1a, WHST.9-10.2b, WHST.9-10.2d, WHST.9-10.9,
WHST.9-10.10
NJCCCS 6.1.12.6.1.12.A.4.a
Expansion and Reform (1801-1861)
Week 6 Overview
Learning Objective: The goal of this week long plan is to give students the opportunity to explore ways in which the
Dred Scott decision further divided America. The question of whether African Americans were considered citizens of the
United States would either end slavery or perpetuate the existence of slavery. To examine this, as Lincoln points out, one
needs to examine the Declaration of Independence, Constitution, and the implied rights given, respectively.
By reading and rereading the passages closely, combined with classroom discussion about it, students will explore how
the Dred Scott decision, which declares that African Americans were not citizens of the United States, created further
tensions that led to succession. The issue in itself was not about whether or not African Americans were equal to whites,
but whether they were subject to jurisdiction of the states and federal government, if they were considered property.
Reading Task: Students will silently read the passage in question on a given day—first independently and then following
along with the text as the teacher and/or skillful students read aloud. Depending on the difficulties of a given text and the
teacher’s knowledge of the fluency abilities of students, the order of the student silent read and the teacher reading aloud
with students following might be reversed. What is important is to allow all students to interact with challenging text on
their own as frequently and independently as possible. Students will then reread specific passages in response to a set of
concise, text-dependent questions that compel them to examine the meaning and structure of the document used.
Therefore, rereading is deliberately built into the instructional unit.
Vocabulary Task: Most of the meanings of words in the exemplar text can be discovered by students from careful
reading of the context in which they appear. Teachers can use discussions to model and reinforce how to learn vocabulary
from contextual clues, and students must be held accountable for engaging in this practice.
Sentence Syntax Task: On occasion students will encounter particularly difficult sentences to decipher. Teachers should
engage in a close examination of such sentences to help students discover how they are built and how they convey
meaning. While many questions addressing important aspects of the text double as questions about syntax, students
should receive regular supported practice in deciphering complex sentences. It is crucial that the help they receive in
unpacking text complexity focuses both on the precise meaning of what the author is saying and why the author might
have constructed the sentence in this particular fashion. That practice will in turn support students’ ability to unpack
meaning from syntactically complex sentences they encounter in future reading.
Discussion Task: Students will discuss the exemplar text in depth with their teacher and their classmates, performing
activities that result in a close reading of the texts. The goal is to foster student confidence when encountering complex
text and to reinforce the skills they have acquired regarding how to build and extend their understanding of a text. A
general principle is to always reread the passage that provides evidence for the question under discussion. This gives
students another encounter with the text, helping them develop fluency and reinforcing their use of text evidence.
Writing Task: Students will write an explanatory paragraph using their understanding of the word choice and emotions
expressed in the selection to present their opinions about what the texts are trying to explain. Teachers might afford
students the opportunity to revise their paragraphs after participating in classroom discussion or receiving teacher
feedback, allowing them to refashion both their understanding of the text and their expression of that understanding.
Outline of Lesson Plan: This lesson can be delivered in a week of instruction and reflection on the part of students and
their teacher.
Summary of Close Reading Activities
Day One:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 1 to six of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in
the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Two:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads paragraphs 7 to 25 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in
the text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Three:
Teacher introduces the day’s passage with minimal commentary and students read it independently.
Teacher or a skillful reader then reads lines 26 to 36 of the passage out loud to the class as students follow along in the
text.
Returning to the text, the teacher asks students a small set of guiding reading questions about the text.
Day Four:
Socratic seminars are named for their embodiment of Socrates’ belief in the power of asking questions, prize inquiry over
information and discussion over debate. Socratic seminars acknowledge the highly social nature of learning and align
with the work of John Dewey, Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Paulo Friere.
Elfie Israel succinctly defines Socratic seminars and implies their rich benefits for students:
The Socratic seminar is a formal discussion, based on the text, in which the leader asks open-ended questions. Within the
context of the discussion, students listen closely to the comments of others, thinking critically for themselves, and
articulate their own thoughts and their responses to the thoughts of others. They learn to work cooperatively and to
question intelligently and civilly. (89)
Israel, Elfie. “Examining Multiple Perspectives in Literature.” In Inquiry and the Literary Text: Constructing Discussions in the English Classroom. James Holden
and John S. Schmit, eds. Urbana, IL: NCTE, 2002.
In a Socratic Seminar, the participants carry the burden of responsibility for the quality of the discussion. Good
discussions occur when participants study the text closely in advance, listen actively, share their ideas and questions in
response to the ideas and questions of others, and search for evidence in the text to support their ideas. The discussion is
not about right answers; it is not a debate. Students are encouraged to think out loud and to exchange ideas openly while
examining ideas in a rigorous, thoughtful, manner.
Day Five:
Teacher then assigns a culminating writing assignment that asks students to synthesize the entire readings such as: To
what extent was the Dred Scott decision responsible for further tensions between the North and the South?
Last Joint Debate, at Alton
Mr. Lincoln’s Reply
(October 15, 1858)
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: I have been somewhat, in my own mind, complimented by a
large portion of Judge Douglas’s speech,—I mean that portion which he devotes to the
controversy between himself and the present Administration. This is the seventh time Judge
Douglas and myself have met in these joint discussions, and he has been gradually
improving in regard to his war with the Administration. At Quincy, day before yesterday, he
was a little more severe upon the Administration than I had heard him upon any occasion,
and I took pains to compliment him for it. I then told him to “Give it to them with all the
power he had;” and as some of them were present, I told them I would be very much obliged
if they would give it to him in about the same way. I take it he has now vastly improved
upon the attack he made then upon the Administration. I flatter myself he has really taken
my advice on this subject. All I can say now is to re-commend to him and to them what I
then commended,—to prosecute the war against one another in the most vigorous manner. I
say to them again: “Go it, husband!—Go it, bear!” 1
There is one other thing I will mention before I leave this branch of the discussion,—
although I do not consider it much of my business, anyway. I refer to that part of the Judge’s
remarks where he understakes to involve Mr. Buchanan in an inconsistency. He reads
something from Mr. Buchanan, from which he undertakes to involve him in an
inconsistency; and he gets something of a cheer for having done so. I would only remind the
Judge that while he is very valiantly fighting for the Nebraska bill and the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise, it has been but a little while since he was the valiant advocate of the
Missouri Compromise. I want to know if Buchanan has not as much right to be inconsistent
as Douglas has. Has Douglas the exclusive right, in this country, of being on all sides of all
questions? Is nobody allowed that high privilege but himself? Is he to have an entire
monopoly on that subject? 2
So far as Judge Douglas addressed his speech to me, or so far as it was about me, it is my
business to pay some attention to it. I have heard the Judge state two or three times what he
has stated to-day,—that in a speech which I made at Springfield, Illinois, I had in a very
especial manner complained that the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case had decided that
a negro could never be a citizen of the United States. I have omitted by some accident
heretofore to analyze this statement, and it is required of me to notice it now. In point of fact
it is untrue. I never have complained especially of the Dred Scott decision because it held
that a negro could not be a citizen, and the Judge is always wrong when he says I ever did so
complain of it. I have the speech here, and I will thank him or any of his friends to show
where I said that a negro should be a citizen, and complained especially of the Dred Scott
decision because it declared he could not be one. I have done no such thing; and Judge
Douglas, so persistently insisting that I have done so, has strongly impressed me with the
belief of a predetermination on his part to misrepresent me. He could not get his foundation
for insisting that I was in favor of this negro equality anywhere else as well he could by
assuming that untrue proposition. Let me tell this audience what is true in regard to that
matter; and the means by which they may correct me if I do not tell them truly is by a
recurrence to the speech itself. I spoke of the Dred Scott decision in my Springfield speech,
and I was then endeavoring to prove that the Dred Scott decision was a portion of a system
or scheme to make slavery national in this country. I pointed out what things had been
decided by the court. I mentioned as a fact that they had decided that a negro could not be a
citizen; that they had done so, as I supposed, to deprive the negro, under all circumstances,
of the remotest possibility of ever becoming a citizen and claiming the rights of a citizen of
the United States under a certain clause of the Constitution. I stated that, without making any
complaint of it at all. I then went on and stated the other points decided in the case; namely:
that the bringing of a negro into the State of Illinois and holding him in slavery for two years
here was a matter in regard to which they would not decide whether it would make him free
or not; that they decided the further point that taking him into a United States Territory
where slavery was prohibited by Act of Congress did not make him free, because that Act of
Congress, as they held, was unconstitutional. I mentioned these three things as making up
the points decided in that case. I mentioned them in a lump, taken in connection with the
introduction of the Nebraska bill, and the amendment of Chase, offered at the time,
declaratory of the right of the people of the Territories to exclude slavery, which was voted
down by the friends of the bill. I mentioned all these things together, as evidence tending to
prove a combination and conspiracy to make the institution of slavery national. In that
connection and in that way I mentioned the decision on the point that a negro could not be a
citizen, and in no other connection. 3
Out of this, Judge Douglas builds up his beautiful fabrication of my purpose to introduce a
perfect social and political equality between the white and black races. His assertion that I
made an “especial objection” (that is his exact language) to the decision on this account, is
untrue in point of fact. 4
Now, while I am upon this subject, and as Henry Clay has been alluded to, I desire to place
myself, in connection with Mr. Clay, as nearly right before this people as may be. I am quite
aware what the Judge’s object is here by all these allusions. He knows that we are before an
audience having strong sympathies southward, by relationship, place of birth, and so on. He
desires to place me in an extremely Abolition attitude. He read upon a former occasion, and
alludes, without reading, to-day to a portion of a speech which I delivered in Chicago. In his
quotations from that speech, as he has made them upon former occasions, the extracts were
taken in such a way as, I suppose, brings them within the definition of what is called
garbling,—taking portions of a speech which, when taken by themselves, do not present the
entire sense of the speaker as expressed at the time. I propose, therefore, out of that same
speech, to show how one portion of it which he skipped over (taking an extract before and an
extract after) will give a different idea, and the true idea I intended to convey. It will take me
some little time to read it, but I believe I will occupy the time that way. 5
You have heard him frequently allude to my controversy with him in regard to the
Declaration of Independence. I confess that I have had a struggle with Judge Douglas on that
matter, and I will try briefly to place myself right in regard to it on this occasion. I said—and
it is between the extracts Judge Douglas has taken from this speech, and put in his published
speeches:—
It may be argued that there are certain conditions that make necessities
and impose them upon us, and to the extent that a necessity is imposed upon a man he must
submit to it. I think that was the condition in which we found ourselves when we established
this Government. We had slaves among us, we could not get our Constitution unless we
permitted them to remain in slavery, we could not secure the good we did secure if we
grasped for more; and having by necessity submitted to that much, it does not destroy the
principle that is the charter of our liberties. Let the charter remain as our standard.
6
Now, I have upon all occasions declared as strongly as Judge Douglas against the
disposition to interfere with the existing institution of slavery. You hear me read it from the
same speech from which he takes garbled extracts for the purpose of proving upon me a
disposition to interfere with the institution of slavery, and establish a perfect social and
political equality between negroes and white people. 7
Allow me while upon this subject briefly to present one other extract from a speech of
mine, more than a year ago, at Springfield, in discussing this very same question, soon after
Judge Douglas took his ground that negroes were not included in the Declaration of
Independence:—
I think the authors of that notable instrument intended to include all
men, but they did not mean to declare all men equal in all respects. They did not mean to say
all men were equal in color, size, intellect, moral development, or social capacity. They
defined with tolerable distinctness in what they did consider all men created equal,—equal in
certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. This
they said, and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were
then actually enjoying that equality, or yet that they were about to confer it immediately
upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare
the right, so that the enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit.
They meant to set up a standard maxim for free society which should be familiar to all,—
constantly looked to, constantly labored for, and even, though never perfectly attained,
constantly approximated, and thereby constantly spreading and deepening its influence, and
augmenting the happiness and value of life to all people, of all colors, everywhere.
8
There again are the sentiments I have expressed in regard to the Declaration of
Independence upon a former occasion,—sentiments which have been put in print and read
wherever anybody cared to know what so humble an individual as myself chose to say in
regard to it. 9
At Galesburgh, the other day, I said in answer to Judge Douglas, that three years ago there
never had been a man, so far as I knew or believed, in the whole world, who had said that the
Declaration of Independence did not include negroes in the term “all men.” I reassert it today. I assert that Judge Douglas and all his friends may search the whole records of the
country, and it will be a matter of great astonishment to me if they shall be able to find that
one human being three years ago had ever uttered the astounding sentiment that the term “all
men” in the Declaration did not include the negro. Do not let me be misunderstood. I know
that more than three years ago there were men who, finding this assertion constantly in the
way of their schemes to bring about the ascendency and perpetuation of slavery, denied the
truth of it. I know that Mr. Calhoun and all the politicians of his school denied the truth of
the Declaration. I know that it ran along in the mouth of some Southern men for a period of
years, ending at last in that shameful, though rather forcible declaration of Pettit of Indiana,
upon the floor of the United States Senate, that the Declaration of Independence was in that
respect “a self-evident lie,” rather than a self-evident truth. But I say, with a perfect
knowledge of all this hawking at the Declaration without directly attacking it, that three
years ago there never had lived a man who had ventured to assail it in the sneaking way of
pretending to believe it, and then asserting it did not include the negro. I believe the first man
who ever said it was Chief Justice Taney in the Dred Scott case, and the next to him was our
friend Stephen. A. Douglas. And now it has become the catch-word of the entire party. I
would like to call upon his friends everywhere to consider how they have come in so short a
time to view this matter in a way so entirely different from their former belief; to ask
whether they are not being borne along by an irresistible current,—whither, they know not.
10
In answer to my proposition at Galesburgh last week, I see that some man in Chicago has
got up a letter, addressed to the Chicago Times, to show, as he professes, that somebody had
said so before; and he signs himself “An Old-Line Whig,” if I remember correctly. In the
first place, I would say he was not an old-line Whig. I am somewhat acquainted with old-line
Whigs. I was with the old-line Whigs from the origin to the end of that party; I became
pretty well acquainted with them, and I know they always had some sense, whatever else
you could ascribe to them. I know there never was one who had not more sense than to try to
show by the evidence he produces that some man had, prior to the time I named, said that
negroes were not included in the term “all men” in the Declaration of Independence. What is
the evidence he produces? I will bring forward his evidence and let you see what he offers
by way of showing that somebody more than three years ago had said negroes were not
included in the Declaration. He brings forward part of a speech from Henry Clay,—the part
of the speech of Henry Clay which I used to bring forward to prove precisely the contrary. I
guess we are surrounded to some extent to-day by the old friends of Mr. Clay, and they will
be glad to hear anything from that authority. While he was in Indiana a man presented a
petition to liberate his negroes, and he (Mr. Clay) made a speech in answer to it, which I
suppose he carefully wrote out himself and caused to be published. I have before me an
extract from that speech which constitutes the evidence this pretended “Old-Line Whig” at
Chicago brought forward to show that Mr. Clay didn’t suppose the negro was included in the
Declaration of Independence. Hear what Mr. Clay said:—
And what is the foundation
of this appeal to me in Indiana to liberate the slaves under my care in Kentucky? It is a
general declaration in the act announcing to the world the independence of the thirteen
American colonies, that all men are created equal. Now, as an abstract principle, there is no
doubt of the truth of that declaration; and it is desirable, in the original construction of
society and in organized societies, to keep it in view as a great fundamental principle. But,
then, I apprehend that in no society that ever did exist, or ever shall be formed, was or can
the equality asserted among the members of the human race be practically enforced and
carried out. There are portions, large portions,—women, minors, insane, culprits, transient
sojourners,—that will always probably remain subject to the government of another portion
of the community.
That declaration, whatever may be the extent of its import, was made by the delegations of
the thirteen States. In most of them slavery existed, and had long existed, and was
established by law. It was introduced and forced upon the colonies by the paramount law of
England. Do you believe that in making that declaration the States that concurred in it
intended that it should be tortured into a virtual emancipation of all the slaves within their
respective limits? Would Virginia and other Southern States have ever united in a
declaration which was to be interpreted into an abolition of slavery among them? Did any
one of the thirteen colonies entertain such a design or expectation? To impute such a secret
and unavowed purpose, would be to charge a political fraud upon the noblest band of
patriots that ever assembled in council,—a fraud upon the confederacy of the Revolution; a
fraud upon the union of those States whose constitution not only recognized the lawfulness
of slavery, but permitted the importation of slaves from Africa until the year 1808.
11
This is the entire quotation brought forward to prove that somebody previous to three years
ago had said the negro was not included in the term “all men” in the Declaration. How does
it do so? In what way has it a tendency to prove that? Mr. Clay says it is true as an abstract
principle that all men are created equal, but that we cannot practically apply it in all cases.
He illustrates this by bringing forward the cases of females, minors, and insane persons, with
whom it cannot be enforced; but he says it is true as an abstract principle in the organization
of society as well as in organized society and it should be kept in view as a fundamental
principle. Let me read a few words more before I add some comments of my own. Mr. Clay
says a little further on:—
I desire no concealment of my opinions in regard to the
institution of slavery. I look upon it as a great evil, and deeply lament that we have derived it
from the parental Government and from our ancestors. But here they are, and the question is,
How can they be best dealt with? If a state of nature existed, and we were about to lay the
foundations of society, no man would be more strongly opposed than I should be to
incorporating the institution of slavery among its elements.
12
Now, here in this same book, in this same speech, in this same extract, brought forward to
prove that Mr. Clay held that the negro was not included in the Declaration of Independence,
is no such statement on his part, but the declaration that it is a great fundamental truth which
should be constantly kept in view in the organization of society and in societies already
organized. But if I say a word about it, if I attempt, as Mr. Clay said all good men ought to
do, to keep it in view, if, in this “organized society,” I ask to have the public eye turned upon
it, if I ask, in relation to the organization of new Territories, that the public eye should be
turned upon it,—forthwith I am villified as you hear me to-day. What have I done that I have
not the license of Henry Clay’s illustrious example here in doing? Have I done aught that I
have not his authority for, while maintaining that in organizing new Territories and societies,
this fundamental principle should be regarded, and in organized society holding it up to the
public view and recognizing what he recognized as the great principle of free government?
13
And when this new principle—this new proposition that no human being ever thought of
three years ago—is brought forward, I combat it as having an evil tendency, if not an evil
design. I combat it as having a tendency to dehumanize the negro, to take away from him the
right of ever striving to be a man. I combat it as being one of the thousand things constantly
done in these days to prepare the public mind to make property, and nothing but property, of
the negro in all the States of this Union. 14
But there is a point that I wish, before leaving this part of the discussion, to ask attention to.
I have read and I repeat the words of Henry Clay:—
I desire no concealment of my
opinions in regard to the institution of slavery. I look upon it as a great evil, and deeply
lament that we have derived it from the parental Government and from our ancestors. I wish
every slave in the United States was in the country of his ancestors. But here they are; the
question is, how they can best be dealt with? If a state of nature existed, and we were about
to lay the foundations of society, no man would be more strongly opposed than I should be
to incorporate the institution of slavery among its elements.
15
The principle upon which I have insisted in this canvass is in relation to laying the
foundations of new societies. I have never sought to apply these principles to the old States
for the purpose of abolishing slavery in those States. It is nothing but a miserable perversion
of what I have said, to assume that I have declared Missouri, or any other Slave State, shall
emancipate her slaves; I have proposed no such thing. But when Mr. Clay says that in laying
the foundations of societies in our Territories where it does not exist, he would be opposed to
the introduction of slavery as an element, I insist that we have his warrant—his license—for
insisting upon the exclusion of that element which he declared in such strong and emphatic
language was most hateful to him. 16
Judge Douglas has again referred to a Springfield speech in which I said “a house divided
against itself cannot stand.” The Judge has so often made the entire quotation from that
speech that I can make it from memory. I used this language:—
We are now far into
the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of
putting an end to the slavery agitation. Under the operation of this policy, that agitation has
not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease until a
crisis shall have been reached and passed. “A house divided against itself cannot stand.” I
believe t