Industry and Workforce Futures Mark Cully Committee for Economic Development of Australia (CEDA), State of the Nation Conference June 2015 Writing in his Prison Notebooks in the 1930s, Antonio Gramsci observed: “The crisis consists precisely in the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born. In the interregnum a great variety of morbid symptoms appear.”1 We are in an interregnum right now, an economic one at least. In the wake of the Global Financial Crisis, the developed world is in an economic funk, dubbed secular stagnation.2 In the 1970s the developed world was also in an economic interregnum. The post-war reconstruction project came to an end as the Bretton Woods currency system collapsed and stagflation reared its ugly head. I want to make some observations, from an industry and workforce perspective, about the 1970s, the present, and the future. Mark Cully, Chief Economist, Department of Industry and Science The 1970s marked the high point of what Paul Kelly called the Australian Settlement, before the opening up of Australia to the global economy in the 1980s, symbolised by the floating of the dollar in 1983.3 Stepping back in time to then is truly to visit a “vanished Australia”. 4 In 1971 close to two in three women spent most of their time on home duties.5 Among those who were employed, there were more priests and ministers of religion than lawyers, more metal trades workers than shop workers, more farmers than teachers. There were more clerks than all of the professions and technicians combined. One in every four people worked in factories. A tenth of that number worked in banks. For those not at school, the most common level of schooling completed was Year 8, and around 120,000 people (one per cent of the population) were enrolled at universities or colleges of advanced education or teachers college. All but one in twenty people described their nationality as British.6 In 1971 income per head was $26,800 in today’s dollars; in 2015 it has roughly doubled to $53,000, growth of around 1.6 per cent per annum. 7 It would be glib to say such is the magic of compound interest. These income gains have come about through genuine improvements in allocative 1 Cited in Barry Jones, Sleepers, Wake: Technology and the Future of Work, Oxford University Press, 1982. Jones’s book remains remarkably prescient. 2 See the terrific collection of essays in Secular Stagnation: Facts, Causes and Cures, published by VoxEU.org as a free e-book. 3 Paul Kelly, The End of Certainty, Allen and Unwin, 1994. The title is telling. 4 In his 2004 book Black Kettle and Full Moon, Geoffrey Blainey used this term to depict daily life in Australia in the mid- to late 19th century. The time horizon for what has vanished has compressed, signifying acceleration in the rate of change. 5 For men the answer was zero. 6 All statistics taken from 1971 Census, Bulletin 1: Summary of Population, Australian Bureau of Statistics. 7 Using the best proxy, real net national disposable income per capita. Source: ABS Cat. No. 5206.001 Industry and Workforce Futures 1 efficiency and productivity, spurred by businesses pursuing profits through investment and innovation, and governments who stood up to vested interests to enforce greater competition and invested in productive capacities, notably in education. Today, almost all school students complete Year 12, and last year there were 1.2 million people (five per cent of the population) enrolled in higher education.8 The encompassing term used to describe these processes is structural change. More precisely, structural change is the shift of resources – people and equipment – from one industry into another, that change occurring because those resources are valued more in the receiving than the losing industry. Structural change is the net outcome of constant turbulence in the economy. Around one million people change jobs every year, and around a quarter of a million new businesses are created, while a similar number close up shop.9 Over the past decade mining has been ascendant and manufacturing has not; meanwhile, the steady expansion of services has continued. To examine this through an Australian lens though misconstrues what is happening globally. Save for Hungary and South Korea, manufacturing has declined relative to services in all OECD countries. In resource-rich countries, like Australia, Canada and Norway the shift to services has been moderated. 8 9 Education and Work Australia, May 2014, ABS Cat. No. 6227.0. Readers interested in understanding more about structural change will enjoy Chapter 2 in the 2014 Australian Industry Report, Department of Industry and Science. Industry and Workforce Futures 2 Figure 1: Change in services and manufacturing shares of output, selected OECD countries, 1990–2010 Change of Services share of output, 1990–2010 (per cent) 14 UK Japan Greece 12 Spain Iceland Ireland France Finland Belgium 10 Italy 8 Netherlands Germany Denmark USA 6 Hungary South Korea Sweden Austria New Zealand Australia Canada 4 2 0 -2 Norway -4 12 -10 -8 -6 -4 -2 0 2 4 Change in Manufacturing share of output, 1990–2010 (per cent) Notes: Data for Germany and Hungary are for 1991-2011. Data for Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Japan and Spain are for 1990 2009. Output is total industry GVA at current prices. Source: EU KLEMS Database, OCED STAN Database, ABS cat. No. 5205.0, IMP World Economic Outlook, Statistics New Zealand Table SND005AA, Statistics Canada CANSIM Tables 3790023 & 3790029. Many people rue the relative decline of manufacturing and the closure of iconic factories. As someone who grew up in the northern suburbs of Adelaide I know what a deep blow the closure of Holdens represents to that community.10 There is no question that structural change leaves victims in its wake and does not meet the condition of Pareto improvement – that is, a reallocation of resources which yields improvement for some with no losers.11 But this is too stringent a criterion for judging a change, or to justify attempts to forestall it. The Hicks-Kaldor criterion acknowledges this and says: if those who gain from a change could compensate the losers and still come out better off, then it is a change worth adopting.12 The benefits of structural change in Australia have been quite evenly distributed across the population. Income gains over the past four decades have been appreciable at the bottom, middle and top of the income 10 Besides employing several of my family members and friends over many years, Holdens have been a long-time sponsor of the mighty Central District Football Club, nine-time SANFL premiers. 11 Named after the 19th Century Italian economist who devised it, Vilfredo Pareto. 12 The criterion is so named from two seminal papers by Kaldor and Hicks in the Economic Journal 1939 (‘Welfare Propositions in Economics and Interpersonal Comparisons of Utility’, Vol. 49, No. Industry and Workforce Futures 3 distribution, compared with the United States where they have been captured exclusively by those at the top. 13 Figure 2: Change in employment and compensation per employee by industry 550,000 Health Care 462,000 jobs gained Employment growth 350,000 250,000 Professional Services Construction Education Mining Retail Trade 150,000 Other services 50,000 Arts and Recreation -50,000 Public Administration Transport Accommodation and Food Employment contraction Change in employment, 2003–04 to 2013–14 450,000 Utilities Real Estate Services Wholesale Trade Information, Media and Telecommunication Services Agriculture 52,000 jobs lost Manufacturing 92,000 jobs lost High income Low income -150,000 $0 Financial Services Administration Services $20,000 $40,000 $60,000 $80,000 $100,000 $120,000 $140,000 Compensation per employee, 2013–14 Notes: Industry names have been abbreviated. Source: ABS cat. No. 6291.0.55.003 & 5204.0 This gain has arisen through vastly more higher paying new jobs created than lower paying jobs displaced. That has gone hand-in-hand with a major shift towards more highly skilled work, with employers readily absorbing the huge increase in people with tertiary qualifications. There are 2.7 million professionals employed in Australia today, against 420,000 back in 1971. There are around 4 million people with a degree, against 180,000 in 1971. 14 This constant interplay between the demand and supply sides of the labour market has been characterised as a race between education and technology.15 13 Australia has superior mechanisms than the United States for more broadly distributing income gains, such as a minimum wage with a wide reach and a recognised process for annual increases. 14 One needs to be a little cautious about making like-for-like comparisons, particularly in qualifications. The 1971 figure does not include those with teaching qualifications (143,000) and nursing qualifications (131,000), neither at the time taught at degree level. 15 Claudia Goldin and Laurence Katz, The Race Between Education and Technology, Belknap Press, 2008. Industry and Workforce Futures 4 So much for the past and the present, what of the future? Every attempt to imagine the future is at heart an examination of the present. This is as true for those whose realm is the purely imaginary, like novelists and film makers, as it is for actuaries and technocrats who trade in forecasts and projections. The word that seems to capture the zeitgeist is disruption, with portents of a world rent apart. The fear is that technology will trump education and win the race. The chapter in the CEDA report released last week that drew most media attention was the one that suggested five million jobs were at risk of displacement to automation over the next two decades. 16 Five million is a big scary number, but it is only one side of the ledger. On the other side are the new jobs that will be created. Over the past two decades the new jobs created vastly outnumbered those displaced, with the net effect that employment grew by 3.5 million. If history is a guide we should embrace the future, not fear it. Now of course one might ask: are things different this time? Well, as the saying goes, “same same but different”. The division of labour, long a force for productivity improvement continues to generate gains.17 The Medical Board of Australia identifies 85 discrete types of medical specialists on its list approved by health ministers. The same phenomenon is true in IT with new specialists constantly emerging in fields like data analytics. Similarly, the capacity of the economy to create new service jobs seems limitless. As wages rise, so too does the opportunity cost of leisure time, hence rising demand for personal trainers, financial planners, and dining out. There is no question that automation will displace jobs and tasks within jobs. Jobs that are the least susceptible to automation are those that involve high levels of perception and manipulation, creative intelligence and social intelligence –typically those that require the greatest investment in education and training.18 Our own analysis shows that employment grew much faster in the past two decades in jobs considered to be the least susceptible to 16 17 Australia’s Future Workforce, Committee for the Economic Development of Australia, 2015. In Book 1, Chapter 1 of the Wealth of Nations (1776), Adam Smith says: “The greatest improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the greater part of the skill, dexterity, and judgment with which it is anywhere directed, or applied, seem to have been the effects of the division of labour.” 18 Susceptibility to automation is as defined and measured in the 2013 paper by Carl Frey and Michael Osborne (‘The Future of Employment: How Susceptible are Jobs to Computerisation’, Oxford Martin School, University of Oxford). Industry and Workforce Futures 5 automation, 2.9 per cent per annum compared with 1.1 per cent per annum for those most susceptible.19 Figure 3: Australian industry automation potential, 2014 Retail trade Transport, postal and warehousing Accommodation and food services Rental, hiring and real estate services Manufacturing Construction Wholesale trade Administrative and support services Financial and insurance services Mining Agriculture, forestry and fishing Electricity, gas, water and waste services Other services Public administration and safety Arts and recreation services Information media and telecommunications Health care and social assistance Professional, scientific and technical services Education and training 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Automation potential Source: Department of Industry and Science Analysis When we examine how occupations are distributed across industries we find that it is the faster growing service industries that have the lowest incidence of jobs susceptible to automation. Furthermore, in almost all industries, the profile of the workforce is adapting, becoming less susceptible to automation over time. This makes perfect sense. As machines substitute for routine tasks, it frees up resources that can be allocated to less routine tasks of higher value. 19 The analysis is forthcoming in a research paper from my Office by Daniel Edmonds and Tim Bradley which applies the Frey and Osborne results to Australian employment data and extends them in several novel ways. Industry and Workforce Futures 6 Figure 4: Men and women in work, 1978 and 2014 100 90 80 74.6 70 66.7 60 55.0 50 40.2 40 30 20 10 0 Percent 1978 2014 Source: ABS Cat. 6201.0 Figure 5: Hours worked per month, 1978-2014 Hours worked per month 180 160 140 120 100 80 60 40 1978 1981 1984 1987 1990 1993 1996 1999 2002 2005 2008 2011 2014 Employed males Adult males Employed females Adult females Source: Derived from ABS Cat. 3202.0 and 6201.0 Alternatively, some of those freed-up resources might also be put to more time spent in education and training as well as less time at work. Contrary to popular belief, for those in a job working hours are falling. Working hours Industry and Workforce Futures 7 have also steadily fallen over time for all adult men, while for adult women they appear to have plateaued and slightly reduced in the past decade. There are a variety of complex demand and supply and demographic forces at play here. There is a real prospect though that a side benefit of automation, besides increasing productivity and therefore living standards, is it may make us less slaves to work.20 Automation will bring major policy challenges around education and training, and science and technology. It may also force us to re-think what we mean by, and how we deliver, full employment in the 21st Century.21 20 Bertrand Russell who once said “a great deal of harm is being done in the modern world by belief in the virtuousness of work … the road to happiness and prosperity lies in an organized diminution of work” would surely approve. In Praise of Idleness, Unwin Books, 1935 21 Full employment continues to be discussed with reference to a single number, the unemployment rate. This is a narrowing of how the term was defined by William Beveridge in Full Employment in a Free Society (Allen and Unwin, 1944). Beveridge’s definition also had regard to the level of unemployment, the level of job vacancies, the duration of unemployment and fair wages. But Beveridge’s report was written at a time when work was the domain of men, it was full-time, it commenced in one’s early teenage years and lasted until death or sixty, whichever came first. Industry and Workforce Futures 8