Gender segregation in the construction trades: Lessons from thirty-five years of US policy failures Susan Moir, ScD, Labor Resource Center, University of Massachusetts Boston INTRODUCTION In many developing economies, including India, China and countries in southeast Asia, women workers do most of the heavy, unskilled work in the construction sector. Evidence of this is seen in the growing number of news reports of women killed in building collapses at unsupervised construction sites. Often the women carry heavy materials all day and live with their children on the partially completed sites at night. In developed economies, construction work is relatively high paid and has often served as a pathway out of poverty for immigrants and other disadvantaged workers. Beginning in the 1970’s, policy makers addressed the exclusion of women from the industry through government-mandated hiring goals. In 1978, a national target of 6.9% women’s work hours was established in the United States for construction projects that receive federal funding. Over the next few years, state and local construction hiring targets for women were adopted in many areas around the country. The motivating force behind these efforts was feminist opposition to gender discrimination; however the rapid increase in women-headed households provided a critical underlying structural imperative to policies aimed at opening up good jobs to working class women. Decades after their enactment, these policies have failed and the proportion of women in the construction trades in the US has remained below 3%. This paper will describe recent successes in increasing access for women to good paying jobs in the construction industry in the Greater Boston, Massachusetts 1 region. These efforts are led by labor and community partners in an ongoing action research project called the Policy Group on Tradeswomen’s Issues (PGTI).1 PGTI: AN ACTION RESEARCH PARTNERSHIP PGTI is a regional collaboration of construction industry stakeholders, including tradeswomen, building trades unions, contractors, government representatives, community organizations and researchers. The group came together in early 2008 when the chair of the Women’s Committee of the New England Regional Council of Carpenters (NERCC) approached the Labor Resource Center (LRC) at the University of Massachusetts Boston with a request for assistance in understanding the policymaking aspects of efforts to increase women’s access to work in the construction trades. A research report, commissioned by Legal Momentum2, a nonprofit women’s legal and education fund in New York City, and carried out by Northeastern University law students, was raising interesting questions about compliance and enforcement strategies. Concurrently, federal agencies were proposing changes to regulations affecting equal employment opportunities for women in construction and the African-America Governor of Massachusetts was prioritizing access and opportunities for all citizens. At the request of the carpenters union, the LRC convened initial meetings of interested parties, including tradeswomen, labor representatives, local and federal government representatives, and researchers. In early meetings, individual participants realized that, although most had been involved with this issue for many years and all shared a passion for the cause, few had a complete picture of the various facets of the problem. All were experts in their own silos and there was no consensus on what should happen next. Most participants recognized the need for greater information sharing, relationship building across stakeholder interests, and development of a long-term collaborative effort to solve this problem on a regional level. In the first year, the group’s composition and participation levels changed often as some left the group when they felt it did not meet their needs and others joined as the initial circle widened. 2 By the end of the first year, the group had a name – the Policy Group on Tradeswomen’s Issues (PGTI)--and a slogan: “We will never, never, never give up.” This reflected the sentiment of many participants that the struggle had been long and frustrating and had often left participants defeated and isolated. PGTI would have a long-term collaborative approach. The group’s first collaborative project was the report, “UNFINISHED BUSINESS: Building Equality for Women in the Construction Trades.”3 This review of the literature, scholarly and lay, published and unpublished, provided a definitive assessment of the consistency of evidence on the daunting challenges facing women seeking to enter and advance in the construction industry. The report also examined the policy failures that had contributed to the continued exclusion of women from the trades, the industry’s impending labor shortage and sources of female workers who are a good match for work in construction. Finally, the lack of enforcement was highlighted by the rare and instructive projects across the country where affirmative efforts had resulted in increased women’s employment. The conclusions drawn from UNFINISHED BUSINESS were that the exclusion of women is due to gender discrimination and an absence of political will and that the solutions to this complex social failure will lie in complex plans for change. BUILDING TRADES UNIONS: A VITAL PARTNER One historic approach to change in the US construction industry is Project Labor Agreements (PLA). PLAs are a pre-construction agreement between developers, contractors and unions on wages and working conditions. More recently, PLAs (or Community Workforce Agreements4) have set diversity targets for the construction workforce. However, those targets have often not been met due to the absence of pipelines into the building trades for women and people of color. A year after PGTI began, the head of the Boston Building Trades Council, Martin J. Walsh, partnered with the Boston Housing Authority on a groundbreaking PLA that, in addition to setting diversity targets, created Building Pathways, a pre-apprentice program for women and people of color that guarantees direct entry into a construction 3 apprenticeship program for successful program participants. Pre-apprenticeship has been a frequently used mechanism for introducing women and minorities to the trades but Building Pathways was the first program in Massachusetts to complete the pipeline into employment. Shortly after its inception, Building Pathways’ representative became a leader in PGTI. In January 2014, Mr. Walsh went on to become Mayor of Boston. Building Pathways was a key issue in the election campaign and continues to be an important component of the Mayor’s strategies for confronting economic inequality. Over the past four years, Building Pathways has placed over 85% of its graduates in union apprenticeships and jobs in the construction industry. Over half of those graduates are women. The model is expanding and has been adopted by the building trades in New Hampshire. While Building Pathways has increased the supply of women and minorities to the industry, PGTI’s participants have initiated and supported a variety of system changes to increase the demand for a diverse regional workforce. As a result of a series of community meetings with the City of Boston’s enforcement agency and elected officials, data on compliance by public and private projects covered by the local hiring ordinance (the Boston Resident Jobs Policy which mandates 50% resident hours, 25% minorities and 10% women) is now online and searchable by the public.5 Working with the multi-stakeholder monitoring committee mandated by the $700 million Project Labor Agreement governing the reconstruction of the University of Massachusetts Boston campus, diversity data is online, searchable and analyzed in a public meeting at least every two months.6 PGTI participants have developed a tool for compliance, “FINISHING THE JOB: Best Practices for a Diverse Workforce in the Construction Industry-- A how-to manual for construction owners, developers, managers, contractors, subcontractors, building trade unions, and community-based organizations.” 4 “FINISHING THE JOB” has been widely disseminated in the region among forprofit and non-profit developers and contractors.7 The state’s public agency overseeing apprenticeship has put demographic data on gender and race online for all state-approved apprenticeship programs.8 In addition, a state-level committee has been established to monitor progress on women’s access to and opportunities for apprenticeship in the building trades. In March 2014, over 130 industry stakeholder attended PGTI’s community forum, “Game Changers: New strategies for crushing the barriers for women entering the construction trades.” PGTI participants and supporters described the alliances that have been built since 2008 and made recommendations for industry and firm-level changes to increase the numbers of women in the industry and improve retention of tradeswomen. Three essential “game changers” for supporting the retention of women in the construction workplace were described. End women’s isolation at work by assigning tradeswomen in pairs or more, especially those new to the trades. Promote steady employment and consistent skills training through placement on “core crews,” the contractors’ permanent workforce. End the too common practice of “checkerboarding,” moving women and people of color from job to job to cover diversity targets. Checkboarding is illegal and interrupts the tradesperson’s on-the-job skills training. RESULTS System-level change is, of course, slow and difficult to measure. However, there are initial indicators that the work of PGTI and its partners is having an effect. For the first time in the nearly 30 year history of the Boston Resident Jobs Policy, a construction project has met all the diversity targets, including the 10% requirement for women’s work hours. The Integrated Sciences Complex 5 at UMass Boston has met the 10% target from the day the ground was broken and every day since.9 The four current construction projects on the UMass Boston campus have reached an aggregated level of 9.02% women’s hours and continue to trend up toward the target of 10%. The percent of women working on covered projects across the city of Boston doubled from the national rate of 3% in 2011 to 6% in 2012.10 Between 2008 and 2014, the percentage of high school age female students enrolled in three construction-based vocational programs across the state has increased significantly. Plumbing students have doubled from 3.73 to 7.2%; carpentry students have increased over 40% from 9.88 to 17.2%; electricity students have increased over 20% from 5.58 to 7.7%.11 Neither PGTI and nor any of its single partners can take full credit for the trends that are occurring in the Boston region. But we can say that we are participants in a movement for social justice focused on a clear example of inequality. We can say that we have engaged multi-faceted approaches to communicating across community boundaries, spreading the word on this movement and making more women aware of the opportunities that are opening up for them. We can say that PGTI’s participants have consolidated and amplified political support for opening up access and opportunities for women in construction. We can say that building gender equality in construction will positively affect the regional economy as more women gain access to good jobs with family sustaining wages, pensions and health benefits. WHY DOES IT MATTER? Construction work can be difficult and tedious; it is often dirty and dangerous and the industry has historically been hostile to women’s entry. 12,13,14, 15 Why do women want to enter this environment? The obvious reason women want to enter any nontraditional occupation is the relatively high wages in fields dominated by men. The 6 mean hourly wage in the US of $24.55 an hour in the construction industry is greater than three times the federal minimum wage ($7.25) and translates into a more livable wage for workers and their families than is available through many other occupations.16 Construction employment, especially the unionized sector, often comes with health care coverage and pension benefits. The wages of women employed in the construction industry are comparable to their male counterparts.17 On average, both male and female tradesworkers earn an annual salary of $48,390.18 In fact, women working in construction are closer to wage parity than women across all occupations nationwide.19 But it is not all about the money. Research on tradeswomen has identified job qualities that drive women to choose construction work. After monetary rewards, women want career satisfaction, independence, and recognition for their work. In essence, women want to work in construction for the same reasons men do.20 From digging holes to topping skyscrapers, building our cities, schools, highways and homes can give construction workers great personal satisfaction.21 In an economy where many blue collar jobs have been de-skilled and routinized, tradeswomen and men have a high degree of autonomy on the job; they retain a “pride of craft” and can take satisfaction in working with their hands to produce a finished product.22 Given its ability to provide sustainable, living wages and the potential for job satisfaction, the building trades have the capacity to be an important conduit for women’s economic and social parity. The ongoing question for the participants in this action research project is how can this potential be realized? 7 1 http://www.policygroupontradeswomen.org/. https://www.legalmomentum.org/. 3 Moir, Thompson and Kelleher, http://scholarworks.umb.edu/lrc_pubs/5/. 4 Partnership for Working Families, The Construction Careers Handbook. (July 2013). http://www.forworkingfamilies.org/resources/publications/construction-careers-handbook. 5 Boston Resident Jobs Policy, Reports and Publications, https://www.cityofboston.gov/brjp/. 6 Division of Capital Asset Management and Maintenance, http://www.mass.gov/anf/property-mgmt-andconstruction/oversight-agencies/dcam/community-access-and-outreach-for-the-university-/access-andopportunity-goals-for-umass-boston-dcam-isc-project.html. 7 http://www.policygroupontradeswomen.org/resources/bestpractices. 8 Division of Apprenticeship Standards, http://www.mass.gov/lwd/labor-standards/das/affirmative-actionresource-.html. 9 https://www.dropbox.com/s/ti2j46vxubp18n4/DCAMM%20ISC%20Project%20Access%20and%20Opportu nity%20Data%202.26.14.pdf. 10 City of Boston, Advocacy and Strategic Investment report, undated, http://www.cityofboston.gov/images_documents/02%20Advocacy%20and%20Strategic%20Investment_final 2_tcm3-37465.pdf. 11 Massachusetts Department of Elementary and Secondary Education, http://www.doe.mass.edu/infoservices/reports/enroll/default.html?yr=cvte0809. 12 Eisenberg, S. (1998). We’ll call you if we need you. New York, NY: Cornell University Press. 13 Ahearn Greene, J. (2006). Blue-collar women at work with men: Negotiating the hostile environment. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers. 2 14 Moccio, F. A. (2009). Live wire: Women and brotherhood in the electrical industry. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. 15 Marshall, N. L. (1989). Women in the trades: Final report of a survey of Massachusetts tradeswomen. Working Paper No. 195. Wellesley College, Massachusetts Center for Research on Women. 16 United States Bureau of Labor Statistics. (March 2013). Occupational employment and wages- May. Retrieved March 26, 2014, from http://www.bls.gov/oes/current/oes470000.htm. 17 United States Bureau of Labor Statistics. (February 2014). Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population Survey. Retrieved March 26, 2014, from http://www.bls.gov/cps/cpsaat39.htm. 18 United States Bureau of Labor Statistics. (July 2012). 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