Second House Owners in Halliste municipality:
Motivations and community involvement
Halldóra Theódórsdóttir
Leila Iir
Maureen Le Doaré
Simon Scherzinger
Uku Volke
15 May 2015
Otepää
Table of contents
Table of contents ......................................................................................................................... i
Figures ........................................................................................................................................ ii
1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................. 1
1.1 Research questions ........................................................................................................... 2
2 Theoretical background ........................................................................................................... 3
2.1 Rural construction and shift in ruralities .......................................................................... 3
2.2 Post-socialist space and post-productivism ...................................................................... 3
2.3 Motivational factors for coming to less-popular areas ..................................................... 4
2.4 Involvement of second home owners in the local community ......................................... 4
2.5 Place attachment and place identity ................................................................................. 5
3 Case study area ........................................................................................................................ 7
4 Methodology ......................................................................................................................... 10
4.1 Methodological issues .................................................................................................... 10
5 Results ................................................................................................................................... 13
5.1 Focus group results......................................................................................................... 14
5.2 Motivations and reasons ................................................................................................. 15
5.3 Involvement in the local community .............................................................................. 16
5.4 Local development ......................................................................................................... 17
5.5 Conflict ........................................................................................................................... 17
6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 19
Bibliography ............................................................................................................................. 21
Appendix A .............................................................................................................................. 22
Appendix B .............................................................................................................................. 24
Appendix C .............................................................................................................................. 25
i
Figures
Figure 1 - Map of population density (stat.ee, 2011). ................................................................ 7
Figure 2 - Map of services in Halliste (A Estonia, 2015)........................................................... 8
Figure 3 - A mansion type building in Halliste, belongs to one of the informants. ................... 9
Figure 4 - Map of known second homes in Halliste (A Estonia, 2015). .................................. 13
Figure 5 - Informant's house, renovations in progress ............................................................. 14
ii
1 Introduction
“In the city you live with one million people and still you are alone.” (Informant 5). The number
of second homes owners is growing, as welfare and leisure time increase. Many of these second
homes owners are looking for the quietness of the countryside and to get closer to a rural
community, as well as to themselves.
The term second home refers to a recreational house used as a temporary residence. The
term “second home” is a bit ambiguous as some owners have more than two properties (Kindel
and Raagmaa, 201X). Second homes are very diverse in their aspects, they can be anything
from a mobile-home to a renovated barn or a luxurious chalet.
This increasing importance of second homes is a chance for rural areas to develop or get
a new input that can help to cope with the decline of agriculture and industry that has been
occurring in many of these places. However, the main concentration of second homes is in the
most attractive areas, such as the coastline or touristic places. Hence, the need to differentiate
between the placements of second homes in popular and less-popular rural areas. According to
Bijker et al. (2012), a less-popular rural area is away from the centers, has a declining
population and number of households, and thus low housing prices. The motivations of inmigrants are more diverse there, and the potential development that second homes might bring
can be essential for some very remote municipalities.
The involvement of second home owners can be a key for a municipality's development;
as they grow in number, their potential power over the social and economic life of the
community is increasing as well (Kindel and Raagmaa, 201X). However, the diverging
priorities for local development between local residents and temporary ones cab be a source for
conflict (Farstad and Rye, 2013). A balance has to be found between the demands and needs of
the two groups.
In this report the involvement of second home owners in their municipality and their
motivations for choosing a less-popular area to buy a second home is explored. For this purpose
a case study was conducted in the municipality of Halliste, Estonia. Halliste is a remote and
rural area, with a decreasing population, and the second homes there are an important
opportunity to keep it alive. The future of Halliste seems to be quite dependent on this
residential development.
1
1.1 Research questions
The overarching theme of the study is to explore how the motivations and/or reasons for
choosing a second home influence involvement and participation in the local community, and
whether there is conflict between the views of second home owners and the locals when it
comes to community development.
1.
What are the priorities of development planning of the local municipal government. Why
do they want to attract new people to the area, how do they intend to do so?
2.
Why do people choose to buy or use a second home in Halliste? How did they come by
this house? How do the reasons differ between socio-economic groups?
3.
How much are second home owners involved in the local community? For what reason
do they involve themselves in local life and/or decision making?
2
2 Theoretical background
2.1 Rural construction and shift in ruralities
Rural is an ambiguous term to define, and it is often presented in a dichotomy with urban
(Woods, 2010). Halfacree (2006) defines the rural space through a triad that constitutes and is
constituted by social practices. The three elements of this triad are: the representations of the
rural, the rural localities, and the lives of the rural. The first one is the way the rural is portrayed;
the second is the physical characteristics of the places and their inscription within social
practices. The latter is the reproduction of rural practices of everyday life by people. To this
triad, Halfacree adds the idea of “trial by space”, inspired by Lefebvre. It is the process through
which a space acquires the notion commonly accepted and applied to it (Frisvoll, 2012). The
rural space is thus socially constructed and defined.
Throughout the last few decades, the rural space has witnessed a shift in its use. It has
turned from a landscape of production to a landscape of consumption (Woods, 2010). The rural
as place of agricultural production and energy supply is declining and, resulting in a growing
importance of the rural as a recreational and residential area (Woods, 2010). This consumption
of the landscape is experienced particularly by second home owners (SHOs) and renters. The
increase in leisure time, welfare, and car ownership are some of the factors of this residential
development in rural areas (Kindel and Raagmaa, 201X).
The commodification of the rural is one underpinning of the shift in land use (Fløysand
and Jakobsen, 2007). It is the production of goods and services in a capitalist market. In this
way, the rural space is consumed as leisure, and sold as an experience through the creation of
festivals or promotion of local food.
2.2 Post-socialist space and post-productivism
After the end of Soviet times, rural spaces faced structural transformation and political reform
that re-defined them (Kay et al., 2012). But this transition is not homogenous through all former
Soviet areas and has to be seen through local and regional contexts. The way privatization was
engaged occurred in different economic processes in the actual rural areas. The past has to be
taken into account when considering the identity of a place, its practices, and its development
(Kay et al., 2012).
Post-productivism is one of the paths of development possible in this transition
(Halfacree, 2006). The countryside is no longer seen only as an agricultural production space.
In this transition, several paths are available to deal with structural changes in the countryside.
3
The post-productivist era has seen the emergence of changes in production methods and
progressive distance from industrial agriculture. Eventually post-productivism has witnessed
an emergence of a closer link between farmer and consumer with for instance farmers' markets
(Halfacree, 2006).
2.3 Motivational factors for coming to less-popular areas
Literature on migration to rural area, as a temporary or a permanent resident, agrees on a
difference in the motivations between going to a rural place in general and going to a particular
rural place (Bijker et al., 2012). This idea is even more important in the context of migration to
less-popular rural areas. Indeed temporary residents choose most of the time areas with a
valuable environment and attractive culture or activities. The main motivation for moving to
rural areas in general is the idea of an idyllic quietness and space of rural areas; that can be
linked to the idea of a “city push-factor” (Bikjer et al., 2012, p495).Bijker et al. (2012) have
identified three motivations. First of all the residential environment, corresponding to better
living conditions in the house or the surroundings. Then the household conditions, that is to say
events such as getting married, divorced, or having a child. These can act as a push-factor to
move, temporarily or permanently, to rural areas. The last main motive concerns work and
education; the desire to change jobs, or to get closer to the current one. As for less-popular rural
areas, they are described as areas away from centers, with a decline in their population and
households, and low housing prices. The choice of a less-popular rural area is generally
motivated by more diverse reasons than popular ones. First, there is often a link with friends or
family that affected the decision. Secondly, non-radical factors such as the feeling about the
house from people is important, when they explained they just “fell in love with the house”
(Bijker et al., 2012, p 495). Finally, the rural character of the community can be attractive for
migrants, or second home seekers. And of course, the low housing price of these areas can be
a main factor in the decision (Bijker et al., 2012).
2.4 Involvement of second home owners in the local community
It is a common view that most of the time second home owners want to preserve their rural
idyll, which would result in little interest in the community. Meanwhile locals would aim to
develop their locality and thus invite potential harm to the rural idyll. Often their aims are
divergent, and conflicts can emerge from this (Farstad and Rye, 2013), because the SHOs can
sometimes be interested only in their own demands and needs, without considering locals needs
4
(Kindel and Raagmaa, 201X). However, both groups are heterogeneous in their demands and
behaviors (Farstad and Rye, 2013). The involvement of SHOs can also be beneficial to the
community, with the consumption of local products and services (Kindel and Raagmaa, 201X).
In fact, the main challenge for the communities is balancing the demands and interests of each
group. Maintaining the interest and involvement of SHOs can be a way to prevent or minimise
possible conflicts. Raagmaa and Kindel (2013) also stress the importance of local leaders in the
development and management of second homes in localities. Finally it is important to mention
the concept of Not-in-my-backyard (NIMBY); which is strong in this context (Farstad and Rye,
2013). As its name indicates it correspond to people’s general acceptance of development, but
not in their vicinity. For instance, local residents are not against second home development per
se, but as long as it is not in their surroundings (Farstad and Rye, 2013).
2.5 Place attachment and place identity
The choice of a second home is sometimes the result of a non-rational factor, such as feeling.
This is strongly linked to the idea of place identity and place attachment. First of all, the way
we see the landscape defines it. This re-creation of the landscape Abram calls the “rural gaze”
(2003). The countryside is socially-constructed through our gaze, and this is even more
extended through tourism. Space becomes place through meaning and practice. Places give “a
framework within which identity is constructed and transformed, and this gives rise to place
identity” (Winterton and Warburton, 2012, p 329). Place identity is thus a mental link with a
place. It is reached through beliefs, behavior, memories, and values towards the environment
(Winterton and Warburton, 2012). Winterton and Warbuton describe it as “who you are is
related to where you are and where you belong” (2012, pp330). It gives coherence to the place
where you are. Place identity is related to other concepts such as place attachment, sense of
community, and place dependence (Winterton and Warburton, 2012). Sense of community is
the shared values and meanings commonly associated with a place and it contributes to the
identification of a community. Place dependence corresponds to the link between people and
places. Finally place attachment is the emotional attachment of individuals to place; it occurs
before place identity. It gives a character of “uniqueness” (Winterton and Warburton, 2012, p
330) to a place, and develops with time spent in the place. Place identity can also be collective,
hence the importance of the local community that contributes to its construction. Finally, in the
case of return migration, place identity takes a particular dimension. Return migration concerns
both people who lived in the area who then return to it; or people who lived before in a rural
5
area in general and decide to move, permanently or temporarily, to a rural area again (Bijker et
al. 2012). Their probability of going to a rural area is higher than the others. Also rural places
are associated with memories and experiences with former locations; and this reinforces the
place identity (Winterton and Warburton, 2012). All these concepts create a special relationship
between individuals, communities and places.
6
3 Case study area
Halliste municipality is an area located in the central and southern parts of Viljandi county in
Southern Estonia. It covers 266,4 km² and has a registered population of 1,411 people as of 1
January 2014. The exact number of residents is of course only an estimate because not all people
(e.g most second home owners) are registered in the municipality. The municipality is sparsely
populated with a density of 5,3 inhabitants per square kilometre. The population is somewhat
unevenly distributed, with the majority of the inhabitants living in the south-east area, with a
couple of larger villages located in the southern and northern parts of the municipality, leaving
the center parts largely unhabited (Figure 1). Two larger villages – Halliste and Õisu – aside,
the centers include Abja-Paluoja in the neighbouring municipality and Viljandi as the county
center. There the inhabitants can fulfil their needs for commercial, medicinal, and cultural
services that are not available in the Halliste municipality (HVA, 2008).
Figure 1 - Map of population density (Eesti Statistika, 2011).
7
In many ways Halliste can be considered a typical Estonian municipality that is not in
an immediate proximity to a larger center. Most municipalities closer to larger centres can act
as suburban areas, thus retaining or even increasing their population, while more distant ones,
such as Halliste cannot. As in most other rural areas, the population of Halliste is aging and in
decline since job opportunities are scarce and not many people want or can afford to travel long
distances to work in a larger center every day.
One village that stands out is Päidre. Gardening cooperatives were established there
during Soviet times. Located off the main roads, the gardening village forms another ecosystem
within the municipality. Small huts were built on plots of land, that nowadays serve as
summerhouses. Some have bought 3-4 plots and built a permanent home, but the practice is not
common. Päidre is the closest village in Halliste to Viljandi so the locals rarely have contact
with the rest of the municipality.
Figure 2 - Map of services in Halliste (A Estonia, 2015).
What makes Halliste stand out in terms of housing has a lot to do with the region‘s
history. During the second half of the 19th century, peasants of Mulgimaa were the first ones
in Estonia to start buying their farms from the landlords. That was possible due to the production
of linseed being highly profitable at the time. Economic growth was further stimulated by the
8
construction of Pärnu-Valga (1896)
and Pärnu-Viljandi (1897) railroads
(Tiideberg,
newfound
1994).
riches,
With
they
these
started
building mansions of a certain type
(figure 3), that became characteristic
to the region.
Halliste has been proactive in
gaining access to EU‘s regional
development
LEADER
funds
program
through
and
the
its
predecessors. When Estonia joined
Figure 3 - A mansion type building in Halliste, belongs to one of the
informants.
the EU, the municipality encouraged local activists to form NGOs in order to write projects
aimed towards the development of the area. Many projects were developed during the times of
economic recession when building was affordable.
9
4 Methodology
The data was collected through 11 interviews with SHOs and one interview with a permanent
resident in the Halliste municipality over a period of 4 days, 9-12 May. Additional 9 interviews
were conducted through e-mail. All but two SHOs interviews and the one interview with a
permanent resident were arranged by our local gate keeper, Andres, before we arrived in the
area. Due to time constraints and the fact that SHOs are not generally present in their second
homes this time of year except perhaps during the weekend, we had to rely on the arranged
interviews for information, despite the potential for selection bias, as Andres had perviously
been in contact with most of these people when he assisted them in finding and purchasing their
properties. Time constraints also meant that we were unable to arrange interviews in the Paidre
region of the municipality, but we were able to conduct interviews with two SHOs there by
driving through the area on the evening of 11 May and finding people who were spending time
there after work. We also spoke with one local there. All in-person interviews took place at the
subject’s second home, and in most cases we were also given a tour of the property where we
discussed their future plans for the grounds and the buildings.
The interviews with SHOs were semi-structured; aside from a set of questions for
background information, we relied on open ended questions to encourage a free discussion. We
also asked further questions to follow up on issues or subjects the interviewees brought up.
These interviews were conducted in English whenever possible, but in 5 cases the subjects
preferred to use Estonian. The e-mail interviews were conducted using more detailed and
specific questions translated into Estonian, since this interview method does not allow for the
kind of discussion that an in-person interview does. The answers were then translated into
English by the Estonian members of our group.
A focus group with 6 local experts, representatives and activists (see Appendix B) was
arranged by Andres for the afternoon of 12 May. We had a number of questions for them (see
Appendix C), but kept the conversation as open as possible. The goal of this interview was to
get a local perspective on SHOs and their involvement, as well as their views on local
development.
4.1 Methodological issues
The first four interviews were conducted using a first draft of the interview questions, and
following these we reviewed the questions and compiled a final version which was used in all
subsequent interviews (see appendix A). We added three questions: one about the story of the
10
house, one about their intention to live there permanently at some point, and whether they had
any connections to other second house owners in the area. Finally we changed the final question
about how the respondents would describe Halliste from „2 sentences“ to „1 sentence“ in the
hope that we would get more concise answers.
On 9 May we had one interview with an SHO which did not go well. The subject in
question felt we did not explain the purpose of our study well enough, and even though he had
answered all of our questions, in the end he decided that he did not want us to use the
information. What we learned from this was the importance of anticipating difficult questions
or comments from interview subjects. Although we had no problems with any of our other
interviewees, there is always the potential for informants having concerns about anonymity or
the ethics of the study, which in this case we had not been prepared for. We explained to all of
them that we were a group of international students conducting a study for NordPlus on SHOs
in Estonia and Latvia and their involvement in the local community, and that all interviews
would be anonymous. All but this one interviewee were happy with that explanation.
As mentioned above we had limited time and therefore had to rely for the most part on
Andres’s invaluable assistance. This also means that there is a potential for bias, since we were
unable to ensure that the subjects were selected randomly, or at least as randomly as the situation
would allow. Andres has been instrumental in bringing people to Halliste and arranging the sale
of houses in the municipality and therefore has connections with most of the people. He told us
he had made phone calls and that although many of the people had not been very interested,
they were willing to be interviewed since he was the one asking. There is no way to evaluate
whether the interviews that were taken do in fact reflect the diversity of SHOs in the
municipality.
Additionally, our time constraints prevented us from taking more interviews in the Paidre
area, but more information from there would have been very useful since the SHOs there are of
a different kind from the ones in the southern part of the municipality. The two interviews we
did conduct are not likely to be a sufficient representation of the SHOs of the Paidre. We are
therefore forced to limit our results for the most part to the southern part of Halliste.
In order to get as many interviews as possible with SHOs, we conducted most of them
during the weekend (9 and 10 May). The focus group, however, was arranged for Tuesday the
12th. It is possible that had we been able to start with the focus group, and therefore get
information about the development priorities of the local government, the interviews with the
SHOs might have been different, as we would have been able to ask them directly what their
opinion on local development is. However, we did ask them what they thought was a priority
11
for local development, so we were able to compare that with the results of the focus group
discussion.
12
5 Results
Out of 19 interviews, all were Estonian SHOs aside from one Russian, and a married couple
where one was Estonian and one Russian. One short interview was with a married couple
(Estonian and German) who now live full-time in Halliste. The educational level of the
respondents was generally high, with one person who had finished high school, 3 with
vocational training, 4 with bachelor‘s degree, 10 with master‘s degree and one with PhD. In
four instances we spoke with a couple, but aside from them there were 13 men and 3 women.
The ages ranged from about 30 to late 60s. Most have a permanent home in Tallinn, or 10, while
5 have a home in Viljandi and 2 in Tartu. One has a home both in Viljandi and Tallinn, and one
in both Tartu and Tallinn.
Figure 4 - Map of known second homes in Halliste (A Estonia, 2015).
Only 6 of the interviewees had inherited their homes from family, but two had bought
property in Halliste because they had some kind of family connection to the area. The rest had
bought their property after having had the place recommended to them or because they found
information on the internet or on real estate listings. Eleven of the SHOs said they would like
to or plan to eventually live there full time, five said no, 5 did not say.
13
All of the respondents who bought their properties did so in the last 15 years, most in
the last 5 years. They all tend to spend as much time there as possible, particularly in the
summer. Informants 6 spends up to 2 months there in the summer since they can work from
there. How much time is spent and whether it is overnight or just during the day seems to depend
somewhat on the state of the property. Where much renovation is needed they do not stay
overnight often, even though they go there regularly. Informant 19 spends little time at his
second house because he bought
it in 2007 but after the financial
crisis of 2008 he could not afford
to keep renovating the house as
intensively as he had planned.
Considering
the
homogeneity of the group and the
limited number of informants it is
impossible to claim that there is
any difference between them
Figure 5 - Informant's house, renovations in progress
based on socio-economic status.
5.1 Focus group results
The focus group interview included 5 individuals who agreed to talk with us about the local
community and SHOs. They explained that there are three kinds of SHOs in Halliste:
1. Former locals who have left for the city but have kept their old farms to visit
seasonally.
2. People from the outside who buy a farm or a mansion with the goal of
renovating.
3. Datcha owners in the Päidre village.
They claimed that the first kind is most involved with the local community, but the
whether or not the second kind gets involved depends on the individual. Nobody really knows
what is going on with in the Päidre: „They don‘t bother us and we don‘t bother them.“
When asked whether they have a second home themselves they all said that they do not.
In their opinion you have to be rich to live in the countryside, or have few needs.
If you have time and money, buy a house in the countryside, then you won‘t have
either anymore.
14
Population decline is definitely a problem in the area as it is in many rural areas in the country.
The older people die and the young ones rarely return after going to school. It is hard for them
to maintain their careers and social lives if they move back to the countryside. Additionally
they claimed that settlement patterns have not changed, only the population density has
decreased. The young people stay young for longer and start reproducing later. Agricultural
technology has also resulted in the workeforce growing smaller. They had hoped that smallfarming would become a reality, but big farms are more efficient due to liberal politics and the
demand for efficiency.
The main issue in the municipality is the gravel roads. They are state owned and not
being renovated. Cars are not made for gravel roads and this discourages people from choosing
to remain living in the area while working elsewhere. They have many abandoned and empty
buildings in the area that are falling apart and require extensive, costly renovations. The
municipality cannot afford to take on this large task, so their solution is to draw more people
back into the area by selling the properties they have and making it easier for people to buy
them from owners interested in selling. They also talked about the need for improving access
to services, and they have reduced the amount of tax SHOs have to pay for their properties.
They also told us that some people maintain a „summerflat“ in the village of VanaKariste as a low-maintenance base during the summer so they can enjoy the natural
environment.
5.2 Motivations and reasons
Out of our 19 SHOs, seven had some kind of family connection to the area. Five of them had
inherited their property, but two had bought theirs because they wanted a summer house close
to their family roots. Most of the rest had either been looking for a second home somewhere in
the Southern part of Estonia and had ended up choosing Halliste. Four mentioned the
encouraging reception of Andres Rõigas, who had helped facilitate purchasing some of the
properties. Both of the SHOs in the Päidre village had owned their land for a long time; one
inherited it from family and the other bought it 30 years ago.
Generally the reason the informants had a second home was to get away from daily life
and get closer to nature. Some mention the quiet and peaceful surroundings as a draw, as well
as nature. Three also talk about growing their own food. In some cases the house or land itself
was a particular attraction, such as for informant 7, who describes his property as a „small jewel
15
in a way“, despite the fact that previous owners had left it in a very bad state and it had taken
him several years to clear the land of garbage and make the main house inhabitable. This
suggests that people are capable of forming an attachment to a place that is not necessarily just
related to its beauty, in fact it may even seem irrational.
Maintaining a connection to the area also seems to be a priority for many of those who
have or have had family and friends there. Informant 10 for instance says that although he has
an apartment in Tallinn, he does not view it as his real home, and informant 13 says that no
other place could feel more like home.
Many of our informants intend to move to their second homes permanently at some
point. Some say they will do so as soon as they feel that the house or land is ready, but this may
take a while because many of the houses need extensive renovation before becoming suitable
as year round residences. In other cases they are waiting for retirement. Neither of the Päidre
informants have any intension of permanent residence in their second homes, one says it is too
cold there, and the other says that they have to work, but if they could get work closer to the
summer house they would love to stay there. Informant 15 does not want to move there
permanently, he says that he cannot work from there and that Halliste lacks „challenges“.
Although the subject of renovation came up in almost all interviews, none mention it
being a deciding factor for them. Despite informant 7‘s hard work renovating his property in
the years he has had it, he says that he only does it because it needs to be done, and believes
that most other people would have done more. The houses are generally not expensive, and
some mention the low price as a point of interest for them, despite the fact that it means that the
property needs work. Most do not seem to be in a hurry to get the work done though, it is
something they do while they are there, but as informant 7 also said:
I think this is a place for enjoyment. If you become a slave for this place, then
there is no more enjoyment.
Culture was also mentioned as a motivation, particularly the Mulgimaa traditions and Halliste’s
general respect for them. They believe that the community could also benefit from emphasizing
the local culture and traditions. “If there is culture, there will be a good economy too.”
(Informant 17).
5.3 Involvement in the local community
Most of the SHOs do not consider themselves involved in the local community, despite
generally having a good impression of it. They see their second home as a place to relax and
16
„charge their batteries“. In some cases the informants are interested in being included in the
local community at some point in the future, but like informant 8 says, „it‘s a matter of time.“
Some explicitly say they do not want to be too involved. In the Päidre village the informants
say they are involved in the activities of other SHOs in the area, such as coming together for
social events or to raise funds to improve the road, but not with the local community.
Seven of the respondents say they are involved in some kind of local club or activity,
such as the hunting club, local NGOs, and a village society, which leaves 13 which are not.
There does not seem to be a correlation between local involvement and whether or not the SHOs
have family ties in the area.
5.4 Local development
When asked about their opinion on local development needs, most of the respondents said they
did not have much of an opinion, but they usually came up with some points. Improving the
roads seems to be a priority for many, as well as street lights (particularly in the village of Kulla)
and the renovation of the buildings in the area. Informant 3 stressed the importance of
maintaining the historical and architectural value of the empty houses. Most do not believe that
the municipality is likely to change much in the future; although they think there will be more
second homes in the region.
Informant 9, 15 and 16 mention making the municipality more attractive, such as by
offering more activities and encouraging tourism. Aside from this the subject of tourism never
came up. The fact that Halliste is not generally a tourist attraction area may possibly be part of
the reason why these people choose to buy houses there, because it is quiet. And the value of
the silence and quietness is a subject that came up often.
Informant 6 also mentioned a desire or need for organic farming (due to concern about
pesticide use on local farms) and improved education. Informant 8 mentioned education as well,
since the family intends to move to the area permanently, but they have small children and do
not want to have to travel far to enroll them in a good school.
5.5 Conflict
Despite the repeated discussion of conflict between SHOs and local communities in the
literature, there was very little mention of it in Halliste. The local representatives from the focus
group said they had no issues with SHOs, in fact they are happy to have them as long as they
are respectful of the area and take good care of their properties. One of the only possible sources
17
of conflict that came up were the use of pesticides, which the local representatives assured us
was not a problem since there are stricts laws about when and how they can be used. One of the
focus group participants said that whenever farmers intended to spray their fields, their
neighbours were notified in advance. It is possible that the SHOs are not being notified because
they are not personally acquainted with the farmers. Other issues, such as unruly teenagers,
some arguments over trees that were cut down, and misunderstandings during the transfer of
ownership, are not specific to SHOs.
18
6 Conclusion
Compared with most of the second house areas in Estonia, Halliste seems unlikely to be an
attractive second home location. There is very little happening there in terms of tourism and
leisure activity, and there are few opportunities for housing development. It has, however,
attracted a surprising number of second house owners, in large part due to the local municipal
government‘s determination to get them there, but also thanks to its abundance of open natural
areas and the quiet local lifestyle.
The local government‘s priorities do not seem to lean towards increased industry or
tourism, but rather to drawing more people back into the area to take care of their large number
of empty, abandoned houses. The municipality does not have the kind of financial power needed
to renovate and maintain these historical buildings, so instead they have made it an easy,
attractive option for people to buy the properties and take care of them, such as by limiting the
amount of tax they have to pay and improving access to services.
The SHOs themselves have a diverse range of motivations for acquiring a house in
Halliste. Proximity to nature, peace and quiet, family roots in the area, and love for the local
Mulgimaa culture. Most of the houses require a great deal of renovation, but that does not seem
to be a deterrent.
Involvement in the local community, however, does not seem to be a necessity,
regardless of whether you ask the SHOs or the locals. The aim for the locals is to ensure that
life continues in the area and that its history be respected, and for the newcomers the location
provides just the sort of quiet life they desire. Those who do have interest in being involved
want to be a part of the culture and improve the community, in many cases because they
eventually want to settle down there on a permanent basis. Others join NGOs to help with
renovations and cultural work because of their love for the Mulgimaa traditions and arcitectural
history.
These complementary goals of the locals and the SHOs have resulted in a community
that is somewhat lacking in social connections, but is free of any conflict. This shows that the
second home culture does not need to be a source of problems for local communities, but may
also be due to the municipality‘s otherwise low „desirability“ compared with other second home
areas.
This study has brought up some additional questions that future research could possibly
answer, such as:

What is it that motivates people to buy houses that require such extensive
renovation to be suitable for living in?
19



What is the financial cost of renovation to the individual second home owner
and potential gain for the community?
How do the motivations and views of the SHOs in the Päidre village differ
from those in the sparsely populated areas?
How do the views of regular locals differ from those of the local
representatives we spoke to?
20
Bibliography
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Estonia (2015). Halliste location. http://xgis.maaamet.ee/xGIS/XGis, last update 14.05.2015.
Farstad, M. & Rye, J. F. (2013), 'Second home owners, locals and their perspectives on rural
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pp. 309-336.
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14.05.2015
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Kindel, G. & Raagmaa, G. (201X), 'Recreational homeowners in leadership and governance',
University of Tartu, Estonia.
Tiideberg, A. (1994). Halliste kihelkond. Viljandi.
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21
Appendix A
Second House Owners interview questions
Background information
1. Occupation
2. Educational level
a. Primary school
b. Secondary school
c. Vocational education
d. BSc/BA degree
e. MSc/MA
f. PhD
3. Location of permanent home
4. Nationality
Second House information
1. Classification
a. Live in the area but work outside/abroad and commute weekly/monthly
b. Has left the area permanently but returns regularly for holidays
c. Has never lived here on a permanent basis, but has relatives here
d. Has never lived here and does not have family here, but likes the area for its scenic or
amenity value
2. Please tell the story of your house
3. How long have you owned this house?
4. Why did you choose to have a second home in Halliste? (optional follow up, renovation)
5. How did you acquire this house? (optional follow up – if you could have a second home
anywhere in Estonia, where would it be?)
6. How many times a year do you come here, and how long do you usually stay?
7. Does anyone else spend time here with you? Such as family or visitors? Do you rent out the
house to others, strangers/friends/extended family?
8. Are you planning to become a permanent resident at some point? What is holding you back?
9. Do you have any connections with other second-house owners?
22
10. Can you please map your activities around Halliste municipality?
Community involvement
1. Are you involved in the local community? Are you a member of any groups/committees?
2. What do you think of the area, the municipality, the locals, and the local government?
3. If the municipality got €10,000, how should it be used?
4. What will the municipality/area be like in 10 years?
5. Can you describe Halliste in one sentence?
23
Appendix B
Focus group interview questions
Kas teil on suvitajaid?
Palju nendega kontakte on?
Kui suur osa neist kogukonnaelus kaasa löövad?
Kas nad peaksid seda tegema?
Kas suvilaomanikud on piirkonna arengule (positiivset) mõju avaldanud?
Rahvastikudünaamika
Millised on põhiraskused, millega omavalitsusel rinda pistra tuleb?
Kui homogeenne on Halliste omavalitsus?
Miks tullakse?
Miks minnakse?
Milline peaks maapiirkondade roll tulevikus välja nägema hakkama?
Ettevõtlus? Kas väheneb korrelatsioonis elanikkonnaga või muutub teist rada pidi?
Palju on tühje hooneid? Millised?
Mida inimesed teevad? Kus nad töötavad, omavalitsuses või väljaspool?
Haldusreform
Kui oleme uute elanike käest küsinud, kuidas nad Hallistet 10 aasta pärast näevad, mainitakse
üsna tihti haldusreformi vajalikkust.
LEADER programm.
Muljed siiamaani?
24
Appendix C
Informant list
Informant Age (approx)
1
40
2
50 + 30
3
45
4
35
5
50 + 52
6
40
7
55
8
30
9
35
10
65
11
65
12
65 + 66
13
50
14
55
15
40
16
45
17
45
18
50
19
40
20
x
21
30
22
45
23
55
24
55
25
45
Sex Type of resident
Nationality
Occupation
M
Temporary
Estonian
Entrepreneur
F+M
Temporary
Estonian
Publisher + Lawyer
F
Temporary
Estonian
Project Manager
F
Temporary
Estonian
Biologist
M+F
Permanent
German + Estonian Mechanic + Tibetian Medicine
M+F
Temporary
Estonian
Graphic designers
M
Temporary
Estonian
Artist/Institute Director
M
Temporary
Estonian
IT specialist
M
Temporary
Estonian
Entrepreneur
M
Temporary
Estonian
Sales manager
M
Temporary
Russian
x
M+F
Temporary
Estonian + Russian
x + Seller
M
Temporary
Estonian
University-Scientist
M
Temporary
Estonian
University Lecturer
M
Temporary
Estonian
Real Estate Manager
M
Temporary
Estonian
University Lecturer
M
Temporary
Estonian
Film-producer
M
Temporary
Estonian
Architect
M
Temporary
Estonian
Art School Director
F
Temporary
Estonian
Chairman of the board
F
Permanent
Estonian
Entrepreneur
F
Permanent
Estonian
Head of Cultural Center Karksi
F
Permanent
Estonian
Mayor
M
Permanent
Estonian
Metal expert
M
Permanent
Estonian
Fireman
Education
M.Sc.
MA + MA
BA
M.Sc.
Vocational Education
BA
Master
Bachelor
BA
Vocational Education
x
MA + x
PhD
Master
Highschool
Master
Vocational Education
Master
Master
Master
Master
Master
M.Sc.
Vocational Education
Vocational Education
Permanent home
Viljandi + Talinn
Talinn + Tartu
Viljandi
Tartu
Halliste
Tartu
Tallinn
Viljandi
Tallinn
Tallinn
Viljandi
Tallinn
Tallinn
Tallinn
Tallinn
Viljandi
Tallinn
Tallinn
Viljandi
Tallinn
Halliste
Halliste
Halliste
Halliste
Halliste
25