Good Evening. I'm John Godfrey, Chair of the Wallenberg Executive Committee of the University of
Michigan and I'm pleased to welcome you tonight. Because Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is unable to travel
from and return to Burma freely, this evening, this event is taking place in a wholly different format.
Tonight, we will be showing a Wallenberg lecture that was recorded three weeks ago in Rangoon,
Burma. We hope to follow the screening of the lecture with a live conversation by way of video and
audio connections with Daw Suu at her home in Rangoon. Normally, we open questions to the audience.
Unfortunately since we are connecting with our speaker via the internet, technical limitations make this
not possible. Rather, 4 students have been invited to speak with Daw Suu and to ask her questions that
they are prepared. However, we also have distributed cards for those who may have a question for Daw
Suu. Please keep your questions brief. We will try to use some of these questions in the time we have
available. Now, I would like to remember Raoul Wallenberg and his legacy. "When you begin, you're not
sure", these words from the poet Seamus Heaney can get us started. At the age of 32, ten years after
he's received--after receiving his degree in architecture from here at the University of Michigan, Raoul
Wallenberg arrived in Budapest in the heart of bloodiest days of the bloodiest conflict of the 20th
century. His was an assignment without hope to save the last mortally threatened enclave of Jews
remaining outside the death camps that defaced Europe. His past--his path to this abyss had been
oblique. His departure from what he called his crooked classical Stockholm, through his student days
here and on arbor. Across his time of travel in North America, South Africa and Palestine and to the final
furthest edge where the despair of the Holocaust rang through the winter air and stripped away the
artifice of the Cosmopolitan Baroque City of Budapest. "When you begin, you're not sure", what
Wallenberg brought with him was not just the credentials of the Swedish diplomat in his leather velis
[phonetic]. He brought with him an ability to perceive opportunities and he was positioned by his
experience of life and the world to take advantage of this opportunities. In his short six short months,
Wallenberg became the intermediary between death and the possibility of life. He negotiated endlessly
with the predators in uniforms. He cajoled, intimidated, threatened. He innovated, distributing
thousands of brightly colored and official looking passes which asserted that the bearer under Swedish
authority and protection was immune to arrest and deportation to death camps. He was creative
declaring buildings to be under Swedish diplomatic protection and the thousands of residents exempt
from seizure. He took risks pulling Jews from trains destined for Dachau and Mauthausen. He disrupted
the Nazi death machine with every step he took. Who Raoul Wallenberg became? Through his life and
across those desperate six months in Budapest is captured in words written not coincidentally by the
woman we honor this evening. In her essay "Freedom from Fear" Aung San Suu Kyi reflects on the
connection between fear and courage. Fearlessness maybe a gift but perhaps more precious is the
courage acquired through endeavor. Courage that comes from cultivating the habit of refusing to let
fear dictates one's actions. Courage that could be described as "grace under pressure". Grace which is
renewed repeatedly in the face of harsh unremitting pressure even under the most crushing state
machinery, courage rises up again and again for fear is not the natural state of civilized men. The medal
that the University of Michigan presents commemorates that same fearless spirit of Raoul Wallenberg,
who is every step strengthened his certainty of purpose and to save the lives of tens of thousands.
"When you begin, you're not sure", this evening the University of Michigan recognizes and celebrates an
extraordinary woman who, like Raoul Wallenberg, teaches us that individuals of conscience make a
different and even the darkest moments of the human experience. To introduce our honored speaker, I
am pleased to invite to the stage, Lester Monts, Senior Vice Provost for Academic Affairs and Arthur F.
Thurnau professor and professor of Music. Lester. [Applause]
>> Thank you John. Good evening to you all and thank you for coming out to share with us this most
momentous occasion. This evening, the University of Michigan will confer the 21st Wallenberg medal.
Over the past two decades, this medal has been awarded to extraordinary individuals. These are people
who, like Raoul Wallenberg, have defended and rescued the exploited and persecuted. They exemplify
the power of the human spirit to resist oppression when the majority is silent. They have given hope to
the defenseless and fearful. They embodied the daring assertion that one person can make a difference
in a struggle for a better world. I want to thank the Wallenberg Executive Committee and John Godfrey
for its dedication to ensuring that the memory of Raoul Wallenberg lives on and that the spirit of his
convictions endures in this university that was his home. As a senior vice Provost for Academic Affairs, I
take special pride in the engagement of Michigan students who seek to address the critical problems
across the globe. For the past five years supported by Wallenberg International Summer Travel
Fellowships, undergraduate and graduate students have taken part in humanitarian community service
projects or civic engagements across the world. This past summer, University of Michigan students
assisted in a health and hygiene awareness campaign in Nepal. Worked on human rights' issues in
Jordan, contributed expertise to arsenic mitigation in well-water in Bangladesh and developed an
innovative mobile phone tool to assist patients recovering from tuberculosis in rural India. One student
helped implement tools for tracking the growth and development of children in Chennai India. These
children visit a center that seeks to help the poorest of the poor escape the vicious cycle of poverty. The
center was established 5 years ago by a student who received the Wallenberg Isabel Bagramian Summer
Travel Award. This evening, I'm honored to present the Wallenberg medal to an individual of
extraordinary courage who has devoted her life on behalf of the people of Burma. Aung San Suu Kyi is
the daughter of Aung San, Burma's most hallowed hero of independence from colonial rule. She was
only 2 years old when he was assassinated. Daw Suu, as the Burmese know her, was educated in Burma,
India and the United Kingdom. While studying at Oxford, she met her husband a scholar of Tibet. She
studied philosophy, politics and economics and spent nearly 3 years in New York for graduate study. In
1988, she returned home to care for her dying mother while there a nationwide uprising began against
the repressive military regime that had been in power for 25 years. It had made Burma one of the most
isolated and impoverished countries in the world. Following a bloody repression in a new military coup,
Daw Suu, the daughter of the hero of Burma's first independent struggle, was appointed general
secretary of the newly formed national league of democracy. With no previous engagement in politics,
Daw Suu became the leader of the Burmese struggle for human rights and freedom. She travelled the
country side fearlessly calling for freedom and democracy and defending the dignity of the Burmese
people.
>> Facing popular pressure, the military government allow elections in 1990 but they arrested Daw Suu
and banned her for--from standing for election. Despite systematic repression, the National League of
Democracy won with overwhelming support at the polls. But the military refused to recognize the
election and embarked on years of violence and subjugation of the Burmese people. In 1991 in
recognition of her fearless and non-violence stand against tyranny in Burma's second struggle for a
national independence, Daw Suu was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. She continued to speak out and in
1995, Daw Suu was placed under house arrest. In 1999, her husband died in London. Before his death,
the Burmese regime refused to allow him to enter the country. Instead, the regime urged Daw Suu to
travel to be with her dying husband and her children but she knew she would not be allowed to re-enter
the country. Many more years of restriction and house arrest followed. During intervals when she was
allowed to travel around the country, Daw Suu rallied the Burmese people who had not given up their
resistance. In 2003, she and her companions were attacked while traveling and many were killed. She
again was restricted to her house. Daw Suu has written and I quote, "The only real prison is fear and the
only real freedom is freedom from fear." For the past 7 years, she has been isolated not able to
communicate freely, yet from this imposed internal exile, her unrelenting conviction that hope can not
be silenced and that hope must be paired with endeavor continues to ring out across the world. In
November last year, after intermittence from the UN, the United Kingdom and the US, Daw Suu was
released from house arrest. She had spent a total of nearly 15 years in detention. In recent months and
weeks, hope has risen again for Burma's return to democracy. But Burma remains on the knife's edge
and as of now, the outcome remains uncertain. If freedom is restored Burma's 58 million people will
emerge into a changed world and a transformed Asia. So in behalf of the University of Michigan, I am
proud to introduce Aung San Suu Kyi, who although often silenced and exiled in her home, has led the
people of Burma to this moment when they may reclaim their history. Daw Suu as John pointed out was
not able to travel to be here in person, but she has kindly recorded the remarks we're about to watch.
>> If I begin the lecture, I would like to thank the University of Michigan for choosing me as a recipient
of the Wallenberg medal for 2011. To be so honored is to be moved to contemplate on the greatness of
soul that Wallenberg exemplified and to be strengthened in the awareness that the world is in need of
many Wallenbergs. I'm sorry I can not be with you in person today but a dedication to the course of
freedom binds us close together and to technological advancement has allowed me to see you and to
speak to you as so we were in the same room. I'm grateful to all those who had made it possible. An old
Burmese' saying "Identifies the three happiest days in the life of a man". The first is the day he finishes
his novitiate. Old Burmese Buddhist boys are expected to be ordained as novices and to spend
sometime in a monastery at least once in their lifetime. The second one is his wedding day and the third
is the day on which he is released from jail. This saying raises many interesting questions about
Burmese's society but the--for the purposes of this lecture, I will confine myself to the third day of
happiness. I thought and wondered whether it reflects a propensity in Burmese men to lend themselves
in trouble over there, it indicates that Burmese authority is inclined towards excessive use of their
power to punish their subjects. All without ancestors and their wisdom were anticipating the events of
today. Looking around at the colleagues and comrades closest to me, I can not help but notice that there
are few who have not spent sometime in some form of detention as a result of the political activities.
What is unquestionable is that our 4 best believed that the restoration of freedom is one of the greatest
joys man could experience. Freedom restored, how does it feel? I spend the major part of the last 20
years under house arrest. I've also spend short periods in a prison bungalow in a military officer's
quarter converted into a detention headquarters and in a prison guest house. The day I was placed
under house arrest for the first time in July 1984, I found the situation curious. In one reading of a piece
of paper the detention order, my home had turned into prison or had it. Surely, it was up to me to
decide what the answer would be. When I was taken to an isolated bungalow within the precincts of
insane jail in 2003, I again from the sense of curiosity, the bars and the windows, declining of the heavy
door, it is also like and yet not quite like, all the prisons of which I'd read and heard. Was it up to me to
decide whether or not stone walls and iron bars constituted a prison? The time spent at the military
officers' rest house in which I was escorted later also provided much food for thought. It is built in the
grounds of an expensive army cantonment care had obviously been taken to make it comfortable and I
was treated like a guest whose movements had been restricted for inexplicable reasons. I was a prisoner
certainly but need I fear imprisoned. In 2009, I was accused of breaking the terms of my detention order
and removed from my house to the guest house at insane jail. This place has meant for visiting prison
officers from other parts of the country and there were neither bought windows nor clanking on doors
and I wondered whether it should or should not be seen as different from the bungalow I had occupied
six years back. Should I feel any different? Intellectual curiosity about the changing circumstances in
which I found myself gave me a sense of detachment that made me feel in my mind that I was always
free. I was less a disappointment to those who eagerly asked me after my release from each round of
detention, how I'd felt to be free. I don't feel any different would be my honest but far from exciting
answer. I may not have felt different but freedom was certainly different from captivity and one
becomes aware of this difference from the moment of release. When I was told in 1995 that after 6
years under house arrest, I could once--once again look upon my self as a free agent, I was not quite
sure what my first act should be. The telephone line had been cut for all those years. I had to know
family waiting to greet me outside the gate. I had no idea how to contact any of my friends or
colleagues. Finally, I asked the departing security officers if they could let those members of my party
who lived nearest to my house know that I had been released. That was a curious sensation to be once
again in a position to decide with whom I would make contact and in what way. It is a re-entering into a
human society. When we asked for the release of political prisoners, we are asking that they be readmitted to their rightful place in human society that freedom of association together with other
freedoms of which they had been deprived be restored to them. What is it about freedom that makes it
a burning issue for all the times? Give me freedom or give me death. Liberty, equality, fraternity, the
ringing calls for freedom that have resonated across the ages and across racial and political and
geographical device stand evidence to man's yearning to be free.
>> But why should this be so? Why is it that human and animals too instinctively shy away from the
threat of a shackled existence? It has been argued that it is impossible to attain a state of pure freedom
as the extent to which living creatures can exercise their will freely is unavoidably circumscribed by their
own circumstances. I do not propose to enter into discussion of free will here. My aim is simply to
examine what freedom means to ordinary people outside the realm of philosophical speculation,
particularly to those who have been engaged in the movement for democracy and human right in
Burma. The desire for freedom is closely related to resentment against perceived injustices. The uprising
against the dictatorship of the military backed Burma Socialist Program Party, BSPP in 1988 was rooted
in anger and dissatisfaction initially stirred up by the demonitization of bank notes in 1987. The
economic stagnation into which the country had fallen under the BSPP administration had made it very
hard for anybody to earn a decent income on astray. And when the public saw the savings they had
managed to scrape together vanishing over night, the outrage was dry tender waiting to become a
raging conflagration. The necessary spark was provided in March 1988 when the crude handling by the
authorities of a fracas that had taken place between students of the Rangoon Institute of Technology
and local youths lead to clashes between the police and students, 2 of whom were shot dead. This was
the beginning of massive demonstrations that swept across the country as people from all walks of life
poured out onto the streets to give vent to a sense of injury that had been rankling in their breast
throughout the years of helpless submission to an authoritarian par. The uprising of 1988 started out as
a movement against oppression and injustice. It is a demand for the removal of shackles, it is call--it was
a call for redemption, a cry for freedom as escape from the restraint that cramped the quality of life. To
be forced to submit unremittingly to the will of others is to be denied the right to exercise control over
one's own life. To be deprived of the basic independence essential for the upholding of human dignity.
Hundreds of thousands marched to the streets of all the major cities and towns and even some of the
bigger villages of Burma roaring out our cause. At the beginning, that cause was not identified, there
was just a conviction that it was something quite different from what authoritarianism had to offer. It
was ironically 3 simple words used by the aging dictator Ne Win, chairman of the BSPP in his last speech
to the national assembly that provided the first inkling of what would turn out to be the cause around
which the Burmese public would rally. As Ne Win announces resignation from the party, he declared
that the people should chose between one party system or a multiparty system. There were many in
Burma in 1988 who remembered that more than 20 years ago there had been a multiparty system in the
country, a multiparty democracy. They also remembered that in those far of days the continued survival
in office of a government had depended on the votes of the people and consequently the administration
had respected the public and made efforts to fulfill their demands. The young who's participation was
central to the movement had neither experienced nor memory of democratic governance but they were
quick to accept that our cause was democracy and almost as a natural extension human rights as well.
However, these were to be the means towards a desired end. The goal of the movement for democracy
in Burma was to lay the foundations to institutions that would make our nation a haven where people
could feel comfortable in their own skins. Those to wish to denigrate the struggle for democracy in
Burma have contented that our people barely understand anything about democracy, that we are
neither fit for democratic institutions nor ready for the exercise of democratic rights, that the military
rule indifferent guises under which we have had to live since 1962 was simply what we had deserved.
We need to examine such accusations in the light of what our people expected to achieve through the
democratic revolution. In October 1988 very soon after the founding of the national league for
democracy, I went around the country to try to discover what had moved our people to reject the only
system of government they had ever known and what we would need to do to realize the legitimate
aspirations that the great majority of us shared. During a meeting with new party members from Zay
Cho, a famous market in Mandalay, a young woman stood up and admitted that while she
wholeheartedly supported the movement for democracy she did not really knew much about politics. I
then asked her why she wanted democracy and she explained that she had a small shop and she simply
wished to go about her business freely and honestly without shear of undue interference from the
authorities. And she was convinced that given these basic freedoms, she would be able to do very well
indeed for herself. It seemed to me that she had understood the most important thing about
democracy, that it was not an end in itself but the means towards achieving a particular kind of society,
one that would incorporate guarantees of basic freedoms and fair play for the--for it's members. As I
went across the country discussing democracy and human rights, I would come across again and again
this coupling of freedom with fair play, with justice. Everybody wished for better health and education
facilities, a sad economy, a more hopeful future for their children however and this I found most
encouraging. The majority believed they could build better lives for themselves, provided unreasonable
restraints particularly those imposed by corrupt, unaccountable officialdom were removed. The young
shop keeper from Mandalay and others like her were expressing in their own modest, nonacademic way
views very similar to those of [inaudible] sends ideas on development and freedom. Development
requires removal of major sources of unfreedom, poverty as well as tyranny, poor economic
opportunities as well as systematic social depravation, neglect of public facilities as well as intolerance
or over activity of oppressive states. Again, Professor Sen, "Greater freedom enhances the ability of
people to help themselves and also to influence the world." And these matters are central to the
process of development. The people of Burma had made democracy their cause because they wanted
the freedom to be able to help themselves, to engage in politics in post 1988 Burma was to--start
chapter 2 of the history of democracy in our country. The introduction was the movement for
independence that had politicized the masses and walking them to the centricity of their rule in the
making of the nation. Chapter 1 constituted the first years of independence when the parliamentary
democracy had managed to survive and even to put out gallant shoots of social and economic progress
in spite of old wounds left by war and colonialism and new one's that had opened up with the eruption
of the so called multicolored insurgencies. Multicolored because they were the red and white mutually
hostile communist forces, the Korean National defense organization and the white comrades and
organization headed by veterans of the patriotic Burmese forces that had joined allies towards the end
of the war to defeat Japanese troops of the country.
>> The struggling young democracy of post independents was brought to a close by the military coup of
1962. Chapter 2 of the quest for democracy had to be started almost from scratch. From democracy to
human rights is a natural transition. In 1988, very, very few people in Burma had heard of the universal
declaration of human rights. It is evidence of the genius of the document that once its contents were
made known to those who had [inaudible] than totally unaware of tis existence, understanding and
acceptance followed quickly. The very first paragraph of the preamble was a clear expression of the
inarticulate longings and it is a moving experience to realize suddenly what it was they had been lacking
all their lives and to be assured that this like was recognized with understanding and sympathy by the
great and powerful of the Earth. Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and
inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in
the world, that is how the preamble begins. Freedom, justice and peace, were this not what they had
been demanding all along? The preamble went on to declare that the heart's aspiration of the common
people we'll see advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and
freedom from fear and want. They were the common people. They were human beings and yes what
they wanted most was to enjoy those freedoms that would enable them to be to live as dignified worthy
human beings. The different freedoms are connected and mutually strengthened. I've emphasized
freedom from fear in our struggle because I see it as a master key that will open the door to other
freedoms. Fear renders us dumb and passive. Fear paralyzes. If we are too frightened to speak out we
can do nothing to promote freedom of speech. If we're too frightened to challenge injustices, we will
not be able to defend our right to freedom of belief neither will be we dead to ask for the rectification of
the social and economic ills that make our lives a misery. Fear anywhere in any language belittles,
negates and degrades. The Indian poet Rabindranath Tagore described the heaven of freedom as a place
where the mind is without fear. Freeing ourselves from fear has been the unseen crucial part of our
struggle for democracy in Burma. It takes courage and commitment to achieve freedom and to uphold it
where there are no laws and institutions to protect basic human rights. Individuals have to fall back on
their own will to practice and promote the freedoms in which they believe. The support of those who
share the commitment helps them greatly in this endeavor. More than 10 years ago I asked the students
of an American university to use their liberty to promote ours. This message was picked up by peoples
from across the world. We have been helped in our struggle. We have not been alone. Contact with free
peoples and hunts us the sense of freedom. During the years and the house arrest, such contact through
the radio or through books helped to keep my mind free. To this day, whenever I receive a new book I
feel a stir of excitement and anticipation of the wider world into which I would be admitted through its
painters. I can never be grateful enough to those who have helped me to feel I was part of the free
world even during those times when that world seemed as far away as the most distant stars. Even as a
lighter stars managed to reach us after long years so the sympathy and solidarity of peoples very often
complete strangers who care for our freedom as though it were their own breaks through human and
geographical barriers to give us solace and strength. An unshackled mind is a first step to its genuine
freedom. That is as liberating for others as for our own selves. If we are sensitive to our own need for
freedom but indifferent or even contemptuous of the same need in others, we devalue the concept of
freedom. Liberty that is used to inflict pain and justice on others is an admiration. It is no longer liberty it
degenerates into license. The ability to value the freedom of others as we value our own freedom is
based on breath of vision, a capacity for empathy and a sense of responsibility. If freedom is to survive
and flourish we who believe in it must prove that it is a force that can be directed along positive
channels by dedication to a healthy balance between rights and responsibilities by our ability to respect
the hopes and aspirations of others as we would wish others to respect our own hopes and aspirations. I
refer to Raoul Wallenberg as a great soul at the beginning of the lecture. It is difficult enough for the
average man to value others as he values himself. But to value others more than one's own self, that is a
rare phenomenon indeed. We in the movement for democracy in Burma have been admired and
applauded for our efforts to gain freedom and to justice for our people. But in the face of a Wallenberg,
we feel humbled. We are struggling for our own people, our own country. What Wallenberg did was to
sacrifice himself for peoples of a different country, a different race, a different religion. For him, the
differences were much less significant than the ties of common humanity. He teaches us that the
highest form of freedom is freedom from the narrowness of mind that ties us to prejudices and to hate
and makes us indifferent to the sufferings of those we perceive as different from ourselves. When I was
released from house arrest last year, I explained that I did not feel any different because my mind had
always been free. Now, almost a year on, let me tell you what it means to be free. It means that I can sit
down and recall this lecture. It means I can communicate with you. It means I can go out of my house at
any time I please. It means I can talk to friends, confer with colleagues. It means I can work to take our
country further along the road to democracy. Freedom means activity. Freedom means movement.
Freedom means life. To deny freedom means to deny life. That is why lovers of life cry out, "Give me
freedom or give me death" and that is why I would like to conclude with his tribute to Raoul Wallenberg.
Greater value has no man than this but he lays down his life for the freedom of his fellow human beings.
[ Applause ]
>> Tonight we are using Skype to speak with Daw Suu at her home in Rangoon where it is about 7 in the
morning, actually it's a little bit earlier than that. This is a difficult undertaking because of Burma's
limited network bandwidth capacity. We hope to have a video and an audio connection and to provide
her with both an audio and video connection so she can see all of you in Rackham Auditorium. If we are
unable to secure a video connection, we will try to maintain an audio connection alone. And if
communication with Skype is unsuccessful or is interrupted, we will try to establish contact with her via
telephone.
>> This process may require several minutes and will require some patience from you. I would like now
to introduce our panel of students who have very generously volunteered to be here with us this
evening. I'd like to introduce Dominic Nardi, Dominic, over here [inaudible], who's a doctoral student in
political science and who works on the Judicial Politics of Southeast Asia. Sarah Feenstra, is a senior in
the LS&A Honors Program with a concentration in neuroscience and a minor in international studies.
Andrea Alajbegovic is a junior in the LS&A Honors Program with a concentration in International Studies.
And Tyler Jones is junior in the LS&A Honors Program with an individualized interdisciplinary
concentration in asymmetric conflict. I'd like Lester now to come to the platform.
[ Pause ]
[ Applause ]
>> Good morning Daw Suu.
>> Good morning.
>> Thank you for joining us, it's such an early hour, and thank you for your inspiring courage. My name is
Lester Monts, I am the senior vice provost for academic affairs here at the University of Michigan and it
is my honor to welcome you to the University. I am standing in Rackham Auditorium where students,
faculty and staff are gathered as well as members of the Ann Arbor Community for the presentation of
the 21st Wallenberg Medal. As you cannot leave Burma before freedom for Burmese people is secured,
we are honored to present the Wallenberg Medal for the first time in Absentia. We're privileged to have
you with us via the internet and we're arranging to deliver this medal to you, through your courage and
sustained endeavor on behalf of human rights, freedom and democracy for Burmese people and
through your conviction in the power of the human spirit to confront, resist, and overcome tyranny, you
are truly a champion of Raoul Wallenberg. And I want to show you your medal.
[ Pause ]
[ Laughter ]
[ Applause ]
>> Thank you very much.
>> Good morning Daw Suu, my name is John Godfrey, and I am pleased to introduce you to the
University of Michigan students with whom you'll be speaking. May I present Andrea Alajbegovic,
Dominic Nardi, Tyler Jones, and Sarah Feenstra. And I would like to start and to invite Sarah to come up
and to ask the first question.
[ Pause ]
>> Daw Suu, it's an honor to be with you today. You exemplify remarkable courage and perseverance
throughout your life. Who has been an inspiration to you or served as a role model for you?
>> I've had many role models, to begin with of course it's my father and then my mother. People soon
forget that [inaudible] and although my father [inaudible] reached to me, it is my mother who taught
me how to live, who taught me how important it was to have a high--highly developed sense of duty and
who taught me what real courage was, 'cause she was one of the brave people I have ever come across.
>> Hello Daw Suu, my name is Andrea Alajbegovic, now I would like to practice my question by saying
that I'm truly honored and privileged to have the chance to ask you about your speech and your
remarkable dedication to the people of Burma in the promotion of human rights. My question is, how
do you feel that your time at your house arrest and other forms of captivity have affected the
movement you helped build, if it all?
>> I'm not quite sure how it's affected all the people who are in the movement but I think the fact that I
was placed under house arrest for so many years did focus attention on our movement for democracy.
And because it did that, I think I have to say I feel that the years of detention was worthwhile and in any
case, I think I learned a lot from those years of detention, I saw many aspects of life which I've not seen
before. So I think in the end, it depends on how you use your time, what you make of it. A lot depends
on what you put into life, not what life puts out for you.
>> Thank you.
[ Applause ]
>> Hello Daw Suu, my name is Dominic Nardi, [foreign language].
[ Foreign Language ]
>> [Foreign Language], my wife is actually Burmese so if I can take a moment and just extend our
personal thank you, she was prospect Burma fellow. And I know your support has meant a lot to her
over the years so thank you. I'm--my background a lawyer so if you don't mind I'd like to ask you a
question about the new constitution. We all know that there has been a lot of criticisms of the
constitution but oftentimes we may see countries transition to democracy, sometimes they replace their
constitution and sometimes they simply amended. So I was wondering for Burmese constitution, can
you envision a transition to democracy under this constitution or do you think you will have to be
replaced?
>> I think we first start thinking about it in terms of amendment because there are some parts of the
constitution which we do not think are at all compatible with the democratic values but there are other
parts which are not entirely [inaudible] to democratic values. So I think we should start trying to amend
the worst part of the constitution, and if it is the wish of the people, we may have to change the whole
constitution. That's after all what democracy is about that our country should be run in accordance with
the will of the people. And since constitution is fundamental to how a nation is run, in the end these
people must decide whether they want to go in for total replacement or for amendments.
>> Thank you.
[ Applause ]
>> Daw Suu good morning, my name is Tyler Jones. I would like to preface my question by thank you for
your inspirational remarks this evening. From the situation in Burma today to the ongoing crisis in the
Middle East, I believe that today perhaps more so than any other time in history, your words are truly
salient. My question for you is regarding some comments you made in 2007 regarding nonviolence in
protests. When speaking about the Burmese antigovernment protests, you highlighted the importance
of nonviolence and the quest for democracy even though this may ultimately prolong the quest for
freedom. Today, similar protest have taken root in the Middle East, recently an Egyptian activist is
quoted as saying, "The Egyptian revolution was peaceful whereas most revolutions ends with thousands
getting their heads cut off, we spared the heads." And today they are working against our revolution. In
your view how can those in the Middle East today continue along the path of nonviolence and still hope
for a successful regime change?
>> I believe in nonviolence, not everybody believes in nonviolence, but I think that in the long run,
nonviolence pays. As I said, as you mentioned, I have said that it take--it's a longer route, it's more
difficult, but there are fewer wounds to be healed. Now, those heads that were not cut off, perhaps now
they are thinking against the revolution. B that means there has been less blood shed, fewer wounds
and that in the long run, Egypt can come be able to come to an understanding--the people of Egypt
would be able to understand each other and there'll be less friction. I think what is so important for all
peoples in all countries is to be able work hard, a situation which is acceptable to all, not just to say
we've got work to its harmony, towards peace and [inaudible] and the fewer wounds there have been
the easier it will be to work towards peace and harmony. And so, what if some are heads are thinking
against you? Heads are there to be--to think.
>> I prefer heads that think rather than heads that nod all the time or shake all the time. Let's all think
and let's all think of a way of resolving our differences. I prefer people with heads than the [inaudible].
[ Laughter ]
[ Applause ]
>> Hello again. How can citizens of countries outside Burma such as the United States be better world
citizens in regards to promoting democracy and human rights in Burma?
>> I've always emphasized awareness, I think that the people of the United States especially the young
people need to be aware of what is going on in the rest of the world. You are very fortunate, of course
you may not think so in times like financial crisis. But compared to many people in other parts of the
world, the citizens of the US are very fortunate indeed. And I would not like you to forget others in your
all good fortune, not to forget the misfortune of others. And I would like you to understand that you are
a very fortunate country and not always be looking at the dark side of things. Example, you can afford to
take democratic rights for [inaudible] when you organize vacation like--you think perfectly easy, you
want to have this classification, you organize it, you want to award a gold medal to somebody from the
outside of the world, you can do it. It's not easy for people like us and many others like us who live in
countries where there is no genuine freedom when they unfold democratic institutions to save, guard
our rights. I would like you to remember that you are fortunate, I would like--I wouldn't like that United
States always to bring itself down 'cause we do appreciate you as a friend and as a defender of
democracy. So to begin with, you've helped us support by defending our own democratic values by
doing whatever you can to make your citizens totally democratic and open minded because these two
go together, you cannot really practice democratic values if you're not [inaudible] 'cause democracy
ends on the participation of any people as possible. So if you first defend your democratic values and
your broad mindedness, you can help the rest of the world. Then of course, you want some practical
help as well, you would always like [inaudible] movements of democracy and you'll help us educate
young people. In the long run, the gracious help and that in the realm [inaudible].
>> Thank you.
[ Applause ]
>> This next question is inspired by my thoughts about how the United States has not had a female head
of state as of yet, so I would like to ask you if you feel that being a woman has affected your success as
the leader of the nonviolent democratic movement in Burma?
>> Well, perhaps, they're waiting for you, you never know when the next--
[ Laughter ]
[ Applause ]
>> When the next head of state of the United States is going to be woman. But the--I think that when I
just [inaudible], when it comes to heading any kind of organization or a nation, you mustn't forget that
the first head of government was an Asian, if you remember it was Mrs. Bandaranaike from Sri Lanka or
Ceylon as it was then. And we are very constant that our women can do just as well if not better than
the men. And I'm sure this the same thing applies to the United States. I would like to see a woman at
the head of the [inaudible] system to see in the world. So hurry up.
[ Laughter ]
>> Thank you, thank you.
[ Applause ]
>> Thank you, thank you.
>> Hello Daw Suu, I wanted to ask you about what Burma can do today, to prepare for a better
democracy tomorrow probably because in Southeast Asia, we've seen several countries that are
transitioned to democracy, it still face huge challenges, the political conflict in Thailand, election
violence and poverty in the Philippines, so what can Burma--what should Burma be doing now to make
sure that when democracy does come, it's democracy not just a name but also in practice, thank you.
>> It all comes down to education, doesn't it? We at the National League for Democracy spend a lot of
our time trying to educate. I'm hesitant a little to use this word, it sounds, because it sounds a bit
patronizing, but I don't mean it in that way at all. What I mean is opening up the minds of our people
and to supply them with as much information and knowledge as possible so that they can think for
themselves. As I said earlier one of the most important things about democracy is broadmindedness.
We want people to be able to understand other people's points of view. I think for a working
democracy, you do need to be broadminded. You need to be able to empathize with others. So we try to
teach our young people as much as we can about the responsibilities of democracy. Whenever I talk
about democratic rights, I never forget to mention the fact that their responsibilities as well, that rights
and responsibilities go together. For a democracy to succeed, I think that is extremely important. From
the very beginning, we must make our people understand that democracy is not just about rights, rights,
rights, it's about responsibilities as well. You want a government of the people and the people must take
responsibility for that government. So I think this is what we need, this is what we're trying to achieve in
Burma. And sometimes I think that because our movement has been so long and so difficult, perhaps,
the cost of that very fact are the people will be better qualified, to defend and preserve democracy
when we get that.
[ Foreign Language ]
[ Applause ]
[ Foreign Language ]
>> My second question is regarding the current situation in Libya. Last week Muammar Gaddafi was
killed effectively ending his oppressive rule in Libya. However, with still much attention paid to the civil
war and not much focus given to the post war nation building, Libya is now left without a legitimate
governing body and the clean up from a bloody civil war. How in your view is a possible for countries like
Libya who have never really known any form of democracy to begin to develop a country that speaks for
the people?
>> I'm glad you mentioned these problems in Libya because this is exactly what I meant when I say that
if you get to democracy or freedom through violent means then you leave wounds that will be very, very
difficult to heal. I think they have to start, make a start, nobody gets anywhere without making a start.
And I think the whole world needs to help Libya to get over the trauma of the last few months and learn
to get over the bitterness to get rid of the bitterness. I think that the most frightening for any country is
when the people are set against each other and when they are deeply felt feelings of hatred and
resentment. I do not think that the feelings of hatred and resentment are going away from--going to go
away from Libya's just because they have moved Gaddafi. These are going to on, people have shot at
each other, people have killed each other, people have tortured each other, these are not going to be
forgotten hurry. But we need some people who will start this in Libya. I would like to see a genuine
nonviolent movement emerging out of the people of Libya who will help to heal the wounds of the
country and to put it on the right part. It's not going to be easy and I'm not expecting Libya to be
transformed overnight into a peaceful country where everybody understands everybody else. But
somebody, some point must begin and let's hope for a Libya Martin Luther King, a Libyan Gandhi, a
Libyan Nelson Mandela, we must hope for these things.
[ Applause ]
>> I have a question from an audience member for you Daw Suu. How can academia and Universities in
Burma help in the quest toward democracy?
>> I have to say that I think first of all, Universities in Burma should start educating our young people
because the system here is very, very bad. And until our young people are well enough educated to see
what is happening in the rest of the world to be able to examine our own history and to understand why
we have come to--where we have come to, then I do not think we will be able to make progress.
>> So our universities need to be real educational institutions not just places that churn out half
educated young people, so this is what we want. First of all, we want to raise standard of it of education
in our universities and we would like your help in this. Until the people, until our young people have
required--acquired the basics of an educated society, we will not be able to go forward. Once our young
people are probably educated, they will be able to see for themselves what our country really needs and
what we need to do to preserve the values that will help our country to go forward as a democracy. So
you asked earlier what can the United States do to help, well the United States and the rest of the world
can help us to educate our young people as well as possible.
>> Thank you, thank you.
[ Applause ]
>> I have another question from the audience member here. The question is, what skills did you draw
from your college education that you have used and valued the most in your life's work?
>> When I was under house arrest, very often I will think of my friends, the one who are at university
with me. And those memories were not just some of the happiest memories that I had, but the most
strengthening because I remembered that we were all--we all came from different countries, of course,
there were--I had English friends because I was studying in England but--I had Indian friends, I had
Pakistani friends, I had Thai friends, I had Kenyan friends, Ghanian friends, friends from all over the
world. And I think that was the most important part of my university education that I learn to know
people from all parts of the world, and to understand that we all shared the same hopes and aspirations
and fears, that we were all human beings. And it's very, very nice to be human beings young together
because--and don't forget that, don't waste your youth. Youth is a lovely time. And it was a time when
we [inaudible], our feelings of warmth and sympathy for each other. And these friends are still my
friends and that's what I got most out of my university education that you can reach out to people from
different parts of the world, from different cultures who belong to different religions. And you can still
build up such a solid and such a deep understanding that it carries through for the rest of your life and
you can think of them when you're in times of trouble and fear, well, this is not bad world after all.
>> Thank you.
[ Applause ]
>> Hello Daw Suu, I have a question from an audience member. Can you comment a bit about the
situation--the political situation in Thailand right now? And in particular, do you see any similarities with
the political struggle going on there and the struggle in Burma for democracy? Thank you.
>> I'm sorry, going on where?
>> The political situation in Thailand?
>> Thailand, well, Burma and Thailand are neighbors, very close geographically but we are quite
different in many other ways--in many other ways. We try to learn from what's going on in other parts
of the world and we try to learn from their successes as well as their mistakes. Now I'd rather not talk
about the mistakes of other countries, but thinking of the successes of course Thailand is well ahead of
us, economically and even politically because Thailand has had a number of democratic elections not
perhaps as smoothly as one we'd wish for but certainly they have passed through a number of
democratic elections and build up a number of democratic institutions. For example the time media is
certainly a lot of--a lot of fear than we are and this is something that we admire. But we do not look
upon Thailand as the one country that we should see as an example, there are many other countries
that we study, that we observe, and as I said earlier, we try to find out how they've succeeded, where
they've succeeded and where their mistakes have been and how we should avoid them. One of the
advantages of--been right at the very back is that we can profit from their mistakes of others.
[ Foreign Language ]
[ Applause ]
>> I have a question from the audience which asks, what is the best strategy to keep or rather to stop
the ongoing civil wars in Burma and what would it take to have a broad based antiwar campaign?
>> This is a very difficult question, we've been trying to find the answer to this question for the last 60
odd years ever since we achieved independence. We've never been able to achieve a situation of
absolute peace in Burma, they have always been some form of insurgencies or other going on in this
country. We need to become a true union. We think that the most important think in the end is a spirit,
we always talk about building up a spirit of a true union, we've got to understand each other, we've got
to respect each other, we've got to learn to know each other the better. I think that our ethnic
nationalities have genuine reasons for their grievances. We need to address those issues. I do not have
all the answers, if only I had all the answers 'cause we'd be there by now. But we are trying to find the
answers, I think--and we first have to start by talking to one another. This is what we believe in, we
believe that human beings are--we can talk to one another, animals can't talk to one another although I
believe there are some scientists who say that they can talk--well, not talk but communicate with one
another to a far greater degree than we think they can. But still no one can deny that human beings can
talk and we've got to use this facility to come to an understanding with one another. I believe in talking,
talking, talking, this is what we're doing now, aren't we? We're talking to one another, trying to learn
more from one another. And I believe that the--because Burmese are the majority in this country, they
have a duty to be more broad minded, to be more tolerant, and to work harder towards peace and
understanding.
[ Applause ]
>> You mentioned in your talk that freedom from fear has been the unseen crucial part of the struggle
for democracy in Burma. How have you been able to realize this freedom in your life?
>> Well, I wasn't, I have never thought of myself as a very brave person. But I've had to work to free
myself from fear, this of course started when I was a very little girl and I was terribly scared of the dark
and I decided one day that this is something I have to get over because it was such a burden. I think you
start thinking seriously about freeing yourself from fear, when you--create a burden that is, if you live
with fear, if you let fear influence your life, that is genuine like a freedom even if you're not in freed--in
prison, even if you're not under house arrest. If you're frightened all the time, then I think you must be
the most unfree person imaginable. And the reason why I started to try to free myself from fear as a
little girl was because I couldn't bear the burden of going into a dark room and being frightened. And so
I just sat down and talked to myself one day, what is it that I'm frightened of? I've got to face it and I've
got to get over it. And I managed to get over it. Actually it only took me two weeks to get over my fear
of the dark simply by walking round and round in dark rooms for 2 weeks in succession and I realized
that nothing was going to happen to me in the dark.
[ Laughter ]
>> Thank you.
[ Applause ]
>> Daw Suu, I have another question from the audience. What do you think--it is about China and what
do you think of your influence between your country in the relationship between your country and
China and what do you think of the political transition to democracy in China?
>> First of all, I think I have must made the point which I make very, very often that Burma and China are
neighbors and we will always be neighbors as long as this world will last.
>> And because of that, I would like to maintain good friendly relations with China and with all our other
neighbors. I do no think this is impossible because we have always maintained good relations with China
even at the time when Burma had a democratic government after independence. And China was a very
strong communist society, we still managed to maintain good relations. So we've got to work towards
that and with regard to China's transition to democracy, I myself believe in democracy and I believe that
basically, human beings want to be free and they also want to be secure. And democracy is a system
that tries to give both in good balance, security and freedom. And because of that, I believe that human
societies will work towards democracy and that there will be a transition to democracy not just in China
but in other countries all over the world, not all at the same time, not all in the same way and of course,
not exactly the same sort of democracies. But basically, the kind of system that assures both freedom
and security for its citizens.
>> Thank you.
[ Applause ]
>> I think I have to get to the word of Burmese before you begin.
[ Foreign Language ]
>> Okay.
>> Sorry.
[ Foreign Language ]
>> Well I was actually asking how your wife was because you said she was Burmese.
>> She unfortunately can't make it tonight but, you know, she's watching us live so I know this means a
lot to her, so thank you. I actually, my next question is from her.
[ Laughter ]
>> She might need to ask about trust in Burmese society, because both in Burma--
>> About?
>> About trust.
>> Oh, yes.
>> Yeah, both within Burma and even amongst Burmese living in America now they're very often
different groups of Burmese people don't trust each other, they--people don't trust the government, the
government doesn't trust the people. In Washington DC where I live for several years, Burmese activists
don't trust academics who study Burma. And in Burma, many of the ethnic minority groups don't trust
the government. So I guess in short, what can be done to rebuild a trust both within Burma and amongst
Burmese population around the world. Thank you.
>> I've always thought that it had something to do with lack of self confidence because Burma as a
society has not exactly promoted self confidence in our people. And if you lack self confidence, it's very
difficult to trust others. You're suspicious, you're jealous, have you come across the famous Burmese
envy syndrome? That is based on lack of self confidence. So we need to build up self confidence in our
people. We need them to understand that you don't have to take away from others in order to have
more yourself. And if you can [inaudible] that by giving more to others, you make yourself a more
complete person. Then I think this lack of trust would lessen, well, it's very appropriate that you should
ask this question at this lecture because Raoul Wallenberg was a man, was full of self confidence. And
the work that he did required trust, we have to trust others while he was carrying out his very, very
dangerous mission, or no, there was [inaudible], this one mission that that as put it as missions because
it is so multifaceted. And a man like him, he was able to do this, he was able to trust others, 'cause he
trusted himself, he had full confidence in himself. So if you [inaudible] into how our people [inaudible]
one another, you've got to help us to build up our self confidence.
[ Foreign Language ]
>> This has a lot to do with the way in which [inaudible].
>> Thank you.
[ Applause ]
>> In your remarks, you spoke of a necessity to remove oppression and intolerance from society in order
for development to be possible. However as we see today in Egypt, though the Mubarak Regime is no
longer in power, conflict between the guard and reformers continues to solve democratization. My
question is, do you it really is possible for true democracy to develop in countries like Egypt or Burma
where roots of oppression and corruption seem so indelibly ingrained in the political psyche? Thank you.
>> Whoa, wasn't there oppression at--in the United States?
[ Laughter ]
>> Well, after all? You can't pretend that there was never such as a thing as oppression in the United
States. And you walked your way out of it. I think people have to work their way out of situations like
that. What's--one point of inhuman if we are prepared to stay in a pit forever, we've got to climb out
and I believe that the human beings do have the ability to climb out of these pits of hatred and
resentment and anger and intolerance. We have to learn to do that. And I think one of the ways in
which we learn is through the example of others who can prove that tolerance is better than
intolerance, that freedom is better than oppression. This is why free countries and free people have a
lot of responsibility. As I said earlier right and responsibilities go together. You're enjoying all the rights
of democracy have to pay its responsibility as well. You have to make people understand not being
patronized, not by being arrogant but with [inaudible] that you can get rid of oppression, you can get rid
of anger and resentment and intolerance and build better lives for yourself and further surround you.
>> Thank you.
[ Applause ]
>> What steps of progress toward democracy in Burma do you anticipate in the next few years and how
do you see yourself being involved in that?
>> First of all of course we refer to gain the release of all the political prisoners. [Applause]. You cannot
call yourself a democracy unless there are no political prisoners. Unless a country is freed from prisoners
of conscience, it's not a really free country. So, this is one of the things we have to work towards. But
there's another more important in the long run, more important work for all of us and that is peace. And
we talked about this earlier, peace between all the ethnic national [inaudible], we've got to achieve that.
There can be no democracy without genuine peace and no genuine peace without democracy, these
two go together. And for me this is the most important thing that we've got to work towards in the next
one, two years, to establish a genuine union in Burma. We want all our ethnic nationals to be at peace
with one another and to build our new nation to get unless we are all together in this we won't succeed.
>> Thank you.
[ Applause ]
>> What advice would you give to young people who would--who aren't happy with and would like to
change the current social and political systems and placing your country or in any country?
>> First, I think you've got to ask yourself what it is you're unhappy about. It's easy to be unhappy but
it's more difficult to rarely find out what it is you're unhappy about. And once you know what it is you're
unhappy about then you've got to stop trying to change it provided it's not an entirely selfish reason
such as not--not getting the biggest ice cream cone you can get and so on if you're a child. But you've
got to understand why you're unhappy. And by resolving your own unhappiness, are you going to be
helping others as well? I think that's important. I don't think you should see your unhappiness apart
from other peoples lives, we are all connected to one another and young people, young people are so
lucky because they've got so much time ahead of them. I said earlier that when I was under house
arrest, I use to think of my place as a student and used to--and would me happy because we were so full
of--and we were so full of confidence, there was life open up ahead of us. And I would like you to see it
like that, there is all of you that I had to do in which you can do so much to make our world a better
place to live in.
>> So if you're unhappy, find out what is that is making you unhappy and [inaudible] do some
[inaudible], don't just sit there, you won't get anywhere just by sitting there.
>> Thank you very much.
[ Applause ]
>> Well, unfortunately this is the final question. But I didn't--very often, when you're under house
arrest, you are known as the world's most famous political prisoner and celebrity is sometimes a great
thing but celebrity can also sometimes be a burden. And I wanted to ask you generally how you deal
with your celebrity on whether you see it as a burden, an asset or something else. And them more
specifically, I know that there's a Hollywood movie about you coming out later this year so could you
comment about that? Thank you.
>> Well first of all, I never thought of my self as a celebrity, that's rather an embarrassing sort of word
isn't it?
[ Laughter ]
>> I worry a little about the politics of celebrity, that I have to say, I think there is--there could be too
much of that. And I think that could make you lose track of what is really important. So celebrity is a
dangerous thing and its best not to think about it too much. Now with regards to the--with regards to
yourself I mean and when you consider celebrities then I think you should try to learn as much as you
can from them, the dangers of the celebrity involves, of course there are advantages, I don't deny that
because people knew me well, I was protected. This is why I say that the real heroes of our movement
are the--totally unknown people. The ones who have worked very hard and to go to prison, whose
names are never mentioned in any speech by any statesman who never received any prizes and who'd
probably never received any prizes in the future. But who are still satisfied with what they have done
because they have done something in which they believe. These are the real heroes of our movement.
And when I think about them, this very makes me feel very, very humble indeed that a celebrity is really
far less of a hero than somebody who is totally unknown soldier of our cause. And with regard to that
film, I find it a little embarrassing, I have to confess that I don't like the ideas of films made about me. I
don't know what's in it, let me say that I've met Luc Besson and his wife, I like them very much as people
but I'm not terribly keen on watching a film, perhaps I never will. And I would just like to say this is a
particular vision of who I am and what I went through, it's not necessary an accurate reflection of what I
am and what I had to go through.
>> Thank you again.
[ Applause ]
>> Daw Suu, thank you very much. On behalf of the University of Michigan's Wallenberg Committee and
the Rackham Graduate School, we would like to thank you for joining us and our best wishes go to you.
Thank you.
[ Applause ]
[ Inaudible Remark ]
>> I would also like to thank you before you break up the--I like to thank the extraordinarily dedicated
staff who set up this around the world conversation, this includes the professionals who enabled us to
have this lecture this evening and the amazing technical crew both in Rangoon and here in Ann Arbor
who managed to set up this impossibly complicated conversation.
[ Applause ]
>> you should know that this event is being carried by both the Voice of America and Radio Free Asia
and it will be available--[applause]. And it will be available very, very soon on the University's website.
And I also would like to thank our students, Andrea, Tyler, Dominic, and Sarah again. [Applause]. And we
mustn't' forget our American Sign Language Translators Christine Saunders [phonetic] and Krista Moran
[phonetic].
[ Applause ]
>> Please join us in the lobby for some light refreshments. Thank you very much.
[ Silence ]