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‫نم‬
THE
CHEU
•LIBRARIES
A
I
T
A
N
E
ES SCIEN VERIT
1817
ICHIGAN
ICNRIVSERSTITYYOFOFMICMHIC
A HISTORY OF
BABYLONIA & ASSYRIA
•
I
SUMER AND AKKAD
A HISTORY OF BABYLONIA
AND ASSYRIA
FROM PREHISTORIC TIMES TO THE PERSIAN CONQUEST
By LEONARD W. KING, M.A., F.S.A.
Vol. I.-A HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD :
AnAccount
ofthe Early Races ofBabylonia from
Prehistoric Times to the Foundation of the
Babylonian Monarchy.
Vol. II.-A HISTORY OF BABYLON from the Foundation ofthe Monarchy to the Persian Conquest.
Vol. III.-A HISTORY OF ASSYRIA from the Earliest
Period to the Fall of Nineveh.
Vols. II. and III. are in preparation.
Each Volume separately, bound in cloth, 18s. net; or, for the Three
Volumes (if subscribed for at one time), £2 108.
LONDON : CHATTO & WINDUS.
A HISTORY
OF
SUMER AND AKKAD
AN ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY RACES
OF BABYLONIA FROM PREHISTORIC
TIMES TO THE FOUNDATION OF
THE BABYLONIAN MONARCHY
BY
LEONARD
W.
KING,
M.A.,
F.S.A.
F
Assistant in the Department of Egyptian and Assyrian
Antiquities, British Museum
W
C
WITH MAP, PLANS, AND ILLUSTRATIONS
LONDON
CHATTO & WINDUS
1910
PRINTED BY
WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
LONDON AND BECCLES.
Allrights reserved
PREFACE
HE excavations carried out in Babylonia and
Assyria during the last few years have added
immensely to our knowledge of the early
history ofthose countries, and have revolutionized many
ofthe ideas current with regard to the age and character
of Babylonian civilization. In the present volume,
which deals with the history of SUMER AND AKKAD, an
attempt is made to present this new material in a
connected form, and to furnish the reader with the
results obtained by recent discovery and research, so far
as they affect the earliest historical periods. Anaccount
T
is here given of the dawn of civilization in Mesopotamia,
and of the early city-states which were formed from
time to time in the lands of Sumer and Akkad, the two
great divisions into which Babylonia was at that period
divided. The primitivesculptureand other archaeological
remains, discovered upon early Babylonian sites, enable
us to form a fairly complete picture of the races which
in those remote ages inhabited the country. By their
help it is possible to realize how the primitive conditions
of life were gradually modified, and how from rude
beginnings
there was developed the comparatively
advanced civilization, which was inherited by the later
Babylonians and Assyrians and exerted a remarkable
influence upon other races of the ancient world.
In the course of this history points are noted at
which early contact with other lands took place, and it
V
vi
PREFACE
has been found possible in the historic period to trace
the paths bywhich Sumerian culturewas carriedbeyond
the limits of Babylonia. Even in prehistoric times it is
probable that the great trade routes of the later epoch
were already open to traffic, and cultural connections
may well have taken place at a time when political
contact cannot be historically proved. This fact must
be borne in mind in any treatment of the early relations
of Babylonia with Egypt. As a result of recent excavation and research it has been found necessary to
modify the view that Egyptian culture in its earlier
stages was strongly influenced by that of Babylonia.
But certain parallels are too striking to be the result of
coincidence, and, although the southern Sumerian sites
have yielded traces of no prehistoric culture as early as
that of the Neolithic and predynastic Egyptians, yet
the Egyptian evidence suggests that some contact may
have
taken place between the prehistoric peoples of
North Africa and Western Asia.
Far closer were the ties which connected Sumer
with Elam, the great centre of civilization which lay
upon
her eastern border, and recent excavations in
Persia have disclosed the extent to which each civilization was of independent development. It was only
after the Semitic conquest that Sumerian culture had a
marked effect on that of Elam, and Semitic influence
persisted in the country even under Sumerian domination. It was also through the Semitic inhabitants of
northern Babylonia that cultural elements from both
Sumer and Elam passed beyond the Taurus, and, after
being assimilated by the Hittites, reached the western
and south-western coasts of Asia Minor. An attempt
has therefore been made to estimate, in the light of
recent discoveries, the manner in which Babylonian
culture affected the early civilizations of Egypt, Asia,
and the West. Whether through direct or indirect
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in Original
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in Original
Volume
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in Original
Volume
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in Original
Volume
xi
PREFACE
phonetic readings mayeventually have to bediscarded.
When
the renderings adopted are definitely provisional,
a note has been added to that effect.
I takethis opportunity ofthanking Dr. E. A. Wallis
Budge for permission to publish photographs of objects
illustrating the early history of Sumer and Akkad,
which
are
preserved
in
the
British
Museum.
My
thanks are also due to Monsieur Ernest Leroux, of
Paris, for kindly allowing me to make use of illustrations from works published by him, which have a
bearing on the excavations at Tello and the development of Sumerian art ; to Mr. Raphael Pumpelly and
the Carnegie Institution of Washington, for permission
to reproduce illustrations from the official records of
the second Pumpelly Expedition; and to the editor
of Nature for kindly allowing me to have clichés made
from blocks originally prepared for an article on
" Transcaspian Archaeology," which I contributed to
that journal. With my colleague, Mr. H. R. Hall,
I have discussed more than one of the problems connected with the early relations ofEgypt and Babylonia;
and MonsieurF. Thureau-Dangin, Conservateur-adjoint
of the Museums of the Louvre, has readily furnished
me with information concerning doubtful readings upon
historical monuments, both in the Louvre itself, and in
the Imperial Ottoman Museum during his recent visit
I
should
add
that
the
plans
and
todrawings
Constantinople.
in the volume are the work of Mr. P. C. Carr,
who has spared no pains in his attempt to reproduce
with accuracy the character ofthe originals.
L. W. KING.
CONTENTS
1
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY : THE LANDS OF SUMER AND AKKAD
PAGE
TrendNeolithic
of recent
archaeological
research-The
study ofof the
origins
-The
period
intheAegeanarea,
inthe
region
Mediterranean, and inlargelyto
the Nile character
Valley-Scarcity
of Neolithic remains
in
Babyloniadue
ofthe
country-Problems
raised
byexcavations
inPersia
andRussianTurkestan-Comparisonofthe
earliest
cultural
remains
in Egypt and Babylonia-The
earliest
knowninhabitantsofSouthBabyloniansites-The
"Sumerian
Controversy"
and
ashifting
of
the
problem
at
issue
Early
relations
of Sumerians and Semites-The lands of Sumer and AkkadNatural
boundaries-Influence
of geological
structure
-Effect ofof
river
deposits-Euphrates
and
the
Persian
Gulf
Comparison
Tigris
and Euphrates-The
Shatten-Nil
and theriver
Shatttoel-Kar-The
earlycourse
ofEuphrates
and
atendencyofthe
break away
westward-Changes
in
the
swamps-Distribution
of
population
the position of early cities-Rise and fall of the rivers and and
the
regulation
ofthewater-Boundarybetween
Sumer
andAkkadEarly
names for Babylonia-"The Land" and its significanceTerminology
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
1
...
P
CHAPTER II
THE SITES OF EARLY CITIES AND THE RACIAL CHARACTER OF
THEIR INHABITANTS
Characteristics
earlyShirpurla
Babylonianandsites
-The French ofexcavations
Tello-Theofnames
Lagash-Results
De Sarzec'sat
work-GermanexcavationsatSurghulandEl-Hibba-The
so-calledin
" fire-necropoles"-Jôkha and its ancient name-Other mounds
the
region ofthe
Shatt
el-Kar-Hammam-Tell
'Îd-Systematic
excavations
at
Fara
(Shuruppak)-Sumerian
dwelling-houses
and
circular
buildings
of
unknown
use-Sarcophagus-graves
and
matburials-Differences in burial customs-Diggings
at Abu(Adab)Hatab
(Kisurra)-Pot-burials-Partial
examination of Bismaya
Hêtime
-Jidr-The excavations
fate of cities
which escapedwork
the atWestern
Semites-American
at
Nippur-British
(Erech), Senkera (Larsa),Tell Sifr, Tell Medina, MukayyarWarka
(Ur),
Abû Shahrainsites-Excavations
(Eridu),and Teliat Lahm-Our
knowledge
of recent
North
Babylonian
Abu
Habba
(Sippar),and
work
at BabylonFrench
and Borsippa-The
sites ofAgade,ofour
Cutha,
Kish
and Opis-The
excavations atSusa-Sources
information onthe racial problem-Sumerian and Semitic types-Contrasts
xiii
xiv
CONTENTS
PAGE
ininconsistencies-Evidence
treatment of the hair,ofphysical
dress-Apparent
monumentsthe laterfeatures,and
and the earlier
Evidence
from
the
racial
character
of
Sumerian
gods-Professor
Meyer's
theory and theoriginal
linguistic
of the problem-The
homeevidence-Present
and racial affinitycondition
of the
Sumerians-Path
of thelimits
Semitic
conquest-Origin
Semites-The eastern
of Semitic
influence of the Western 16
...
...
...
CHAPTER III
THE AGE AND PRINCIPAL ACHIEVEMENTS OF SUMERIAN
CIVILIZATION
of
Effectveryearlydates
ofrecentresearch
onolder
systems
of chronology-Reduction
and
articulation
ofhistorical
periods-Danger
of
the
reaction
going too far and the necessity for noting
where
evidence
givesplacetoconjecture-Chronologyofthe
remoter
ages
and our sources of information-Classification of material-Bases
of the later native
lists
and theexcavation-Relation
chronological systemofofthe
Berossus
-Palaeography
and
systematic
early
chronology
to
that
of
the
later
periods-Effect
of
recent
archaeological
andtheepigraphic
evidence-The
process
of reckoning upon
from
on
which
we
maybuild-Points
below
and
foundations
which there is still a difference ofopinion-Date for the foundation
ofthe and
Babylonian
Monarchy-Approximate
characterdates
of allforearlier
dates
the
need
to
think
in
periods-Probable
the
Dynasties of Ur and Isin-Dates for the earlier epochs and for the
first
traceswriting(The
of Sumerian civilization
Pre-Babylonian
cuneiform
origins of -Sumerian
culture toinvention
be tracedof
toto an
ageSumerian
when it wasachievements-Noteworthy
not Sumerian-Relative interest
attaching
many
character
ofconthe
Sumerian
arts
of
sculpture
and
engraving-The
respective
tributions sculpture
of Sumerian
and Semite-Methods
of composition
in
Sumerian
and
attempts
at
anunconventional
treatmentPerfection
of detailofinthe
bestor bronze-Solid
Sumerian work-Casting
incastings
metal
and
the
question
copper
and
hollow
and
copper plating-Terra-cotta
figurines-Theartsofinlayingand
engraving-Themore
fantasticside
of Sumerian artofdecadence
-Growth of a 56
naturalistic treatment in Sumerian design-Period
...
CHAPTER IV
THE EARLIEST SETTLEMENTS IN SUMER ; THE DAWN OF HISTORY
AND THE RISE OF LAGASH
OriginTheearliestSumeriansettlements-Developmentofthecity-godand
ofthe great cities-Localcult-centres in theprehistoric periodevolution
of a pantheon-Lunar and solarNippur
cults-Gradual
growth
ofacityillustratedbytheearlyhistoryof
and
its
shrineBuildings of the earliest Sumerian period at Tello-Store-houses
and washing-places
of a primitive
agricultural
community-The
inhabitants
of
the
country
as
portrayed
in
archaic
Earliestwrittenrecordsandthe prehistoricsystem oflandsculpturetenure-
The
first rulers
of Shuruppak
office-Kings
of early
city-states-The
dawnandoftheirhistory
in Lagashandandpatesis
the
XV
CONTENTS
PAGE
suzerainty
ofKish-Rivalry
ofLagashandUmmaandtheTreatyof
Mesilim-The
rôle ofthecity-godand
the
theocraticfeeling of theof
time
Early
struggles
of
Kish
for
supremacy-Connotation
royal titles inthe earlySumerian period-Ur-Nina
founder of
adynastyinLagash-Hisreignandpolicy
-His sonstheandhousehold
-The position of Sumerianwomen in socialand official life-The 84
status ofLagash under Akurgal
...
...
...
...
...
CHAPTER V
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES ; EANNATUM AND THE STELE OF
THE VULTURES
Condition of Sumer on the accession of Eannatum-Outbreak of war
between Umma
and Lagash-Raid
of patesi
Ningirsu's
territory
and
Eannatum's
vision-The
defeat
of
Ush,
of
Umma,
and
the
terms
of
peace
imposed
on
his
successor-The
frontier-ditch
and
the
stelae ofdelimitation-Ratification
ofofthethetreatyat
the frontiershrines-Oath-formulae
upon
the
Stele
Vultures-Original
form
ofthe Stele
and the fragments
that havebeen net-Eannatum
recovered-Reconstitution
ofthescenesuponit
Ningirsuandhis
inbattleand on the march-Weapons of the Sumerians and their
method of fighting in close phalanx-Shield-bearers and lancebearers-Subsidiaryuseofthebattle-axe-Theroyalarmsandbodyguard-Theburial
of ofKishandUmma-Thedefeat
thedead after battle-Order ofEannatum's
conquests-Relations
ofKish,ofOpis
and
Mari,
and
Eannatum's
suzerainty
in
the
north-Date
his
southern
conquests
and
evidence
of
his
authority
in
Sumer-His
relationswithElam,andthe othergroups ofhiscampaigns-Position
ofLagash under Eannatum-His system of irrigation-Estimate of 120
..
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
his reign
...
CHAPTER VI
THE CLOSE OF UR-NINA'S DYNASTY, THE REFORMS OF
URUKAGINA, AND THE FALL OF LAGASH
Causeofbreak
inEnannatum
the directsuccession
at Lagash-Ummaand
Lagash in
the
reign
of
I.
Urlumma'ssuccessful
raid
Hisdefeat
byEntemenaand
the annexation
of his city-Entemena'sdominion-coneand
its
summaryofhistorical
events-ExtentofEntemena's
between Enannatum II. and
of theorderperiod
Sources for history
Urukagina-The
relative
of
Enetarzi,
Enlitarzi ofthe
and Lugalanda
Period
of
unrest
in
Lagash-Secular
authority
chief
priests
and
weakening
ofthe
patesiate
Strugglesfor
the
succession
-The
sealingsby ofLugal-anda
and his
wifeincrease
-Breakininofficialdom
traditions
inaugurated
Urukagina-Causes
of
an
and
oppression-The
privileges of the
city-god usurped
byto the
the
"down
andinspectors
palace-Tax-gatherers
his
patesiand
sea
"-Misappropriation
of
sacred
lands
andtemple-property,
and
corruptionofthe
priesthood-Thereforms
ofUrukagina-Abolition
ofunnecessaryposts
andstamping
outofabuses-Revisionofburial
fees-Penalties
for theft
and
protection
for
the poorer
classesAbolition
ofdiviner's
fees
and
regulation
of
divorce
The
laws of
Urukaginaand
the
Sumerianorigin
ofHammurabi's
Code-Urukagina's relations to other cities-Effect ofhis reforms on thestability
of the state-The fall ofLagash
...
...
...
...
...
157
CONTENTS
xvi
CHAPTER VII
EARLY RULERS OF SUMER AND KINGS OF KISH
PAGE
CloseandtransferenceofthecapitaltoErech-Extent
ofanepoch inSumerian history-Increase intheofpower
of Umma
Lugal-zaggisi's
empire,andhis
expedition to the Mediterranean
coast-Period
of
Lugal-kigubn
iduduandLugal-kisalsi
The
dualkingdom
ofErech
and Ur-Eushagkushanna
of Sumer and his struggle
witha KishConfederation
ofKish
and
Opis-Enbi-Ishtar
of
Kish
and
tempo-of
rary
check
to
Semitic
expansion
southwards-The
later
kingdom
Kish-Date
of Urumush
andbyextent
of his empire-Economic
conditions
in
Akkad
as
revealed
the
Obelisk
ofManishtusu-Period
ofManishtusu'sreignandhis
militaryexpeditions-His
statues from
Susa-Elam
and
the
earlier
Semites-A
period
of
transition-New
192
light on the foundations ofthe Akkadian Empire
...
...
...
CHAPTER VIII
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD AND ITS RELATION TO KISH
Sargonhistory-The
ofAgade andlaterhis traditions
significance-Early
recognition
ofcontemporary
his place in
of
Sargon
and
the
recordsof ofShar-Gani-sharri's
reign-Discoveryat Susa
of amonument
"
Sharru-Gi,
theKing"-Probabilitythat
hewas
tusu's father and the founder of the kingdom of Kish-Who,Manishthen,
was
Sargonin?-the
Indications
that onlynames
and not
factsinhaveartbeen
confused
tradition-The
debt of Akkad
to Kish
and
politics-Expansion
ofSemitic
authoritywestward
underShar-Ganisharri
-Theand
alleged
conquestof
Cyprus-Commercial
intercourseofata
the
period
the
disappearance
ofthe
city-state-Evidence
• dom
policyofofdeportation-The
conquest ofNarâm-Sin
and therelations
"Kingthe
Four
Quarters
"-HisStele
ofVictory
andhis
with
Elam-Narâm-Sin
at theStele
upper
reaches of the
Tigris, and the
history
of
the
Pir
Hussein
Narâm-Sin's
successors-Representations of Semitic battle-scenes-The
Lagash StelebyAkkadof Victory,
probablycommemorating
the
originalconquestofKish
Independent Semitic
principalities
beyondthe limits
of Sumer
and
Akkad-The
reason
of
Akkadian
pre-eminence
and
the
deification
216
of Semitic kings
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
CHAPTER IX
THE LATER RULERS OF LAGASH
Sumerian
reaction
tempered bySargonic
Semitic influence-Length
of the intervening
periodbetweenthe
era
and
that
of
Ur-Evidence
from
Lagash of a sequence
ofrulers data-Political
in that city whocondition
bridge theof
gap-Archaeological
and
epigraphic
Sumerrepresentative
and the semi-independentpositionenjoyedbyLagash-UrBau
of theearlier
patesis of this
epoch-Increase
in
the
authority
ofLagash
underGudea-His
conquest
ofAnshanHis
relations
with Syria,rather
Arabia,thanandofthe
PersiancharacterGulf-His
influence
of
a
commercial
a
political
Development intheartofbuildingwhichmarked thelaterSumerian
xvii
CONTENTS
PAGE
period-Evolution
Babylonianofbrick
andand
evidence
of new
architectural
ideas-ofThetherebuilding
E-ninnû
the elaborate
characterofSumerian
ritual-Theartposthumousdeification
ofGudea's period-Hisandreign
the
golden
age
of
Lagash-Gudea's
cult-The relations ofhis son, Ur-Ningirsu, to the Dynasty ofUrhis 252
CHAPTER X
THE DYNASTY OF UR AND THE KINGDOM OF SUMER
AND AKKAD
The her
part subsequent
taken byUrhistory-Organization
against Semitic domination
inresources
an earlierunder
age, and
of
her
UrEngur-His
claim
to
have
founded
the
kingdom
of
Sumer
and
Akkad-The
subjugation ofinAkkad
bytreatment
Dungi andofthe
Sumerian
national
revival-Contrast
Dungi's
Babylon
andof
Eridu-Further
evidence
of
Sumerian
reaction-The
conquests
Dungi's earlier years and his acquisition ofregions formerlyheld
by Akkad-His
adoption
ofdifficulty
the bowinas retaining
a nationalcontrol
weapon-His
Elamite
campaigns
and
the
conquered
provincesofSemitic
-His change
of title
and under
assumption
ofofdivine
rank-Survival
influence
in Elam
Sumerian
domi-
nation-Character
ofDungi's Elamite
administration-His
reforms
inContinuation
the official ofweight-standards
and
the
system
of
time-reckoningDungi's policy by his successors-The cult of the
reigning monarch
carried towhen
extravagant
lengthsby aResults
of
administrative
centralization
accompanied
complete
delegation
of authority the
by theprincipal
king-Plurality
ofaoffices
andinprovincial
misgovernment
causes
of
decline
the 278
power ofUr
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
CHAPTER XI
THE EARLIER RULERS OF ELAM, THE DYNASTY OF ISIN, AND
THE RISE OF BABYLON
Continuity
oftheofIsin-TheElamite
kingdomofSumer andinvasionwhich
Akkadand theputan
racialend
character
ofthe
kings
to the
Dynasty
ofUr-Native
rulers
ofElam
representedby
the
dynasties
ofKhutran-teptiandEbarti-Evidencethatachangeintitlesdidnot
reflect a control
revolutionin inBabylonia
the political
conditionofElam-No
periodforof
Elamite
followed
the
fall
of
Ur-Sources
the history oftheinDynasty
ofIsin-ThefamilyofIshbi-Ura
and the
causeofabreak
thesuccession-Riseofan
independentkingdom
in Larsaand Ur, andthe possibility ofasecondElamite invasion-
The
familyofthe
of Ur-Ninib
followedto by
aofBabylon-The
period of unrestsuggested
in IsinRelation
Dynasty
ofIsin
that
AmoriteinvasioninthetimeofLibit
-Ishtardisproved
-Thecapture
ofIsininSin-muballit's
reign
anepisode
in
thewarofBabylonwith
Larsa-The last kings ofIsin and the foundation ofthe Babylonian
Monarchy
Position
ofBabylonin
thecareer
later historical
periods, asanda
the
close
ofthe
independent
political
of
the
Sumerians
303
race-The survival oftheir cultural influence
...
...
...
xviii
CONTENTS
CHAPTER XII
THE CULTURAL INFLUENCE OF SUMER IN EGYPT, ASIA AND
THE WEST
PAGE
Relations of Sumer and Akkad with other lands-Cultural influences,
carried-byThetheprehistoric
great trade-routes,
often
independent oftopolitical
contact
relationship
ofSumerianculture
thatof
Egypt-Allegedtraces
ofstrongcultural
influence--Thehypothesis
ofexcavations-Character
a Semitic invasion ofofUpper
Egypt inthe
lightdynastic
of morecultures
recent
the
Neolithic
and
early
ofEgypt, as deduced from astudyofthe
earlygravesandtheircontents-Changeswhichmaybetraced
to
improvements
intechnical
skill-Confirmation
fromastudyofthe
skulls
Nativeoriginof
the
Egyptian
systemofwriting
and
absence
ofBabylonian
influenceMisleading characterofotherculturalcomparisons-Problemof the
bulbousmacehcylinder-Semitic
ead and thestone elements
cylindricalinEgyptian
seal-Prehistoric
migrations
ofthe
civilization
-Syria a link in thehistoricperiodbetween theEuphrates andthe
Nile-Relations
of Elam and Sumer-Evidence of early Semitic
influenceinElamitecultureandproofofitspersistence-Elamprior
to the Semitic conquest-The
Proto-Elamite
script ofofindependent
development-Its
disappearance
paralleledbythat
the atHittite
hieroglyphs-Character
ofthe
earlier
strata
ofthe
mounds
Susa
and
presence
ofNeolithic
remains-The
prehistoric
pottery
ofSusa
and Mussian-Improbability
ofsuggestedEgypt-More
connections between
the
cultures
of
Elam
and
of
predynastic
convincing
parallels in Asia Minor andRussian Turkestan-Relation of the
prehistoricpeoples
ofElam
totheprehistoric
Elamitesofhistory-TheNeolithic
settlement
atNineveh
and
the
cultures ofWestern Asia
-Importance
ofSyria
inthespreadofBabylonianculturewestward
-The
of earlyBabylonian
civilization influence in Cyprus, Crete, and 321
the areaextent
ofAegean
...
...
...
...
...
...
APPENDICES
I. RECENT EXPLORATIONS IN TURKESTAN IN THEIR RELATION TO THE
SUMERIAN PROBLEM
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
351
II. A CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF THE KINGS AND RULERS OF SUMER AND
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
AKKAD
INDEX
...
...
...
...
...
359
363
LIST OF PLATES
FACING PAGE
I. Stele
of Narâm-Sin, representing the king andhis allies in
triumph over their enemies
...
...
...
Frontispiece
II. Doorway of a building at Tello erectedbyGudea; on the 20
left is a laterbuilding oftheSeleucidEra
...
...
...
III. Outer face ofafoundation-wall atTello, built by Ur-Bau 4026
IV. Limestone figureof anearlySumerianpatesi,or high official
scenes of 52
V. Fragment
worship of Sumerian sculpture representing
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
VI. The Blau monuments
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
62
statue ofGudea,representedas the architect of the 66
VII. Diorite
temple ofGatumdug
VIII. Clayreliefstampedwith the figure ofaBabylonianhero, and
...
...
...
...
...
...
fragment of limestone sculptured in relief; both objects 72
illustrate the symbol ofthe spouting vase
...
...
...
IX. Impressions of early cylinder-seals, engraved with scenes
representing heroes and mythological beings in conflict 76
with lions and bulls
X. South-eastern
façade of a building at Tello, erected by 90
Ur-Ninâ
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
102
XI. Limestone figures ofearly Sumerian rulers
110
XII. Plaques ofUr-Ninâ and ofDudu
XIII. Portionofthe "SteleoftheVultures" sculpturedwith scenes
representingEannatum leadinghis troops in battle andon 124
the march
...
...
...
XIV. The burial of the dead after battle
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
138
of a black basalt mortar bearing an inscription of 146
XV. Portion
Eannatum
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
XVI. Brick ofEannatum, recording his genealogyand conquests
andcommemorating the sinking of awellin thetemple of 154
Ningirsu
...
...
...
...
...
...
XVII. Marble gate-socket,bearing aninscription ofEntemena
...
...
162
168
XVIII. Silver vase dedicated to the godNingirsu byEntemena
andpartofadioritestatuettededicatedto various 206
XIX. Mace-heads
deities
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
to the Sun-god by Shar-Gani-sharri, 218
XX. Mace-head dedicatedobjects
and other votive
...
xix
...
...
...
...
XX
LIST OF PLATES
FACING PAGE
XXI. Cruciformstoneobjectinscribedwith avotivetext ofan early 224
Semitic king ofKish
...
...
...
...
...
...
XXII. Impressions of the cylinder-seals of Ubil-Ishtar, Khash- 246
khamer, and Kilulla
...
...
...
XXIII. Clay cones ofGalu-Babbar and other rulers
XXIV. Brick pillar atTello, ofthe time ofGudea
XXV. Seated figure ofGudea
XXVI. Votive cones and figures
...
...
...
...
...
...
258
...
...
...
262
...
...
...
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...
...
268
...
...
...
...
...
272
XXVII. Gate-socket ofGudea, recordingtherestoration ofthe temple 274
of the goddess Ninâ
XXVIII. Brick
ofUr-Engur, King of Ur, recording the rebuilding of 280
the temple ofNinni in Erech
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
288
XXIX. Votivetablets ofDungi, King ofUr, andother rulers
292
XXX. Clay tablets oftemple-accounts,drawnup inDungi's reign 298
XXXI. Circular tablets ofthe reign ofBûr-Sin, King ofUr...
XXXII. Bricks ofBur-Sin, King ofUr,andIshme-Dagan,King ofIsin 314
310
XXXIII. Specimens ofclay conesbearing votive inscriptions
XXXIV. (i and ii) The North andSouthKurgans atAnau inRussian
Turkestan. (iii) Terra-cotta figurines of the copper age 352
culturefromthe South Kurgan atAnau
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT
FIG.
PAGE
1-2.
Figures of earlySumerians engravedupon fragments of shell. 41
Earliestperiod : fromTello
Latertypes
ofSumerians, as exhibitedbyheads ofmalestatuettes 42
from Tello
...
9-11.
12.
...
...
...
...
...
...
Examples ofsculpture ofthe later period, representingdifferent 44
racial types
Fragments of acircular bas-relief of the earliest period,com- 45
memorating themeeting oftwo chieftains and their followers
Limestonepanel representingGudea being led byNingishzida 47
and another deity into the presence ofa seated god
...
6-8.
...
...
...
...
...
...
3-5.
...
...
...
...
...
...
48
Figure ofthe seated god onthe cylinder-seal ofGudea
14-15. Examples
of
early
Sumerian
deities
on
votive
tablets
from
49
Nippur
16.
Fragment of an archaic relief fromTello, representing a god 50
13.
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
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...
21.
...
smiting abound captivewith aheavy club or mace
51
Perforatedplaqueengraved withascene representingthepouring 68
out ofa libationbefore agoddess
Fragments
ofsculpturebelongingto thebest period ofSumerian 69
art
Limestonehead ofalionfromthecornerofabasininNingirsu's 70
...
17-19. Earlier and later forms ofdivine headdresses
20.
...
...
...
...
...
temple
...
...
Upper
part of a female statuette of diorite, of the period of 71
Gudea or a little later
...
...
...
...
...
23.
...
22.
...
Limestone head of a female statuette belonging to the best
72
period ofSumerian art
25.
One of a series of copper female foundation-figures with 74
supporting rings
26-27. Heads ofa bull and goat,cast incopper and inlaidwith mother- 75
of-pearl, lapis-lazuli, etc.
28.
Stamped
terra-cotta figure of a bearded god, wearing ahorned 75
headdress ...
24.
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
29.
...
...
...
...
...
...
Scheme of decoration from a libation-vase of Gudea, made of
76
dark green steatiteand originally inlaid with shell
Convexpanel of shell from the side of acup, engraved with a 79
scene representing alion attacking abull
31-33. Fragments ofshell engravedwith animalforms, which illustrate
the growth of a naturalisticxxitreatment in Sumerian design 80
...
...
...
...
30.
...
...
xxii ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT
PAGE
FIG.
34-37. Panels of mother-of-pearl engraved with Sumerian designs, 82
whichwere employedfor inlaying the handles ofdaggers
38.
Archaic
plaque from Tello, engraved in lowreliefwith ascene 94
ofadoration
96
39.
Figure ofLupad, ahigh official ofthe city ofUmma
97
...
...
40.
...
...
...
Statue ofEsar, King ofAdab
Emblems ofLagash and ofthe god Ningirsu
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
98
...
99
41.
42.
Mace-headdedicated to Ningirsu byMesilim, King ofKish
43.
EarlySumerian
figure ofawoman,showing the Sumeriandress 112
and the method ofdoing the hair
44.
Plaque ofUr-Nina, King ofLagash
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
113
Portion ofa plaque ofUr-Ninâ, sculpturedwith representations 114
ofhis sons andthe high officials ofhis court
46.
Partofthe Stele oftheVulturesrepresentingNingirsu clubbing 131
the enemies ofLagash in his net
47.
Part of the Stele of the Vulturessculptured with a sacrificial
scene which took place at the burial ofthe dead after battle 140
48.
Part of the Stele of the Vultures representing Eannatum 141
deciding the fate ofprisoners taken in battle
167
49-51. Details from the engravings uponEntemena's silver vase
52-53. Seal-impression of Lugal-anda, patesi of Lagash, with recon- 174
struction ofthe cylinder-seal
54-55. A second seal-impression ofLugal-anda, with reconstruction of 175
the cylinder
56.
White marble vase engraved with the name and title of 204
Urumush, King ofKish ...
213
57:
Alabaster statue ofManishtusu, King ofKish
58.
Copper head ofacolossalvotive lance engraved with the name 229
and title ofan earlyking ofKish
245
59.
Stele ofNarâm-Sin, King ofAkkad, from Pir Hussein
60.
Portion
ofa
Stele
ofVictory
ofa
king
ofAkkad,
sculptured
in
248
relief with battle-scenes ; from Tello
45.
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...
Other face of Fig. 60
...
...
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...
...
...
...
61.
249
62-63. Copper figuresofbullssurmountingcones,whichwereemployed 256
as votive offerings inthe reigns ofGudea and Dungi
...
64-65. Tablets with architect's rule and stilus from the statues B and
...
...
...
...
...
265
Figure of a god seated upon a throne,who may probably be 267
identified with Ningirsu
Mace-head of breccia from amountain near the "Upper Sea " 271
or Mediterranean, dedicated toNingirsubyGudea
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
67.
...
...
F ofGudea
66.
68.
Designs onpaintedpotsherdsoftheNeolithicperiod(CultureI.) 355
69.
Designs on painted potsherds of the Aeneolithic period 356
from theNorth Kurgan atAnau
...
...
(Culture II.) from the NorthKurganat Anau
...
...
...
...
MAPS AND PLANS
PAGE
I. Plan ofTello, after De Sarzec
II. Plan of Jôkha, after Andrae
III. Plan ofFara, after Andrae andNoeldeke
IV. Plan ofAbu Hatab, afterAndrae and Noeldeke
V. Plan of Warka, afterLoftus
19
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29
33
34
...
...
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...
36
...
VI. Plan ofMukayyar, after Taylor
VII. Plan ofAbu Shahrain, afterTaylor
....
22
25
VIII. Early
Babylonian
plan of"Excavations
thetemple ofatEnlil
atNippur
Nippur,"
I., pl.and1 its 87
enclosure;
cf. Fisher,
IX. Plan of the Inner City at Nippur, after Fisher, "Excavations
...
88
at Nippur," I., p. 10
X. Plan of thestore-house of Ur-Nina at Tello, after De Sarzec 92
93
XI. Plan ofearly building at Tello, after De Sarzec
XII. Map ofBabylonia,showing thesitesofearlycities. Inset : Map
of Sumer and Akkad in the earliest historical period
...
...
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...
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...
Facing page 380
A HISTORY OF
SUMER AND AKKAD
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY : THE LANDS OF SUMER AND AKKAD
mayundoubtedlybe
HEas study
oforigins
characteristic ofregarded
recent
the most
striking
research.
a peculiar
archaeological
There is civilization
developed
tracking
fascination
in
any
highly
from
rude
themore
source, and
its growth
to itstentative
in watching
people
efforts
primitive
to
the
of
a
and
achievements
of awelaterday.
Andit
is owingto
elaborate
that
are
now
in
a
position
excavation
toelucidate
recent the
civilizaoftheThe
threeprincipal
early
history
origins
Greek
world.
of
ancient
tions
of
the
Mycenean
beyond
traced
the
civilization
may
now
be
culture
stages
the different
of Aegean
epoch,into
through
excavations
Neolithic
age.
Egypt,
In
back
the
remains
dynastic
have not
only
yielded
of the earlybut
pyramid-builders,
they
the
kings
who
lived
before
Egyptians
Neolithic
existence
of
have
revealed
the
written
the earliest
anterior toFinally,
periodbeenlongrecovered.
dating
excavations
recordsfrom
that ahave
in Babylonia have enabled us to trace the civilization of
Babylon back to anpast
and more
primiAssyria
earlieroccupied
andwhich
the
lower
in
the
remote
tive
race,
while
the
more
and
Euphrates;
of
the
Tigris
plains
has
thrown
and
Turkestan
in
Persia
digging
recent
Western
inhabitants
of
other
primitive
light
upon
Asia, and has raised problems with regard to their
T
cultural connections with the West which were un-
a fewbeyears
ago.that recent excavation and
dreamed
It willofthus
noted
1
B
2 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
research have furnished the archaeologist with material
by
meansto ofthewhich
he may
tracebothbackin the
history
ofof
culture
Neolithic
period,
the
region
the Mediterranean and along the valley of the Nile.
That theof the
sameexcavator
achievement
cannot be placed
to not
the
credit
of
Babylonian
sites
is
entirely
duemayto largely
defectsbeintraced
the scope
orcharacter
method ofof the
his
work,
but
to
the
country in which the excavations have been carried out.
Babylonia
an the
alluvial
country,
to constant
inundation,isand
remains
and subject
settlements
of the
Neolithic
period
were
doubtless
in
many
places
swept
away,
and
all
trace
of
them
destroyed
by
natural
causes. With the advent of the Sumerians began the
practice
of building
cities upon
artificial
mounds,
which
preserved
the
structure
of
the
buildings
against
flood, and rendered them easier of defence against
a foe.earliest
It is remains
through ofexcavation
in thesehave
mounds
the
the Sumerians
beenthat
recovered; but the still earlier traces of Neolithic
times, which at some period mayhave existed on those
very
sites,
must often
have been
removed
by
flood
before
the
mounds
were
built.
The
Neolithic
and
prehistoric
remains
discovered
during
the
French
excavations in the graves of Mussian and at Susa, and by the
Pumpelly
expedition
in the two Kurgans
near Anau,of
do not find
their equivalents
in the mounds
Babylonia
sorespect
far as these
haveyetandbeensoilexamined.
In
this
the
climate
of Babylonia
present
a
striking
contrast
to
those
of
ancient
Egypt.
In
the
latter
country
the
shallow
graves
of
Neolithic
man,
covered by but a few inches of soil, have remained
intact and undisturbed at the foot of the desert hills ;
while
the upper plateaus
the Nile
flints ofinPalaeolithic
man havealong
lain upon
the valley
surfacetheof
the sand
fromhasPalaeolithic
times
until
theapresent
day.as
But
what
happened
in
so
rainless
country
Egypt
never
havepalaeoliths
taken place
inbeen
Mesopotamia.
Ittheissurface
truecouldthat
a
few
have
found
on
of the Syrian
desert,asbutin inthetheEgyptian
alluvial
plains
of
Southern
Chaldaea,
Delta itself, few certain traces of prehistoric manhave
1
,
INTRODUCTORY
3
been forthcoming.
Even in the
earlyobjects¹
mat-burials
and
sarcophagi
at
Fâra
numerous
copper
and
some
cylinder-seals have been found, while other cylinders,
sealings, and even inscribed tablets, discovered in the
same
that their
owners
were and
of theneighbouring
same race strata,
as theprove
Sumerians
of history,
though
probablytheof aearliest
rather earlier
date. settlements in
Although
Sumerian
Southernremote
Babylonia
aretheto race
be setbyback
in athey
comparatively
period,
which
were
founded
appears
at
that
time
to
have
already
attained
to a high level of culture. We find them building
houses for themselves and temples for their gods of
burnt
and
unburnt
brick.
Theythearenatural
rich in fertility
sheep andof
cattle,
and
they
have
increased
their
country by means ofIt aisregular
system
of canals
and irrigation-channels.
true that
at this
time
their
sculpture
sharedthe
rude
characteroftheir
pottery,
but their main achievement, the invention of a system
ofsufficient
writingindication
by meansofoftheir
lines comparatively
and wedges, isadvanced
in itself
state of civilization.
Derived
originally
from
picturecharacters,
the
signs
themselves,
even
in
the
and most primitive inscriptions as yet recovered,earliest
have
alreadywelostfindto them
a greatemployed
extent their
pictorial
character,
while
not
only
as
ideograms
to express
ideas,complicated
but also phonetically
for syllables.
The
use of this
system of writing
by the
early
Sumerians
presupposes
an
extremely
long
period
ofplaceprevious
development.
This
may
well
have
taken
in
their
original
home,
before
they
entered
thein
Babylonian
plain.
In
any
case,
we
must
set
back
the
remote
past
the beginnings
of thisfirstancient
people,in
and
we
may
probably
picture
their
settlement
the neighbourhood of the Persian Gulf some centuries
before
the period
tohave
which
we may
assign
thetoearliest
of
theirInremains
that
actually
come
down
us.
rôle played
by this earlyin
view
of the important
development
of
civilization
race
in
the
history
and
Western Asia, it is of interest to recall the fact that not
evidencewith
1 For aatdiscussion
see conflicting
below, pp. 72ff.
this period,ofthe
ofbronze
regardtothe occurrence
4 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
many years ago the very existence of the Sumerians
was
disputed
by
a
large
body
of
those
who
occupied
themselves
with What
the study
ofknown
the history
and languages
ofcontroversy
Babylonia.
was
as
"the
Sumerian
"
engaged
the
attention
of
writers
onschools.
these
subjects,
and
divided
them
into
two
opposing
At that time not many actual remains ofthe Sumerians
themselves
been recovered,
the arguments
favour of thehadexistence
of an earlyandnon-Semitic
race inin
Babylonia
wereand
in the
main drawn
fromhada been
number
of
Sumerian
texts
compositions
which
found
in the palaceA ofconsiderable
the Assyrian
king, Ashur-bani-pal,
Nineveh.
number
of the tablets re-at
coveredof from
the royalwritten,
libraryitwere
inscribed
with
a
series
compositions,
is
true,
in
the
cuneiform script,andbutBabylonians.
not in the ToSemitic
language
of the
Assyrians
many
of
these
compositions
Assyrian translations had been added by the
scribes who drew them up, and upon other tablets were
found
listswithof theirAssyrian
the words employed
in the compositions,
together
equivalents.
The late
Sir
Henry
Rawlinson
rightly
concluded
that
these
strange
textsinhabited
were written
in the before
language
ofSemites,
some race
whohe
had
Babylonia
the
while
explained the listsofwords as earlydictionaries compiled
by
the Assyrian
scribes toThehelpearlythemraceinhetheirchristened
studies
of" thethis
ancient
tongue.
although
we nowtheknow
this
name Akkadians,"
would moreand
correctly
describe
earlythat
Semitic
immigrants
who occupied
Northern justified.
Babylonia, Hein
allcorrectly
other assigned
respects the
his non-Semitic
inference wascompositions
that
had
been
recovered
to
the
early
non-Semitic
population
Babylonia, who are now known by the name
of theofSumerians.
Sir Henry Rawlinson's view was shared by M.
Oppert,
Professor
Professor
Sayce,untilanda
many others,
and, inSchrader,
fact, it held
the field
theory was propounded by M. Halévy to the effect that
Sumerian
not contention
a language ofinM.theHalévy
legitimate
of the term.was The
wassense
that
the Sumerian compositions were not written in the
INTRODUCTORY
5
d
a
cabalistic
represente
but
race,
earlier
an
of
language
Babyemployedbythe
ofwriting,invenIntedhisandopinion
method
were
texts
the
priesthood.
lonian
to a
according
written
ns, though
compositio
Semiticsystem
been
have
only
could
they
and
code,
or
secret
the
studied
had
and
key
the
had
who
a
priest
by
read
folthis hypothesis
On Assyrians
d formulae.ns and
jealouslyguarde
were itnever
Babylonia
lowed thatbythea non-Semitic
all
and
in Babylonia,
preceded n civilization was race
tly
traced
be
to
consequen
Babylonia
origin. The attractions which such a view
to a Semitic
have for those interested in ascribing so great
would
an achievement to a Semitic source are obvious, and,
won
ity,among
M. Halévy
generalto improbabil
inoverspitemanyof itsconverts
Proothers
theory,
his
fessor Delitzsch and a considerable number of the
critics.
ofGerman
schoolnoted
younger
It
maybe
that
the
principal support
for the
theorywas
derivedfrom
an
examination
ofthe
phonetic
values
of the
Sumerian
signs. obviously
Many of derived
these, itfrom
was
correctly
pointed
out,
were
Semitic
and the
M. Halévy
and his followers
forthwithequivalents,
inferred that
whole
language
was an
artificial
invention
of
the
Babylonian
priests.
Why
the
priests
should
have
taken
the
trouble
to invent
soandcomplicated
a
method
of
writing
was
not
clear,
no
adequate
reason
could
be
assigned
for
such
a
course.
contrary, compositions
it was shownwas
thatnottheofsubject-matter
ofOnthetheSumerian
a nature to
justify
or asuggest
the necessity
of recording
themof theby
means
of
secret
method
of
writing.
A
study
Sumerian
texts
with thethat
helpthey
of themerely
Assyrian
transla-of
tions
made
it
obvious
consisted
incantations,
hymns,written
and prayers,
precisely
similar
toof
other
compositions
in
the
common
tongue
the Babylonians
and
Assyrians,
and scribe
thus capable
of
being
read
and
understood
by
any
acquainted
withM.theHalévy's
ordinarytheoryappeared
Assyrian or Babylonian
character.when
stillless
probable
appliedrecovered
to suchatofthatthetime
earlybySumerian
textsTaylor
as hadin
been
Loftus and
Southern Babylonia. For these were shown to be
1
6 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
short building-inscriptions,
texts,intended
and foundationrecords,
and, as they were votive
obviously
to record
and commemorate for future ages the events to which
they referred, it was unlikelythat theyshouldhave been
drawn
up inbeen
a cryptographic
style
of writing
which
would
have
undecipherable
without
a
key.
Yet
the fact that very few Sumerian documents of the early
period
had beenwere
found,known
while only
the great
majority
of the
the
texts
recovered
from
tablets
of
seventh
centuryB.с.,rendereditpossibleforthe
of the pan-Semitic
theory to make out a case. upholders
In fact,
it was not until the renewal ofexcavations in Babylonia
that fresh evidence was obtained which put an end
tooncetheforSumerian
controversy,withandthesettled
theSirproblem
accordance
all
in
view
of
Henry
Rawlinson and of the more conservative writers.¹
That Babylonian civilization and culture originated
with
the
Sumerians
isofnoopinion
longer now
in dispute;
the
point
difference
upon
which
centres
concerns
the period at which Sumerians and Semites first came
into contact. But before we embark on the discussion
ofthisphysical
problem,
it will beof well
to givewhich
some invited
accounttheof
the
conditions
the
lands
immigration ofthese early races and formed the theatre
of their were
subsequent
history.
lands valley
of Sumer
Akkad
situated
in theThelower
of and
the
approxiEuphrates
and
the
Tigris,
and
corresponded
mately to the country known by classical writers as
Babylonia.
Onmarked
the west
and Arabian
south their
boundaries
are
definitely
by
the
desert
and the
Persian
Gulf
which,
in
the
earliest
period
of
Sumerian
history, extended as far northward as the neighbourhood of the city of Eridu. On the east it is probable
that the Tigrisoriginallyformed their naturalboundary,
but
thiswas
adirection
inwhich
expansionwas
possible,
and
their
early
conflicts
with
Elam
were
doubtless
provoked
by attempts to gain possession of the districts
1 The controversy hasnowan historicalratherthan apracticalimportance.
in " Die sumerische
is admirablysummarizedbyWeissbach
history 1898;
Its earlierLeipzig,
tomehisI.
d'Assyriologie,"
"
Manuel
cf.
also
Fossey,
Frage,"
courageously
to
defend
continues
himself
(1904),
pp.
269ff.
M.
Halévy
position inhim.the pages of the "Revue Sémitique," but his followers have
deserted
INTRODUCTORY
to the east of the river. The frontier in this direction
undoubtedly
underwent
manybutfluctuations
under
the
rule
of
the
early
city-states,
in
the
later
periods,
apart from the conquest of Elam, the true area of
Sumerian
andtheSemitic
authority
mayElamite
be regarded
as
extending
to
lower
slopes
of
the
hills.
In
the
norththen,
a political
divisiontimes,appears
todifference
have corre-in
sponded
as
in
later
to
the
geological
structure.
AthelineTigris
drawnbefore
fromitsa junction
point a
little
below
Samarra
on
with
thebetween
Adhem the
to Hît
on theelevated
Euphrates
marks the
undulating
division
slightly
and
plain
and theas dead
level ofthethetrue
alluvium,
andofAkkad
this may
beon regarded
representing
boundary
the north.
areagreat
thusextent,
occupied
the even
two
countries
was of The
no very
and byit was
less
than
would
appear
from
a
modern
map
of
the
Tigris
EuphratesGulfvalley.
For notandonlytwenty,
was theor
head ofand
the Persian
some hundred
hundred
present
andbutthirty,
miles distant
fromthetheEuphrates
coast-line,
the
ancient
course
of
below
modernBabylon
bed. lay considerably to the east of its
In general character the lands of Sumer and Akkad
consist
of
a
flat
alluvial
plain,
and
form
a
contrast
to
and Euphrates
valley,
the northern
of theasTigris
Mesopotamia
and Assyria.
known
to thehalfGreeks
These latterresemble
regions,thebothSyro-Arabian
in elevationdesert,
and geological
structure,
and
it is
neighbourhood
the
two
great
streams
only
the
of
in
and their tributaries that cultivation can be carried out
Here thea stonyplain,
country at serving
on any extensive
a little
distance
from the scale.
rivers becomes
vegetationIn
only the
as pasturelandwinter
whenandcovered
with spring.
early
after
rains
the
of
Sumer and Akkad, on the other hand, the rivers play
far moreitselfimportant
part.dueTheto larger
portion
acountry
of the
having
directly
action,
their
is
been
formed
deposit
whichGulf.theyThrough
have carried
by the
this
down
waters
into
the
of
the
alluvial plain of their own formation the rivers take
a winding course, constantly changing their direction
8 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
of banks
the silting
uptheofannual
their floods.
beds and
in consequence
the
falling
in
ofthe
during
Ofstronger
the twobanks,has
rivers theundergone
Tigris, owing
to itsthanthe
higher
less
change
and
Euphrates.channel
It isbelow
true thatKûtduring
the Middle
Ages
its
present
elAmara
was
entirely
disused,
itsSwamp
waters which
flowingextended
by the from
ShattKûfa
el-Haion into
thean
the
Great
Kurna,
covering
Euphrates
neighbourhood
of
to
the
area fifty miles across and nearly two hundred Swamp,
miles in
length.formation
But inoftheSassanianperiod
theGreat
which
neglectdidof not
the
was
due
to
the
system
irrigation
under
early
caliphs,
of
the
exist, and the river followed its present channel. It is
thus probable that during the earlier periods of Babylonian
history
body
watermay
passedhavethisreprethebutmain
ofel-Hai
way
Gulf,
Shatt
into
the
the
sented a second and less important branch of the
stream.³
been
hasbeing
course ofoftheitsEuphrates
inthe
the position
The change
original
bed
marked,
more
far
of early
covering
the sitesalong
mounds
indicatedwhichby the
the
country
the
through
extend
cities,
Shatt
the
and
Shattofen-Nîl
ofto the
the east
beds
dry
practically
channel.
its presentEl-Ohêmir
considerably
el-Kâr,mounds
of Abû Habba, Tell Ibrâhîm,
The
and Niffer, marking the sites of the important cities
geographers
calledbyArab
Swamp, or isSwamps,
Greatal-Batayih,
1 The originofthe
Biladhuri
to
traced
by
plural
in
the
or
al-Batiha,
в.с. Ibnof
the Persian king Kubadh I., towards the end of the fifth centurythereign
of water
great stretches
four which
singularthetoreeds,
in thethrough
Serapion connected
applies thebyname
at
El-Katr,
began
channels
(Hawrs),
Euphrates.
present
bed ofthethewaters
withas the
Shattel-Hai
of the
nearthejunction
of the
Kufa
Niffer
and
northwards
point
as
far
from
this
But
Strange,
le
G.
marshes;
cf.
and
reed-beds
themselves
in
lost
Euphrates
Soc.," 1905, p. 297 f., and " Lands of the Eastern
" Journ. Roy.p. 26Asiat.
Caliphate,"
f.
Rusta (quoted
to Ibnin Sassanian
Strange,
"Journ. ofthe
Roy. Asiat.
Soc.,"2 According
1905, p. 301),
times,byandLebefore
the bursting
dykes
which ledchannel
to theinformation
offlows
the swamps,
the Tigris
followed
the sameis
eastern
which
it
at
the
present
time
;
this
account
confirmed by Yakût.
of
courses
mapinset
atthemapendof ofBabyloniaduring
the volume. Thetheoriginal
3rivers
See thein folding
historical
earliest
the
small
the
in "Excavareconstruction published
agree inthemainwith
Fisher's
periods
uncertainty
still
onwhich
Pt.
I.,
p.
3,
Fig.
2.
For
points
tions
at
Nippur,"
exists, see below, p. 10 f.
INTRODUCTORY
9
ofof Sippar,
Kish¹twoandonNippur,
all lie bed
to theof east
the river,Cutha,
the last
the ancient
the
Shatt
en-Nîl.
Similarly,
the
course
of
the
Shatt
el-Kâr, which formed an extension of the Shatt
en-Nîl below Sûk el-'Afej passes the mounds of Abû
Hatab
(Kisurra),stands
Faraon(Shuruppak)
and Hammâm.
Warka
(Erech)
a
further
continuation
of the
Shatt en-Nil, while still more to the eastward are
the
mounds
of
Bismâya
and
Jôkha,
representing
the
cities
ofAdab and Umma.³ Senkera, the site of Larsa, also
lies
considerably
to theBabylon
east of which
the present
stream,comand
the
only
city
besides
now
stands
paratively
near ofthethe
present
bed ofcities
the Euphrates
is Ur.be
The
positions
ancient
would
alone
sufficient proofthethat,Euphrates
since thehasearly
periods ofchanged
Babylonianhistory,
considerably
its course.
Abundant evidence that this was the case is furnished
by the contemporary inscriptions that have been recovered.
TheverynameoftheEuphrateswas
expressed
signifying " the River of Sippar,"
by
an ideogram
from
originally
which
we
may
infer
that
Sippar
stood
upon
itsFirstbanks.
A Babylonian
contract
of the period
of the
Dynasty
is
dated
in
the
year
inwhich
Samsu-iluna
constructed the wall of Kish " on the bank of the
Euphrates,"
provingfromBabylon,
that either the
mainbyEl-Ohêmir.
stream from
Sippar,
or
a
branch
flowed
Nippur, marked as at
Still furtherbysouth
El-Ohêmir
the drythebedriver
oftheat Shatt en-Nil,is termed
EuphratesofNippur,"
" thecontract-tablets
or simply
" the Euphrates
"
found
Moreover,
on
upon
the
site.
town of
the city of Shurippak
or Shuruppak,
thethenativeGilgamesh
described
Ut-napishtim,
him
is
by
in
epic as lying " ononetheof his
bankletters
of theto Euphrates
"; and
Hammurabi,in
Sin-idinnam,bids
p. 38 f. byLoftus, reproduced onp. 33. Itwill benoted
1 See below,
plan
the
2
See
ancientbed of theShatt en-Nil as skirting the city on the
that he marks theofWarka
east.
below, p. 21 f.
34 See
Cf. Thureau-Dang
in, "Orient.
Lit.-Zeit.,"
1909,
col. 205I.),f. p. 76, and
Hilprecht,
Clay andSons"
5 See" Murashû
" Murashû
Sons"
(Artaxerxes
Hommel,
"Grundriss
70
cf.
also
II.),
p.
;
(Darius
Clay,
der Geographie undGeschichte des alten Orients," p. 264.
10 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
him clear out the stream of the Euphrates "from Larsa
as far as Ur."¹ These references in the early texts
cover
practically the whole course of the ancient bed of
the
Euphrates,
conjecture. and leave but a few points open to
In the
northbroke
it is away
clear from
that attheanEuphrates
early periodat aa
second
branch
point
about
half-way
between
Sipparalong
and the
modern
town
of
Falûja,
and,
after
flowing
the
present
bed
of
the
river
as
far
as
Babylon,
rejoined
the
main
stream
of
the
Euphrates
either
at,
or
more
probably
below, the city of Kish. It was the extension of these
western channels which afterwards drained the earlier
bed,
andback
we tomaytheconjecture
thatthisitsearly
waters
were
diverted
Euphrates
at
period
by
artificial means. The tendency of the river was always
2
to break away westward, and the latest branch of the
stream, still further to the west, left the river above
Babylon atstands
Musayyib.
The
fact
that
Birs,
the
site
of
Borsippa,
upon
upper
course,
suggests
its is quitepossiblethat thean
earlydatefor
itsorigin,butit
first city on this site, in view of its proximity to
Babylon,of obtained
its water-supply
bybe,means
of a
system
canals.
However
this
may
the
present
course of this most western branch is marked by the
Nahr Hindîya,
theEuphrates
Bahr Nejef,afterandpassing
the Shatt
'Ateshân,In
which
rejoins
the
Samâwa.
theMiddle
the
Great
Swamps
started
at periods
Kûfa, andof
itinundation,
is possibleAges
that
even
in
earlier
times,
during
some of the surplus water from the river
may
have
emptied
itself into swamps or marshy land
belowBorsippa.
The exactcourse of the Euphrates south of Nippur
forreached
conaitsmatter
is still
periods
the
earliest
during
waters
that
possible
and
it
is
quite
jecture,
the Persian Gulf through two, if not three, mouths. It
is certain that the main stream passed the cities of
Kisurra, Shuruppak, and Erech, and eventually reached
III., p. 18tof. the Shatt el-Kâr, was
King,
ofHammurabi,"
" Letters
12 Cf.
Dîwânîya
running
from
Canal,
Yusufiya
The
probably the result of a later effort to divert some of the water back to the
oldbed.
INTRODUCTORY
11
the Gulf below
layupon
another
branch, isletter
not yet
settled,
though
the
reference
in
Hammurabi's
may
be
cited
in favour
ofconcerns
the former
view.
Another
point
of
uncertainty
the relation of Adab and Umma to the stream.
The
mounds
of Bismâya and Jôkha, Shatt el-Kâr,
mark their
sites, lie to the east, offthe line of thewhich
and
itbranch
is quiteof possible
that
they
were
built
upon antheeastern
the river which may have joined
Shatt
el-Hai
above
Lagash,
and
so
have
mingled
with
the
waters
ofthe
Tigris
before
reaching
the Gulf.¹it will be
In
spite
of
these
points
of
uncertainty,
noted that
of Sumer
and Akkad,
which
has every
been city
referred
to, was
situatedtheonsitetheof
Euphrates
or one
of its branches,
not appears
upon thetoTigris,
and
the
only
exception
to
this
rule
have
been
Opis,
the
most
northern
city
of
Akkad.
The
preference
for
the
Euphrates
may
be
explained
by
the
fact
that
the
Tigris
is
swift
and
its
banks
are
high,
and
it thus offers
farits less
facilities
for irrigation.
The
Euphrates
with
lower
banks
tends
during
the
time
of high water
todoubtless
spread suggested
itself overtothethesurrounding
country,
which
earliest the
inhabitants
the
project
of
regulating
and
utilizing
supply ofreason
waterforbythemeans
of reservoirs
and canals.
Another
preference
may be traced
to the
slower
fall
of
the
water
in
the
Euphrates
during
thein
summer
months.
With
the
melting
of
the
snow
the mountain
rangestheoffirst
the flood-water
Taurus andNiphates
during
the
early
spring,
is
carried
down
bythe
swift
stream
ofthe
Tigris,which
generally
begins
to riseearlyin March,
and,
afterfallsreaching
itsandhighest
level
in
the
part
of
May,
swiftly
returns
to
its
summer
level by
the rises
middleabout
of June.
The Euphrates,
on the other
hand,
a fortnight
later, and
Whether after leaving toErech
turned eastward Ur.
to Larsa, and so southward
Ur, orit
whether it flowed from Erech direct to Ur, and Larsa
continues at a high level for a much longer period.
1 Andrae visited
and
surveyed
themarks
districts
around
Fâra andtheAbuShatt
Hatab
inFarakhna,
December,
1902.
In
his
map
he
traces
of
a
channel,
elwhich,
leaving
the
main
channel
at
Shekh
Bedr,
heads
in
the
direction
No.
16, pp.ofBismaya
16 ff.). (see " Mitteilungen der DeutschenOrient-Gesellschaft,"
12 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Even
in the
middle
ofJuly
there
isuntil
a considerable
body
ofits water
in
the
river,
and
it
is
not
September
that
lowest level is reached. On both streams irrigationmachines
werebut
doubtless
employed,
as they
they were
are atonly
the
present
day,¹
in
the
Euphrates
necessary
when the water in the river had fallen below
the level of the canals.
Between the lands of Sumer and Akkad there was
no natural division such as marks them off from the
regions
ofAssyria and
Whileof
the
north-eastern
halfMesopotamia
of the countryin the
borenorth.
the name
Akkad,
and
thewassouth-eastern
portion
atthethesame
headalluvial
of the
Persian
Gulf
known
as
Sumer,
plain stretches southward from one to the other without any change in its general character. Thus some
difference
of opinion
hasseparated
previouslytheexisted,
as to and
the
precise
boundary
which
two
lands,
additional
confusion
been during
introduced
by theAssyrian
rather
vague use ofthe
namehasAkkad
the later
and Neo-Babylonian
when
referring to the periods.
capture ofThus
Nana'sAshur-bani-pal,
statue by the
Elamites,
puts
E-anna,
the
temple
of
Nana
in Erech,
among
the
temples
of
the
land
of
Akkad,
a
statement
which has led to the view that Akkad extended as far
south as Erech. But it has been pointed out that on
similar
evidence
furnished
byEridu,
an Assyrian
letter,
it
would
be
possible
to
regard
the
most
southern
Sumerian istobe
city asfoundin
in Akkad,
not that
in Sumer.
The explanation
thefact
by
theAssyrians,
whose southern border marched with Akkad, the latter
name was often used looselyfor the whole ofBabylonia.
Such references
should not
therefore
be countries,
employed and
for
determining
the
original
limits
of
the
two
itisnecessary
to rely
onlythan
uponthatinformation
suppliedby
texts
of
a
period
earlier
in
which
the
original
distinction between the two names had become blurred.
From referencestodifferent
cities intheearlytexts,
is possible
to form from their context,
a very fair idea ofit
what the Sumerians themselves regarded as the limits
3
12 Cf.
King and Hall,
"lagEgypt
andWestern
Asia,"
pp. 292 ff.
"
Wo
das
Paradies?
"
р.
200.
Cf.
Delitzsch,
3 Cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Journal asiatique, 1908, p. 131, n. 2.
INTRODUCTORY
13
of their own land. For instance, from the Tello
inscriptions
theretheis god
no doubt
that when
Lagashinforming
was in
Sumer.
Thus
Ningirsu,
Gudea,
patesiofofE-ninnû,
Lagash, that
prosperity
shallandfollow
the
building
promises
that
oil
wool
shall be abundant in Sumer ; ¹ the temple itself, which
was
in Lagash,
recorded
have been
builttemple
of bricks
of Sumer
; and,is after
the tobuilding
of the
was
finished,
Gudeaprays
thatattheland
mayrest
incountries.3
security,
and
that
Sumermay
be
the
head
of
the
Again,
Lugal-zaggisi,
who
stylesmentions
himself among
King ofcities
the
Land,
i.e.
the
land
of
Sumer,
subjecttheytowere
him, regarded
Erech, Ur,as Sumerian
Larsa, andtowns.
Umma, The
proving
that
city
ofStele
Kesh,
whose
goddess
Ninkharsag
is
mentioned
on
the
of the Vultures, with the gods of Sumerian towns
as guaranteeing
aSumer,
treaty between
Lagash
andhaveUmma,
was
probably
in
and
so,
too,
must
been
Isin, which gave a line of rulers to Sumer and Akkad
in succession to Ur ; about Eridu in the extreme south
there could be no two opinions. On the other hand,
inKish,addition
to theBabylon
city of Agade
or Akkad,
Sippar,
Opis,
Cutha,
and
Borsippa
are
certainly
situatedof beyond
Sumer Between
and belongtheto two
the
land
Akkadtheinlimits
the ofnorth.
groups lay Nippur, rather nearer to the southern than
toposition
the northern
cities,
andThere
occupying
thedoubtunique
of
a
central
shrine.
is
little
thatof
the
townwas
originally
regarded
as
within
the
limits
Sumer, but from its close association with any claimant
toacquired
the hegemony,
whether
incertain
Sumerintermediate
or in Akkad,posi-it
in
course
of
time
a
tion,
on the boundary line, as it were, between the two
countries.
Of the names Sumer and Akkad, it would seem that
neither was in use in the earliest historical periods,
12 Cyl.
A,Col.Col.XXI.
XI.,, 1.1. 25.
16f.; see below, Chap. IX., p. 266.
Ibid.,
34 See
Cyl. below,
B, Col.p.XXII.,
14. 1. 19f.
5 For thisseereading
of the name of the city usually transcribed as Gishkhu
or Gishukh,
below,
p. 21,p. 127
n. 3.f.
6 See below, Chap. V.,
14 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
though
the former was
probably
thesouthern
older ofdistrict
the two.as
At
a
comparatively
early
date
the
aexcellence,
whole wasandreferred
to simply
as "ideogram
the Land,"¹
par
it
is
probable
thatthe
bywhich
the
of Sumer
was expressed,
withname
a similar
meaning.
The twinwastitle,originally
Sumerused
and
Akkad,
was
first
regularly
employed
as
a
designation
for the whole country by the kings of Ur, who united
the
twothemselves
halves ofkings
the land
into a and
singleAkkad.
empire, The
and
called
of
Sumer
earlier Semitic kings of Agade or Akkad³ expressed
the
extent
of (of
theirtheempire
by" claiming
tostillruleearlier
" the
four
quarters
world),
while
the
king Lugal-zaggisi, in virtue of his authority in Sumer,
1 Theof word
kalam,
"the
Land,"
iswhich
first found
in aroyal
title
uponland"
fragments
early
vases
from
Nippur
a
certain
"
king
of
the
dedicated to Enlil in gratitude for his victories over Kish (see below,
Chap.
VII.).
Theword
kur-kur, "countries,"
insuch
aphrase as lugal kurkur-ge,
"king
of
the
countries,"
when
applied
to
thegodEnlil,designated
the whole of the habitable world ; in a more restricted sense it was used for
countries,
especially
in the inscriptions
ofGudea,
in contradistinction
ton.foreign
the
Land
of
Sumer
(cf.
Thureau-Dangin,
"Zeits.
für
Assyr.,"
XVI., p. 354,
3)3).2 The ideogram Ki-en-gi, by which the name of Sumer, or more correctly
Shumer,
was expressed, already
occursV.inand
theVII.
texts). ofIthasgenerallybeen
Eannatum,n, Lugalzaggisi
andEnshagkushanna
(see
Chaps.
treated as antheearlier
proper name for
country, and
as Kengi
Kingi.
occurrence
wordthe"land"(seeReisner,
ki-en-gi-ra
in aread
Sumerian
hymn,or
where itBut
is rendered
in Semiticof bythematu,
"Sum.-Bab.
Hymnen,"
pl. 130ff.),
wouldforseem"the
to show
that,(cf.likeThureau-Dangin,
kalam, it was employed
assumerischen
a general
designation
Land"
"Die
und
akkadischen
Königsinschriften,"
p.
152,
n.f.).
The
form
ki-en-gi-ra
is
also
met
with
in
the
inscriptions
of
Gudea
(see
Hommel,
" Grundriss,"
p. 242,
n. 4, and
Thureau-Dangin,
op.should
cit., pp.be100, 112, 140),
and
it
has
been
suggested
that
the
final
syllable
as a
treated
phonetic
complement
and
the
word
rendered
as
shumer-ra
(cf.
Hrozný,
"Ninib
undSumer,"
inthe shumer,
"Rev. Sémit.
"July,
1908,Extrait,p.15).
According
to this
view the word
with,the
original
meaning of "land,"
was
afterwards
employedtheas Semitic
a properform
nameofforthethename,
country.is inThe
earliest
occurrence
of
Shumerû,
an
early
Semitic
legendKing,
in the" Cun.
BritishTexts,"
Museum,
whichpl. refers
to "cf.theWinckler,
spoil ofthe" Orient.
Sumerians
"
(see
Pt.
V.,
1
f.,
and
Lit.Zeit.," 1907,
col.
346, Ungnad, op. cit., 1908, col. 67, and Hrozný, ‘ Rev.
Sémit.,"
1908,
p.
350).
of Agade,
the older
3 Akkad,
ortown
Akkadû,
was thesharpening
Semitic pronunciation
of
sound
occurs
in
Makkan,
the
name
of
the
;
a
similar
Semitic
pronunciation
Ungnad,
of
Magan
(cf.
"
Orient.
Lit.-Zeit.
,
"
1908,
of thedates
namefrom
ofAkkad
forsubsequent
the whole ofto the
col.
62, n.half
4). ofThetheemployment
northern
country
probably
aperiod
the
increase
of
the
city's
power
under
Shar-Gani-sharri
and
Naram-Sin
(see
Chap. VIII.) ; on the employment of the name for the Semitic speech of the
north,
origin ofthe
of thename
nameofAkkad,
Ki-uri, isorobscure.
Ki-urra,
employedseeinbelow,
Sumerianp. 52.
as theThe
equivalent
INTRODUCTORY
15
adopted
thecity-states,
title " Kingbefore
of thetheLand."
Inof the
time of
the
early
period
Eannatum,
no general
title
forinscriptions
the wholethat
of Sumer
or ofrecovered.
Akkad is
met
with
in
the
have
been
Each
city with
its,surrounding
territory
formed a compact
state
in
itself
and
fought
with
its
neighbours
for
local
power
and
precedence.
At
this
time
the
names
of the and
citiesitoccur
by themselves
in ofthethem
titleshadof their
rulers,
was
only
after
several
beena
welded
into
a
single
state
that
the
need
was
felt
for
more general
nameperhaps
or designation.
to speak
Akkad,
and even
of Sumer,Thus,
in the
earliestof
period, is to one.
be guilty
ofnames
an anachronism,
but it is asa
pardonable
The
may
be
employed
convenient
geographical
terms,
as,whole,
for instance,
whenof
referring
to
the
country
as
a
we
speak
Babylonia during allperiods of its history.
CHAPTER II
THE SITES OF EARLY CITIES
AND THE RACIAL CHARACTER OF THEIR INHABITANTS
the sites of early Babylonian cities since the
Tdifferent
for the reconstruction
their history,
periods and forof different
districtsbutit during
varies
HE excavations which have been conducted on
middle of last century have furnished material
considerably
value settlements
and amount.in Akkad,
While and
littletheis
known of theinearlier
very sites of two of its most famous cities have not yet
been
identified,is ourknowledge
Sumerian history
topography
relatively moreof complete.
Here and
the
cities, as represented by the mounds of earth and débris
which
nowconsists
cover them,
fall naturally
into continued
two groups.in
The one
of those
cities which
existence
during
later periods
In
their case
thetheearliest
Sumerianof Babylonian
remains havehistory.
been
considerably
later builders, ofandsuccessive
are now
buried
deep disturbed
beneath theby accumulations
ages. Their
excavation
iseven
consequently
alowest
task ofstrata
considerable
difficulty,
and,
when
the
are reached, the interpretation of the evidence is often
doubtful. The other group comprises towns which
were
occupied mainly
by date,
the Sumerians,
and,
after
being
destroyed
at
an
early
were
rarely,
or
never,
reoccupied
byofthethislater
inhabitants
of asthethey
country.
The
mounds
description,
so
far
have
been examined, have naturally yielded fuller information, and they may therefore be taken first in the
following
descriptionofofourknowledgeofearlySumerian
the early sites.
The
greaterpart
historyhas been derived from the wonderfullysuccessful
16
1
1
EARLY CITIES
17
series
excavations
by theandlatecontinued
M. de
Sarzec ofat Tello,¹
betweencarried
1877 out
and 1900,
for some Gaston
monthsCros.
in 1903
Captainmark
(nowtheCommandant)
Thesebymounds
site
of the
city
of Shirpurla
ormodern
Lagash,village
and lieofaShatra,
few milesto
tothe
the
north-east
of
the
east of the Shatt el-Hai, and about an hour's ride
from the present course of the stream. It is evident,
however,
that may
the city
was builthaveuponformed
the stream,
whichof
atthethisEuphrates,
point
originally
a
branch
upon its western for
side.there are traces of a dry channel
The name of the city is expressed by the signs shirpur-la
(-ki),as which
are rendered
init ahasbilingual
incantaLagash.3
Hitherto
generally
tion-text
been
held
thatwhich
Shirpurla
represented the Sumerian name of
the city,
was knowntothelaterSemiticinhabitants
as Lagash,
much
the same
was the
the
Semitic
namein for
Agade,
thoughwayin astheAkkad
latter case
prolonged
original
was out
takenin the
over.mounds
But the
excavationsname
carried
of Tello
have
failed to bring to light any Babylonian remains later
than the periodwithof the
the First
kingsDynasty
of Larsaofwho
were contemporaneous
Babylon.
that time thecity appears to have been destroyed, andAtto
have
lain deserted
and forgotten
untilThus
it wasit once
more
inhabited
in
the
second
century
в.с.
is
difficult
to find a reason for a second name. We may therefore
1 In point
of De
time,Sarzec,
the work
oftheLoftus
andTaylor
(see
below,
pp. 32 less
ff.)
preceded
that
of
but
results
obtained
were
necessarily
complete.
be outasofplace
presentvolume togiveanyaccount
ofexcavationsIt would
in Assyria,
theyhavein the
onlyanindirectbearing
onthe period
of
theearlytravellers
andexcavahere
treated.
For
achronologicalsketch
tors,
see
Rogers,
"History
ofBabylonia
and
Assyria,"
vol.
i.
pp.
100ff.,
who
also gives a detailed account of the decipherment of the cuneiform
inscriptions ; cf. also
Fossey,
"Manuel,"
I., pp.side,
6ff. seeForthea similar
chronological
sections
with which
treatment,
but
from
the
archaeological
Hilprecht
prefaces
his
account
of
the
Nippur
excavations
in
"
Explorations
in Bible
pp.11.7 ff.
SeeLands,"
32 Cf.
"above,
Cun. p.Texts
in the Brit. Mus.," Pt. XVI., pl. 36, 1. 4f.; as written
is thein
That
Lagash
oraLagadil.
here
the
name
might
alsobybe the
readLagarum
text
published
of
duplicate
fragment
is
proved
reading
correct
81, where "theOrient.
final character
Reisner, " Sum.-Bab. Hymnen," pl.as 126,
ash ;No.
cf. Meissner,
Lit.-Zeit.,"of
the name
is unmistakablywritten
1907,
col. 385.
C
18 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
assume
thatandthethatplacethe was
called
Lagash
by theas
Sumerians,
signs
which
can
be
read
Shirpurlatherepresent
a traditional
ideographic
way of
writing
name
among
the
Sumerians
themselves.
Thereis
no difficulty
initsupposing
that thein city's
name
and
the
way
ofwriting
were
preserved
Babylonian
literature, although its site had been forgotten.
The
groupancient
of mounds
anditshillocks
which
mark
the
site
of
the
city
and
suburbs
form
a
rough
oval,
running
north long
and and
south,
and
measuring
about
two
and
ahalfmiles
one
and
aquarter
broad.
During
the itsearlyspring
theout
limitsas ofthe
cityspot
are clearly
visible, for
ruins stand
a yellow
in the
midst
of
the
light
green
vegetation
which
covers
the
surrounding
plain.
The
grouping
of
the
principal
moundseachmaycontour-line
be seen inrepresents
the accompanying
which
an increaseplan,
of onein
metre in mounds
height above
the desert
level.
The three
principal
in
the
centre
of
the
oval,
marked
on
theplan
by
the
letters
A,
K,
and
V,¹
are
those
in
which
the
mostA,important
discoveries
have beenthemade.
The
mound
which
rises
steeply
towards
north-west
end of the oval, is known as the Palace Tell, since
here
was uncovered
a great Parthian
palace,
erected
immediately
over
a
building
of
Gudea,
whose
bricks
were
partly
reused
and
partly
imitated.
In
consequence ofhimself,
this it was
at firstthatbelieved
to be a palace
Gudea
an error
was corrected
on theof
discovery
that some of the later bricks bore the name
of Hadadnadinakhe in Aramean and Greek characters,
proving
the building
to the130Seleucid
era,
and
was that
probably
not earlierbelonged
than about
в.с. Coins
were
alsooffound
in theindependent
palace withprovince
Greek orinscriptions
ofof kings
the
little
kingdom
Kharakene, which was founded about 160 в.с. at the
mouth of the Shatt el-'Arab. But worked into the
1Separate
mounds
inForthethe
group
were referred
to byDeand
Sarzec
under
the
letters
A-P,
P'
,
and
V.
account
of
the
diggings
their
results,
de SarzecbyandDeLéon
Heuzey,"
Découvertes
enmonuments,
Chaldée""("byDescription
Heuzey;;
des"seeE.
fouilles,"
Sarzec;
"Description
des
épigraphique,”
1884-1906
Partie
byAmiaud
andThureau-Dangin),
Paris,
seealsoHeuzey, "UneVillaroyalechaldéenne,"and "Revued'Assyriologie,"
passim.
EARLY CITIES
19
of Gudea's
the remains
structure of this formed
late palacewere
of
the
temple
ofE-ninnû,
part
building,which
gatestructure
a
Gudea's
Lagash.
Of
of
the
city-god
way and part of atower are the portions that are best
EO
‫امه‬
No
இ
TELLO
AFTER DESARZEC
100 200 300
ய
Sc
preserved,¹ while under the south-east corner of the
palace was a wall of the rather earlier ruler Ur-Bau.²
gateway
theway inwhichGudea's
p.structure
20 illustrates
plate opposite
1been
Theworked
The slight differParthianPalace.
ofthe
the
into
has
shown.
buildings
isalsoclearly
two
ofthe
ence2 intheground-level
See theeplateopposite
plate opposite p. 26.
20 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
In the lower strata no other earlier remains were
broughtwasto changed
light, andoritenlarged
is possible
thatperiod,
the siteandofthat
the
temple
at
this
in earlier times it stood nearer the mound K, where the
oldest buildings in Tello have been found. Here was a
storehouse of Ur-Ninâ,¹ a very early patesi of the city
and
the founderneighbourhood
of its most powerful
dynasty,theandmostin
its immediate
were recovered
importantBeneath
monuments
and inscriptions
period.
Ur-Nina's
storehouse ofwasthe aearlier
still
earlier
building,
and
at
the
same
deep
level
above
theof
virgin
soil
were
found
some
of
the
earliest
examples
Sumerian
sculpture that have yet been recovered. In
the mound V, christened the " Tell of the Tablets,"
were large collections of temple-documents and tablets
of accounts,
the majority
of them dating from the
period
of
the
Dynasty
of
Ur.
The monuments
and inscriptions
from Tello have
furnished
us
with
material
for
reconstructing
the
history
of
the
city
with
butfew
gaps
from
the
earliest
age until
Dynasty
Isin succeeded
that
of Urtheintime
the when
rule oftheSumer
and ofAkkad.
To the
destruction of the city during the period of the First
Dynasty
ofwealth
Babylon
and itsrecords
subsequent
isolation we
owe
the
of
early
and
archaeological
remains which have come down to us, for its soil has
escaped
disturbance at the hands of laterbuilders except
for a short interval in Hellenistic times. The fact that
other cities in the neighbourhood, which shared a
similar fate,inhave
such striking
the
excavator,
itselfnotyielded
bears testimony
to theresultsto
important
position
occupied
by Lagash,
notasonly
asmosttheimportant
seat of a
long
line
ofsuccessful
rulers,
but
the
centre of Sumerian culture and art.
The mounds
lying toother,
the
north-east
of TelloofSurghul
and aboutandsixEl-Hibba,
miles fromeach
which
werein point.
excavatedBoth
by mounds,
Dr. Koldewey
in 1887, the
are
instances
and
particularly
former, contain numerous early graves beneath houses
1 From
nature
this building Amiaud christened the mound the
Maison
"Tell
de la the
des of
Fruits."
2 A description ofthese buildings is given in Chap. IV., pp. 90 ff.
Déc
,feis
).(b5Chali
3nl
IS
LATER
A
.PART
ERA
SELEUCID
THE
OF
BUILDING
DOORWAY
BATESI
,PA
GUDEA
BY
ERECTED
TELLO
AT
;O
SHIRPURLA
OF
LEFT
THE
UILDING
N
EARLY CITIES
21
ofunburnt
suchcities
as have
subsequently
beenfirefound
atbablyFara,at the
andbrick,
both
were
destroyed
by
protime
when
Lagash
was
wiped
out.
From
the quantities of ashes, and from the fact that some of
the bodies appeared
to have
been partially
burnt,
Dr.
Koldewey
erroneously
concluded
that
the
mounds
marked
the
sites Babylonians
of " fire-necropoles,"
where
he
imagined
the
early
burnt
their
dead,
and
the
houses heorregarded
as tombs.¹ wasButthisin practice
no periodin
ofvogue.
Sumerian
Babylonianhistory
The deadmust
werehave
alwaysbeenburied,
and any
appearance
of
burning
produced
during
the
destruction
ofthe
cities
by
fire.
At
El-Hibba
remains
were
also visible of buildings constructed wholly or in
part
ofkiln-bakedbricks,which,coupledwiththegreater
extent ofits mounds, suggests that itwas a more important Sumerian
citygreater
than Surghul.
This
has beenwhich
confirmed
by
the
number
of
inscriptions
were
found They
uponinclude
its sitetextsandofhave
recently
beenof
published.
the
early
patesis
Lagash,
Eannatum
and Enannatum
I, andalsooffound
the laterat
patesi Gudea.
A text
of Gudea was
Surghul
proving
that boththeyplaces
were
subject
to
Lagash,
in
whose
territory
were
probably
always
includedfromduring
the periods
ofthat
city's
power. That,or
apart
the
graves,
few
objects
of
achaeological
artistic
weretorecovered,
may
in aspartthebeseat
tracedof
togovernment
theirinterest
proximity
Lagash,
which
naturally enjoyed
respect over neighbouring
towns. an advantage in this
Duringrival
the course
of her
early
history the most
persistent
of
Lagash
was
the
neighbouring
city
of Umma, now identified with the mound of Jokha,
lying somethe distance
to theandnorth-west
the region
between
Shatt el-Hai
the Shattinel-Kâr.
Its
2
1 Cf.
Cf. "Messerschmidt,
Zeits. fürAssyr.,""Vorderasiatische
II., pp. 406 ff. Schriftdenkmäler," p. v. f.,
2
pl. 31 The
ff. name is still often transcribed as Gishkhu or Gishukh ; for the
see " Cun.
supplied
reading
(1907),
ΧΧ.Texts,"
cf. Hrozný, "Zeits. für Assyr.,"
1. 7, byandaNeo-Babylonianvocabulary,
, pl.Umma,
28, Obv.,
XII.
ff. For its identification with Jokha, see Scheil, "Rec. de trav.,"
pp.
XIX.421, p. 63 ; cf. also XXI., p. 125.
22 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
neighbourhood
part ofgivethethemound
covered
with
sand-dunes,andwhich
spotitself
a veryare desolate
appearance,thembutcantheystillarebe seen
of recent
since
between
traces formation,
of former cultivation.
Theprincipal
mound isW.S.W.
in the form
of a ridge
overhalf
a
mile
long,running
to
E.N.E.
and
rising
at
its
highest
point
about
fifteen
metres
above
the plain.
lower
extensions
of the principal
mound
stretchTwo
out to
the east
and south-east.
DESERT
DESERT
SAND DUNES
JOKHA
AFTER ANDRAE
Sc
100
200
300
LOO
500
No excavations have yet been conducted on this
site, but it was visited by Dr. Andrae in the winter
of 1902-3. He noted traces of a large building on a
platform
toplan.the north
of thetoprincipal
ridge,a marked
Aits onsidesthemeasuring
It seventy
appears
have
formed
square,
metres
in
length,
and ofa
small mound rises in the centre of it. Quantities
square, kiln-burnt bricks are scattered on the mound
which covers it, and on the south side traces of a
EARLY CITIES
23
chamber
arethevisible.¹
Numerous
fragments
ofrectangular
diorite
also
suggest
presence
of
sculptures,
and
at the south corner of the building, at the spot marked
with
a crosswithon theplan,theGermansfound
afragment
carefully
chiselled
inscription
ofin diorite
part
of
a
archaic
characters.
The
occurrence
of
unglazed
potsherds,
flint ofimplements,
on other parts
the moundandare plano-convex
an indicationbricks
that,
like Fâra, the site contains relics of still earlier habita-
tion. Moreover, it is said that for years past Arab
diggings
there, and have
earlyreached
tablets
and threehave
conesbeen
ofthecarried
patesiout
Galu-Babbar
Europe from this site. In view of the promising traces
hecity noted
of theSumerian
importanthistory,
part itwhich
the
playedand
in early
is almost
toJôkha
be regretted
that
Dr.asAndrae
did his
notsubsequent
substitute
for
Abû
Hatab
a
site
for
excavation.
also
Otherprospects
mounds ofinsuccess
the same
for theneighbourhood
future excavator.
suggest
One of these is Hammâm, which lies about seven and
a half miles W.S.W. of Jôkha and close to the bed of
the
Shattonel-Kâr.
consistsare ofthea remains
group ofofseparate
mounds,
one ofItwhich
a rectresemblingthirty
a ziggurat
or templeangular Itsbuilding
tower.
side
measures
metres,
and
to a height of twelve metres above the surfaceitofrises
the
mound, which in turn is three metres above the plain.
Clay,
inbetween
which layers
of reeds
areWarka.
embedded,
hastobeen
spread
the
bricks
as
at
More
the
north of it in the same mound are traces of another
building,
possibly
the templeandof awhich
formed
To
the south
of Hammâm,
little itover
threeapart.
to the west of the Shatt el-Kâr is Tell 'Îd, anothermiles
site
which might repay excavation. It consists of a welldefined
mound, about thirty metres high at the summit,
and is visible from a considerable distance. Unlike
Hammam and Jôkha, however, it shows no trace upon
its surfaceor ofother
any objects
building,scattered
and thereonaretheno mound
potsherds,to
bricks,
1 Cf. " Mitteil. der Deutsch. Orient-Gesellschaft," No. 16, p. 20 f. Dr.
Andrae adds valuable notes on other mounds he visited during this journey.
24 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
afford an indication of its date. Both Tell 'Îd and
Hammam stand on a slightly elevated tract of desert
soil, some ten miles broad, which raises them above
the
by the inundations
Euphrates.
On marshes
the samecaused
tract farther
to the southofaretheSenkera
and
Warka,
which were examined by Loftus in the early
fifties.¹
Of the early sites in the region of the Shatt el-Kar
the
mounds
at from
Fâra the
haveprehistoric
been the period
most productive
of
remains
dating
of
Sumerian
culture.
Systematic
excavations
werecontinued
begun here
by
Dr. Koldewey
in 1902,2
and were
in the
following
year plan
by Drs.willAndrae
and Noeldeke.
The
accompanying
give
some
idea
of
the
extensive
area
occupied
by
the
mounds,
and
of
the
method
adopted for ascertaining their contents without too great an expenditure of time. The Arabic
numerals
against
thelevel
contour
linesplain.
indicateRoman
their figures
height
inaremetres
above
the
of
the
set at each end of the trenches in the order in which
they were cut. Thus the first two trenches (I. and II.),
running
fromwere
northcutto south
andthefrom
east toby west
respectively,
across
mounds
Dr.
Koldewey
to
gain
some
idea
of
their
general
character.
The subsequent trenches were all cut parallel to the
second
theextended
higher soportions
ofcover
the site,
alower
few
ofdetached
themthrough
being
as
to
the
to the east.but Inactually
the plan
trenchesof
are markedmounds
as continuous,
eachtheconsists
a series ofThese
shorthold
sections,
divided
of soil and
left
uncut.
up the
sidesbyofbands
the trench
leave passages
for crossing
side toof the
other.
Whenever
a trench
disclosesfrom
theone
remains
a building
it can becontinued
completely
uncovered
and the trench
afterwards
until
another
building
is
disclosed.
In the plan the principal cleared areas are outlined,
3
4
p. 33f.
12 See
See below,
"Mitteil.
derDeutsch. Orient-Gesellschaft," No. 15, p. 9 ff.
3 Each
Op. cit.,section
No. 17,of p.a trench
4 ff. is alsogiven a letter, so that such a symbol as
4
IV. b ordiscovered.
XII. & indicates
withinAvery
precise
limits
thetheprovenance
ofhouse
any
object
The
letter
on
the
plan
marks
site
of
the
builtby the expedition.
EARLY CITIES
25
and the position of walls which were uncovered within
themInistheindicated
coursebyof fine
the lines.
systematic excavation of the
established
mounds
site,Farait belong
was clearly
that allIn the
very
early
period.
manyplaces
atthe
to
a
trenches cut through thick strata of ashes and
1.
"
८
n
つつ
0
0
つっ
n
८
0
ว
4
つ
८
"
Y
ς
‫د‬
A
প্র
‫د‬
3.
Π
8
8
७
८८
5
FÂRA
6
5
AFTER ANDRAE AND NOELDEKE
5
charred remains, and it was seen that the whole settle-
greaterof
fire, and thatAllthetrace
ment
part ofhadit been
had destroyed
never beenbyreoccupied.
buildings practicallyceased at a depth of more than two
metres beneath the present surface, and those that were
to afactsinglethatepoch.
to belong
excavated
by the
they areTheirall
is attested
early
periodappear
26 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
built of plano-convex bricks,¹ both baked andunbaked,
with
thumb-marks
or linesManyimpressed
bywere
the clearly
finger
on
their
upper
surface.
of
them
dwelling-houses, consisting ofchambers grouped around
a rectangular court; others are of circular form, measuring
from
two
to five metres
across,
and their that
use has
not
been
determined.
It
has
been
suggested
the
latter may have served as wells, and it is true that they
generallythe descend
totheaplain.
depth But
of about
fourscattered
metres
below
level
of
they
are
so thickly
in theadequate;
mound that
this explanation
of theirin
use
is
scarcely
moreover
each
was
roofed
with an arch of overlapping bricks laid horizontally.
Theymay
have
been
cisterns,
or designed
forview
receiving
refuse-water
from
the
houses,
but
against
this
be set the fact that they are not connected in any iswayto
with
numerousSimilar
brick channels
and clay
were the
discovered.
constructions
weredrains
foundthatat
Surghul,
andornothing
in the
débris
which
filled
them,
either
there
at
Fâra,
has
thrown
light
upon
the
purpose
which
they served.
The
most
interesting
discoveries
at Fâra
were the
graves.
These
consist
of
two
classes,
sarcophagusgraves
and oval
mat-burials.
Theflatsarcophagi
are upright
of unglazed
clay,
in
form,
with
bottoms
and
sides, and each is closed with a terra-cotta lid. In the
mat-burials
the
corpse
with
its
offerings
was
wrapped
in
reed-matting
and never
placedburied
in a grave
dug for
in thein both
soil.
The
bodies
were
at
length,
classeswith
of graves
the skeletons
arebent.
foundThe
lyingrighton hand
their
sides
their
legs
and
arms
usuallywhich
holdsitaappears
drinking-cup,
of clay,to stone,
copper
or
shell,
to
be
raising
the
mouth
;
and
near the skull are often other vessels and great waterpots were
of clay.placed,
In and
the graves
of thehedead
man
the toolstheandweapons
ornaments
had
used
during
life.
Copper
spear-heads
and
axes
were
often found,
andand
theblades
daggers with
rivets for a
wooden
handle,
copper offish-hooks
and net-weights.
2
•
1 The
This positions
form ofbrick
is characteristic
ofthePre-Sargonic
period
; cf. inp. the
91.
2
of
some
of
the
larger
ones,
which
were
excavated
northern part ofthe mounds, are indicated by black dots in the plan.
OUTER FACE OF A FOUNDATION-WALL AT TELLO, BUILT BY UR-BAU,
PATESI OF SHIRFURLA.
Déc. en Chald., pl. 51 .
EARLY CITIES
27
The ornaments were very numerous, the wealthy
wearing
bead-necklaces
of agate
the
poorer contenting
themselves
withand
pastelapis-lazuli,
or shell, while
•
silver
finger-rings
were not conuncommon.
A very and
typicalcopper
classarm-rings
of grave-furniture
sisted of palettes or colour-dishes, made of alabaster,
often ofThere
gracefulis no
shape,
and assometimes
feet.
doubt
to their standing
use, foronfour
colour
still
remains
in
many
of
them,
generally
black
and
yellow, but sometimes a light rose and a light green.
Sincetheallpersonal
other objects
in thedeadgraves
were
placed there
for
use
ofthe
man,
we
mayinfer
that
colour
was
employed
at
that
period
for
painting
the
body.
No difference in age appears to have separated the
two
classesarrangement
ofburial, forof the
the bodies
offeringsis the
are alike
ineach,
and
the
same.
there should have been a difference in custom Why
it is
difficult
might
inferred
sarcophato
say.
It
be
that
the
gus
was
amark
of
wealth,
were
it
not
that
the
offerings
they contain
are generally
morethescanty
than inthe
mat-is
burials.
Whatever
may
be
explanation
there
little doubtMoreover,
that theywebelong
todefinitely
the sameconnect
race and
period.
may
the
graves
with
the
buildings
under
which
they
are
found,
precisely
for
in some
of them
similar
to others
foundwere
in theseal-cylinders
débris covering
the
houses,
those onof
sealingsand
fromthethedesigns
strata ofupon
ashesthem
in theresemble
upper surface
mounds.
the
The
sealsstone,
are generally
of shellrepresent
or limedesigns
stone,
rarely
of
harder
and
the
heroes
beingsandin conflict
with animals.
and mythological
The
presence
sealings
seal-cylinders,
resem-at
of
the
bling
form
design
those
early
period
in
and
of
the
Tello,Sumerian
Faraputbeyond
marks theadoubt
in itself suggests
thatwas
site of by
an
early
town.
This
discovery
tablets
houses,¹
where
the
ofclay
in six ofthe
they
lay
on
the
clay
floor
beneath
masses
of
charred
débris
beside themwere
had fallenuse,from
objectswhich
and the
of household
in oneroof;room the remains of
The houses with the claytablets were foundintrenchesVII.
and1XV.
, IX., XIII.,
28 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
a charred reed-mat were under them. The tablets were
offromunbaked
clay,thesimilar
inupon
shapethem,
to early
contracts
Tello,
and
texts
written
in extremely
archaic
characters,
referred
to
deeds
ofsale.
There is thus no doubt as to the racial character
of the inhabitants of this early settlement. The discovery
of aShuruppak,
brick inscribed
withthat
the name
ofwasKhaladda,
patesi
of
proved
Fara
the siteas
ofthethesceneancient
city
which
later
tradition
regarded
ofvery
the Deluge.
Khaladda'sand
inscription
is not
written
in
archaic
characters,
he
probably
lived
in the
kings of Sumer
and toAkkad.
We may
thustime
inferofthattheShuruppak
continued
exist
assiteawas
citynever
at thatagainperiod,
but
the
greater
part
of
theof
inhabited
after
the
destruction
the early town by fire. We have described its remains
inof some
detail asconcerning
they are the
our earliest
most valuable
sourcein
information
Sumerians
Babylonia.
Untilit isthedifficult
objectstothat
were found
have
been
published
determine
accurately
its relation in date to the earlier remains at Tello. A
few
sculpture
in relief
in thefragments
course ofof the
excavations,
and were
these,discovered
taken in
conjunction
with
the
cylinder-seals,the
inscribed
tablets,
andperiod
the pottery,
suggest
no long
intervalofseparated
its
from that
of thethatearliest
Sumerians
history.
A less exhaustive examination of the neighbouring
mounds and
of Abû
Hatab was
by Drs.of
Andrae
Noeldeke.
This also
site undertaken
lies to the north
Fâra, and, like it, is close to the Shatt el-Kâr.¹ The
southern part of the tell could not be examined because
of the modern Arab graves which here lie thick around
the tomb of the Imâm Said Muhammad. But the
trenches
the higher
parts ofedge,the sufficed
mound, toto
the northcutandin along
its eastern
1 Inin accordance
the foldingwith
map Fara
hasmap
beenpublished
set ontheinright
bank ofthe
Shatt elKar,
Loftus's
"Travels
and
Researches
in Chaldaea and Susiana." From Andrae's notes it would seem that Abû
Hatab,
and stream
probablyFara
also,lie oninmany
the eastplaces,and
or left bank.
But theto ancient
is
difficult
follow,
bed
of
the
has
disappeared
and
elsewhere
there
are
traces
of
two
or
three
parallel
channels
at
considerable distances
Euphrates
is notapart,
certainso atthat
thisthe
point.exact position of the original bed of the
29
EARLY CITIES
general
character.¹
remains,
such
asindicate
were itsfound
at Fâra,
are hereEarlier
completely
wanting,
+452
E
C
8781722 B
-686
D
+1534
F
+4,50
5
+302
Π
thy
+492
+508
ABÛ HATAB
AFTER ANDRAE AND.NOELDEKE
OF5985
IMAM SAID MUHAMMAD
0
0000
MODERN GRAVES
Sc:20 0 20 40 60 00 100
and it would appear to be not earlier than the period
of the kings of Sumer and Akkad. This is indicated
1 figures,preceded
In the plan the trenches
andgiveexcavated
sitesandcentimetres
areletteredfromtheAheight
to K.
The
bya
cross,
in
metres
of the moundat that point above the level ofthe plain.
30 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
by bricks of Bûr-Sin I., King of Ur, which were disthe
mound,
and toby the
the period
findingofofthecase-tablets
inof the
houses
belonging
dynasties
Ur
and Isin. The graves also differed from those at Fara,
generally
consisting
ofalid,the
pot-burials.
Here, in place
of
aofshallow
trough
with
sarcophaguswas
formed
deeply
theedges
outsidemeeting,
; these
weretwoset,great
one pots,
over the
other,ribbed
withontheir
and
afterorburial
they were
fixed together
by means
ofwithin
pitch
bitumen.
The
skeleton
is
usually
found
lying
on
its
back
or
side
in
a
crouching
position
with
bent
legs. and
Theornaments
general arrangement
ofthatdrinkingcups,
offerings,
resembles
Fara burials, so that the difference in the form inof the
the
is merely due to a later custom and not
tosarcophagus
any
racial
change.
Veryandsimilar
burials
were
found
by
Taylor
at
Mukayyar,
others
have
also
unearthed in the earlier strata of the moundsbeen
at
Babylon.
The majority
of the houses
atand,
AbûinHatab
appear
tocomplete
have
been
destroyed
by
fire,
view
of
the
absence of later remains, the tablets scattered
on theirItfloors
indicate
theaperiod
of its latest
settlement.
thus
represents
well-defined
epoch,
later
than that of the mounds at Fâra, and most valuable
for comparison
with
them.of any
At neither
Farabuilding
nor Abûor
Hatab
were
the
remains
important
temple disclosed, but the graves and houses of the
common people have furnished information of even
greater value
forwhichtheshould
archaeologist
and historian.
Another
mound
provide
further
material
for
the
study
of
this
earliest
period
is
Bismâya,
the
site of the city at Adab, at which excavations were
covered scattered in débris in the north-west part of
begun
1903 bythethefollowing
Universityyear.2of
ChicagoonandDecember
continued25, during
The mound of Hêtime to the west of Fâra, may, to
1 Hatab
Itûr-Shamash,
whose
brick-inscription
furnished
thetowards
information
thatof
Abû
is
the
site
of
the
city
Kisurra,
is
to
be
set
the
end
this2 period
Chap.theXI.,"Reports
and cf. p.of283
n. 1. of the Oriental
See the; seebelow,
extracts from
the f.,Expedition
Exploration
were issued toFund(Babylonian
the subscribers. Section) of the University of Chicago," which
EARLY CITIES
31
judge
the found
squarethere,
bricksdateandfromfragments
potburialsfrom
that are
about theof same
period as Abû Hatab. But it is of small extent and
height,
the the
greater
partwhilebeingits merely
six ormounds
seven
feet
above
plain,
two
central
rise to a height ofless than fourteen feet.
earlyand
Sumerian
mounds
the Such
regionareof the
the principal
Shatt el-Kâr
the Shatt
el-Hai.in
may well
Other tomounds
inequally
the same
neighbourhood
prove
be
of
early
dates;
but
it
should
be
noted that some of these do not cover Sumerian cities,
but
represent
later periods
occupation.
character
of thefarextensive
mound ofof Jidr
to the eastTheof
Fâra and Abû Hatab is doubtful; but the use of lime-
mortar
in
such
remains
as
are
visible
upon
the
surface
a lateregarded
epoch. asAnumber
of smaller
tells mayin
beindicates
definitely
representing
a
settlement
this district during Sassaniantimes. Such are Dubai,
which, with two others, lies to the south of Fara, and
Bint
el-Mderre to the east ; to the same period may be
assigned Menêdir, which lies to the north-east, beyond
Deke,
the nearest
village toyards
Fara.long,covers
This lastthemound,
little
more
than
ahundred
site of
aburial-place;
ithasbeencompletelyburrowed
through
bycovered
theArabs
in their search
for antiquities,
and
is nowof
sarcophagi.
with
fragments
of
The
mounds
Mjelli
andstillAbu
Khuwâsîj
totothetheArab
west ofperiod.
Fara are
probably
later,
and
belong
It will have been noted that all the Sumerian
mounds
described
or
referred
to
inthe
preceding
paragraphs cover cities which, after being burned down and
early period,
destroyed
reoccupied,inbuta comparatively
were left deserted.
Lagash,were_never
Umma,
Shuruppak,
Kisurra,
and
Adab
play
no
part
in that
the
subsequent
history
of
Babylonia.
We
may
infer
they perished during the fierce struggle which took
kings
of theAtFirst
place
between
theElamite
Babylonian
Dynasty
and
the
kings
of
Larsa.
this
time
city
after
city
in
Sumer
was
captured
and
retaken
many times, and on Samsu-iluna's final victory over
Rîm-Sin, it is probable that he decided to destroymany
of the cities and make the region a desert, so as to put
32 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
an end to trouble for the future. As a matter of fact,
hesouthwards,
only succeeded
shifting the
area of disturbance
for theinSumerian
inhabitants
fled to the
Sea-country on the shores of the Persian Gulf; and
reinforcements they
to their with
influence,
andmaytobethetraced
brought
them,
Samsu-iluna and his son at the handstheoftroubles
Iluma-ilu,of
who
hadThus
alreadySamsu-iluna's
established policy
his independence
in was
this
region.
of
repression
scarcely
a success; but the archaeologist has reason to
be grateful to it. The undisturbed condition of these
early
cities
renders
their
excavation
a tocomparatively
simple
matter,
and
lends
a
certainty
conclusions
drawn
from
a
study
of
their
remains,
which
is necessarilyAnother
lackingclass
in theofcase
ofmore
complicated
sites.
Sumerian cities consists of those
which were not finally destroyed by the Western
Semites, but continued to be important centres of
political
andhistory.
social life
during
the Senkera,
later periods
of
Babylonian
Niffer,
Warka,
Mukayyar,
and Abû Shahrain all doubtless contain in their
lower strata remains of the early Sumerian cities which
stood upon their sites ; but the greater part of the
mounds
are made
a period
not
earlier than
that ofuptheof ruins
great dating
buildersfrom
of the
Dynasty
of Ur.
In the
Nippur,during
the American
excavations
on
this
site,
history
of
Ekur,
the
temple
of the god
Enlil,
was
traced
back
to
the
period
of
Shar-GaniSharri scattered
and Narâm-Sin
; ¹ andbeneath
fragmentstheofchambers
early vases
found
in the débris
on
the south-east
sideanofearly
the Ziggurat,have
thrownhistory.
valuSumerian
able
light
upon
period
of
But
the
excavation
of
the
pre-Sargonic
strata,
so
far
as
it has yetresults.
been carried,has
given negative
positive
The excavations
carried rather
out onthan
the
other sites referred to were of a purely tentative character, and, although they were made in the early fifties
ofourlast
century,concerning
they still remain
the principal source of
knowledge
them.
Some idea of the extent of the mounds of Warka
may be gathered from Loftus's plan. The irregular
1 See below, Chap. IV., pp. 85 ff.
EARLY CITIES
33
circlecovers
of theanmounds,
marking
the later
walls of the
city,
area
nearly
six
miles
in
circumference,
and in view of this fact and of the short time and
limited
meansachieved
at his such
disposal,
is surprising
that heat
should have
gooditresults.
His work
Buwârîya, the principal mound of the group (marked A
WARKA
AFTER LOFTUS
200
400
600
800
YDS
Usic
h
L
SHOEBINHFEADTT T
ANCIEN
Sc:L
G
identification
with
E-anna,
on
the
plan),
resulted
in
its
the great temple ofthe goddess Ninni, or Ishtar, which
added and
to indrawings
the reignof oftheUr-Engur.
was
enormously
façade
of
careful
notes
Loftus's
building,
covered
by
the
mound
another
important
been ofnoless
greatinteresting
value fromis
known
as Wuswas (B),have while
the architecturalpointofview,
D
34 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
ANC
IEN
CAN T
AL
description
of thepart" Cone
Wall" (atcones,
E on dipped
the plan),in
his
in
great
of
terra-cotta
consisting
to form
various
red or black
colour,
and
arranged
of
mud
and
of
a
wall
composed
on
the
surface
patterns
chopped straw.¹ But the date of both these construcsarcophagus-graves
andtunnels
potuncertain.
tions
iswhich
Theacross
his
he
came
when
cutting
burials
and trenches are clearly contemporaneous with those at
**
MUKAYYAR
GRAVES
Sc
TAYLOR
AFTER
100
200
300
400
500
Yos
GRAVES
‫لالللاه‬
GRAVES
GRAVES
GRAVES
Abu
Hatab,
andThe
the finds
moundmademayin well
contain still
earlier
remains.
the
neighbouring
mounds of Senkera (Larsa), and Tell Sifr, were also
promising,
and, in spite of his want of success at Tell
Medîna, it is possible that a longer examination would
haveTheyielded
better
results. which mark the site ofUr,
mounds
of Mukayyar,
1 See " Chaldaea and Susiana," pp. 174ff. and 188 f.
2 Op. cit., pp. 244 ff., 266 ff.
EARLY CITIES
35
the centreofthe Moon-god's cult in Sumer, were partly
excavatedof bytheTaylorin
1854
and 1855.¹
Inthetemple
northernof
portion
group
he
examined
the
great
the Moon-god (marked A on the plan), the earliest
portions
ofreigns
its structure
which
he came across
datinga
from
the
of
Dungi
and
Ur-Engur.
Beneath
building
inhethefound
neighbourhood
of the
temple of(atplanoBon
the
plan)
a
pavement
consisting
convexwere
bricks,
a sureofindication
thatSumerian
at this point,
least,
buildings
the earliest
period,at
while the sarcophagus-burials in other parts of the
mound
were ofofearlybuilding
the early type. atTaylor
came across
similar
evidence
Abû
Shahrain,
the
comparatively
marksin the
the site
ofthe
sacred
city of smallmound
Eridu, for atwhich
a point
south-east
side
of theofthe
groupsame
he uncovered
a building constructed
of bricks
early character.
At Abû Shahrain indeed we should expect to find
Sumerians, for here dwelt Enki, the mysterious god of
the
deep.
The
remains
of
his
later
temple
now
dominatesstages
the group,
theB) great
temple-tower
still rising
in
two
(A
and
atthenorthern
end
ofthe
mound.
Unlike the other cities of Sumer, Eridu was not built
on the alluvium. Its situation is in a valley on the
edge of thebyArabian
desert, and
cut off
from Urridge.
and theIn
Euphrates
a
low
pebbly
sandstone
fact,
its ruins
abruptly
an inland
sea,appear
which tono rise
doubt
at onefrom
timethewasbedcon-of
nected directly
within the
Persianliterature
Gulf; ashence
the
description
ofEridu
cuneiform
standing
" on the shore of the sea." Another characteristic
traces of one of the earliest and most sacred shrines of the
which
distinguishes
Eridu
from
other citiesmaterial.
in Babylonia
israised
the extensive
use
of
stone
as
abuilding
The
platform,
on
which
the
city
andits
temple
stood,
was faced with a massive retaining wall of sandstone,
1 SeeSociety,
his " 1855,
Notespp.on260
theff.,ruins
of Mugeyer" in the Journal of the Royal
Asiatic
414f.
2 See his " Notes on Abû Shahrein and Tel el-Lahm," op. cit., p. 409.
disclosed
of uninscribedplano-convex
The trench
south-eastern
bricks
side of the ruins,
laid which
in bitumen,
wasthis
cutstructure,
near the built
between the moundsF andG (see plan), and to the north-east ofthe gulley.
36 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
no
doubt
obtained
from quarriesD onthe
in theplan)leading
neighbourhood,
whilethe
stairway(marked
to the firstmarble
stageofthe
temple-towerhad
beenformed
of
polished
slabs
which
were
now
scattered
on
the
surface of the mound. The marble stairs and the
numerous fragments of gold-leaf and gold-headed and
‫الا‬
‫ור‬
‫ال‬
கூ
C
‫دلا‬
----
B
C
D B
H
‫بالاسطاالا‬
‫والمعبد‬
‫اللباب‬
‫ا له‬
"
‫الاستدلا‬
G
ABUAFTERSHAHRAIN
TAYLOR
业
MINVIN
F
106.
Sc:
25
50
75
100
m.
copper stage
nails, ofwhich
Taylor found atattest
the itsbasemagnifiof the
second
the temple-tower,
cence
duringof the
latest
stage of its byhistory.
The name
and
period
the
city
nowcovered
the
neighbouring
mound
of Tellnot Lahm,
which
was also examined by
Taylor,
have
yet
been
ascertained.
It will thus be seen that excavations conducted on
the sites of the more famous cities of Sumer have not,
EARLY CITIES
37
with the single
exceptionthe ofearlier
Nippur,
yielded
much
information
concerning
periods
of
history,
while
the position
ofknowledge
one ofthem,
the city
of Isin,
is
still
unknown.
Our
ofsimilar
sitesin
Akkad
isexcavations
still more have
scanty.beenUpcarried
to theout
present
timetwo
systematic
at only
sites in
the
north,
Babylon
and
Sippar,
and
these
have
thrown
little
light
upon
the
more
remote
periods
of
their
occupation.
existing
Babylon
The
ruins
of
date
from
the
period of Nebuchadnezzar
II.,city
and inso 689
thorough
was
Sennacherib's
destruction
of
the
в.с.,
that,
afterallseveral
years
of work,
Dr.had
Koldewey
concludedon
that
traces
of
earlier
buildings
been
destroyed
that occasion.
More
recentlyandsomecontract-tablets
remains of earlier
strata
have
been
recognized,
have
been found which date from the period of the First
Dynasty.
Moreover,buta number
earlier pot-burials
have
been unearthed,
a carefulofexamination
of the
greater part of the ruins has added little to our knowledge ofthis
mostnegative
famouscity
Neo-Babylonian
era.
The same
resultsbefore
weretheobtained,
so far as
early remains are concerned, from the less exhaustive
work
on the sitesite,ofandhas
Borsippa.beenAbu
Habbaofisexcavaa far
more
promising
the
scene
tions begun
by Mr.
1881 and
1882,while
and
renewed
by Père
ScheilRassam
for someinmonths
in 1894,
excavations
wereby undertaken
in thein 1891.
neighbouring
mounds
of
Deir
Dr.
Wallis
Budge
These
two
sites
have
yielded
thousands
of
tablets
ofthe
period
offamous
the earliest
kings Sun-god
of Babylon,
and thewhich
siteNarâmof the
temple ofthe
at Sippar,
Sin rebuilt, has been identified, but little is yet accurately
known
concerning
the earlyand
citytheandfact
its suburbs.
The great
extent
of the mounds,
that for
nearly
thirty
years
they
have
been
the
happy
huntingground
ofand
Arabexhaustive
diggers, would
add to theIt difficulty
of
examination.
probably
any
final
is
inofAgade,
the neighbourhood
of Sippar
that thebe identified.
site of the city
eventually
or
Akkad,
will
Concerning the sites of other cities in Northern
Babylonia,
considerable
still exists.
The
extensive mounds
Ibrâhîm, situated
of Telluncertainty
about four
38 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
hours
to the
Hilla,of are
probably
to be
identified
withnorth-east
Cutha, theofcentre
the cult
of Nergal,
but the mound of 'Akarkûf, which may be seen from so
great aprobably
distance covers
on thea temple
road between
BaghdadKassite
and
Falûja,
and
cityofthe
period.
Both theincities
ofKish
and Opis,
whichrelations
figure
sobetween
prominently
the
early
history
of
the
andAkkad,
untilanother
quite recently,
thought Sumer
to be situated
closewere,
to one
on the
Tigris.
That
Opis
lay
on
that
river
and
not
on the
Euphrates
is
clear
from
the
account
which
Nebuchadnezzar II. has left us of his famous fortifications of
which Wall
are referred
by Greek
writers asof
"Babylon,¹
the Median
" and to" the
Fortification
Semiramis."
The outermost
Nebuchadnezzar's
line
of defence
consistedringof anof earthen
rampart andtriple
a ditch,
which
he tellsto usa point
extended
fromEuphrates
the bankwithin
of thetheTigris
above
Opis
on
the
city
offormer
Sippar,
proving
that
Opis
is
to
be
sought
upon
the
river. His second line of defence was a similar
ditch
stretched
on theandbankrampart
of thewhich
Euphrates
up tofromthethe
citycauseway
of Kish.
ItTigris,
was assumed
that
this
rampart
also
extended
the
although this is not stated in the text, and,tosince
the ideogram for Opisit isseemed
once rendered
as Kesh
inanda
bilingualincantation,
probable
that
Kish
Opis were
twinfrom
cities,eachbothother.
situatedThisonview
the Tigris
at noto
great
distance
appeared
find corroboration in the close association of the two
places
during
the wars
of Eannatum,
andseemin the
fact
that
at
the
time
of
Enbi-Ishtar
they
to
have
formed a single state. But it has recently been shown
that
Kish lay upon the Euphrates, and we may thus
12 See
Weissbach,
"isWadī
Brîssā,"
Col.hasVI.,furnished
11. 46ff.,usandwithcf. authority
pp. 39ff. for
The
incantation
the
one
which
readingthenameofShirpurla
as Lagash(see
above,
p. 17,n.
3). It powers
is directed
against
the
machinations
of
evil
demons,
and
in
one
passagethe
for
good
inherent
in
the
ancient
cities
ofBabylonia
are
invoked
on
behalf
of
the
possessed
man.
Here,foralong
withwhich
thenames
ofEridu,in the
Lagash,andShuruppak,
occurs
the
ideogram
Opis,
is
rendered
Assyrian
translation
asvol.Ki-e-shi,
i.e.
Kesh,
or
Kish
(cf.
Thompson,
"Devils
and
Evil
Spirits,"
i.,
p.
162
f.).
3 See above, p. 9.
EARLY CITIES
39
accept its former identification with the mound of ElOhêmir where bricks were found by Ker Porter recording
the building
E-meteursagga,
the temple
Zamama,
the patronofdeity
of Kish. Whether
Õpis ofis
to be identified with the extensive mounds of Tell
Manjûr, situated on the right bank of the Tigris in the
great
bendor made
by astheappears
river more
between
Samarra
Baghdad,
whether,
probable,
it isandto
beof Seleucia,
sought further
down stream
in theexcavation
neighbourhood
are
questions
which
future
may
decide.2
brief outline
beenofgiven
ourAkkad,
knowledgeTheconcerning
thethat
earlyhascities
Sumerofand
and ofsites,
the results
obtained
partialhowexcavation
their
will have
servedbytotheshow
much stillof
remains
toNotbeonly
donedoin the
this majority
field of archaeological
research.
of
the
sites
still
await systematic
excavation,
but
ayetlarge
part
of the
material
already
obtained
has
not
been
published.
Up to the present time, for instance, only the briefest
notes
haveHatab.
been given
of the important
finds leisurely
at Fara
and Abu
In contrast
to this rather
method
of making
publication,
the plan
followed
by results
M. de
Morgan
in
available
without
delay
the
ofhisconnection
work inPersiais
be commended.
this
mentionstrongly
should into any
case be made Inof
the excavations
Susa,remarkable
since theymonuments
have brought
light
some of theatmost
of theto
early
Semitic
kings
of Akkad.
It isfrom
trueBabylonia
the majorityto
ofElam,
these
had
been
carried
as
spoil
but they are none the less precious as examples
ofdiscovered
early Semitic
art. Such monuments as the recently
stele of Sharru-Gi, the statues of Manishtusu,
and Narâm-Sin's
of victory
afford valuable
evidence
concerning stele
the racial
characteristics
of the early
1 See George Smith, "Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," III., p. 364, and cf.
"Orient.
Lit.-Zeit.,"
1909,geographical
col. 205f. list ("Cun. Inser.
Thureau-Dangin,
Babylonian
in
an
early
that
fact
2
The
after a
is mentioned
Opiscity
1) the namethatof the
Vol. IV.,cities,
pl. 36,is No.
West. Asia,"
itself, or another
no indication
of Sumerian
number
by
suggested
situated
regarded
city
in the
XV., pp.as 210ff
. ) ; inSumer,
the next twoas names
für Assyr.,"
(cf. same
" Zeits.name,was
Jensenof the
pkhkh
list are those ofMagan and Melukhkha.
40 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
inhabitants of Northern Babylonia, and enable us to trace
some
of theitself
stages
their artistichavedevelopment.
But
in Akkad
the inexcavations
not thrown much
lightsolution
upon these
subjects,
norashave
theyperiod
contributed
to
the
of
the
problems
to
the
at
which
Sumerians and Semites first came in contact, or which
race
wasquestions
first in possession
of theis mainlyfurnished
land. For the study
ofthethese
our
material
from
Sumerian
side,
more
particularly
by
the
sculptures
and
inscriptions discovered during the French excavations at Tello.
It isinhabited
now generally
recognized
thatduring
the two
races
which
Sumer
and
Akkad
the
early
historical
periods
werespeech
sharplydivided
fromtheironephysical
another
not
only
by
their
but
also
in
characteristics.
One of theconsists
principal
traitstreatment
by whichof
they
may
be
distinguished
in
the
the hair. While the Sumerians invariably shaved the
head and face, the Semites retained the hair of the head
and
woreoflong
slight modification
in the
dressing
the beards.
hair wasAintroduced
by the Western
Semites
the First
Dynasty,
broughtof
with
themof from
SyriaBabylonian
the Canaanite
Bedouinwhocustom
shaving
the
lipswhile
and they
allowing
the beard
to fallcutonly
from
the
chin;
also
appear
to
have
hair short in the manner of the Arabs or Nabateanstheof
the
Sinai peninsula.
Theearlier
Semitesperiod,
who retained
were settled
inmoustache
Babylonia
during
the
the
as well as the beard, andwore their hair long.
Whileforrecognizing
the slight
changeSemitic
of custom,
introduced
a time during
the West
domination,
the
practice ofduring
wearing
hair andof beard
wasThe
a Semitic
characteristic
all
periods
history.
phrase
" theblack-headed ones," which is offrequent occurrence
2
originatedtoasthea description
✓ inof thethe Semites,
later texts,in clearly
contradistinction
Sumerians
with their shaven heads.
Another distinctive characteristic, almost equally
1 For the fullest treatment of this subject, see Meyer, "Sumerier und
Semiten in Babylonien" (Abh. der Königl. Preuss. Akad. der Wissenschaft.,
1906).
2 Cf. Herodotus, III., 8.
LIMESTONE FIGURE OF AN EARLY SUMERIAN PATESI,
OR HIGH OFFICIAL.
Brit. Mus. , No. 90929 ; photo. by Messrs. Mansell & Co.
EARLY CITIES
41
striking, may the
be outlineengraving
seen in the features
ofthethesculpture
face as
representedin
andin
ofprominent
the earliernose,
periods.
Itforms,
is trueindeed,
that thehisSumerian
had
afeature,
which
most
striking
nose andItlipsis are
never full
and fleshy
as with but
theboth
Semites.
sometimes
claimed
that
such primitive
representations
as occur upon Ur-Nina's
bas-reliefs,
or
in
Fig.
1
in
the
accompanying
block, are
too
rude
to
be
regarded
as
representing
accurately
an
ethnological
type.
But
it
will
be
noted
that
the
same
general characteristics are also found in the later and
more
finished bysculptures
Gudea's
fact
is illustrated
the twoofblack
dioriteperiod.
heads This
of statuettes figured on the following page. In both examples
FIG. 1.
FIG. 2.
were
fragments offurniture.
shell, whichEarliest
engraved
upon
Figuresemployed
of early forSumerians,
ornamenting
or
for
inlaying
boxes,
probably
period: from Tello.
[Déc., pl. 46, Nos. 2 and 1.]
certain archaic conventions are retained, such as the
exaggerated line of the eyebrows, and the unfinished
nose and reproduce
ear;
but accurately
lips are obviously
notracialSemitic,
same
and
they
the
type
earlier
which
found
upon
the
reliefs.
is
A third characteristic consists of the different forms
worn by Sumerians and Semites, as represented
ofondress
only
the monuments. The earliest Sumerians wore
petticoat,
a
of
form
the
in
garment,
woollen
afastened
thick round the waist by a band or girdle. The
in
plain,
quite
as
represented
sometimes
is
garment
in
border,while
fringe
or
scolloped
it has aform
othermostcaseselaborate
it consists of three, four, or five
its
each
horizontal flounces, lined vertically and scolloped
42 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
at the edge to represent thick locks of wool.¹ With
the later
Sumerian
patesisof athisgreatrough
garment
has
been
given
up
in
favour
shawl
or
mantle,
decorated with aborder,which was worn over the left
shoulder,
and, falling
in straight
folds,
draped
theforms
body
with
its
opening
infront.
Both
these
Sumerian
ofgarmentworn
are ofquite
differentontypes
Semitic
loin-cloth
by Narâm-Sin
his from
stele theof victory,
2
and thefromSemiticplaid
inwhich
he is garment
representedis aonhis
stele
PirHussein.
The
latter
narrow plaid which is wrapped round the bodylong,in
parallel bands, with the end thrown over the left
FIG. 3.
FIG. 4.
FIG. 5.
Later types
of Sumerians, as ofthe
exhibited
headswhich
ofmale statuettes from
Tello.
Figs.
samebyhead,
age of4and
Gudea5 aredifferent
; Fig. 3 may views
possibly be assigned
to a ratherprobablydates
later period. from the
[In theLouvre; Cat. Nos. 95 and 93.]
shoulder.
It hasmantle,
no slit,and,oronthe
opening,otherin hand,
front like
the
later Sumerian
was not
a shaped garment like the earlier Sumerian flounced
1 The women ofthe earlierperiod appear to have worn a modified form of
this
garment,p. 112,
madeFig.
of the
same
rough wool, but worn overEannatum,like
the left shoulder
hisa
(see
below,
43).
On
theSteleoftheVultures,
by
what
is
obviously
soldiers,
wears
the
petticoat,but
this
is
supplemented
separate garment of different texture thrown over the left shoulder so as to
leave
thenaturalhair
right arm free;
this may have been
the p.skin124).of an animal worn
with2 Athevery
outside(seetheplate
opposite
similar fringed mantlewasusuallywornbythe Sumerianwomen
offirsttheoverlatertheperiod,but
theatbody.
Pressed
breasts anditwasdraped
under eachdifferently
arm, it isupon
crossed
the back
and itsat
ends, thrownover
the shoulders, fall
infront
in front,see
two symmetrical
points
; for
agood
example
ofthegarmentas
seen
from
the
below,
p.
71.
3 See below, p. 245, Fig. 59.
1
EARLY CITIES
43
petticoat,
though both were
doubtless
made of wool
andTwo
weredistinct
probablydyed
inbright
colours.
racial
types arenotthusonlyrepresented
on
the
monuments,
differentiated
by
physical
features
butMoreover,
also by thethemethod
oftreating
the hair andof
by
dress.
one
type
is
characteristic
those
rulersthose
whosewhose
language
was Sumerian,
other
represents
inscriptions
are in thetheSemitic
tongue.
should hereandbe
noted. OnTwotheapparent
Stele of inconsistencies
the Vultures, Eannatum
his soldiers
arehelmets
sculptured
with
thickonhairtheirflowing
from
beneath
their
and
falling
shoulders.
But they have shaven faces, and, in view of the fact
that
ontheandsamemonument
all the dead
field
ofbattle
in the burial mounds
have uponthe
shaven heads,
like
those
of
the
Sumerians
assisting
at
the
burial
and
the sacrificial
rites,aswewigs,
may regard
the hair
ofEannatum
and
his
warriors
worn
like
the
wigs of thein
Egyptians,
on
special
occasions
and
particularly
battle.byThe
other inconsistency
arises fromThis
theisdress
worn
Hammurabi
on his monuments.
not
the
Semitic
plaid,
but
the
Sumerian
fringed
mantle,
and
we mayin conjecture
that,as aswellhe aswrote
votive
inscriptions
the Sumerian
in thehisSemitic
language,
so,
too,
he may
haveSumerian
symbolized
hisof dress.
rule in
Sumer
by
the
adoption
ofthe
form
later
It isfromnatural
period
Tellothat
bothupon
racialmonuments
types shouldof bethereprein.
sented.6 andThe7 maypossiblybelong
fragments of sculpture
illustrated
Figs.
to
the
same
monument,
we must assign
That onand,theifleftso,represents
a file ofit tonudea Semitic
captivesking.¹
with
shaven heads and faces, bound neck to neck with the
same cord, and their arms tied behind them. On the
otherlatter's
fragmentnosebothis captive
andbutconqueror
arethough
bearded.in
The
anything
Semitic,
carvedasinsignificant.
relief it
figuresperhaps
of suchbesmall
proportions
would
rash
to
regard
its
shape
The treatment of the hair, however, in itself constitutes
1 Remains
of an inscription
upon Fig.
6 the
treatcharacters
of the dedication
ofdoesa
temple
to
the
godNingirsu,
andtojudge
from
itprobably
not date from a period earlier than that ofGudea.
44 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
a sufficientlymarkeddifference
inracial
custom.
Fig. 8
represents
a
circular
support
of
steatite,
aroundwhich
are seated
seven
little
figuresonholding
tabletsscale
on their
knees;
it
is
here
reproduced
a
far
smaller
than
the
other
fragments.
The
little
figure
that
is
best
pre-a
served
is
of
unmistakably
Semitic
type,
and
wears
curled beard trimmed to a point, and hair that falls on
FIG. 7.
FIG. 6.
FIG. 8.
Examples
racial
types. of sculpture of the later period, from Tello, representing different
[Déc., pl. 26, Figs. 10b and 10a; pl. 21, Fig. 5.]
the shoulders in two great twisted tresses ; the face of
the figure on his left is broken, but the head is clearly
shaved. A occurs
similaronmixture
offragment
types upon
a single
monument
a
large
of
sculpture
representingwhich
sceneshasofworship,
also on Sharru-Gi's
monument
been foundand
at Susa.2
the periodthatfromthewhich
theseweresculptures
date it ofis
notAt
questioned
Semites
in occupation
Akkad,andthat
during certainperiods
already
extended their authority
over Sumer.theyhad
It is not
prising, therefore, that at this time both Sumerians surand
12 See
plateChap.
facingVIII.,
p. 52,pp.and220cf.ff.p. 68 f.
See the
below,
EARLY CITIES
45
Semites
shouldWhen,
be represented
side upon
monuments.
however,side
we byexamine
whattheis
undoubtedly
sculptured
one mixture
of the earliest
from
Tello the same
of racial
types isreliefs
met with.
FIG. 9.
FIG. 10.
١١١٠٠
FIG. 11.
period,
from
Tello,sculptured
Fragments ofacircularbas-reliefoftheearliest
withascenerepresenting
the
meeting
oftwo
chieftains
and
their
followers. The
different methods oftreating
are noteworthy.
Louvre;
Cat. No. 5.]
[Inthe
thehair
into tofragments,
unfortunately
The objectof isthem
its
recovered
indicate but
have beenbroken
enough
of two circularblocks,
it consisted
character. Originally,
placed one upon the other and sculptured on their outer
with
edge with reliefs. They wereperforated vertically
46 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
two holes which were intended to support maces, or
otherthevotive
objects,
in anseparate
upright position.
Theadvance
figures
intowards
relief
form
two
rows
which
one another, and at their head are two chiefs,
who
represented
meeting
facewho
(Fig.carries
9). Ita
will bearenoticed
that the
chief face
on thetoleft,
bent
club, Four
has long
falling onontheanother
shouldersfragment
and is
bearded.
of hair
his followers
(Fig. 10)
have long hairnoand
chief,
on thealsocontrary,wears
hairbeards.
on his face,Theonlyother
on
his head, and, since his followers have shaven heads and
faces,
wethemayVultures,he
conjecturewears
that, like
Eannatum
on
the
Stele
of
a
wig.
All
the
figures
are nude
to theof subordination
waist, and theto followers
hands
in token
their chiefs.clasp their
The extremely rude character of the sculpture is a
sufficient indication of its early date, apart from the
fact thatstrata
the fragments
in the
lowest
at Tello. were
Thefound
fashionscattered
of indicating
the
hair
is veryfoundation-figures
archaic, and is also
met with early
in a
class
of
copper
of
extremely
date.
The
monumentemployed,
belongs forto there
a period
when
writing
was
already
are
slight
traces of an inscription on its upper surface, which
probably
recorded thefromoccasion
of the
meetingthatof has
the
chiefs.
Moreover,
a
fifth
fragment
been discovered it is seen that the names and titles
of the various
engravedto upon
their
garments.
The personages
monument were
thus belongs
the earliest
Sumerian
period,of and,
may apply
the seen
rule holds
as to
the treatment
the ifhairwewhich
we have
good
laterwas
periods,
it would
this
time for
the the
Semite
already
in thefollow
land. that
The atscene,
inchieftains
fact, would
represent
theandmeeting
of sculptured
two early
of
the
Sumerians
Semites,
to commemorate
haddrawn
up. an agreement or treaty which they
2
1 According
to the
traces head
on theand
stoneface,thelike
figurehisimmediately
behind thein
beardless
chief
has
a
shaven
other
two
followers
Fig. 3. The figure on the right of this fragmentwears hair andbeard, and
probablyrepresentsamember
ofthe oppositepartyconductingthem into the
presence ofhis master.
2 See " Déc. en Chaldée," pl. 1 bis, Figs. 3-7.
EARLY CITIES
47
By a similar
examination
of onthethegods
of the
Sumerians,
as
they
are
represented
monuments,
Professor
Meyerin has
sought attothe
showdatethatofthe
Semites
were
not
only
Babylonia
the
earliest
Sumerian
sculptures
that
have
been
recovered,
but
also
that
they
were
in
occupation
of
the
country
before
the
Sumerians.
The
type
of
the
Sumerian
gods
at
the
later period is well illustrated bya limestone panel of
........
..
...
...
-
문공
FIG. 12.
Limestone
panelandsculptured
in relief,with
a scenerepresenting
Gudea
being
led
byNingishzida
another
god
into
the
presence
of
a
deity
who
is
seated
on
a throne.
[In theBerlin Museum; cf. Sum. und Sem., Taf. VII.]
Gudea,
whichscene
is preserved
in theisBerlin
sculptured
is one that
oftenMuseum.
met withTheon
cylinder-seals
of thedeities
period,
representing
a suppliant
being
led
by
lesser
into
the
presence
of
a greater
god.
In
this
instance
Gudea
is
being
led
byhispatron
deity
Ningishzida
and
another
god intoandtheheldpresence
offroma deity
who
was
seated
on
a
throne
which two streams of water flow. The righta vase
half
of the panel is broken, but the figure of the seated god
48 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
may be incylinder-seal.
part restoredThere,
from however,
the similarthescene
uponof
Gudea's
symbol
the spouting vase is multiplied, for not only does the
god
hold one in each hand, but
three others are below his feet, and
into them the water falls and spouts
again. Professor Meyer would
identify
the godthere
of the
waterstowithbe
Anu, though
is more
said for M. Heuzey's view that he
isareEnki,
of the deep.
We
however,
not the
heregodconcerned,
with the identity ofthe deities, but
FIG. 13.
with
the racial type they represent.
Figure of the seated god on It will be seen that they all have
the cylinder-sealofGudea.
hair and beards and wear the Se[Déc., p. 293.]
mitic plaid, and form a striking
contrast to Gudea with his shaven head and face, and
mantle.¹ is represented by the
his Afringed
Sumerian
very
similar
contrast
Sumerian
and
hisofgods
inVultures,
the earlier
historical
periods.
Upon
the
Stele
the
for
instance,the
god
Ningirsu
is
represented
with
abundant
hair,andalthough
his lips and cheeks are shaved a long beard falls from
below his chin. He is girt around the waist with a
plainthegarment,
whichof isthenothairof and
the later
Semitic
type,
but
treatment
beard
is
obviously
not Sumerian.
samefrom
bearded
type ofgod
is found
upon
early votiveThetablets
Nippur,
and also
on a
fragmentfromof anthe archaic
Sumerian
relief offromthe Tello,
rudimentary
which,
character
workas
and
the
style
of
the
composition,
has
been
regarded
the most
ancientofthe
example
Sumerian sculpture known.
The
contours
figuresof arevaguelyindicated
in low
1 TheSumerian
fact thatmantle
on sealsandofheaddress
this later maywell
period thehave
Moon-god
isresult
represented
inSumerian
the
been
a
of the
reaction,
which
took
place
under
the
kings
of
Ur
(see
below,
p. 283
23 See
Seef.).below,
p.In131,Fig.Fig.14 46.the hair and beard of the god who leads the
p.
49.
into
the presence
ofandthelong
goddess
isclearer
onseated
the original
stone.
worshipper
In
Fig.
15
the
locks
of
hair
beards
of
the
gods
are
more
sharply
outlined;
they
form
a
striking
contrast
to
the
figures
of
Sumerians,
who are represented as pouring out libations and bringing offerings to the
shrine.
EARLY CITIES
49
relief upononlya flat
plaque,
andThe
the scene
interioris evidently
details areof
indicated
by
the
point.
a mythological
character,byforthethehorned
seatedcrown
figureshewears.
may be
recognized
as
a
goddess
Beside
her
stands
a god
who
turns
to smitetheacaptive
bound
captive
with
a
heavy
club
or
mace.
e.
While
has
the shavenhairhead
facebeard.¹
of a Sumerian, the god
has abundant
andand
a long
Man forms his god in his own image, and it is
FIG. 14.
FIG. 15.
withBab.
scenes
ofworship.
tabletsExplorations,
fromNippur,engraved
p. 475, and Old
Inscr.,
II., pl. xvi.]
[Cf.Votive
Hilprecht,
surprising that the gods of the Sumerians should not
beownofthe
Sumerian
type.
If the he
Sumerian
shaved his
head
and
face,
why
should
have
figured
his
gods
with
long
beards
and
abundant
hair
and
have
clothed
withanswer
the garments
of another
Professorthem
Meyer's
to the question
is thatracethe?
Semites
and Akkad
their gods
werethealready
in occupation
of
Sumer
before
Sumerians
came
upon
and
the scene. He would regard the Semites at this early
1 See p. 50, Fig. 16.
E
50 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
throughout
wholeonlycountry,
period
settleduncultured
sufficienta
peoplethewith
primitiveas and
the figures
ofis their
gods
of artoftostone
embody
knowledge
inthatrude
images
or
clay.
There
no
doubt
the Sumerians were a warrior folk, and he would
the country at a latersuperior
date,
picture them as invading
opposition
Semitic
by
their
overwhelming
and
weapons and method of attack. The Sumerian method
of fighting he would compare to that of the Dorians
lance-bearing
with
phalanx
complete,warriors,
thoughtheir
comparison
is notofquite
the closed
of theno
knowledge of iron is postulated on the partsince
.............
١٠٠٠٠٠٠
FIG. 16.
Sumerian deities on an archaic relief from Tello.
[Déc., pl. 1, Fig. 1.]
Sumerians.in theHesouth,
would driving
regard the
invaders
as Semites
settling
mainly
many
of
the
northward,
and taking
themnaturally
the ancient
centres of Semitic
cult. over
Theyfrom
would
have
brought
their
own
gods
with
them,
and
these
they
would
identify
with
the
deities
they
found
in
possession
of the shrines, combining their attributes, but retaining
the
cult-images,retention
whose sacred
character
would
ensure
the
permanent
of
their
outward
form.
The
Sumerians in turn would have influenced their Semitic
subjects and
neighbours,
who
would
gradually
havea
acquired
from
them
their
higher
culture,
including
knowledge ofwriting and the arts.
EARLY CITIES
51
It may be admitted that the theory is attractive, and
itforeign
certainly
furnishesof antheexplanation
ofgods.the apparently
character
Sumerian
But
even
from
the
archaeological
side
it
is
not
so
complete
nor
sotheconvincing
as at first
sight
itrepresented
would appear.
Since
later
Sumerian
gods
were
withof
full
moustache
and
beard,
like
the
earliest
figures
Semitic kings
which
we possess,
it would
naturally
be
supposed
that
theywould
have
this
form
in
the
still
earliertheir
periods
ofandSumerian
history.
But,Areas we
have
seen,
lips
cheeks
are
shaved.
we
then
torather
postulate
a
still
earlier
Semitic
settlement,
different racial type to that which foundedofthea
kingdom of Kish and the empire of Akkad? Again,
세이
FIG. 17.
FIG. 18.
FIG. 19.
Earlier and later forms of divine headdresses. Figs. 17 and 18 are from the
obverse
of the Stele isoffrom
the Vultures,fragments
C and B; Fig. 19, the later form
ofhornedheaddress,
a sculpture
ofGudea.
[Déc.,
pl. 4, and
pl. 26, No. 9.]
the garments of the gods in the earliest period have
little
with form
the Semitic
plaid, and
akin into common
the plainer
of garment
wornarebynearer
contemporary
Sumerians.
The
divine
headdress,
too,
different to the later form, the single horns whichis
encirclewhat
maybe
a symbol of the
date-palm,¹
giving
place
to
a
plain
conicalheaddress
decorated
with
several
pairsThus,
ofhorns.
important differences are observable in the
form
of
the
earlier
Sumerian
gods
and their
dress
and
insignia,
which
it
is
difficult
to
reconcile
with
Professor
Meyer's theory of their origin. Moreover, the principal
1 Cf. Langdon,
" Babyloniaca,"
II.form
, p. 142;
this explanation
ispreferable
todress
treating
the
crowns
asa
feathered
ofheaddress.
The
changes
in theto
of
the
Sumerian
gods,
and
inthe
treatment
of
their
beards,
appear
have
takenplace
in thewellagehave
of thebeen
laterdueSemitic
kingsinfluence.
of Kish andThetheusekingsof
ofsandals
Akkad,
and
may
to
their
was certainly introducedby the Semites of this period.
52 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
example
which
he selected
to Nippur,
illustratehashissince
thesis,been
the
god
of
the
central
shrine
of
proved
neverbeen
to have
borneunder
the Semitic
name title
of Bêl,of
but to have
known
his Sumerian
Enlil
that Professor
Meyerfrom
claimsthethatbeginning.
this point Itdoesis true
not affect
his main
argument
;
but
at
least
it
proves
that
Nippur
was
always
a
Sumerian
religious
centre,
and
its
recognition
as the centralandandSumerians
most important
in theanycountry
bySemites
alike,tellsshrine
against
theory
requiring a comparatively late date for its foundation.
Suchnotevidence
as wepossess
the linguistic
side
is also
in favour
of the viewfromwhich
would regard
the
as in occupation
of the whole
beforeSemites
the Sumerian
immigration.
If thatof Babylonia
been
the case we should naturally expect to find had
abundant
traces of Semitic influence in the earliest Sumerian
texts that have been recovered. But, as a matter of
fact, no Semitism occurs in any text from Ur-Nina's
period
that ofloan-word
Lugal-zaggisi
withConetheofsingle
exception of to
a Semitic
on the
Entemena.3
In spite ofmilitates
the scanty
nature
ofassumption
our material,
this
fact
distinctly
against
the
that
Semites
and
living sideofbythesideSemitic
in Sumerwordat thein
time.Sumerians
But thewere
occurrence
Entemena's inscription
proves
external
with some Semitic
people
hadthat
already
takencontact
place.
Moreover,
it
is
possible
to
press
the
argument
from
theof
purely
linguistic
side
too
far.
A
date-formula
Samsu-iluna's
reignknown
has proved
that the Semitic
of Babylonia was
as " Akkadian,"
5 and speech
it has
4
Seeff. Clay,
" Theperiods
Amer.thenamewas
Journ. of pronouncedasEllil.
Semit. Lang. and Lit.," XXIII.,
pp. 12269Cf.
In
later
"Nachträgezur
aegyptischen
Chronologie," p. 44f., and "Geschichte
desAltertums,"
Bd.
I.,
Hft.
II.,
p.
407.
Königsinschriften,"
p. 38,
Akkad.he rightly
Dangin,is dam-kha-ra,
"Sum. undwhich
3 I.,See1. Thureauas
the
equivatakes
26
;
the
word
Col.
tamkhara, " battle " (cf. alsoUngnad," Orient. Lit.-Zeit.,"
lent ofthe Semitic
f.). the earlySumerian texts are in striking contrast to those
1908,4 Incol.this63respect
of the later
periodsargument
; the evidence
ofM.strong
Semitic
influence
in therelied
latterto
formed
the
main
on
which
Halévy
and
his
followers
disprove
existence ofthe" Orient.
Sumerians.
5 SeetheMesserschmidt,
King, " Chronicles," I., p. 180, n. 3. Lit.-Zeit., " 1905, col. 268 ff.; and cf.
FRAGMENT OF SUMERIAN SCULPTURE REPRESENTING
SCENES OF WORSHIP BEFORE THE GODS .
In the Louvre ; Déc. en Chald. , pl. 23.
EARLY CITIES
53
appearance
of
that
themust
first date
therefore
been argued
from
the
in
the
country
speech
Semitic
its
establishment
of Shar-Gani-sharri's
But there is littleempire
doubt with
that the
capital at Akkad.
reigns toof
of Kish,andrepresented
Semitic
Urumush,bywastheanterior
Sharru-Gi,kingdom
Manishtusu
the rise of Kish, the
Sargon's empire,mayand,welllonghavebefore
beennorth.
the first important
town
centreofofAkkad
Semitic settlement in the
1
appear have
that atbeen
therecovered,
earliest period
whichIt would
remainsthus
or records
Semitesof
and Sumerians were both settled in Babylonia, the one
race in the north, the other southwards nearer the
Persian
Gulf.
Livinggradually
at first inbring
comparative
isolation,
trade
and
war
would
them
into
closerof
Whetherwe
contact.
mayregard
the
earliest
rulers
Kish as Semites like their later successors, is still in
doubt. The character of Enbi-Ishtar's name points to
his being a Semite; but the still earlier king of Kish,
who
on the Stele
Vultures,
repreSumerian
sentedis referred
on that tomonument
as aofthe
withisshaven
head and face. But this mayhave been due to a consculpture
vention
time, andwereit Semites,
is quite
possible inthattheMesilim
and ofhisthesuccessors
and thatrepresent
their relations
with thestages
contemporary
rulers
of
Lagash
the
earlier
in
a
racial
conflict
whichOf dominates
history
oftheSumerians,
later periods.
the originalthehome
of the
from which
they
came
to
the
fertile
plains
of
Southern
Babylonia,
itthatis they
impossible
to
speak
with
confidence.
The fact
settled at the mouths of the great rivers
has
led
to
the
suggestion
that
they
arrived
by
sea,
and
this
has
beenandconnected
the who
storycame
in Berossus
Oannes
the other with
fish-men,
up from theof
Erythraean
brought
with
them. But Sea
the and
legend
need religion
not bearandthisculture
interpretation
merely
to the
Sea-country
onthe
shoresin
of the; itGulf
as thepoints
earliest
centre
of Sumerian
culture
the land. Othersandhave
have argued
they came
mountain-home,
cited inthatsupport
of theirfrom
viewa
1908,below,
col. 62p. ff.141, Fig.See
1 See Ungnad, op. cit.,3 See
48. below, Chap. VII. f.
54 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
the
of theandziggurat
or temple-tower,
built
"ideogram
likeinstitution
a mountain,"
the
employment
of
the
same
for " mountain"
andtofordate"land."
Butperiod
the
massive
temple-tower
appears
from
the
of Gudea
and theofearlier
kings
ofprobably
Ur, and,notwitha chathe
single
exception
Nippur,
was
racteristic feature of the earlier temples ; and it is now
known that the ideogram for " land" and " mountain"
was
employed in the
earlierof periods
for foreign
lands, in
contradistinction
to that
the Sumerians
themselves.¹
But,
in spite of the unsoundness of these arguments,onit
is most probable that the Sumerians did descendTheir
Babylonia from the mountains on the east.
entrance
into the
country would
thus
have been
theto
first
of
several
immigrations
from
that
quarter,
due
climatic
and
physical
changes
inproblem
Central ofAsia.2their racial
Still
more
obscure
is
the
affinity.
Thedue
obliquely
set anignorance
eyes of the figures
in the
earlier
reliefs,
mainlyto
ofperspective
characteristic
all primitive
suggested
the
theory that theof Sumerians
wereart,of first
Mongol
type ; and
the further
developments
which
a Chinese
origin isof tothisbeview,
soughtaccording
both forto
Sumerian roots and for the cuneiform character, are
too improbable to need detailed refutation. A more
recent suggestion,
thatstructure,
their language
is oflessIndoEuropean
origin
and
is
scarcely
improbable,
while
resemblances
which
have
been
pointed
out between isolated words in Sumerian and in
Armenian,
Turkish,
and otherWith
languages
of Western
Asia,
may
well
be
fortuitous.
the
Elamites
upon
their eastern border the Sumerians had close relations
the first, but the two races do not appear to
befrom
related
in language
byphysical
istics. Theeither
scientific
study ofor the
Sumeriancharactertongue,
See above, p. 14, u. 1.
I. p. 99 f.
f., 230,Appendix
284 ff., II.,
31 Cf.
Langdon, "Babyloniaca," I., pp.2 See225further,Appendix
hasSumerian,
been putGreek,
forward,consist
ofana
The
grounds,between
upon which
the suggestion
and
Latin,
the
verb
"to
go"
in
comparison
verbs
ofcompound
inlike;
a fewbut
otherquite
roots,apart
the existence
resemblance
apparent
of
general
and
the
from
questions
inprobability,
Sumerian,
" noted are
numerous enough, or
the "parallelisms
drawnscarcely
from them.
tojustify the inference
sufficiently close,
EARLY CITIES
55
inaugurated
by Professors
Zimmern
and
Jensen, and
more
especially
by
the
work
of
M.
Thureau-Dangin
on the early texts, will doubtless lead in time to more
accurate knowledge on this subject; but, until the
phoneticallelements
of the upon
language
are firmly
established,
theories based
linguistic
comparisons
are In
necessarily
insecure.
view of the absence of Semitic influence in
Sumertheduring
the immigrants
earlier periods,
itnot
mayreach
be conjectured
that
Semitic
did
from the south, but from the north-west, afterBabylonia
traversing
the
Syrian
coast-lands.
This
first
great
influx
of
Semitic nomad tribes left colonists behind them in
that region, who afterwards as the Amurru, or
Western Semites, pressed on in their turn into
Babylonia
and
established
the
earliest
independent
movement
dynasty
in
Babylon.
The
original
tinued
intowere
Northern
Babylonia,
andkings
its representatives
inAkkad.
history
the
early
Semitic
But the movement did not stopof Kish
there ;andit
passed on to the foot of the Zagros hills, and left its
traces in Such
the independent
principalities
of Lulubu
and
Gutiu.
in
outline
appears
to
have
been
the
course
of
this
early
migratory
movement,
which,
after
colonizing
the areas
itpassed,
eventuallyIt
expended itself
mountains
in thethrough
westernwhich
of Persia.
was
mainly through contact with the higher culture of
the Sumerians that the tribes which settled in Akkad
were
enabledof Western
later on Asia.
to play so important a part in
the history
-
CHAPTER III
THE AGE AND PRINCIPAL ACHIEVEMENTS OF SUMERIAN
CIVILIZATION
ONSIDERABLE
changes have recently taken
place in our estimate of the age of Sumerian
the length
timewhichelapsed
betweencivilization,
the earliestandremains
that ofhave
been recovered
monarchy.
and
the foundation
of thetoBabylonian
It
was
formerly
the
custom
assign
very
remote
dates
to thechronological
earlier rulerssystems
of Sumerin andAkkad,
and although
necessitated
the
vogue
enormous
gaps
knowledge
history,
conin
our
of
it
was
fidently
assumed
that
these
would
be
filled
as
a
result
of future excavation. Blank periods of a thousand
treated as oflittle account by many
years
or more
were
writers.
The
hoary
antiquity ascribed to the earliest
rulers had in itself an attraction which outweighed the
inconvenience
material toso
of spreading
cover
so immense
a space inthe
time.historical
But excavation,
far from filling the gaps, has tended distinctly to reduce
chronological
systems
them,
andandtheBabylonian
of theformerly
later
Assyrian
scribes,
which
were
regarded
importance,
brought
as ofbyprimary
have been
discredit
themselves.
into
the
scribes
From
their
own discrepancies it has been shown that the native
chronologists
mistakes
reckoning,
in their
sourcemake
disclosed
and a possiblecould
of error
has been
in the
fact
that
some
early
dynasties,
which
of
the
conformerly regarded as consecutive, were, actually, were
temporaneous.
Recent
research
subject
on
this
has
thus resulted in a considerable reduction of the early
dates,
and thewhich
different
historyasofisolated
Sumer
and Akkad,
wereepochs
at one intimethetreated
phenomena, have been articulated
to form a consistent
56
C
SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION
57
whole. tooButfar,theandtendency
now iscertain
to carry
the reaction
rather
to
compress
periods
beyond
the limits of the evidence. It will be well to summarize
the problems at issue, and to indicate the point at
which
evidence
givesto set
placelimits
to conjecture.
In
attempting
to the earlier
periodsthanof
Sumerian
history,
it
is
still
impossible
to
do
more
formarough
andwithapproximateestimateof
theirduration.
For
in
dealing
the
chronology
ofthe
remoter
ages,
we
are,
to
a
great
extent,
groping
in
the
dark.
The
material
that
has
been
employed
for
settling
the
order
offallsthenaturally
early kings,
and
for
determining
their
periods,
into
threeofmain
classes. consists
The mostof important
of
our
sources
information
the
contemporaryinscriptions
of
the
earlykings
themselves,
which have beenrecovered upon the sites of the ancient
cities in Babylonia.
The inscriptions
frequently they
give
genealogies
of
the
rulers
whose
achievements
record,
us to dates
ascertainthe
sequence
of the andthey
kings andthustheenable
relative
at which
they
reigned.
This
class
of
evidence
also
makes
it
possible
to fixofcertain
pointsmaintained
of contactan independent
between theauthority
separate
lines
rulers
who
within the borders of their city-states.
A second class of material, which is of even greater
importance
for settling
the chronology
of the doculater
Sumerian
epoch,
comprises
the
chronological
ments
up byandearly
who incorporated
the formdrawn
of lists
tablesscribes,
the history
of their ownin
time
and
that of which
their predecessors.
The not
system
of
dating
documents
was
in
vogue
was
a
very
convenient
the point usof view
of those
who
used it, butoneitfrom
has furnished
with an
invaluable
summary ofatthea time.
principalTheearlydwellers
events which took
place for
longperiods
in
Babylonia
did
by the years
of thecited
reigning
Babylonians,
as didnotthereckon
laterdates
but they
each king,
year
1
1 These have been collected and translated by Thureau-Dangin in " Les
Inscriptions
de Sumer
etd'Akkad," und
the Germanedition
of which, published
" in
akkadischen Königsinschriften
under the title
"Die sumerischen
the Vorderasiatische Bibliothek, includes the author's corrections and an
introductionis added
; a glossary
to subjects
of ofthe
a religious
Langdon,
to the German
edition
work.character, compiled by
58 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
by
eventevents
ofgreatest
whichoftook
place in
it. theSuch
consistedimportance
in the main
the building
oftemples, the performance
of religious ceremonies,
and
theconquestof
neighbouringcitiesandstates.
Thus
the
dates
upon
private
and
official
documents
often
furnish
uswithhistoricalinformationofconsiderableimportance.
But the disadvantages ofthe system are obvious, for
an
event
of great
importance
in one
city
and mightmight
be ofappear
no interest
to another
situated
at some
distance from it. Thus it happened that the same
event
was not employed
throughout
country
for designating
aparticular
year, andthewe whole
have evidence
that different
of dating
different
cities.systems
Moreover,
it wouldwere
haveemployed
required anin
unusually
gooda single
memory
to fixtotheanexact
period
of a
document
by
reference
event
which
took
place
inthethesystem
yearwhen
itbeen
was drawn
up,
more
especially
after
had
in
use
for
a
considerable
time. Thus, in order to fix the relative dates of documents
without
delay,arranged
the scribes
compiled
lists
ofreigns
the
titles
of
the
years,
in
order
under
the
of theinsuccessive
kings, and where
these they
werewere
doubtless
stored
some
archive-chamber,
easily
accessible
in
the
case
of
any
dispute
arising
with
regard
tosomethe ofdatetheseof aearly
particular
year. date-lists
It is fortunate
that
Sumerian
have
been
recovered,
and we are
furnished
themthewith
line
of Sumerian
history,
whichbyhas
valuean ofout-a
contemporary
record.¹ They have thrown light upon
a period of which at one time we knew little, and they
have served to remove more than one erroneous sup-
position.
Thus
the toso-called
Second
Dynasty of the
Ur
was
proved
by
them
have
been
non-existent,and
consequent
names
of Ur-Engurreduplication
and Dungi ofwaskings
shownbearing
to havethehad
no
foundation in fact.
years
compilation
of lists of theof separate
Frombutthea step
the reigns of
to the classification
it was
the kings themselves and their arrangement in the form
lists
Königsinschriften,"
pp.earlier
228ff.,
where the from
"early
1restored
Cf. Thureau-Dangin,
date-formulae
;
for
the
from
dates
on
tablets
are
tablets, see pp. 224 ff.
SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION
59
offromdynasties.
Among
the amass
of tablets
recovered
Niffer
has
been
found
fragment
of
one
of datethese
early
dynastic
tablets,
which
supplements
the
lists
and is ofofthethelater
greatest
valueTheforreverse
settlingof the
the
chronology
period.
tablet
gives complete
lists ofoftheUr names
of thetogether
kings
formed
Dynasties
who
the
and
Isin,
with
notes
as tostates
the that
lengththeofDynasty
their respective
reigns,
further
directly
and
it
of
Isin
succeeded that of Ur. This document fixes once for
all thetolength
of the period
whichof ittherefers,
andbeen
it is
much
be regretted
that sotolittle
text has
recovered.
Our oninformation
is atcolumn
presentofconfined
to
what
is
legible
part
of
one
the
tablet.
But the text in its complete form must have contained
no lessa listthanof various
six columns
of writing,
andinitBabylonia
probably
gave
dynasties
which
ruled
from
the verythough
earliestmany
timesof the
downdynasties
to the enumerated
date of its
compilation,
contemporaneous.
were
Itlistwas
onthethefamous
base
documents
ofdynastic
suchdoubtless
as
this
dynastic
that
tablet
was compiled
for the library
ofAshurbani-pal
at
Nineveh,
and
the
existence
of
such
lengthy
dynastic records must have contributed to the exaggehistory
rated estimate
fordown
the beginnings
which
have come
to us from of
theBabylonian
work of Berossus.
thirdfound
classinofthematerial
settling afforded
the chronology
has Abeen
externalforevidence
by the
early historical and votive inscriptions to which reference
has
made, anddocuments
by tabletsof aofcommercial
accounts,
deedsalready
ofsale, been
and numerous
and agricultural character. From a study of their form
and
material,
thecharacters
general style
of theawriting,
and the
employed,
rough
estimate
nature
of
the
may sometimes be made as to the time at which a
particular record was inscribed,
or thereigns.
length Further,
of a periodin
of
different
covered
by
documents
the course of the excavations undertaken at any site,
careful
be made ofhave
the been
relativefound.
depthsThus,
of theif
strata innote
whichmayinscriptions
1 See p.Hilprecht,
Metrological, and Chronological
Tablets,"
46f., pl. 30,"Mathematical,
No. 47.
60 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
texts ofthancertain
kings
occur
in aandmound
at afrom
greateran
depth
those
of
other
rulers,
it
appears
examination of the earth that the mound has not been
disturbedcauses,
by subsequent
buildingthatoperations
or theby
natural
it
may
be
inferred
the
deeper
stratum in which a text is found the earlier must be the
date to be assigned to it. But this class of evidence,
whether
obtained
fromispalaeographical
studyandor liable
from
systematic
excavation,
sometimes
uncertain
to more than one interpretation. Insuch cases it may
only be safelyconsiderations,
employedwhenandit agrees
other supand
independent
where with
additional
port is not forthcoming,
it is wiser to regard conclusions
basedupon
it
as
provisional.
The three classes of evidence that have been referred
to in theorder
preceding
settle the
relative
of manyparagraphs
ofthe earlyenable
rulersusoftoBabylonia,
but
theyof dowhich
not the
supply
us with ofanythese
definite
dateagesby
means
chronology
earlier
may
brought intohistory.
relation Inwithorder
thattoofsecure
the later
periodsbeofBabylonian
such
a pointupon
of connection,
reliance
hasthein early
the past
beenof
placed
a
notice
of
one
of
rulers
Babylonia,
which occurs inempire.
an inscription
of cylinder
the last
king
of
the
Neo-Babylonian
On
aclay
which
ispreserved
in thebetween
Britishthe
Museum,
itofof isNabonidus,
stated
that
3200
years
elapsed
burial
Narâm-Sin's foundation-memorial in the temple of
the Nabonidus
Sun-god at Sippar,
and
thedigging
finding ofin the
memorial
by
himself
when
the
temple's
foundations.¹
Now
Narâm-Sin
was
an
early
king of
Akkad, and, according to later tradition, was the son of
the still more famous Sargon I. On the strength of the
figureB.c.givenhas bybeenNabonidus,
theNarâm-Sin,
approximate
date
ofof
assigned
3750
to
and
that
3800these
в.с. early
to hisdates
fathertheSargon;
andofmainly
on thehistory
basis
beginning
Sumerian
ofhas
been set back as far as 5000 and even 6000 в.с.2
12 Cf.
" Cun. formerly
Inscr. West.
Asia,"
V.,
pl. 64,ofCol.Enlil's
II., 11.temple
54–65.and the first
Hilprecht
founding
placed
the
settlement
at Nippur
"somewhereInscriptions
between 6000
and 7000
в.с.,
possibly
even
Babylonian
earlier
"
(cf.
"Old
chiefly
from
Nippur,"
Pt.
II.,
р. 24).
SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION
61
The
improbably
highhasestimate
of Nabonidus
forof
the
date
of
Narâm-Sin
long
been
the
subject
criticism. It is an entirely isolated statement, unsupported
by anywhoother
reference
in early
orwere
lateclearly
texts ;
andthe
scribes
were
responsible
for
it
not
anxious
tohad
diminish
the antiquityof
the foundationrecord,
which
been
found
at
such
adepth
below thea
later
temple's
foundations,
and
after
so
prolonged
search. To accept it as accurate entailed the leaving
of enormous
gaps the
in thehighest
chronological
schemes,
even
when
postulating
possible
dates
for
the
dynasties of Ur and Babylon. An alternative device
of partially
filling thewasgaps
the invention
of kings
and
even dynasties
notabysuccess,
as their existence
has
sincereduction
been definitely
disproved.
Moreover,
theof
recent
in
the
date
of
the
First
Dynasty
Babylon, necessitated by the proof that the first three
dynasties
of the
Kings' List with
wereNabonidus's
partly contemporaneous,made
its
discrepancy
figuresa
still
more
glaring,
while
at
the
same
time
it
furnished
possible
explanationForofhissoscribes
high ainfigure
resulting
from
his
calculations.
all
good
faith
may
have
reckoned
as
consecutive
a
number
of
early
dynasties
which
hadfigure
beenis contemporaneous.
Theof
final
disproof
of
the
furnished
by
evidence
an archaeological
and epigraphic
character.
No such
long
interval
as
twelve
or
thirteen
hundred
years
canof
have
separated
the
art
of
Gudea's
period
from
that
Narâm-Sin ; and the clay tablets of the two epochs
differ
so littlein
and intheforms
characters
with which
they shape,
are inscribed,
that we ofthe
must regard
the
1 SeeLehmann-Haupt,
pp. 172ff.,
Winckler,
" Forschungen,"
I., p. 549"; ZweiHauptprobleme,"
" Die Keilinschriften und
dasAlteandTestament"
(3rded.),
17f.,and"
Mitteil."derVorderas.Gesellschaft,"1906,
I.,Rec.p. 12,de
n.tabl.,"
1; cf.p. I.,p.
also
Thureau-Dangin,
Rev.
d'Assyr.,"
IV.,
p.
72,
and
"
ix. " EarlyBabylonian History," pp. 30ff., 215 ff.
23 Cf.
Radau,
Cf. King, " Chronicles," I., p. 16. This explanation is preferable to
Lehmannaupt'swereemendation
figures,error.by which
he suggestsemendthat a
thousand Hyears
added to itofbytheascribal
Theprincipleof
ing the
figures
in these
later
chronologicalreferences
isintotally
unscientific.
For
the
emenders,
while
postulating
mechanical
errors
the
writing
of the;
figures,
still
regard
the
calculations
of
the
native
scribes
as
above
reproach
whereas
many
theirother.
figures, which are incapable of emendation, are
inconsistent
withofeach
62 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
two
ages as immediately
any considerable
break. following one another without
Byonlyrejecting
theconnection
figures of with
Nabonidus
we cut awayof
our
external
the
chronology
the latertimes
periods,
and, intoorder
earlier
we have
fall tobackevolve
on aa scheme
process forof
reckoning
from below.it willWithout
discussing
in briefly
detail
the
later
chronology,
be
well
to
indicate
the foundations
which weCanon,
can begin
build. Byis
the
aid of the on
Ptolemaic
whoseto accuracy
confirmed byChronicle,the
the larger Listlater
ofKings
and theof principal
Babylonian
chronology
Babylon
is definitely fixed back to the year 747 B.с.; by means
of the911eponym
for Assyria
fixedconfirms
back to the
year
в.с. lists
Eachthat
scheme
controlsis and
the
other, and the solareclipse ofJune 15th, 763 в.с., which
is recorded
in the eponymy
of Pûr-Sagale,an places
the
dead
reckoningforthese
laterperiodsupon
absolutely
certain basis.
For asthetheearlier
periodsof the
of Babylonian
history,
as
far
back
foundation
Babylonian
monarchy, a chronological framework has been
supplied
bythe thetextprincipal
List oftheKings.
of gapsIV.in
which render
lengthsInofspite
Dynasties
and
VIII. uncertain,between
it is possible,
the help
of synchronisms
Assyrianmainly
and byBabylonian
kings,
to fix approximately the date of Dynasty III.
Some difference of opinion exists with regard to this
date,
butthethemiddle
beginning
ofeighteenth
the dynastycentury
may beв.с.placed
at about
of
the
regard
King's Listin ittheis
nowWith
known
thattoitDynasty
ruled. inII.theof the
Sea-country
region
of thewithPersian
Gulf,ofitsDynasty
earlier kings
being
contemporary
the
close
I.
and
its
later
ones
with
thefirst
earlyofpart
ofpoints
Dynasty
III. there
Hereiswea
come
to
the
two
on
which
considerable difference of opinion. The available
evidence
suggests
that and
the that
kingstheofThird,
the Sea-country
never
ruled
in
Babylon,
or Kassite,
Dynasty followed the First Dynasty of Babylon
without any considerable break. But the date 2232 B.c.,
I.,p.77.n.1.
2Op.cit., pp.93ff.des
31 Forreferences,seeKing,"Chronicles,"
Op. cit., Chap. IV. f. Meyer also adopts
this view ("Geschichte
Altertums," Bd. I., Hft. II., p. 340f.).
Mo.
.,NBrit
86261
us
.MONUMENTS
BLAU
THE
Brit
.,NMo.
86260
us
SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION
63
which
probably
represents
the beginning
of the
non-a
mythical
dynasties
of
Berossus,¹
has
hitherto
played
considerable
part
in fact
modern
schemes
of ofchronology,
and,
in
spite
of
the
that
no
amount
ingenuity
can
reconcile
his
dynasties
with
those
of
history,
there
is still a strong temptation to retain the date for the
beginning
Dynastypoint
I. offrom
the Kings'
List
as affording
ations.
fixed But
andofthis
certain
which
to
start
calculacan only be done by assuming that
some
of
the
kings
ofan the
Sea-country
ruled
over theby
whole
of
Babylonia,
assumption
that
is
negatived
andarchaeologicalevidenceaswepossess.2
Itsuchis historical
safer to treat
the date 2232 B.C. as without significance, and to follow the evidence in confining the
kings
ofobtain
the Sea-country
tothetheir
own land.of theIf Babywe do
this
we
a
date
for
foundation
lonian
monarchy about the middle of the twenty-first
century B.C.
The second important point on which opinion is not
agreed, concerns the relation of the First Dynasty of
Babylon
to that
Isin. ofFrom
the Nippurofdynastic
list we know
the ofduration
the dynasties
Ur and
Isin, and if we could connect the latter with the First
Dynasty
of Babylon,
wefarshould
beasable
toagecarry
a fixed
chronology
at
least
as
back
the
of
Gudea.
Such a point for
of connection
has been
in the
date-formula
the seventeenth
year suggested
of Sin-muballit's
reign,thiswhich
records
a capture
ofIsin;
anditbyis identifying
event
with
the
fall
ofthe
dynasty,
assumed
1 Cf. " Chronicles," I., pp. 90 ff.
by
iswell illustrated
2different
The purely
arbitrary
character of themake
assumption
the
results
obtainedbythosewho
it.
Byclinging
toBerossus's
date of2232в.с., Thureau-Dangin assigns totheseconddynasty oftheKings'
inBabylon
(cf. 190ff.),
"Zeits.andfür
List
aperiod
years andof independent
Assyr.,"
XXI.,ofpp.168176ff.,
"Journaldesrule
savants,"
1908, pp.
Ungnad
177 yearsin("Orient.
Lit.-Zeit.,"
1907, col.of638,
1908,datacol.with
63 ff.).
the new
his
reconciliation
Lehmann-Haupt,
his suggested
former emendation of the Bavian date, makes the period 80 years (" Klio,"
to reconcile
the
1908,
227 ff. ). Poebel,
Berossus makes
and attempting
noticesignoring
to earlykings,
it 160 years
(cf. “ Zeits.
nativepp.chronological
is thatproposed
by
für
Assyr.,"whoXXI.,
pp. the
162 date
ff. ). ofThe
latest
combination
Schnabel,
accepts
2232
в.с.
for
both
the
system
of
Berossus
the2172
Kings'
List,thisbutnecessitates
places the historical
and
representedby
a gap of beginning
120 years
ofbetween
thethatFirst
Dynasty
in
в.с.;
Dynasties
I.
and
III.
("
Mitteil.
derVorderas.
Gesellschaft,"
pp. 241 ff. ). But all these systems are mainly based on a manipulation1908,of
the figures, and completely ignore the archaeological evidence.
64 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
that the kings of Isin and of Babylon overlapped for a
period
of about
ninety-nine
years. thisIntheoryrests,and
a later chapter
the
evidence
is
discussed
on
which
it is shown that the capture ofIsin in Sin-muballit's
seventeenth
yearhad
nothing
to
do
with
the
dynasty
of
episodeWeinthus
that name,
but was
thehave
laternostruggle
between
Babylon
and an
Larsa.¹
means
of decidingfrom
whatoneinterval,
if and
any,consequently
separated theall two
dynasties
another,
the
earlier
dates
remain
only
approximate.
The contract-tablets
dating
from found
the period
of the
Dynasty
of
Isin,
which
have
been
at
Nippur,
are said to resembleclosely thoseof the First Babylonian
Dynasty
inthusform,appear
material,
writing,
and terminology."
Itthewould
that
no
long
interval
separated
two
dynasties
from
one
another.
We
have
seen
that thein foundation
of the ofBabylonian
monarchy
may
beset
about
the
middle
the
twenty-first
century
B.c., andthebyfirstplacing
the Dynasty
of Isin
within
half ofthe
thatendsameofcentury
we obtain
the
approximate
2300 B.C. for the ItDynasty
of Isin,
and
2400 в.с.dates
for theof DynastyofUr.
is true that
we
know
that
the
Dynasty
of
Ur
lasted
for
exactly
one
hundred
and seventeen years, and that of Isin for two
hundred and twenty-five years and a half, but until we
can definitely
connect the
Dynasty
oftheIsindates
withinthat
of
Babylon,
any
attempt
to
work
out
detail
would
be misleading.
We must
bemeanwhile
content toto think
await
the
recovery
of
new
material,
and
in periods.
There
isandevidence
that
Ur-Engur
established
his
rule
in
Ur,
founded
his
dynasty
in
the
time
of
UrNingirsu, the son of Gudea of Lagash. We may
therefore
Gudea's
accession
aboutlater
2450than
в.с.
This dateplace
is some
thirteen
hundredat years
that
Narâm-Sin
by beNabonidus.
the
latter,assigned
we havetoalready
seen, must
reduced, inBut
accordancedated
with inevidence
furnished
byintermediate
Tello tablets,
whichof
are
the
reigns
of
the
patesis
Lagash. If we set this interval at one hundred and
See below, Chap. XI., pp. 313 ff.
21 Cf.
Hilprecht, "Math., Met., and Chron. Tabl.," p. 55, n. 1.
SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION
65
fifty years,¹
obtain for Narâm-Sin
a dateв.с.of 2600
B.C.,
and forweShar-Gani-Sharri
one of 2650
For
the later Semitic kings of Kish, headed by Sharru-Gi,
one hundred years is not too much to allow ; 2 we thus
obtain for Sharru-Gi the approximate date of2750 в.с.
It iscontemporary
possible thatofManishtusu,
King
of Kish,
was
the
Urukagina
of
Lagash,
but
the
evidence
in
favour
ofthe
synchronism
is
not
sufficiently
strong
tojustify
itsacceptance.
Byplacing
Urukagina
atof 2800в.с.,
weobtainfor
Ur-Ninâan
approximate
datea
3000
в.с.,
and
for
still
earlier
rulers
such
as
Mesilim,
date rather earlier than this. It is difficult to estimate
the ageatofFara,
the early
graves,
cylinder-seals
and
tablets
found
but
they
cannot
be
placed
at
a
much
later period than 3400 B.C. Thus the age ofSumerian
civilization
canthebefourth
tracedmillenniumB.с.,but
in Babylonia backnotbeyond.
to about
the Itmiddle
of
must be confessed that this is a reduction in the
date
the earliest
relics thatbuthave
been usually
recoveredassigned
of thetoSumerian
civilization,
its
achievements are by no means belittled byIttheis comnot
pression
of
its
period
of
development.
suggested culture,
that this
date
marks
the beginning
of
Sumerian
for,
as
we
have
noted,
it
is
probable
that the race was already possessed of a high standard
3
1
oftioncivilization
on their
arrivalwhich
in Babylonia.
of cuneiform
writing,
was one ofThe
theirinvenmost
noteworthy
achievements,
had
already
taken
place,
for
the
characters
in
the
earliest
inscriptions
recoveredhave
lost
form. itAssuming
the genuineness
the "their
Blaupictorial
Monuments,"
must be admitted
that evenof
on
the characters areWeinmay
a comparatively
stagethem
ofdevelopment.
thus put backadvanced
into a
1 Thureauanginwouldassign
1908, р. 201).only onehundredyears to this period (cf.
" Journal
des Dsavants,"
2 The periodbeenmaywell
havebeenlonger,
especially ifManishtusu should
provetohave
the
contemporary
ofUrukagina.
3 For
See below,
pp.
176,kings
n. 2, 209
f.rulers of Sumer and Akkad with their
4
a
list
of
the
and
approximate
dates,
seeopposite
the Listp. ofRulers
atobjects
the endhave
ofthe
volume.
5
See
the
plate
62.
The
been
previously
published
by
Hayes
Ward
in
"Proc.
Amer.
Orient.
Soc.
,
"
Oct.,
1885,
and
"Amer.
Journ.
Arch.
,
"
vol.
iv.
(1888),
pp.
39ff.
They
subsequently
found
theirwayinto
a London
where they werebought as forgeries and
presentedas such
to the sale-room,
British Museum.
F
66 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
more
remote
agewhich
the took
originplace
andatearly
growth
ofit
Sumerian
culture,
a
time
when
was not Sumerian.
In theis given
concluding
chapter
ofto this
volume
an
estimate
to
the
extent
which
Sumerian
culture
influenced,
either
directly
or indirectly,
other
races
in
Asia,
Egypt,
and
the
West.
In
such
matters
the interest
attaching
toeffects,
the Sumerian
originalmayis
largely
derived
from
its
and
its
study
be
undertaken
mainlyButwithonethe
view of elucidating
a
later
development.
department
of
Sumerian
activity
forms a striking
exceptionastopractised
this rule.by The
arts
of
sculpture
and
engraving,
the
Sumerians,
are
well
worthy
of
study
on
their
own
account,
for
while
their work
in the
all periods
is marked
by
spirit
and
originality,
that
of
later
time
reaches
a remarkable standard of excellence. The improvement inbetechnique
observable
inoftheSemitic
later work,
periodwhich
may
largely
due
to
the
influence
was derived from Sumer and reacted in its turn on the
parent stem. But the original impulse to artistic
production
wastraceof purely
Sumerian
origin, andofititsis
possible
to
the
gradual
development
products
from thesculpture
rudest reliefs
of the archaic
period
The
tocharacter
the finished
of
Gudea's
reign.¹
of the Semitic art of Akkad was secondary
and
derivative,
though the; inSemites
certainly
improved
on
what
they
borrowed
that
of
the
Sumerians
seeds of its later excellence may be detected from the
the
beginning.
The
most
ancient
of
the
sculptured
reliefs
of the Sumerians
aretheir
veryprimitive
rudely cut,character,
and theirbutagealsois
attested
not
only
by
by the linear form of the writing which is found upon
1 Oursinceknowledge
offrom
Sumerian
art issites
mainly
derived
from the finds
at
Tello,
the
objects
other
early
are
not
yet
published.
For
its
best and" fullest
discussion,desseeantiquités
Heuzey's chaldéennes,"
descriptions in"Une
" Découvertes
en
Chaldée,
his " Catalogue
Villa royale
chaldéenne,"
and
thevol."Revue
d'Assyriologie
"; cf.ofalsoSemitic
PerrotartandhaveChipiez,
"found
Histoire
de
l'art,"
ii.
The
finest
examples
been
at
Susa
(see
De
Morgan,
"Mémoires
de
la
Délégation
en
Perse,"
passim).
A und
scientific
treatment
ofis inclined
the subject
is adopted
bycredit
Meyerto thein
"Semite,
Sumerier
Semiten,"
but
he
to
assign
too
much
and to overestimate his share in the artistic development of the two
races.
**
DIORITE STATUE OF GUDEA, PATESI OF SHIRPURLA, REPRESENTED AS
THE ARCHITECT OF THE TEMPLE OF GATUMDUG .
In the Louvre; Déc. en Chald., pl. 14.
SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION
67
them. These,
owinglaterto their
smaller
size,belong
are theto best
preserved,
for
the
reliefs,
which
the
period
when
Sumerian
art
reached
its
fullest
development, are unfortunately represented only by fragments.
But
they
suffice
to showandtheenabled
spiritthem
whichsuccessfully
animated
these
ancient
craftsmen,
tofullyovercome
difficulties
of technique
which
were careavoided
by
the
later
sculptors
of
Assyria.
Toin
take
a
single
instance,
we
may
note
the
manner
which
theya composition
represented inthefull-face,
heads ofandthedid principal
figures
of
not seek
toa monotonous
avoid the difficulty
of
foreshortening
the
features
by
arrangement
inprofile.
Agood
example
of their bolder method of composition is afforded by
the reliefdatesof afrom
god,thegenerally
identified
withhe Ningirsu,
which
epoch
of
Gudea;
is seated
upon
a
throne,
and
while
the
torso
and
bearded
head
are
sculptured
full-face,
therelieflegsofarethein same
profile.¹period,
On
another
fragment
of
a
beautifully cut in alabaster but much damaged by
fire,
a goddess
is represented
seated
onis very
the knees
of
aforgod.
The
rendering
of
the
group
spirited,
while
thethegodsculpture
gazes incurving
profile atherhisbody
wife, from
she looks
out
from
the
hips.2
In neither instance can it be said that the sculptor
has
completely
in portraying
attitude,
for the succeeded
head in each
case shoulda benatural
only
inconventional
three-quartertreatment
profile, but
such
attempts
at
an
afford striking evidence un-of
the
originalityBoth
whichthecharacterized
the
worktoofdate
the
Sumerians.
sculptures
referred
fromonly
the instances
later Sumerian
period,
and, beif urged
they were
the
recovered,
it
might
the innovation should be traced to the influencethatof
North Babylonian art under the patronage of the
kings
of Akkad.example
Fortunately,
however,
wetreatment,
possess
an
interesting
of
the
same
class
of
which undoubtedlydates from a period anterior to the
See below,
1 See
p. 267, Fig. 66.
reproduction in "Déc. en Chaldée," pl. 22,
photographic
the
2
Fig. 5.
68 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Semitic
domination.similar
Thistois the
afforded
byprimitive
a perforated
plaque,
somewhat
more
ones
ofscene.
Ur-Ninâ,
engraved
inshallow
relief
with
a
libationThe figure of a man, completely nude and with
shaven head and face, raises a libation-vase with a long
spout,
from
which
he is about
to pour water
into a vase
holding
two
palm
leaves
and
aflowering
branch.
Theis
goddess
in
whose
honour
the
rite
is
being
performed
seated in the mountains, represented as in later times
by a number of small lozenges
or and
halfknees
circles.are inWhile
her
feet
profile,
the
head
is
represented
full-face,of skill
and the
sculptor's
want
in this
novel
2
treatment has led him to
assign the head a size out of
allof theproportion
to the
body. The
effectrestis
almost grotesque, but the
work is of considerable interest as one of the earliest
attempts on the part of the
Sumerian sculptors to break
FIG. 20.
away
from the stiff and forPerforated plaque engraved with a mal traditions of the archaic
representing
pouring out period.
Fromworkthethegeneral
ofscene
a libation
before athe
goddess.
style
of
the
relief
[In theLouvre; Cat. No. 11.]
may probably be dated about
the The
periodSumerians
of Eannatum's
reign.
did not attain the decorative effect
of thetheAssyrian
with which
lined
walls ofbas-reliefs
their palaces.
In fact,thethelater
smallkings
size
of the figures rendered them suitable forthe enrichment
of stelae, plaques, basins and stone vases,rather than for
elaborate
sculptures,
whichfragment
in anyofcase
they
had not thewallmaterial.
Theforlargest
an early
bas-relief that has been recovered appears to have
For the
ofthese perforated
sculptures,
see below,
p. 110such
f. as the
21 The
riteuseis represented
upon other
Sumerian
monuments
Stelehave
of theforbidden
Vulturesthe(seelossbelow,
p. 140). Heuzeythesuggests
that the liturgy
may
ofthelibation-water,
ritesymbolizing
its use
for the profit of vegetation; cf. " Catalogue des antiquités chaldéennes,"
р. 118.
SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION
69
formedfigures
the angle
of aregisters
stone pedestal,
and isceremonies
decorated
with
in
several
representing
of Sumerian
worship. In athepriestleading
upper register
on the
side
that
is
bestpreservedis
worshippers
into
theprobably
presencethatof agod,while
belowplays
is aoncrouching
figure,
of
a
woman
who
a great
lyre
or
harp
of
eleven
cords,
furnished
with
two
uprights and decorated with a horned head and the figure
of a bull.figure
On ontheaside
the upper
rowrest,
is aand
heavily
bearded
largerin scale
than the
the
mixture of Sumerian and Semitic types in the figures
preceding
suggestsofSemitic
that thedomination,
monumentunder
is to thebe
assigned tohim
the period
rule ofthekings
of Kishresembling
or Akkad.theButit
isofobviously
Sumerian
in
character,
work
Gudea's
period rather than that ofNarâm-Sin.
FIG. 21.
Fragments ofsculpturebelongingto thebestperiod ofSumerianart.
[Déc., pl. 25, Figs. 4 and 6.]
The
perfection
of detailsculptors
which ischaracterized
the
best
work
of
the
Sumerian
well
illustrated
by two fragments of reliefs, parts ofwhich are drawn in
outline
in thea bas-relief
accompanying
blocks. a The
onehumped
on the
left
is
from
representing
line
of
cattle
hornedbutsheep
defilingis preserved
past the spectator.
It
issurprising
badlyandbroken,
enough
to
show
the
sculptorThough
has reproduced the fidelity
animal'swithformwhich
and theattitude.
the
subject recalls the lines of domestic animals upon the
See the plate opposite p. 52.
70 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Assyrian bas-reliefs,the Sumeriantreatment is infinitely
superior. areThevisible
sameinhigh
qualities
of designonand
workmanship
the
little
fragment
the
right.
Of
themain
sculpture
only
ahuman
foot
remains;
but
it is beautifully modelled. The decorative border
belowstreams
the footof water
represents
the spouting
vase with
its
two
and
two
fish
swimming
against
the stream.the Asymbol
plant ofrisesvegetation
from the nourished
vase between
the
streams,
by
theto
waters.
The
extreme
delicacy
of
the
original
shows
what
degree
ofperiod.
perfection Sumerian work attained
during
the
best
The use of sculpture in relief was also most happily
employed
the decoration
of
basins orforfountains.
The
most elaborate of those re-
‫שייויי‬
covered, unhappilyfragments
representedbymutilated
only,
was decorated on the
outside with a chain of
femaletofigures
passing
from
hand
hand vases
of spouting water.
Betterofpreserved
are
the remains
another
FIG. 22.
basin, which was set up by
Limestone head of a lion which Gudea in Ningirsu's temple
decoratedthe cornerofa basinset at Lagash. Rectangular in
upbyGudeainNingirsu's
temple
2
shape,
each corner was decorated with a lion. The head,
drawn in thealmost
accompanying
block, is a fine piece of sculpture,and
stands out
from
the
corner,
while
the
body,carved
inprofile
onofa
the
side
of
the
basin,
is
in
low
relief.
Inthis
portrayal
lion decorative
turning itscombination
head,the designer
a boldin
but
of reliefhaswithformed
sculpture
at Lagash (Shirpurla).
[Déc., pl. 24, Fig. 3.]
the round.
most famous
examples
of rather
Sumerian
sculpture
are The
the statues
of Gudea,
and the
earlier
one of
Ur-Bau, which, however, lose much of their character
by the absence of their heads. It is true that a head
Cf. Heuzey,
en Chaldée,"
p. 218;
Catalogue,
2 See
"Déc. en"Déc.
Chaldée,"
pl. 24, Fig.
4, pp."216
ff. " p. 149.
SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION
71
ull
5555555555555555
$$$$
$$$$$$$$$$$
$$$$$$$$$$$
RRRR RRRRRRR3RRRR
???3?3?
has
beenof fitted
to abutsmaller
and more
recently
found
figure
Gudea;¹
this
proves
to
be
out
of
all
proportion
to
the
body-a
defect
that
was
probably
from thesymbolized
larger statues.
The
traditionalattitude
ofabsent
devotion,
by
the
clasping
of the hands
over the breast, gives them a certain monotony
; but
their
modelling
is
superior
to
anything
achieved
by
the
Babylonians
and
Assyrians
of
a
later
time.
Thus
there is a complete absence of exaggeration in the
rendering ofthe muscles ; the sculptorhasnot attempted
by
such
crude
and conventional
methods
to ascribe
to
his
model
a
supernatural
strength
and
vigour,
but
has
worked direct
fromfrom
nature.darkThey are carved indiorite,
varying
in
colour
green atomaterial
black, and
thathaveso
hard
should
been worked in the large
masses
required, is in itself
an achievement of no small
importance,skillandonargues
greatof
technical
the part
the sculptors of the later
period.
For smaller
and
statuettes
a softerfigures
stone, such
as white limestone, alabaster,
or
onyx,butwasa usually
ployed,
few in emthe
harder stone have been recovered. The most remarkable of these is a diorite
FIG. 23.
statuette of a woman, the
Upper part of a female statuette
of the period of Gudea or
upper part of which has been aofdiorite,
little later.
preserved. The head and the [Déc., pl. 24 bis, Fig. 2.]
torso were found separately,
but thanks to their hard material they join without
leaving
a trace of any break. Here,as usual,the hands
are crossed upon the breast, and thefolds of the garment
1 See the plate opposite p. 268.
2 the
For plate
the seated
statuep. 66ofGudea
asforthedescriptions
architect ofGatumdug's
temple,
see
opposite
;
and
of
the
statues,
see
Chap. IX., p. 269 f.
72 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
areonly
the arms
as in theindicated
statues under
of Gudea.
Butbythea fewplain
woman's grooves
form is
visible beneath the stuff ofher garment, and the curves
back are wonderfully true. Her hair, undulating
onofthe
the
temples,
is bound
inneck,
ahead-cloth
andbeing
fallssecured
inthe
form
of
a
chignon
on
the
the
whole
by a stiff
band,or
fillet,aroundwhich
the cloth is folded
with
its fringe
tucked
in.
The
drawing
inface,
Fig.since
23 scarcely
does justice
to
the
beauty
of
the
it
exaggerates
the
conventional representation
the eyebrows,and
reproduces
the of
texture
of the stone
at the
expense
of
the
outline.
Moreover,
the face is almost more striking in
profile.¹ isTherather
nose,though
perfectly
straight,
large,
but
clearly a racial characteristic. this
Evenis
so, the istype
of female
beauty portrayed
singularly
striking,and
the
manner in which the Sumerian
sculptor has succeeded in reproducing
itany
waslater
not approached
in the
FIG. 24.
work
of
period.
Another
Limestone head of a
head
fromdressed
a female
statuette,fashion,
with
femalestatuettebelonging
the
hair
in
a
similar
tomerian
the best
period
of
Suart.
equallyof the
beautiful.
Thetoabsence
[Déc., pl. 25, Fig. 2.] isofpart
nose
tends
give it
abably
ratherincreases
less marked
ethnographic
character,
and
prothe
resemblance
which
has
been
claimed
for it to types ofclassical antiquity.²
The art and
ofcasting
in metalwas
alsoperiod,
practised
by theto
Sumerians,
even
in
the
earliest
anterior
the reign of which
Ur-Ninâ,weresmallcastfoundation-figureshave
been
discovered,
solid
in
copper.
In
fact,
copper
was
the
metal
most
commonly
employed
by
the
Sumerians,
and
their
stage
of
culture
throughout
the
long period
of theirthanhistory
may
be described
astruea
copper
age,
rather
an
age
of
bronze.
It
is
that the claim is sometimes put forward, based on
outline which Heuzey prints on the
2 Cf. Heuzey, " Déc. en Chaldée," p. 158.
1 See the
Catalogue. drawing in
title-page
ofhisverybeautiful
CLAY RELIEF STAMPED WITH THE FIGURE OF THE
BABYLONIAN HERO GILGAMESH, HOLDING A VASE
FROM WHICH TWO STREAMS OF WATER FLOW .
Brit. Mus. , No. 21204.
FRAGMENT OF LIMESTONE SCULPTURED IN RELIEF WITH
VASES FROM WHICH STREAMS OF WATER FLOW.
Brit. Mus. , No. 95477.
SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION
1
73
very
unsatisfactory
evidence,
thatalso
theantimony
Sumerianinmetalfounders
used
not
only
tin
but
order
tofusible
harden
copper,
and
at
the
same
time
render
it
more
; ¹ and it is difficult to explain the employment
of two ideograms
forsignified
the metal,
evenandin the
earlier
periods,
unless
one
bronze
the
otherof
copper.2
But
a
careful
analysis
by
M.
Berthelot
the
numerous
metal objects found athasTello,
thethat,
datesevenof
which
can
be
definitelyascertained,
shown
under
later rulers
and the
of Ur,of
not onlythevotive
figures,ofbutLagash
also tools
andkings
weapons
copper,
containsonoat trace
of tintheemployed
as anweapons
alloy.
As
at Tello,
Tell Sifr,
vessels and
found by Loftus are of copper, not bronze. The
1 It should besites
notedwhich
thatwere
of thesubmitted
seven objects
frombyNippur
and Helm
other
south-Babylonian
to
analysis
Herr
Otto
in Danzig, only
twopp.contained
aOfthese
percentage
of(op.
tin cit.,
(cf. p." Zeitschrift
füra
Ethnologie,"
1901,
157
ff
.
).
a
nail
161)
is
from
stratum in Nippur, dated by Prof. Hilprecht himself after 300 A.D. The
" stilusartige
Instrument,"
which, like
thenail,
contained
overfrom
five apermound
cent.
ofabout
tin, thirty
was notmiles
found
at
Nippur,
but
is
said
to
have
come
to theThesouthpercentage
of it. Nothing
is therefore
known
withis
accuracy
as
to
its
date.
of
antimony
in
the
other
objects
comparatively small, and the dates assigned to them are not clearly substantiated.
Thesep.facts
doMeyer
not justify
Hilprecht's
confidentSumerians
statementwithin
"Explorations,"
252.
also
credits
the
earliest
using
bronze
beside
copper,asandof hebronze
describes
the axe-headsdesandAltertums,"
arm-rings
found
in
the
early
graves
(cf.
"Geschichte
Bd. I.,theHft.oldest
II., p.stratum
416f.);at Tello
but heasalsoof describes
the littleanalysis
foundation-figures
whereas
from
bronze,
has proved
them to be copper.
of thethatCuneiform
(cf. "ThetheArchaeology
* This pointp. 59f.),
is madewho,bySayce
opinion
definite
however,holds
Inscriptions,"
ofbronze has beendiscovered on the earlier sites (op. cit., p. 55f.). nothing
IX.,in
3 Cf.f.;Berthelot,
" La àchimie
audemoyen
âge," tome
I.,f.,Appendix
l'étude
la
chimie,"
p.
227
andHeuzey
p."Déc.
391
"
Introduction
en Chaldée," p. 238; antimony is said to have beenknown andused
itself, though notofthe
as anfragmentfromTello,whichwasanalysed.
alloy (Berthelot, "Introd.," p. 223), but there
is
nobybe proofofthedate
Itmay
added that the votive figures of Gudea's reign, which are preserved in the
British
and are
(cf. the plate oppositeas
p. 272), Museum
should, since
theyusuallyregardedas
came fromTello, beofbronze
more accuratelydescribed
of copper.
+See Loftus, "Chaldaea and Susiana," p.268 f.,who describes all the
Loftuswassubsequently
excavatedby
One oftheknives
objects asand
ofcopper.
,Dr.
"NottingBritishAssoc.
ofthe
"Report
foundtobecopper(see
analysed
J. f.).H.
that
of
confirmed
by
was
analysis
this
715)
;
1893,
p.
ham,
p.
98
xvi.,
,
"
vol.
Arch.
Bibl.
Soc.
"
Proc.
the
in
(published
Gladstone
of the asDeutsche
by members
objects foundand
analysis ofatthe
Acareful
bronze
styled bythem
in 1902and1903,
Fårametal
Orient-Gesellschaft
(see " Mitteilungen,"
absence
ofany alloy. No. 17, p. 6), would probably result in proving the
74 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
presence
ofan
exceedingly
small proportion
ofto elements
other
than
copperin
the
objects
submitted
analysis
was
probably
not
intentional,
but
was
due
to
the
necessarilyNoimperfect
method
ofsmelting
that
was
employed.
trace
has
yet
been
found
of
anymould
used
by
the Sumerians in the process of casting metal, but we
forsame
solidform
and
may assume
that clay
wasmanyfigures
employed both
hollow
castings.
While
ofthe
have been found, no two are exactly
alike
of quite
proportions, nor
so that
it maythebesame
inferred
that
a mould was never used a second
time, but that each was broken in
order to remove the casting. The
usually
copperthefoundation-figures
take
form
of
nails,
terminating
with the bust of a female figure,and
they were set in a socket beneath
stone foundation-inscriptions which
they support.
Later, votive
objects,
FIG. 25.
male
figures,
castin
copper,represent
Oneofaseries ofcopper
female
foundationf
igures
bearing
on
their
heads
the
builder's
with
rings,of basket,inwhich isclay for the sacred
buried supporting
in a structure
unburnt
brick
beneath
stone foundation-records. bricks of the temple's foundation ;
From Tello ; period of Ur- or they consist of great cones or
Ninâ.
[Déc., pl. 2 ter, Fig. 3.] nails supporting a recumbent bull,¹
or clasped
the sometimes
kneeling figure
coveredof
a god. Large figures
ofwoodbywere
with
thin
platesasofiscopper
joined
byhorn
a series
ofbullsmallof
nails
or
rivets,
proved
by
the
of
a
natural size, which has been discovered at Tello.³ But
hollow castings in copper of a considerable size have
also been found. A good example is the bull's head,
figuredfrom
in thea period
accompanying
dates
not later block,
than thewhich
closeprobably
of UrNina's
dynasty.
Its
eyes
are
inlaid
with
mother-ofpearl
andis met
lapis-lazuli,
andcopperhead
a very similar
method
of
inlaying
with
inthe
ofagoat
which
was found at Fâra.4
See the
blocks
on p. 256. pl. 45, Fig.
2 See1. the plate opposite p. 272.
Chaldée,"
31+ See
"
Déc.
en
See Fig. 27, andcf. Hilprecht, "Explorations," p. 539 f.
SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION
75
was employed
process figures
of manufacture
simplerofvotive
Athefarmaking
ofterra-cotta,
for
for thisin
order ofdevelopment, precededthe use of metalwhich,
FIG. 26.
FIG. 27.
Heads ofabull
agoat,cast
copperatandTello,
inlaid
lapis-lazuli,
etc. Theandbull's
head wasin found
andwith
thatmother-of-pearl,
of the goat at
Fâra.
[Déc., pl. 5 ter, Fig. 2 ; Zeits. für Ethnol., 1901, p. 163.]
purpose,
though
they continued
to later
be manufactured
in
considerable
quantities
during
the
periods.
Here
the
mould,
inasingle
piece,was
cut in stone or some
other
hard
material,
and
the
clay,
after
beingdown
impressed
into byit,hand.
was
smoothed
on the back
The flatsurface
borderof oftheclay
left was
by frethe
upper
mould,
quentlyarenotsometimes
removed,found
so that
the
figures
standing
out from a flat background in the
FIG. 28.
manner
of
a
sculptured
plaque,
or
Stamped
terra- cotta
bas-relief.
In
the
period
of
Gudea,
figure of a bearded
god,
wearingthehornedheadthe
mould
was
definitely
used
as
a
dress,
atstamp,
thus
returning
to
the
original
tached tothewhichare
ears of a bull.
PeriodofGudea.
usefrom
which itsInterestingexamples
later employment [Déc., pl. 39, Fig. 3.]
wasdeveloped.
ofof asuch
later stamped
figures include
representations
godwearing
ahornedheaddress,
towhich
are added
the ears of a bull, and of a hero, often identified with
Gilgamesh, who holds a vase from which two streams
1 Likeantheextreme
brick-stamps,
hardness.they may sometimes have been made of clay
burntto
76 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
offigures
wateris extremely
flow. Thefineclay
employed formosttheofvotive
in
quality,and
them
are
baked
to
a
degree
of
hardness
resembling
stone
or metal.
The artwho
of inlaying
was widely
by but
the
Sumerians,
not onlytreated
metalpractised
in this way,
frequently
attempted
to givethemorewhiteexpression
or lifewithto
stone
statues
by
inlaying
of
the
eye
mother-of-pearl
and representing
pupil was
and
iris
by lapis-lazulior orshell,bitumen.
A similarthemethod
employed to enrich votive stone figures of
animals, and to give a
varied
and polychrome
effect to vases carved
in stone. The finest
example of this class of
work is a libation-vase
of Gudea made of dark
greendedicated
steatite, bywhich
was
him
togishzida.
his patronThedeityNinvasehas
a
short
projecting
spout
FIG. 29.
running
up
from
theas
Scheme
ofdecorationfromalibation
v
ase
base
and
grooved,
so
oforiginally
Gudea,inlaid
madewith
of dark
shell.green steatite and to allow only a small
[Déc., pl. 44, Fig. 2; cf. Cat., p. 281.] stream of liquid to
escape during
the pouris interesting
ing of alibation. Its scheme ofdecoration
•
assideit ofaffords
an
excellent
example
of
the
more
fantastic
Sumerian
art,inspired
byThe
alargeandimportant
section
of
the
religious
belief.
two intertwined
serpents,
whose
tongues
touch
the
point
where
the
liquid
the vase,
are modelledfrom
nature,
but thewould
wingedleave
monsters
oneach
sidewell illustrate
the
demonology.
Sumerian
Babylonian
origin
of
later
withtheof
such compositemonsters,
It isandprobablethat
andtalons
wings
andthe
headsofserpents
bodies
birds, were originally malevolent incharacter, but here,
published on the plate opposite p. 72 from a
stamped
1 See thein the
Museum.
terra-cotta
Britishfigure
IMPRESSION OF A CYLINDER- SEAL ENGRAVED WITH SCENES REPRESENTING AN
EARLY BABYLONIAN HERO, PROBABLY GILGAMESH, IN CONFLICT WITH A LION.
Brit. Mus. , No. 89147.
IMPRESSION OF A CYLINDER-SEAL ENGRAVED WITH A SCENE REPRESENTING
GILGAMESH AND EA-BANI IN CONFLICT WITH BULLS IN A WOODED AND
MOUNTAINOUS COUNTRY.
Brit. Mus. , No. 89308.
IMPRESSION OF A CYLINDER-SEAL ENGRAVED WITH A SCENE REPRESENTING
MYTHOLOGICAL BEINGS, BULLS, AND LIONS IN CONFLICT.
Brit. Mus. , No. 89538.
SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION
77
like
thetheserpents,
they
aregodclearly
represented
as tamed,
and
in
service
of
the
towhom
thevase
was
dedicated.
This
is
sufficiently
proved
by
the
ringed
staffs
they carry,twisted
their modified
horned
headdresses,and
their
carefully
locks
of
hair.
They
were
peculiarly
sacredrising
to Ningishzida
and
inhisFig.
12 theyThe
mayrichbe
seen
as
emblems
from
shoulders.
effect of the dark green steatite was originally enhanced
bypittedwith
inlaying,deep
for holes.
the bodies
of thenodoubt
dragons originally
are now
Thesewere
inlaidbeenwithfound
someemployed
other material,
probablyinshell,which
has
for
thispurpose
a fragment
of a vase of a very similar character.
In theclass
samethecategory
with
thebulls,
monsters
on thesmall
vase
we
may
humanh
eaded
of
which
sculptured
figures,
in awere
recumbent
attitude,
havebybeen
found at Tello
; these
afterwards
adopted
the
Assyrian
kings,
and
employed
as
the
colossalguardians
of their palace
extent was
to which
this
particular
form door-ways.
of compositeThemonster
employed
for
religious
and decorative
purposes
may
be period
seen onit
the
cylinder-seals,
upon
which
in
the
earlier
representsfound
the infavourite
device.
Examples are with
frequently
decorative
combinations,together
figuresGilgamesh,
ofearly bearded
heroes,
possiblycreature,
to be identified
with
and
with
a
strange
half-man
and
half-bull,
resembling
the
later
descriptions
of Eabani, who strive with lions and otheranimals. Gudea's
catalogue
ofhetheenriched
templeE-ninnû,
furniturethrows
and votive
objects,
with
which
light
upon
manner in which Sumerian art reflected this aspecttheof
the Sumerian
religion.
Somefrom
of theSemitic
legendssources,
andbeliefs
may
well
have
been
derived
but
the
imagery,
which
exerted
so
strong
an
influence
upon
the
of their art, may probably be traced
to thedevelopment
Sumerians themselves.
1 The ringed
staffheroes
occurs (cf.as ap. sacredemblem
uponcylinder-seals,
andone,is
sometimes
carriedby
82,
Fig.
34).
A
colossalexample
of
made
of wood"Rev.
and sheathed
inIV.,
copper,
wasandfound
at Tello
by De pl.
Sarzec
(see
Heuzey,
d'Assyr.,"
p.
112,
"
Déc.
en
Chaldée,"
57,
Fig.
1),
but
the
precise
use
and
significance
of
the
object
has
not
been
determined.
2 See the plate opposite p. 76, and see below, p. 174 f.
78 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
The engraving
upon tocylinder-seals
during
the
Sumerian
period
appears
have
been
done
generally
by hand, without the help of a drill or a revolving
tool.¹ Outline engraving with the point was also
probablyto preceded
practised,
the
that
on stone
having
use
of
the
bas-relief
,
but
it
continued
be
employed
in the later
periodsexample
for theofdecoration
of metalis and
shell.
The
finest
metal
engraving
silver vase of Entemena, around which is incised thein
outline
a decorative
band,arranged
consistingbeneath
of variations
the
emblem
of Lagash,
a row ofof
seven
calves.
But have
the been
largestfound,
number
of designs
engraved
in
outline
not
upon
stone
oramong
metal,thebutsmaller
upon shell.
It
is
aninteresting
fact
thatat
objects
found
by
M.
de
Sarzec
Tello, there
a single
fragment
ivory, and
would
seem isthatnotthis
material
was notof known
to theit
earliest inhabitants of Babylonia, a fact which has some
bearing
on the
disputed
questionofEgyptian
of their relations
to
Egypt,
and
to
the
earlier
stages
culture.³
From
theemployed
earliestinperiod
atof Lagash
fragments
of
shell
were
place
ivory,
and
the
effect
produced
by it is ornearly
the same.whichCertain
speciesin
ofthegreat
univalves
conch-shells,
are
found
Indian Ocean, have a thick core or centre, and
these
furnished
the material
forplaques
a largeor number
ofcould
the
earliest
cylinder-seals.
Small
lozenges
also be obtained from the core by sectional cutting,
while the curved part of the shell was sometimes
employed
for objects
to whichflatits lozenges
convex form
could
be
adapted.
The
numerous
that
have
been
found
are
shaped
for
inlaying
furniture,
caskets,
and theoflike,
andshape
curved
piecestowere
probably
fittedandto
others
a
like
in
order
form
small
cups
vases. Each piece is decorated with fine engraving,
and in nearly every instance the outline is accentuated
cylinder-seals found at Fâra
that a few of thewith
earlythe
be tonoted
1 It should
(see
help
of The
the wheel
have
been
engraved
considers
Andrae
No.
17,
p.
5).
suggestion
Orient.-Gesellschaft,"
der
Deutsch.
"hasMitteil.
cutting
of harder stones,the
also
been
made
that,
onwith
the introduction
Ward,
cf.
Hayes
a
flake
of
corundum;
tool
may
have
been
tipped
Oriental
Seals,"
p.
13.
and
other
" Cylinders
For
early examples,
see above, p. 49.
Chap. XII.
3* See further,
SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION
79
by the employment of a very slight relief. The
designs
are often
spirited,
and theydraughtsman
prove that even
inattained
the earliest
periods
the
Sumerian
had
to
a
high
standard
ofproficiency.
One
ofbeen
the recovered
most interesting
engraved
fragments
that
have
consists
of
a
slightly
curved
piece
of
shell,
which
probablyformed
part
of
a
small
bowl
or
cup.
The
rest
of
the
side
seems
to
have
been
built
up
of
pieces
of
similar
shape,
held
together
bybitumen, or, more probably, fitted to a metal lining
by
rivets upon
throughtheholes in the shell. The scene
engraved
fragment represents a
lion
seizing a bull in
a thicket of shrubs or
high flowering plants.
Thoughthe fragment
the groupis
upon
complete
in itself,
there
are indications
that it formed only
part
of a more elaFIG. 30.
borate composition.
For
in theof space
on Convex panel ofshell from the side ofa сир,
the
right
the
fragsceneSumerianperiod.
representing a lion
attacking awith
bull;aearly
ment behind the lion's engraved
mane are engraved
[Déc., pl. 46, No. 3 ; cf. Cat. p. 189.]
two
weapons.
Thethelion;
upper one
ismaybe
a hiltedcomparedwith
dagger with
itsthepoint
towards
this
short daggers
held
byonetheofmythological
beings
resembling
Ea-bani
upon
Lugal-anda's
with which they are represented as stabbing lionsseals,in
thethrowing
neck. stick,
Belowformed
is a hand
holding
a curved
mace
orleather
of
three
strands
bound
with
thongs
or
bands
of
metal,
like
that
held
by
Eannatum
upon
the
Stele
ofthe
Vultures.
It
is,therefore,bull
cleara that
onorthe
panelwastorepresented
the right ofin the
lion
and
king,
patesi,
the
act
ofof attacking
the
lion,
and
we
may
infer
that
the
whole
the cup was decorated with a continuous band of
1
engraving, though some of the groups in the design
1 See below, p. 175.
2 See the plate opposite p. 124.
80 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
mayhave
with repetitions
such as arebeen
foundarranged
upon thesymmetrically,
earlier cylinder-seals.
Thewith
position
of themane
lion upon
the fragment,
sented
luxuriant
and with
head facingreprethe
spectator, with
and the
vigour
of the design
as a whole
combined
certain
inequalities
of
treatment,
have
suggested
amace-head
comparisonof with
the lions
upon has,
the
sculptured
Mesilim.
The
piece
therefore,
beenanterior
assignedtotothetheperiod
epochof ofUr-Nina.
the earlierIt
kings
of
Kish,
may perhaps
to theso,rather
latertoperiod
of UrNina's
dynasty,belong
but, even
it suffices
indicate
the
FIG. 31.
FIG. 32.
FIG. 33.
Three fragments
engravedtreatment
with animal
forms, which illustrate the
growth ofofashell
naturalistic
inSumeriandesign.
[Déc., pl. 46, Nos. 4, 5, and 8.]
attainedtheir
by
excellence
inSumerians.
design andIndraughtsmanship
the
earlier
vigour
and
originality
by thoseuntilof
of animals
were unequalled
representations
and Assyria,
of Babylonia
the
later inhabitants
shortly before the close of the Assyrian empire. But
the
Sumerian artists only gradually acquiredtheir skill,
and on some of the engraved fragments recovered it
is possible
to accompanying
trace an advance
on earlier
work.selected
The
blocks
have
been
designs
in
the
as illustrating,
to some
extent,
the ofchange
which
gradually
took
place
in
the
treatment
animal
forms
by the Sumerians.
Of the three designs, that on the left is engraved
upon a convex piece of shell, thin as the shell of an
1 See Heuzey, " Catalogue,” p. 387.
SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION
81
egg ; it represents a lion-headed eagle which has
swooped
down uponhimthewithbackmouth
of a human-headed
bull
and
is
attacking
and
claws.
The
subject resembles
that found
upon
the most
primitive
Sumerian
cylinder-seals,
and
its
rough
and
angular
treatment
is
sufficient
indication
of
the
very
archaic
character
of
the
work.
The
central
panel
resembles
in shape that of the lion and the bull. The design
represents
a leaping
ibex
withisflowering
plants
inthan
the
background,
and
the
drawing
freer
and
less
stiff
that of the animals on the silver vase of Entemena.²
Some archaic characteristics may still be noted, such
as the springing tufts of hair at the joints of the hind
legs;
but advance
the general
the subject marks
adistinct
upontreatment
the archaicof conventions
of the
earlier
fragment.
The
third
design
is
that
of
a
leaping
kid,
engraved
upon drawingisabsolutely
a flat piece of shell and
cutto nature,
out for
inlaying.
Herethe
true
and the artist has even noted the slight swelling of the
headThecaused
by thedogrowing
horns. haveused complete
Sumerians
not
appearto
shells
for
engraving,
like
those
found
on
Assyrian
and
Aegean
shell has state
indeedandbeenbears
recovered, sites.
but itAiscomplete
in an unworked
a dedicatoryof Gudea.
formula Since
of Ur-Ningirsu,
the specimen
son and
successor
it is not a fine
of its class, merely
we mayassuppose
that it the
was finer
selectedshells
for
dedication
representing
employed
by the workmen
in the atdecoration
the
temple-furniture.
The Sumerians
a later ofperiod
designsforupon
mother-of-pearl.
Whena more
used
inengraved
plain
pieces
inlaying
it
certainly
gave
brilliant
effect than inshell,consequence
but to the ofengraver
it offered
greater
difficulties
its
brittle
andon
scaly
surface.
Pieces
have
been
found,
however,
which designs have been cut, and these were most
frequently
employed The
for panels
enriching
theaccompanying
handles of
knives
and
daggers.
in
the
blocks will serve to show that the same traditional
motives are reproduced which meet us in the earlier
79, Fig. 30. p. 167 f.
12 See
See above,
above, p.p.78,andbelow,
G
82 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
designs
upon afragments
of shell
and cylinder-seals.
They
include
bearded
hero,
the
eagle
the
bull, a hero in conflict with a lion, theattacking
lion-headed
eagle
of Lagash,
a Even
wingedwhen
lion,allowance
a lion attacking
an
ibex,
and
a
stag.
is
made
for
the
difficulties
presented
by the rank
material,
it willthosebe
seen
that
the
designs
themselves
far
below
foundforupon
shell. may
Thethus
employment
of tomother-ofpearl
engraving
be
assigned
of decadence in Sumerian art when it had losta period
much
of its earlier freshness and vigour.
FIG. 34.
FIG. 35.
FIG. 36.
FIG. 37.
Four panels
of mother-of
pearl, engraved
with Sumeriandesigns,
whichwere
employed
for
inlaying
the
handles
of
daggers.
They
belong
to
a
period of
decadence in Sumerian art.
[In the Louvre; Cat. Nos. 232 ff.]
The aboveof Sumerian
brief sketchartofmaytheserve
principal
forms and
productions
to
vindicate
the
claim of the Sumerians to a place among the more
artistic
races
of antiquity.
Much
oriental
art
is merely
quaint,
or
interesting
from
its
history
and
peculiarities,
but
thatIts ofsculpture
the Sumerians
is considerably
more
than
this.
never
acquired
the
dull
monotony
ofof detail,
the Assyrian
intendedbas-reliefs
doubtlesswithto their
cloak over-elaboration
the poverty of
the
design.
Certain
conventions
persisted
through
allto
periods,
but
the
Sumerian
sculptor
was
never
a
slave
them. and
He even
reliedthelargely
onwork
his own
tasteandandspirited.
intelligence,
earliest
is
bold
Aftercenturies
ofindependentdevelopmentfreshvigour
was introduced by the nomad Semitic races who settled
SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION 83
in the north, but in the hands of the later Semites the
Sumerian ideals were not maintained. For the finest
t
periodcenturies
of Babylonian
art
wefounding
must goof back
to a time
some
before
the
the
Babylonian
monarchy.
CHAPTER IV
THE EARLIEST SETTLEMENTS IN SUMER ; THE DAWN
OF HISTORY AND THE RISE OF LAGASH
N more
theiroriginthe
great cities
of Babyloniawere
littleat
than collections
of rude
huts constructed
firstplaceof reeds
cut inmore
the substantial
marshes, andbuildings
graduallyof
giving
to
rather
clay andappear
sundried
brick.
Fromof the
very
beginning
it
would
that
the
shrine
the
local
god
played
an important ofparteachin the
foundation
and subsequent
development
centre
of
population.
Of but
the
prehistoric
period
in
Babylonia
we
know
little,
it may be assumed that, already at the time of the
Sumerian immigration,rude settlementshadbeenformed
around
local town
gods. orThis,
rate, wasthethecult-centres
character ofof each
city atof any
the
Sumerians
duringtheirthe history.
earliest periods
which
we themselves
can trace back
At, Fara,to
the most primitive Sumerian site that has yet been
examined,
we city
find the
godhisShuruppak
giving
his ownof
name
to
the
around
shrine,
and
Ningirsu
Lagashcity-gods,
dominateswhoandafterwards
directs hisbecamepowerful
people from thedeities
first.
Other
intheBabylonianpantheon,
are alreadyinexistence,and
have
acquired
invarying
degrees
theiroflater
characters.
Enki
of
Eridu
is
already
the
god
the
the
shrine of Enzu or Nannar in the city of Ur isdeep,
a centre
the moon-cult,
Babbar
of Larsa
appears
alreadywhileas
aofthesun-god
and
the
dispenser
of
law
and
justice,
most powerful Sumerian goddess, Ninni or Nana
ofErech,
city
of heralreadyhas
choice. her shrine and worshippers in the
By what steps the city-gods
acquired their later
84
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
85
characters
is impossible
to say, one.
but weInmay
assume thatit the
process wasnow
a gradual
the
earlierlikestages
ofofitshishistory
the character
of far
the more
local
god,
that
city,
must
have
been
simple
andofprimitive
than it appearsThe
to usauthority
as seen inof
the
light
its
later
development.
each god did not extend beyond the limits of his own
people's territory. Each city was content to do battle
onhisthebehalf,
and theof defeat
of oneWith
was synonymous
with
downfall
the
other.
the the
gradual
of thecity
citieswould
into larger
states,
god
amalgamation
naturally
take
preceofdence
theover
predominant
those of the conquered or dependent towns,
subsequent
process ofbetween
adjustment
and
to
the
we may
the
different
probably
trace
the
relationships
deities and the growth of a pantheon. That Enki
shouldhavebeen
the god
of the
deepfrom
the beginning
is
natural
enough
inview
ofEridu's
position
onan
expanse
of
water
connected
with
the
Persian
Gulf.
But how it came about that Ur was the centre of a
moon-cult, or that Sippar in the north and Larsa in the
south were peculiarlyassociated with the worship ofthe
sun, are questions which cannot as yet be answered,
though it is probable that future excavations on their
sitesInmaythethrow
lightcity
uponexcavation
the subject.has already
case some
of one
enabled
ussurrounding
to trace the
gradual during
growth aofconsiderable
its temple
and
the
habitations
portion
of their
history.
TheincitySumer
of Nippur
stands inas
abeing
peculiar
relation
to
others
and
Akkad,
central
shrineofinthethegods.
two countries
the
seat oftheEnlil,
the chief
Niffer, orand
Nuffar,
is the name by which the mounds marking its site are
still
known.of many
Theyother
haveancient
been long
and, like
the sites
citiesdeserted,
in Babylonia
and
Assyria,
no
modern
town
or
village
is
built
upon
them
orsmallin town
their isimmediate
neighbourhood.
The nearest
Sûk el-'Afej,
about four miles
to the
south,
lying
on
the
eastern
edge
of
the
'
A
fej
marshes,
which begin to the south of Niffer and stretch away to
the bank
west.oftheEuphratestwentymiles
The nearest large town is Dîwânîya,
on the
left
tothesouth-west.
86 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
the summer the marshes in the neighbourhood
ofIn the
mounds consist of pools of water connected
by
channels
through
reed-beds,
in theand
spring,
when the snows
havethemelted
in thebutTaurus
the
mountains of Kurdistan, the flood-water converts the
marshes
intodate-palms
a vast lagoon,
and
allsmall
that meets
thebuilt
eye
are
isolated
and
a
few
hamlets
on rising knolls above the water-level.
Although,during
the floods,
Nifferis
at
times
nearly
isolated,
the
water
never
approaches
within
a
considerable distance of the actual mounds. This is not due to
any
natural
configuration
ofthethesitesoil,of which
but toisthe
fact
that
around
the
inner
city,
marked
by theatmounds,
there was
an outer
of habitations
a time when
the built
enclosed
townring
of the
earlier
periods became too small to contain the growing
population.
excavations,
which
have
been conductedTheonAmerican
the
site
between
the
years
1889
and
1900,have
shown
that
the
earliest
area
of
habitation
far more restricted than the mounds which cover was
the
innerportion
city. ofInthethesiteplanis divided
on p. 88intoit will
bepartsseenbythat
this
two
ancient bed of the Shatt en-Nil.. The contours of the
the
moundsa number
are indicated
by dotted
lines,Mound
and eachIII.ofisthem
bears
in
Roman
figures.
that
which
covered
E-kur,
the
temple
of
Enlil,
and
it
was
around the shrine, in the shaded area upon the plan,
that theHere
original
settlement
probably
built.
in thevillage
lowestorstratum
of thewas
mound
were
found
large
bedsearliest
of wood-ashes
and animal bones, the
remains
ofthe
period
ofoccupation.
It is difficult to trace through allits stages the early
growth
of the ofcity,thebuttown
it would
seem raised
that theuponshrinean
inartificial
the centre
was
soon
mound toasprotect
it during
periods ofsettlement
inundation. Moreover,
at Fâra,
the original
must
quickly,
evenen-Nîl,
belowstrata
the
moundshave
to theexpanded
south-west
of theforShatt
have been found similar in character to those under
results,
see
their
and
excavations
atpp.Nippur
account of the
1 For an"Explorations
"
ExcavaFisher,
289ff.,
and
Lands,"
in
Bible
Hilprecht,
tions at Nippur," Pt. I. (1905), Pt. II. (1906).
\
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
87
the temple-mound,
as well
as bricks and the
wellsplan
of theof
pre-Sargonic
period.
In
reconstructing
the later areas occupied bythetemple and its enclosure,
GE
LAR
CAN
WAL
AL
KED
EUPHRATES(?)
NIPPUR
TERRAC
STORE-HOUSE
MOAT
WALL
E
CE
GATE
CANAL
TERRA
WALI
GATE
HOUSE OF .۰۰
MAR
GATE
L
WAL
GATE
I
MOAT
GATE
CANAL
HO
GATE
LL
WA
GATE
GAT
EKUR
GATE
Early Babylonian plan of thefrom
temple
of Enlil ofat the
Nippur
and its enclosure,
drawnuponaclaytabletdating
the firsthalf
secondmillennium
в.с.
The labels ontheplanaretranslated
fromnotes
onthe original.
[Cf. Fisher, " Excavations at Nippur," I., pl. 1.]
considerable assistance has been obtained from an
ancientwasplanfound
of the
temple, drawn
clayoftablet
that
at Nippur.
Fromupon
the aform
the
88 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
characters
inscribed upon
it,the
it does
not
appear
tosecond
date
from
an
earlierperiod
than
first
half
of
the
millennium
B.с.,but
itmay
well
be a copy ofappears
an olderto
original
since
the
form
of
its
temple-enclose
agreethewithexcavations.
that in theIntimeit oftheNarâm-Sin
as E-kur
revealedis
by
position
of
marked
at onewall.end The
of a great
enclosure
surrounded
byor
ansluice,
irregular
enclosure
is
cut
by
a
canal
on the other side of which stood temple-storeCONTOURS OF MOUNDS AND SUGGESTED GAMAL BANKS thus.....
CANAL
?
EUPHRATES
CHLAANRGEEL
ORIGINAL TOWN the
FIRST GREAT TEMPLE ENCLOSURE th
EXTENDED ENCLOSUHE thus /////
PIMAL EXTENT OF INNER CITY thus xopek
Viu
BUISINESS
COURT
AND
CANAL
ANCIENT
OLD
OF
SHATT
.EN
OFFICIAL
X
QUARTERS
VII
١٧
HORE
IX
COURTC
-
COURTB
XII
X
NIPPUR: THE INNER CITY
AFTER FISHER
of gates
in thestream,
wall are
marked,
houses.
Thebeposition
labelled
the
that
a
large
and
it
will
noted
washes
upper
Euphrates,
its
side,
while
on
its
other
sides are terraces and moats. These details are incorsuggested
plan,inbutthetheir
porated
courseof
the
remains uncovered
relation into the
the accompanying
period
Moreoverthe
largelyconjectural.
excavations
is
tabletsuchis notas
historyandrepresented
in the temple's
established,
some of by
thethedetails
certainly
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
89
thegroundlater form. plan of the temple itself may reproduce its
most striking
wasThe
uncovered
in thefeature
course inof the
the temple-area,
excavations, which
is the
great
temple-tower,
or ziggurat,
erected
Ur-Engur,
and faced
by him with
kiln-baked
bricksbybearing
his
name
and
inscription.
The
ziggurat
in
its
later
and
imposing form
was built
by him,
thoughandwithin
its
structure
were found
the cores
of earlier
smaller
towers,
and duringconsiderably
the preSargonicerected
period.by InNarâm-Sin
fact, Ur-Engur
altered thetheappearance
ofraised
the temple.
Inofaddition
to
building
ziggurat,
he
the
level
the
inner
courtcourse
aboveofNarâm-Sin's
pavement,
the
the outer wall,
using and
thatheofstraightened
Narâm-Sin
as a foundation where it crossed his line. His wall also
included mounds XII. and V., in the latter of which
many
ofthe temple-archives
havebeen
found.
Duringin
the
Kassite
period
these
were
stored
in
buildings
mound X., across the Shatt en-Nîl in the area included
within
city ofduring
thefrom
laterperiods.
An
alterationthein inner
the course
the river
the north-east
to the south-west side of the temple area probably
dates
from inthedébris
periodin oftheSamsu-iluna,
uponthata
cone found
temple-court who
records
he
erected a His
damobject
and dugin doing
out a new
channel
for theto
Euphrates.
so
was
probably
bring
a supply
of water
within
reachside.of the later
extension
of
the
city
on
the
south-west
The excavations on the site of Nippur and its
temple
have illustrated the gradual increase in the size
oftemple
a Sumerian
city, andretained
the manner
in whichas the
the
of
the
city-god
its
position
central
and
most
important
building.
The
diggings,
however,
have thrown periods
little light
upontothetheform
the
temple
assumedduring
anterior
Dynasty
know ;thefor form
of Ur. In fact,
weearlydoSumerian
not yet temple
or
arrangement
of
an
on
early
Surghul,were
Bismâya, thewhile
sitesnosuch
as Fâra,building
and uncovered,
remains
ofscanty
important
the
Ningirsu's
remains
of
temple
at
Tello
date
from
1 At a later periodthiswasconverted into a Parthian fortress.
90 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
the
comparatively
perioda ofnumber
Ur-Bauof and
On the
latter site, late
however,
earlierGudea.
constructions have been discovered, and, although they are
not ofemployed
a purely religious
character,
they
maywellhave
been
in
connection
with
the
temple
service.
Apart
from
private
dwellings,
they
are
the
only
buildings
of
the
early
Sumerians
that
have
as
yet
been
recovered, and they forcibly illustrate the primitive
character of the cities of this time.
The group
oldest known
constructions
at Telloriseswasto
discovered
in theofmound
as K, which
a height
of and
seventeen
metres
abovePalace
the plain.
Ittheis
the
largest
highest
after
the
Tell,
to
south-east of which it lies at a distance of about two
hundred
metres.
Here,
during
his later
excavations
on
the
site,
M.
de
Sarzec
came
upon
the
remains
of
ainteresting
regular agricultural
establishment,
which
throw
an
light upon referring
certain passages
in the early
foundation-inscriptions
to
constructions
of
a
rather
thanof these
of a purely
religious
character.
Ittopractical
istrue
the
titles
buildings
are
often
difficultof
explain,
but
the
mention
of
different
classes
plantations
inintended
connection
with them proves
thatTheir
they
were
mainly
for
agricultural
purposes.
titles
arebutmost
frequently
met
with tointheEntemena's
records,
Ur-Ninâ
refers
by
name
storehouse, and the excavations have shown thatprincipal
before
his
timecharacter.
this portionHereof was
the situated
city hadthealready
acquired
its later
administrative
centre
of the sacred
properties
attached
tohimself.
the temples,
and
possibly
also
those
of
the
patesi
Itdoesis
true
that
the
name
of
Ningirsu's
great
storehouse
not occur upon bricks or records found in the ancient
structures
Tell K,for but
it is quite
this
was notupona name
a single
edifice,possible
but wasthata
general title for the whole complex of buildings, courts
and outhouses employed in connection with the preparation
and storage of produce from the city's lands
and plantations.
a depth
of only
twodeandSarzec
a halfcame
metresuponfroma
the Atsurface
of the
tell M.
1
1 See the plan ofTello on p. 19.
e4nl
,pDéc
.5Chald
SOUTH
BUILDING
A
FACADE
E
TELLO
AT
-N
UR
BY
.,K
SHIRPURLA
OF
ING
INA
ASTERN
RECTED
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
91
building
ofwalltheremained.
period of But,
Gudea,
of the
whichgreatPalace
only the
angle
of
a
unlike
Tell,
where
the
lowest
diggings
revealed
nothing
earlier
than resulted
the reigninoftheUr-Bau,
adeepening
of dating
his trenches
here
recovery
of
buildings
fromIn
the
earliest
periods
in
the
history
of
the
city.
accordance
with
thebeenpractice
ofonthethecountry,
as each
new
building
had
erected
site,
the
foundations of the one it had displaced were left intact and
carefully preserved within the new platform, in order
toform
raisea the
building
still higher
above
the plain
To and
this
solid
substructure
for
its
support.
practice
oweofthethe preservation,
a comparatively
completeweform,
foundations ofin earlier
structures
inbuilding
the mound.
At
no
great
depth
beneath
Gudea's
unearthed the remains of Ur-Nina's
were
storehouse.
Comparatively
smallsidesin size,
it north-west
is oriented
by
its
angles,
the
two
shorter
facing
and
south-east, and the two longer ones south-west
and north-east, in accordance with the normal Sumerian
system.¹ It was built of kiln-baked bricks, not square
and
thoseandof plano-convex,
Gudea or of Sargon
and bore
NarâmSin, flat
but like
oblong
and each
the
mark
of
a
right
thumb
imprinted
in
the
middle
of
its convex side. A few of the bricks that were found
bear Ur-Nina's name in linear characters, and record
his construction of the " House of Girsu," while one
of them
refers
tointhe
temple
of Ningirsu.
These
mayis
not
have
been
their
original
positions,
but
there
little doubt that the storehouse dates from Ur-Nina's
reign,
and
itthemaytemple
well ofthe
have city-god.
been employed in connection
with
layerswereof
of three
a platformthecomposed
Builtsetupon
building
of
the
bitumen,
walls
bricks
in
is to
a fewisfeet.
preserved
stillnoted
there Ita trace
of theof sides
noneheight
that toon the
be
probable
thatof
it is by
andoutside
doorway
or entrance,
ofaccess
any was
ladders
the
from
obtained
the
reaching
stairways
unburnt
wood,
are totraces
E onbrick,
the plan
At Dof and
upper orstory.
of what may have been either steps or buttresses, but
1 For example, compare the orientation ofEnlil's temple on p. 88.
92 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
these
belongtime.to theTheoriginal
were
addeddoat not
a later
absencebuilding
of any and
entrance
certainly
provesWithin
that the
the building
was
employed
as a
storehouse.¹
building
are
two
chambers,
the
oneThey
square
(A),separated
the otherbyofa atransverse
more oblong
shapeor
(B).
were
passage
corridorthus(C),giving
which the
also interior
ran roundchamber
inside the
outer
walls,
additional
security. The double walls were well calculated to
TELLO: STOREHOUSEOFUR-NINA
F
AFTER DE SARZEC
Sc
HO
6
2
H
H
H
B
C
A
0
E
H
H
J
M
G
L
K
H
protect the interior from damp or heat, and would
render
it moredifficult
forandpillagerstoeffect
ancoating
entrance.of
Both
in
the
chambers
the
passages
a
bitumen
was
spread
upondrink
the could
floor and
walls.
Here
grain,
oil,
and
fermented
have
been
stored
andforthearmsbuilding
may and
also forhavetheserved
asinprecious
aquantity,
magazine
and
tools,
more
kinds of building material.
Around the outside of the building, at a distance
1 It has been compared to the granaries of Egypt as depicted in walltombs; cf. Heuzey, " Une
paintings
represented bymodelsplacedinthe
Villa royaleorchaldéenne,"
p. 9f.
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
93
of about
fromside,
it, are
series line
of eight
brick
bases,fourtwometres
on each
in aa direct
with
the
walls.
On
these
stood
pillars
of
cedar-wood,
which the charred remains were still visible. Theyof
probablyransupported
a great
wooden
portico
orand
gallery,
which
round
the
walls
of
the
building
was
doubtless
temporary
used
for
the
storage
ofgoods
and
agricultural
implements.
On
the
north-east
side
of
the
building a brick pavement (F) extended for some
distance
gallery,andandbeneath
at the the
southern
within thebeyond
row ofthepillars
roof ofangle,
the
carefully
portico,
was a small
(G)from
lined
distance
with bitumen.
At a double
greaterbasin
the house
were
two
larger
basins
oroftanks
(Iand
andbitumen
K), with(Jand
platforms
built
beside
them
brick
L) ; with one of them wasconnecteda channel or watercourse
time Eannatum
sunkanda from
well
not far(M).
to theAtwesta later
of Ur-Nina's
storehouse,
it a similar water-course ran to a circular basin ; a
large
others
of rectangular
were
found oval
ratherbasin
moreand
to the
north.
These, likeshape
Ur-Nina's
1
probably
employedprocesses
washing
tanks, were
for thewhich
of
vessels
and
for
the
cleansing
accompanied the preparation
and storage of date-wine,
the pressing ofoil,
and the numerous
A.
other occupations
ofa
large agriculturalAcommunity.
still earlier
building
discoveredatwasadepth
of five metres be-
low that of Ur-
B
D
C
TELLO:
BUILDING ANTERIORTOUR-NINA
AFTER DE SARZEC
Ninâ,
but it tois
more difficult
determine the purpose to which itwas put. Itwas built
has the
(C), which
solid platform
uponasa Ur-Nina's
ground
and rises
abovesamethe orientastorehouse
tion
1 See H, H onplan.
94 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
level
markedthat
by the
remains
ofitself
a brick
pavement
(D).
Itof isthestrange
the
building
is
not
in
the
centre
platform and for some unknown reason was set
ateacha slight
angle
to it.theItsmaller
consistschamber
of two chambers,
with
a
doorway,
(A) on a
level
with
the
platform,
the
larger
one
(B)
considerably
below it, from which it must have been reached by a
ladder.cavities
At intervals
along
the which
surfacemay
of the
walls
were
lined
with
bitumen,
have
supported the wooden columns of a superstructure, or
possibly
of an aarched
roofreligious
of reeds.edifice,It
is possiblethethatsupports
we herehave
form
of
but the depth of the larger
chamberbuilding,
suggestsit wasemployed
that, like UrNina's
as a sort of store-house or
treasure-chamber.
The bricks of the building
were small and plano-convex,
with thumb - impressions and
without
inscriptions,
so thattheit
is impossible
to recover
name of its builder. But the
objects found at the same deep
level
indicateusawith
highapicture
antiquity,of
FIG. 38.
and
present
Archaicplaque
en- some of the inhabitants of the
graved
in low relieffrom
withTello,
a scene
ofadoration.
Inaninscription
on the stone, which
appears to country at a time when this
enumerate
a
list
of
which was atoneLagash,
of the
reference
is made
to offerings,
Ningirsu building,
oldest constructions
andhis temple
E-ninnû.
stood uponThethe circular
surface ofrelief,
the
[Déc., pl. 1 bis, Fig. 1.]
mound.
withnearthethemeeting
oftheAnother
chieftains,¹archaic
was found
insculptured
fragments
building.
piece
offound
sculpture
of
the
same
remote
period,
which
was
also
in
theneighbourhood,
represents
a
figure,
crowned
with
palm-branches
; oneandhand
istheraised
inareantwoattitude
ofdardsspeech
or
adoration,
on
right
stansupportingwhat
appear
to
becolossal
maceh
eads.
The sex of the figure is uncertain, but it may well be
that of a woman ; the lines below the chin which come
1 See above, p. 45 f.
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
95
fromintended
behind the ear, are not necessarily a beard, but may
be
for a thick lock of hair falling over the
right
shoulder.
Thearchaic
scene probably
represents
an actof
oftheworship,
and
an
inscription
on
the
field
plaque appears
to record
a listname
ofofferings,
probably
ingether
honour
of
Ningirsu,
whose
is
mentioned
towith
that
ofhis
temple
E-ninnû.
It
is
interesting
to note ofLagash
that in thisalready
very bore
earlyitsagelaterthename.
temple of
the The
city-god
earliest written records of the Sumerians which
we
possess,
apart
from
those
engraved
upon
stone
and
ofdonation
a purely
votive
character,
concern
the
sale
and
of
land,
and
they
prove
that
certain
customs
were already in vogue with regard to the transfer of
property, which
wesuch
meettablets
with again
in laterform
historical
periods.
A
few
of
rounded
and
fashioned
of
unburnt
clay
were
found
at
Lagash
on
Tell
K,
and
slightly
below
the
level
of aUr-Nina's
building;
they
may
thus
be
assigned
to
period
anterior
toof baked
his reign.
Others
of thefound
sameat rounded
form,Itbutis
clay,
have
been
Shuruppak.
a significantthefactamount
that several
ofthese
documents,
after
describing
of
land
sold
and
recording
thea
principal
price
that
was
paid
for
it,
enumerate
number
of supplementary
presentsThe
madepresents
by theconsist
buyer
to the seller
and his associates.
ofareoxen,
oil, wool
cloth,ofandManishtusu.
precisely similar
gifts
recorded
on theandObelisk
It would
thus appear
period thewhich
systempre-of
land
tenure that
was even
alreadyin this
firmlyearlyestablished,
2
3
vailed in both Sumer and Akkad under the earlier
historical rulers.
Fromof athenumber
Shuruppak
tablets
weor officials
also learnof that
the
names
of
early
rulers
city, indrawn
whoseup.
reignsAmong
or periodstheofnames
office therecovered
documents
were
are
those
of
Ur-Ninpa,
Kanizi
and
Mash-Shuruppak,
but
they are given no titles on the tablets, and it is
1 Cf.
Cf. Heuzey,
" UneVilla"Recueil
royale," de
p. 24.tablettes chaldéennes," p. i. f.,
2
Thureau-Dangin,
Nos. 1ff., 9ff., and "Rev. d'Assyr.," VI., pp. 11 ff.
3 See below, Chap. VII., p. 206 f.
96 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
impossible
topatesi,
sayorwhether
their
officemagistrates
preceded
that
of
the
whether
they
were
ofrank.the city
who ofwere
subordinate
toofasale
ruleris inscribed,
of higher
Another
these
early
deeds
not
upon that
a tablet,
but onfound
the body
of a black
statuette
has been
at Tello.
Fromstone
the
text we learn that the buyer of the property was a
००
手
G
HA
00001
000
FIG. 39.
Figureaofpurchase
Lupad, aofland
high official
of the
city of Umma,
inscribed with a text
recording
inLagash
(Shirpurla);
from Tello.
[In the Louvre; cf. Comptes rendus, 1907, p. 518.]
Lupad,him.andAlthough
the figureit was
is evidently
intended
tocertain
represent
found
on
the
sitein
ofthatLagash,
and
the
text
records
a
purchase
of
land
it is remarkable
that Lupadcityis described
as
awhich
highcity,
official
of
the
neighbouring
of
Umma,
Lagash character
during theof
greaterwas
parttheof itsprincipal
history.rivalTheof archaic
1Cf. Heuzey1907,andpp.Thureau-Dangin,
"Comptes
rendus de l'Acad.many
des
Inscriptions,"
516ff.
The
head
ofthe
figurehadbeenfound
yearsbeforeby M. deSarzec, andwaspublishedin"Déc. en Chald.," pl. 6ter,
Figs. 1 a and b.
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
97
the
sculpture,
and
the
earlylaterformthanofthat
writing
upon it,
suggest
a
date
not
much
of
Ur-Nina,
soat athatperiod
we when
must one
suppose
thetwotransaction
tookacknowplace
of
the
rival
cities
ledged thefigures
suzerainty
of thebeenother.
UnlikeLupad's
other
Sumerian
that
have
recovered,
head
has a slight
overexplained
the brow and below the
cheek-bones.
Thisridge
has been
by
as representing
shortindihair
andHeuzey
beard, but
it moreprobably
cates
the and
limitsfaceofthat
thosewere
portions
the head
shaved.¹of
Lupad
presents
no method
exceptionof
toThus
the
general
Sumerian
treating
the hair.
In order
to assign a date to such
figures
as
that
of Lupad,
is necessary, in the absence
of otherit evidence,
tosculpture
be guidedentirelybythestyleof
the
and
thecharacterofthe
writing. Several such figures of archaic
Sumerian
type
have represent
been recovered,
and
three
of
them
who ruled in different cities atkings
this
early
period.
The
finest
of these
is a
standing
figure
of
Esar,
King
ofAdab,
40.
which was found in the course of the StatueFIG.of Esar,
American excavations at Bismâya, and of Adab, preservedKingin
isOttoman
now preserved
inConstantinople.
the Imperial Museum
the Imperial
Ottoman
at ConstantiMuseum
at
Bisaya
Its discoverers claimed that it was the
earliest
example
of
Sumerian
sculpture
known,
but it
may
be
roughly
placed
at
about
the
time
of
Ur-Nina's
dynasty.
second king
represented
by intwoarchaic
fragments of aAstatuette
fromisTello,
inscribed
characters with a dedicatory text of E-abzu, King of
Umma,
whilecity
theorthird
is a seated
of a king
the northern
district
of Ma'er,figureor Mari,
and ofis
12 Cf.
Meyer, "" Scientific
Sum. undAmerican,"
Sem.," p. 81,Aug.
n. 2.19, 1905, p. 137, and "Amer.
Cf.
Banks,
Journ.
, " ,XXI.,
59. 3.
3 " Semit.
Déc. enLang.
Chald.
" pl. 5,p.No.
H
98 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
uncerThe same
British ofMuseum.
in the
preserved
ofNippur,
apatesi
Ur-Enlil,
thedate
to
taintyapplies
of
on one of the fragments
whose name is mentioned
together
found
were
which
city
that
from
vases
votive
on the south-east side of the temple-tower.2 As in the
H
idin2 iian
1
FIG. 41.
case of Esar, King of
Adab,
we can only assignthese
rulers
approxi-of
mately
to
the
period
the earlier rulers of Lagash.
It isthat
in the
Lagash
our city
know-of
ledge
of Sumerian historymaybesaidtobegin.
The excavation of the
site hasofyielded
an abundance
material
from
which
is possible
arrangeit her
rulers forto
long
periods
inandchronological
order,
to reconstruct the part they
played
in conflicts
between
the
early
citystates. It is true that
some of her earlier kings
and
patesis remain little
more than names to us,
but with the accession of
Emblems
of the city of Lagash
(Shir- Ur-Ninâ we enter a
purla)
andofthegodNingirsu.
Theupper
drawing represents a perforated plaque period in which our
dedicatedtoNingirsubyUr-Nina. Below knowledge of events is
is a lion-headed
brick stampedwith
thefigure ofImgig, continuous, so far at least
the
eagle ofNingirsu.
[In the Louvre;bis,Cat.No.No.1.]7 and Déc., pl. 31 as the fortunes ofthe city
were concerned. With
the
power itsheis also
possible with
to traceotherin
somegrowth
detail oftheherrelations
maintained
great cities in the land.
1 See the plate opposite p. 102. The king of Ma'er's figure is the one on
Dangin, " Königsinschriften," p. 158 f.
the 2right.
Cf. Hilprecht, " Old Bab. Inscr.," II., pl. 44, No. 96, and Thureau-
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
99
At the earliest period ofwhichwe have anyhistorical
records
it would
the citythere
of Kish
a suzerainty
overappear
Sumer.that Here
ruledexercised
at this
time
a
king
named
Mesilim,
to
whom
Lagash,
and
probablyothergreat
cities
in
the
south,
owed
allegiance.
Duringhis
reignweahave
certaindefinite
Lugal-shag-engur
patesi
of Lagash, and
record that hewasacknowledged
a votiveMesilim's
mace-headsupremacy.
ofcolossal For
size
has been found at Tello, which
bears an inscription stating that it
was
dedicated
to Ningirsu
by
Mesilim,
who had
restored his
great
temple
atLugal-shag-engur
Lagash during
the
time
that
was patesi of that city. The
text, the brevity of which is characteristic ofconsists
these early
inscriptions,
of butvotive
a few
words,
and
reads
:
"
Mesilim,
King
of Kish, the builder of the tem1
ple
of Ningirsu,
deposited(at this
mace-head
(for)
Ningirsu
the
time
when)
Lugal-shag
engur
patesi of Lagash."
In spite
importance
of(was)
its
brevity
the
the inscription is considerable,of
since it furnishes
a synchronism
between
two early rulers
ofSumer
and the North.
২
FIG. 42.
Mace-head,
dedicated
Ningirsu,
the god
of Lagashto
weaponitself,uponwhich
(Shirpurla)
byMesilim
King
Kish, ,the
time of ,Lugalshag-engur,patesiofLagash.
itAsisThe
engraved,
is
also
noteworthy,
[Déc., pl. 1No.ter,4.]No. 2 ; Cat.
may
be
inferred
from
its
colossal size the mace was never
intended
fororders
actualwithusethein battle,
but
wasofsculptured
by
Mesilim's
special
object
being
dedicated in the temple
ofofthe
god.whichItrun
is decorated
with
rudely-carved
figures
lions,
around
it
andin
form
asingle
composition
in
relief.
The
lions
are
six
number, and are represented as pursuing and attacking
1 Seef. Heuzey, "Revue d'Assyr.," IV., p. 109 ; cf. " Königsinschriften,"
p. 160
100 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
one another. Each has seized thehind-leg and the back
of the around
one which
it ; are
theyathus
an endless
chain
theprecedes
object, and
mostform
effective
form
of decoration. Unlike the majority ofmace-heads, that
of Mesilim is not perforated from top to bottom. The
hole
foris not
receiving
the handle
oftoptheof the
weapon,
though
deep,
continued
to
the
stone,
is carved in low relief with a representation of awhich
lionheaded
eagle
with
wings
outspread
and
claws
extended.
Looked
at from
above,
thisis not
fantastic
animal appears
as
anlionsisolated
figure,
but
it
to
be
separated
from
the
running
round
the side
of the mace-head.
Infact,of
we
may
see
in
the
whole
composition
a
development
the symbol
which
formed
theemblem
arms ofof the
the city-god
city of
Lagash,
and
was
the
peculiar
Ningirsu.¹
Inthetheback,latter,
the
lion-headed
eaglemace
grasps
Mesilim's
two
lions
by
and
in
sacred
we
have the same motive of a lion-headed eagle above
lions.
Itforwas,
indeed, aofpeculiarly
appropriate
votive
offering
an
overlord
Lagash
to
make.
As
suze-of
rain
of
Lagash,
Mesilim
had
repaired
the
temple
Ningirsu,
thecity-god;
colossal
mace-head,wrought
with a design
taken fromthethe
emblem
of the city and
itsdepositing
god,wasitthus
afitting
object
for
his
inscription.
By
in
Ningirsu's
temple,
he
not
only
sought
to secure
thehisfavour
ofpermanent
the local godrecord
by hisofpiety,
but
he
left
in
city
a
his
own
dominion.
Of Lugal-shag-engur
wefactknow
as was
yet patesi
nothingof
beyond
his
name,
and
the
that
he
Lagash at the time of Mesilim, but the latter ruler has
left
a more
enduring
mark upon
history.
Forhistorical
a later
patesi
of
Lagash,
Entemena,
when
giving
a
summary of the relations
which existed between his
neighbouring
own
city
and
the
city of Umma,
begins
his
account
with
the
period
of
Mesilim,
and
furnishes
additional
testimony
the local
part affairs
whichofthissouthern
early
king
of Kish
played into the
1 See theblock
blocks
on p. (see
98. theplate
A variantfacing
formp.of110).
the emblem
occurs
onturn
the
perforated
ofDudu
There
the
lions
to bite the spread wings ofthe eagle,indicating that the emblemissymbolical
of strife ending inthe victory ofLagash(cf. Heuzey, " Cat.," p. 121).
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
101
Babylonia.¹
From
Mesilim'sseenown
inscription
onhimthe
mace-head,
we
have
already
that
he
interested
selfinthe
fosteringthe
of cities inrepairoftemples
the south ; fromandin
Entemena's
recordlocalcults
we learn
that his activitiesalso
extended
tostates.
adjustingThetheproximity
political
relations
between
the
separate
of Umma
to Lagash
brought they
the two
cities
into constant
rivalry,
and,
although
were
separated
by
the Shatt el-Hai, their respective territories were not
always confined to their own sides of the stream.
During
thecame
reignto ofa head,
Mesilim
thein antagonism
between
the
cities
and,
order
to
prevent
the
outbreak
of
hostilities,
Mesilim
stepped
in
as
arbitrator,
possiblyatatissue
the invitation
two disputants.between
The
point
concerned ofthetheboundary-line
the territories of Lagash and Umma, and Mesilim, as
arbitrator, drew up a treaty of delimitation.
The form in which the record of the treaty is cast is
ofcratic
peculiar
interest,
forearlypeoples.
it forcibly illustrates
the theofeeling
ofthese
It
is
inaccordance
with
theirandpoint
ofareviewnotthat
theandactual
patesis ofis
Lagash
Umma
named,
the
dispute
regarded
having over
been theadjusted
by theandgods.
The
deity
whoaspresided
conference,
at whose
invitation the treaty is stated to have been made, was
Enlil,
" theamong
kingtheof local
the lands."
Owing
to hishisunique
position
gods
of
Babylonia,
divine
authority
was
recognized
by
the
lesser
city-gods.
Thus
itwas
at
his
command
thatNingirsu,the
god
ofLagash,
and the
city-god
oftheUmma
fixed
the boundary.
Itbyis
true
that
Mesilim,
King
of
Kish,
is
referred
to
name, and
but his
he only
the wordtoofmaking
his own arecord
goddess
Kadi,
dutiesacted
wereatconfined
treatynotwhich
of thecould
had drawn
up.
We
havethea gods
morethemselves
striking instance
of the
manner
inthewhich
the asearly
inhabitants
ofandBabylonia
regarded
city-gods
the
actual
kings
rulers of
their cities. Thehuman kings and patesiswerenothing
1 See the Cone"Rev.
of Entemena,
"Déc.
en Chald.,"
p. xlvii.; and cf.
Thureau-Dangin,
d'Assyr.,"
IV.,
pp.
37ff.,
and
"
Königsinschriften,"
pp. 36 ff. Entemena'ssketchoftheearlyrelations ofLagash and Umma precedeshis
account ofhis own conquest ofthe latter city; see below, p. 164 f.
2 See above, pp. 11, 21 f.
102 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
ministers, oroneagents,
appointed
to carry
out
more
than Thus,when
their
will.
city
made
warupon
another,
it was because their gods were at feud ; the territory of
of
the
city-god,
and,
when
a
the
city
was
the
property
it
was
naturally
treaty of delimitation was proposed,
the gods themselves who arranged it and drew up its
provisions.
We areby enabled
to fix approximately
thetheperiod
ofof
Mesilim
this
reference
to
him
upon
cone
Entemena, but we have no such means of determining
the datename
of another
early
ruler during
of the the
cityAmerican
of Kish,
whose
has
been
recovered
excavations
the sitesandstone
of Nippur.haveThree
a vase of darkon brown
been fragments
found there,of
engraved
withareansaid
inscription
ofbeen
Utug,found
an early
patesi
of
Kish.
They
to
have
in
the
strata
beneath the chambers of the great temple of Enlil on
the
south-east
sideto offormtheanyziggurat,
oras temple-tower.¹
Itthewould
be
rash
theory
to thethedatefrag-of
vase
solely
from
the
position
in
which
ments are said to have been discovered, but the
extremely archaic forms of the characters of the inscription
suggesthistory.
that it dates
from the
earliest
period
ofuponBabylonian
Moreover,
Utug
is
termed
king,Kishof Kish,
suggesting
thatandhe
ruled itat patesi,
a timenotwhen
had not
the power
influence
Mesilim.
in Sumer itandenjoyed
Akkadunder
constantly
passedThe
fromhegemony
one city
toset another,
so
that
it
is
possible
that
Utug
should
be
after
Mesilim,
when
the
power
of
Kish
had
temporarily declined.
But archaic
as the than
characters
Utug's
inscription
are far more
those ofofMesilim,
we
may provisionally
him ininplace
the period
before Kish
attained
the rank ofasetkingdom
of itspatesiate.
Buthow
an interval
there is nolong
means
of telling.separatedUtug from Mesilim
On the assumption that Utug ruled in this early
period, we may see in the fragments of his vase from
Nippur,
evidencetheofposition
the struggles
by which the
city of
Kish attained
of supremacy
it enjoyed
Babylonian Inscriptions," Pt. II., p. 62, pl. 46,
Seef.,Hilprecht,
No.1 108
and Pt. I.,"Old
p. 47.
M2470
and
os
us
.2,NBrit
90828
.
RULERS
SUMERIAN
EARLY
OF
FIGURES
LIMESTONE
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
103
under Mesilim.
ForKish,
Utug'sbutvase
was
not carried
to
Nippur
as
spoil
from
was
deposited
by
Utug
himself in the temple of Enlil, in commemoration of a
victory
he had achieved over the land of Khamazi.
We here learn the name of one of the enemies with
whom
Kish had to fight in the early stages of its
existence as an independent city-state, and we may
conjecture that many more such battles had to be
fought and won before its influence was felt beyond the
boundaries of Akkad by the Sumerian cities in the
south.
The
fact
that
after
his
victory
Utug
deposited
proves that in
the
vase theat shrine
NippurofasEnlil
a thankoffering
his time
was already regarded as the
centralhadsanctuary
the god
Kish,
achievedoftheBabylonia.
victory overZamama,
Khamazi,but
Enlil,of
as the supreme lord of the world, was entitled to some
recognition
gratitude,
and ofalsotheprobably
to a upon
share
inscription
ofUtug's
the vase
spoil.and
From
one
line
inferthatthehisname,
father's
was Bazuzu, webut,may
as noperhaps
title follows
he isname
not
toconclude
be reckoned
as
a
patesi
of
Kish.
We
may
thus
that Utug didnot succeed his father upon the
throne. Whether he was a usurper or succeeded some
military
other relative,founding
and whetherKish
he followed
up hisdynasty
successes
powerful
by
at
a
to
belonged,
which
Mesilim
may
have
are
among
the
questions
which mayinperhaps
answered as the result
be Babylonia.
excavation
Northern
of future
which
Kish
supremacy
theofearly
probablethethat
It is during
continued
for
some
Mesilim
reign
enjoyed
ofthey
two
the names
anyarerate,known,
death.
Atcity
his
time after
and,
as
of
that
rulers
early
other
may
patesi,
we city's
andanot
of king,
title lived
the they
both
bearthat
period
of
the
during
conclude
these
ofvase
one ofof white
The name
prosperity
or expansion.
broken
upon
a
occurs
Urzage,
kings,
approxifound
at Nippur,
whichwas
calcite stalagmite,
Utug.¹it
patesi
vaseofthe
asthe
place
same
the
matelyin
The inscription upon the vase records the fact that
p. 51, andThureau-Dangin,
pl. 43, No. 93 ; cf. Winckler,
1See Hilprecht, op. cit., Pt. I.,II.,p. 372f.,
“Königs"AltorientalischeForschungen,"
inschriften," p. 160 f.
104 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
was
Urzage"theto lady
Enlil,of"king
the lands,"
and dedicated
his consortbyNinlil,
heavenof and
earth."
conjecture
The
end
of
the
text
is
wanting,
but
we
may
predecessorUtug,
that,vase
like inhisthe
earlier
the kingdedicated
the
temple
of
Enlil,
at
Nippur,
ingratitude
for
some
victory
over
his
enemies.
We
may
see
in the dedication of the vase further evidencethus
of the
continued
prosperity
ofposition
Kish, though
ittheis clear
that
it
maintained
only
its
among
other
great
cities of the land by force of arms. The name of the
known
other
early
king
of
Kish,
Lugal-tarsi,
is
to
us
tablet The
from
apreserved
short inscription
upon
a small
of lapislazuli
in
the
British
Museum.
textor
enclosure,
records
the
building
of
the
wall
of
the
outer court, of a temple dedicated to Anu and the
goddess
Ninni,
provenance
but,anyas itsargument
isit unknown,
it is
impossible
to
base
upon
with
reference
tothethereignextent
of the influence
of Lugal-tarsi.
Suchexerted
are the byfewKish
factsduring
which
have
come
down
to
us
with
regard
to
the
earliest
period
supremacyto ofKish.
ofthedestined
the fortunes
city
were
undergo aBut
complete
change,ofthe
in consequence
ofduring
the increasein
theofEannatum.
powerof Lagashwhich
took
place
the
reign
we
describe the transfer of power from the north Before
to Sumer,
it will be necessary to retrace our steps to the point
where
we leftwas
theruling
historyinofthethatnorth.city, during the time
Mesilim
thatThe
of throne
Lugal-shag-engur,
of the successors
names
contemporary,
upon
of Lagash
the
Mesilim's
have not yet been recovered, and we do not know how
his reignfromfromwhose
thattime
of Ur-so
separated
long antheinterval
Ninâ,
early
king
of
Lagash,
many
inscriptions andarchaeological remains have been
recovered at Tello. It is possible that within this
2
1 See " Cuneiform
Textsd'Assyr.
in the,"British
Museum,"
Pt.
III., pl. 1, and cf.
Thureau-Dangin,
"Rev.
IV.,
p.
74,
and
"
Königsinschriften,"
160 f. For a photographic reproduction ofthe tablet, see the plate facing
p.p. 218.
2 Lugal-tarsi's
Since the central
cult ofNinni
andsubjection
of AnuwasofatErech,
itKish
is possible
that
dedication
implies
the
Erech
to
at this
period.
3 See above, pp. 91ff.
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
105
period we should set another ruler of Lagash, named
be madeThe
by
appears
Badu,
to whomthereference
famous Stele
Eannatumupon
ofthetoVultures.
passage
has upon
been
small offragment
preservedoccurs
engraved
oftheinfirstthecolumn
the text that
theLagash."
stele, the following
line containing
the title " King
context
passage
ofserved,
The
of
the
is not
preprecede
but it is possible that the signs which
the
title
areto
betaken
asname
a propername,and
inofthat
case
they
would
give
the
of
an
early
ruler
the
city.
In
favour
of
this
view
we
may
note
that
in
the
text
upon
an
archaic
clay
tablet
found
below
the
level
of Ur-Nina's building at Tello the name Badu occurs,
asevidence
that of aofking
it is not therebeemployed
and,patesi,
although
the
oruse
the
passagemay
taken
as
ofBadu
as
aproper
name
in
this
early
age.
name, byit
represents
a royal
thatfrom
Baduinternal
furnished
evidence
be inferred
mayAssuming
and reigned at
inscription
that The
he lived
Eannatum's
introductorycolumns
before
period
Ur-Nina.
some
to givewhich
a briefwerehistorical
text appear
of Eannatum's
main-of
relations
concerning
the
summary
neighbouring
city
Lagash
and
the
between
tained
anterior
Ummatheinsecond
the period
atticolumn
of theto Eannatum's
text describesownthereign.
Now
reignaofnatural
Akurgal,
Lagash inittheis thus
tude
of Umma
inson andto successor;
Ur-Nina's
who reigned
was a stillWhether
earlier ruler
thatbefore
BaduUr-Nina.
ference
before
he reigned
atLugal-shag-engur
any rate
deciding.
are
no
data
for
also,
there
It will be noted that Eannatum calls him " king " of
by
titlesconuse of theseis not
notas" applied
patesi," tobuthisthepredecessors,
Lagash,
Eannatum,
sistent, and, that he should describe Badu as "king," is
no proofthat Badu himself claimed that title. But he
him
mayhavedone
may provisionallyplace
so, andwe
and
Lugal-shag-engur
between
the
patesi
the interval
inUr-Ninâ,
who in his numerous texts that have been
p. 101 "Déc.
f. en
Chaldée," p. xl.; cf. Thureau-Dangin, " Königsinschriften,"
No. 21.See Thureau-Dangin, "Recueil de tablettes chaldéennes," p. 1, pl. 1,
106 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
recovered aalways
claimssuggests
the titleanofincrease
" king "inintheplace
"patesi,"
fact that
powerof
and importance
of Lagash.
Toanother
the sameearlyperiod
weof
may
probably
assign
Enkhegal,
king
Lagash,
whose name has been recovered onan archaic
tablet of limestone.2
is possible
Ur-Ninâto himself,
greatIt soldier,
did that
something
secure, orthough
at leastnottoa
maintain,
the heindependence
of hisof city.
In anyforcase,to
we
know that
was the founder
his dynasty,
neither
hisascribe
fatherGunidu,
nor
to hisWegrandfather
Gursar,
does
he
any
titular
rank.
may
assume
that
powerful
Sumerian
hebut,belonged
to
a
family
in
Lagash,
obtainedorthesecured
throneitbyasinheritance
somewhether
collateralhebranch,
the result from
of a
revolt within the city, is not recorded. It is strange
inscriptionsindoesthehefield.
that intonone
ofconquest
his numerous
lay
achievement
claim
any
or
Mosttojudge
ofhis texts,it
is true,ofareof
dedicatoryrulers,
character,
but,
from those
otheraSumerian
this
fact
should
notany
havesuch
prevented
himtofrom
referringTheto
them,
had
he
successes
chronicle.
nearest
approach
to aofrecord
of a military
nature isclear
that
he
rebuilt
the
wall
Lagash.
It
is
therefore
that, though
hemaynot
havetheembarked
onhis
an aggressive
policy,
he
did
not
neglect
defence
of
ownambicity.
But
that
appears
to
have
been
the
extent
of
his
tion: so long as the fortifications of the city wereintact,
and the armed men at her disposal sufficient for the
defence
of Lagash
outlyingor territory,
did not seek
to addherself
to hisandownherrenown
to the city'she
wealth by foreign conquest. The silence
of Entemena
“ king," did not acquire its
1
title lugal,
suggested
thatoftheSargon(Shar-Gani-sharri),
1 Itsignificance
has been until
but that it was
the
age
later
(cf.
bêlu,
Semitic
of
the
equivalent
as
the
rulers
by
earlier
used
the fact
Ungnad, " Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1908, col. 64, n. 5). But, in view"oflord”
contime it already
that in his
seem
it would
the title,
bore
that Mesilim
The
patesi.
in
theword
inherent
that
than
authority
to
greater
a
claim
veyed
itdesigby
aruler
;
whenborne
origin
of
a
purelyreligious
titlewas
latter
" was beof
" kingit must
of his city-god,
but
the title But
as thecharacter,
representative
himsecular
dominion.
awider
connoted
and
anated
more
of the titles by members of
inconsistencies in the usedistinction
admitted that someseem
between them was
the
that
to
suggest
dynasty
Ur-Nina's
in thefürAssyr.,"XI.,p.330
later periods.
so marked "asZeits.
not**See
quite Hilprecht,
f.; andThureau-Dangin,
op. cit., XV., p. 403.
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
107
with regard
the relationsevidence
of Lagash
Umma attreaty
this
period
is nottoconclusive
thattoMesilim's
was
still inunbroken.
force, or thatButthe Entemena's
peace he inaugurated
had
remained
silence fully
accords with that of Ur-Ninâ himself, and we may infer
that,
ininspite
of hisanyclaims
to with
the royal
title,hereditary
he succeeded
avoiding
quarrel
his
city's
foe. immediate
Ur-Nina's attitude
towards
the city-state
upon hisof
own
borders
may
be
regarded
as
typical
his
a whole.BauThemayonyxpossibly
bowl have
whichbeen
he dedicatedpolicy
to theas goddess
part
ofto have
certainbeenbooty
won
in
battle,
but
his
aim
appears
tothe
devote
his energies
tocity.
the improvement
adornment
offorehisnatural
land andthat
of
his
It isoftherehis
inscriptions
2
should
consist
mere
catalogues of the names of temples and other buildings
1
erected
during his reign, together with lists of the
statues he dedicated to his gods, and ofthe canals he cut
in order
towhile
increase
the material
wealth
oftohishave
people.been
But,
Ur-Nina's
policy
appears
mainly of a domestic character, he did not fail to maintain
relations with other cities in the sphere of religious
observance. That he should have continued in active
with Nippur,
as we
the might
religiousinfercentre
communication
of the whole of Babylonia,
is what
from
thethispractice
of dedication
the period,toandEnlilwe ofmayoneprobably
trace
to
fact his
of the canals
which
wasof the
cutdeference
during hispaidreign.
A moreto the
striking
instance
by
Ur-Ninâ
god
of another city may be seen in his relations to Enki,
the
Sumerian
prototype
of
the
god
Ea.
When
UrNinâ
planned the rebuilding of the temple E-ninnû, he
appears to have taken precautions to ensure the success
ofhis
by making
a directplaque
appealthat
to Enki,
the
city-godscheme
of Eridu.
On adiorite
has been
found
Telloin hishecharacter
records the
delivery
ofhishe prayer
to Enki,atthat
of Chief
Diviner
should
ofinscription
a similar
1 See
Heuzey,ofthe"Rev.
d'Assyr.
, " IV.,isdefinitely
p. 106. Astated
fragment
in
the
same
earlyperiod,
bowl,
probably
upon2 They
it tohave
been
set aside
forBau
as a part
ofcertain
spoil. “ KönigsThureau-Dangin,
translated
by
collected
and
are
inschriften," pp. 2 ff.
3 "Découvertes en Chaldée," p. xxxvii., No. 10.
108 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
use
his purereed, the wand of his divination, to render
the work good and shouldpronounce afavourable oracle.
cityofofEridu,
near and
the shore
ofThethetemple
PersianofEnki
Gulf,inwastheone
the earliest
most
sacred
of
Sumerian
shrines,
and
we
may
perhaps
picture
UrN
inâ
as
journeying
thither
from
Lagash,
in
order
to carry his petition in person into the presence of its
mysterious
god. of Lagash to whose service Ur-Ninâ
Of the deities
appearswhose
especially
to hehaveboredevoted
himself,
the was
goddess
Ninâ,
name
within
his
own,
one
of the most favoured. For one of the chief claims to
distinction
that he; and
putsalthough,
forward unlike
is thatthehelater
builtgreat
her
temple
at
Lagash
builder
Gudea,wehe may
givesconclude
in his inscriptions
few details
ofresources
his work,
that
he
lavished
his
upon it. He also boasts that he made a
statue ofandNina,
he nohedoubt
set upto within
her
temple,
one which
of his canals
dedicated
her. Her
daughter
Ninmar
was notalso,neglected,
for hea records
that
he
built
her
temple
and
he
erected
temple
for
Gatumdug,
Nina's
intercessor,
and
fashioned
statueconnected
of her. with
Another
group ofofUr-Nina's
buildings
was
the
worship
Ningirsu,
the city-to
god
of
Lagash,
whose
claims
a
ruler,
so
devoted
the interests
of his own city as Ur-Ninâ, would naturally
notAhave
ignored.
glance at his texts will show that Ur-Ninâ more
than once describes himself as the builder of " the
House of Girsu," a title by which he refers to E-ninnû,
the
greatquarter
templeofdedicated
Ningirsu,
stood
in that
the citytowhich
was since
namedit Girsu
He
and
was
by
far
its
most
important
building.¹
also builtandE-pa,the aworship
sanctuaryof Ningirsu.
closely connected
with
E-ninnû
This
temple
was
added
to at agod,
laterNingishzida,
date by Gudea,who
installed
therein
his
patron
and
set
the
nuptialit
gifts
of
Bau,
Ningirsu's
consort,
within
its
shrine;
iscated
possible
that Ur-Nina's onyx bowl, which was dedito Bau, and the fragments of other bowls found
a
See above, p. 90 f. Other divisions of Lagash
and1Uru.
were Nina, Uru-azagga
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
109
with it,¹ were deposited by Ur-Ninâ in the same temple.
Of other
deities
entourage,maywhom
UrNina
singled
out inforNingirsu's
special veneration,
be mentioned Dunshagga,
Ningirsu's
son,
andUri-zi,
theharîm.
god
whose
duty
it
was
to
look
after
Ningirsu's
Among
lesser
temples, byor him
portions
ofthetemples,
which
were
built
or
restored
was
Tirash,
on the day of the New Moon's appearance it waswhere
the
custom
to
hold
afestival
in
honour
of
Ningirsu
;
while
another ofacta ofstatue
pietyofwhich
Ur-Ninâ
records
waswhose
the
making
Lugal-uru,
the
god
from
festival one of the Sumerian months took its name.
In this
mention
maydescribes
also beasmade
the
god
Dun-connection,
. . ., whom
Ur-Ninâ
the "ofGodking," since he stood in a peculiar relation to Ur-Nina
and his family.
He became
the patron
deity toof the
the
dynasty
which Ur-Ninâ
founded,
and, down
reign
of Enannatum
II., wasof Lagash.³
the personal protector of
the For
reigning
king
or
patesi
the construction of his temples Ur-Ninâ states
that he fetched wood from the mountains, but unlike
Gudea in a later age, he is not recorded to have
brought
in his craftsmen
fromUr-Nina's
abroad. other
In addition
toactivity
the building
of
temples,
mainof
appears
to
have
centred
in
the
cutting
canals; among these was the canal named Asukhur,
whichchanges
Eannatum
on
the banksThatof the
his grandson
a battle.
he introduced
into won
the
canalization
of
the
country
were
entirely
successful
may be inferred from the numerous storehouses and
magazines, which he records he built in connection
with
thehe various
temples,
and ofby Ningirsu
his statement
that
when
added
to
the
temple
he
stored
up large quantities of grainwithin the temple-granaries.
1 See above, р. 107.
2 The
reading
ofthe second
halfofthe name is uncertain. The two signs
which
form
the
namewere
provisionallyreadbyAmiaudasDun-sir("Records
ofthe Past," N.S.,
I., p. 59),Bd.andIII.,byJensenas
Shul-gur(cf.
Schrader's "KeilHft. 1, p. 18f.);
seealsoThureau-Dangin,
Bibliothek,"
inschriftliche
n."Rev.
18. d'Assyr.," III., p. 119, n. 5, and Radau, "Early Bab. Hist.," p. 92,
34 See
below,
pp. 168f.,
177.principal storehouse ormagazine, the remains
For
a
description
of
his
ofwhichhavebeenfound atTello, seeabove, pp. 91ff.
110 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
In fact, from the inscriptions he has left us, Ur-Nina
appears
as a pacific
monarch
devoted
to own
the worship
ofHishisambitions
city-gods
and
to
the
welfare
of
his
people.
lay
within
his
own
borders,
and,
when
he
had
secured
his
frontier,
he
was
content
to
practise
the arts of peace. It was doubtless due to this wise
and
far-seeing
policy
that
thehisresources
of thegrandcity
were
husbanded,
so
that
under
more
famous
son she was enabled to repel the attack of enemies and
embark uponfame
a career
of foreignthat
conquest.
Ur-Nina's
posthumous
is
evidence
his
reign
was
a
period
of
peace
and
prosperity
for
Lagash.
His
greatgrandson
Entemena
boasts
ofof King
beingofhisLagash
descendant,
and
ascribes
to
him
the
title
he did not claim either for himself or for his which
father
Enannatum
I., whiletoeven
in theinreign
of Lugal-anda
offerings
continued
be
made
connection
with his
statue in Lagash.¹
Wetheareinscriptions
not dependent
solely onforwhatwe
can gatherof
from
themselves
a
knowledge
Ur-Nina. For he has left ussculptured representations,
not
onlyfrom
of himself,
but
also form
ofhisa sons
and
principal
officers,
which
we
may
very
clear
of the primitive conditions of life obtaining in picture
Sumer
atthetheformtimeof limestone
of this early
ruler.
The
sculptures
take
plaques,
roughly
carved
in
low
relief
with
figures
of
Ur-Ninâ
surrounded
by
his
family
and
his court.slightly
Therounded,
plaques and
are oblong
in shape,of with
the
corners
in
the
centre
each
is bored a circular hole. Though they are obviously
of aintended
votive character,
the exact
object
forItwhich
they
are
is
not
clear
at
first
sight.
has
been,
conjectured
and indeed
is still,
that thebutplaques
were
vertically
shrines,
explafixed
to
the
walls
of
this
nation has been discredited by the discovery of the
plaque, or rather block,Entemena.
of Dudu, the priest of Ningirsu
during
the
reign
of
Frombut
thepyramidal,
shape of
the latter, the reverse of which is notflat
and also from the inscription upon it, we gather that
2
below,
12 See
p. 169.plate and the illustrations on p. 113 f.
opposite
the
See
3 Cf. Meyer, " Sumerier und Semiten," p. 77.
PLAQUE OF UR-NINA, KING OF SHIRPURLA, ENGRAVED WITH REPRESENTATIONS OF THE KING AND HIS FAMILY
In the Louvre ; Déc. en Chald., pl. 2 (bis).
PLAQUE OF DUDU, PRIEST OF NINGIRSU DURING THE
REIGN OF ENTEMENA, PATESI OF SHIRPURLA.
In the Louvre ; Déc. en Chald., pl. 5 (bis).
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
111
the
object supports
of these forperforated
bas-reliefs
wasortosacred
form
horizontal
ceremonial
mace-heads
emblems, which werededicated as votive offeringsin the
templesconsists
of the ingods.¹
The great
valuethey
of those
ofusUr-of
Ninâ
the
vivid
pictures
give
royalThepersonages
andthehigh
officialsis atsculptured
this earlywith
period.two
largest
of
plaques
separate
scenes,attitude
in eachand
ofwhichUr-Ninâ
is represented
inwhile
a different
with
a
different
occupation,In
around him stand his sons and ministers.
the upper scene the king is standing ; he is nude down
to the waist and his feet are bare, while around his
loins he wears
the roughheadwoollengarment
ofbasket
the period,
andupon
his
shaven
he
supports
a
which
hebesidesteadies
with
his
right
hand.
The
text
engraved
the king,
in that
addition
to giving
his name
andof
genealogy,
records
he
has
built
the
temple
Ningirsu,
the abzu-banda
whichthewastemple-service,
probably a great
laver or basin
intended for
and
the
temple
of
Nina
;
and
it
has
been
suggested
that
thelaykingbefore
is herehisportrayed
bearing a But
baskettheofbasket
offeringshe
tocarries
god
or
goddess.
is exactly similar to those borne by labourers
for
heaping
earthVultures,
upon theanddead
as represented
the Stele ofthe
baskets
have alwaysupon
been
used
in
the
east
by
labourers
and
builders
for
carrying
earth and other building-materials. It is therefore
more
probable
that thebearing
king ismaterials
here revealed
the
character
of a labourer
for theinconstruction of the temples referred to in the text. The
same
explanation
appliesaretorepresented
the copperbearing
votive baskets
figures
ofon atheir
later
period
which
heads. In a similar spirit Gudea has left us
statues
of
himselfrepresents
as an architect,
and
rule ; Ur-Ninâ
himself holding
in the tablet
still more
humble
a labourer
engaged
ofbuildingrôletheof temple
for his
god. in the actual work
3
Dudu's ofblock
was probably
let into
or brickwork,
whileof
the 1plaques
Ur-Nina
would have
restedsolidon masonry
the surface
of altars built
brick2 See
; cf.theHeuzey,
"Découvertes
en Chaldée," p. 204.
opposite
p.
110.
plate
34 See
f. p. 138.
See above,
the platep. 41opposite
112 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Behind
the king
is aandlittlefacing
figurehimintended
forof the
royal
cup-bearer,
Anita,
are
five
his
children.
It
is
usually
held
that
the
first
of
these
bearsdress
the name
of Lidda
afigures,
more who
elaborate
than the
other and
four,isisclothed
intendedin
for
the king's
son.¹ isBut
in addition
to thefrom
distinctive
dress, eldest
this figure
further
differentiated
the others
by wearing
long hair
in place
ofresemblance
having the
head
shaved.
In
thisrespect
it
bears
some
to an archaic statuette,
be that toof
awomanwhich
; 2 andappears
the signto attached
Lidda's
name, engraved"daughter,"
upon the
stone,is
possiblythatfor
not
"we
son."should
It isidentify
thus nottheunlikely
that
figure
with
a
daughter
of
Ur-Nina.
other figures in the row are fourTheof
the king's sons,
named
Akurgal,
Lugal-ezen,
Anikurra
and Muninnikurta. A curious point that may
befigures
notedincreases
is that the
height of these
as they recede from
the king. Thus thefirst of the small
figures,
that of Akurgal,
who
suc-is
FIG. 43.
ceeded Ur-Ninâ
upon
the
throne,
as smaller than his
represented
Early
Sumerian
figure
brothers,
and
it that
has been
suggested
ofSumerian
awoman,showing
the
in
consequence
he
was
notwhich
the
dress
and
the
method of doing
the
hair.
king's
eldest
son,
a
point
to
[Déc., pl. 1 ter, No. 3.]
we will return later. In the scene
sculptured
uponastheseated
lowerupon
halfaofthrone
the plaque
the kingin
ishisrepresented
and
raising
righta hand
a cupWefrom
which heseeappears
togroupbe
pouring
libation.
may
probably
in
this
ataskpicture
of the was
kingfinished.
dedicatingThetheinscription
temple after
the
of
building
records
the fact that he had brought wood from the mountains,
doubtless employed in the construction of the temples,
12 The
So, forfigure,
instance,
Radau,
"theEarlyBab.
History,"
p. 70.at Tello, but was
which
is
in
Louvre,
was
not
found
purchased
at Shatra,
so ,that
its provenance
is not certain.
3
See
Radau,
op.
cit.
p.
70,
and
cp.Genouillac,
"Tablettes sumériennes
archaïques," p. xi.
:
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
113
a detail The
whichcup-bearer
emphasiseswhothestands
difficulties
hadthrone
overcome.
behindhe the
isfigure
in this
scene,
not
Anita,
butofficial
Sagantug,
while
the
facing
the
king
is
a
high
named
Dudu,
and to the left of Dudu are three more of the king's
sonsAnamed
smallerAnunpad,
plaque, Menudgid,
rather moreandAddatur.
oval in shape than
the
large
one
figured
on
the
plate
facinggivesp. 110,
but
like
it
in
a
perfect
state
of
preservation,
a
similar
scene, though with less elaboration of detail. According
to itsofinscription
tablet also
the
building
Ningirsu'sthistemple.
Herecommemorates
the king carries
‫الله‬
FIG. 44.
of Ur-Nina,
King of Anita,
Lagashand(Shirpurla),sculptured
tionsPlaque
ofhimself,
his cup-bearer,
four ofhis sons. with representa[Déc., pl. 2 bis, No. 2; Cat. No. 9.]
no basket, but is represented as standing with hands
clasped
upon the
breast,
an attitude
of Inhumility
and
submission
in
the
presence
of
his
god.
respects both the king and the smaller figures ofother
his
sons andAministers
are immediately
conceived asbehind
on thethelarger
plaque.
small
figure
is Anita, the cup-bearer. and to the left of Anitaking
are
the king's
son AkurgalInandtheaupper
personage
bearing
the
name
Barsagannudu.
row
are
two
other
small figures named Lugal-ezen and Gula. Now from
the largest plaque we know that Lugal-ezenI was a
114 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
son of Ur-Nina ; thus the absence of such a description
101
from
Gulaassumption
and Barsagannudu
isthese,
not significant,
and it
iswerea fair
that
both
like
Lugal-ezen,
sons of the
the king.
Butthat
it is isnoteworthy
that of the
four
figures
only
one
specificallydescribed
as a " son " of Ur-Ninâ is Akurgal.
y
completel
not
is
plaques
Ur-Nina's
of
Another
which
upon
wanting
is
half
preserved, for the right
FIG. 45.
Portion of aofhis
plaquesonsof and
Ur-Nina,
Kingofficials
ofLagash
with
representations
thehigh
ofhis(Shirpurla),sculptured
court.
[Déc., pl. 2 ter, No. 1; in the Imperial Ottoman Museum.]
was
the
figure,thator possibly
tworecovered
figures, ofthe
king. On
the
portion
has
been
are
sculptured
of figures,
facingthethecup-bearer
right. The; then
first
intwotherowslower
row isboth
Anita,
comes a high official named Banar; then Akurgal,
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
115
distinguished
title ofOf"the
son,"fourandfigures
on thepreserved
extreme
left Namazua,bythethescribe.
inandtheMuninnikurta,
upper row, theboth
two ofcentral
Lugal-ezen
whomonesbeararethe
title of
" son," as on the largest of the three plaques. The
reading
names but
upontheythearefigures
on theintended
right
and
left ofis the
uncertain,
probably
for officials of the court. The one on the left of the
line is of some interest, for he carries a staff upon his
left shoulder from which hangs a bag. We may
perhaps
regard
him asofthethe royal
chamberlain,
who
controlled
the
supplies
palace
;
or
his
duty
may
have
beentheto court,
look after
the provisions
and accommodation for
should
the king ever
undertake a
journey
fromUr-Nina's
one citysons
to another.¹
While
uponwethehave
smaller
plaques
are
allsimilar
roughly
of
the
same
size,
noted
that
the
figures
upon
thesuggested
largest plaque
varyintention
slightly ofin
height.
It
has
been
that
the
the sculptor
was to and
indicate
the difference
inbeen
age
between
the
brothers,
in
consequence
it
has
argued ofthatLagash,
Akurgal,
who
succeeded
Ur-Ninâ
uponson.
the
throne
was
his
fifth,
and
not
his
eldest,
This inference
hasdeath
furtherbeenemployed
tosuggest
that
after
Ur-Nina's
there
may
have
followed
a
period
of weakness
within
theandduring
state of the
Lagash,
duestruggle
to disunion
amonghis
sons;
supposed
for thebeensuccession
itbyis internal
conjectured
that and,
the city
may
have
distracted
conflicts,
in
consequence,
waswhich
unableshetoonlysucceeded
maintain herinindependence
asthea
city-state,
recovering
in
reign
Eannatum,
the sonof and
Akurgal.2
But aofbrief
examination
the successor
theory willof show
that
there
is
little
to
be
said
for
it,
and
it
is
probable
thatis
the
slight
difference
in
the
height
of
the
figures
fortuitous and unconnected with their respective ages.
It may be admitted that a good deal depends upon the
sex
of Lidda,
on the largest
facesforthea
standing
figure who,
of Ur-Nina.
If this plaque,
is intended
son of the king,his richerclothing marks him out as the
12 See
the similar
figureBab.on History,"
a fragmentp. ofshell,
Cf. Radau,
" Early
71. illustrated on p. 41.
116 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
crown-prince;
evenso,
wemaysuppose
that Akurgal
was
Ur-Nina'sbut,
second
son, and
that he succeeded
to the
throne in But
consequence
of Lidda
havingbeenpredeceased
his
father.
reasons
have
already
adduced
for
believing
that
Lidda
was
a
daughter,
not
a
son,
of
UrNina. among
In thathiscase
Akurgal
occupies the place of
honour
brothers
in
standingnearesttheking.
He is further differentiated from them by the cup which
he carries ; in fact, he here appears as cup-bearer to
Lidda,
the king.the office performed byAnita and Saguntug for
That the crown-prince should be here represented
attending
his sister
may appear
strange,
but,
in view
ofassuggestion
our imperfect
knowledge
of
this
early
period,
the
should the
not class
be dismissed
on that
account. Indeed,
of templesolely
votaries,
who
enjoyed
ahigh
social
positionunder
the
Semitic
kings
of
the First Dynasty of Babylon, probably had its counterpart
the; and
centres
worship
earlierattimes
thereofis Sumerian
evidence that
at the intimestillof
the First Dynasty, the order included members of the
royal house. Moreover, tablets dating from the close
of Ur-Nina's
dynasty
showand
theofficial
important
partthewhich
women
played
in
the
social
life
of
early
Sumerians.
Thus
it
ispossiblethat
Ur-Nina's
daughter
held high rank or office in the temple hierarchy, and
her presence
on theorplaque
may
have reference
toitsome
special
ceremony,
act
of
dedication,
in
which
her privilege to take the leading part after the king,wasor
1
to be his chief assistant. In such circumstances it
would not be unnatural for her eldest brother to attend
her. In both the other compositions Lidda is absent,
Akurgal occupies the place of honour. In the one
heand
stands
on a line with
the king
immediately
the royal cup-bearer,
and heis
theonly
royal son behind
who is
specifically
labelled
as
such
;
in
the
other
he
is
again
on
abearer,
line with
the
king,
separated
from
Anita,
the
cupby a high officer of state, and followed by the
royal scribe. In these scenes he is clearly set in the
mostthefavoured
position,itand,
if Lidda
wastonotexplain
his sister
but
crown-prince,
would
be
hard
the
1 Cf. Genouillac, " Tablettes sumériennes archaïques," pp. xxii. ff.
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
117
latter's
absence,
except
on thethe smaller
supposition
thatwere
his
death
had
occurred
before
plaques
made. But
the texts upon
plaques
building
of Ningirsu's
temple,all three
and they
thusrecord
appeartheto
have
been prepared
forthethesuggestion
same occasion,
whichwas
givesa
additional
weight
to
that
Lidda
daughter
of Ur-Ninâ, and that Akurgal was his eldest
son.
was the
Ur-Nina's
not,But,
the whether
evidenceAkurgal
of at least
smallereldest
of thesontwoor
complete
plaques
would seem
to the
showlifetime
that heof was
recognized
as
crown-prince
during
his
father,
and
we
may
infer
that
he
was
Ur-Nina's
immediate successor.
For made
an estimate
we mustIt
depend
on references
to him ofby hishis reign
two sons.
hasalreadybeen
mentioned
thattheearly
part ofthehave
text
engravedupon
the
Steleofthe
Vultures
appearsto
given
anduring
account
ofreigns
the relations
between
Lagash
and
Umma
the
preceding
that
of
Eannatum,¹
and find
in a badly
preserved
passage inthethesonsecond
column
we
a
reference
to
Akurgal,
of
Ur-Nina.
The
broken, but
men ofalmost
Umma"
and
" thecontext
city ofisLagash
are "the
mentioned
immediately Eannatum
before the name
Akurgal,
and it would
that
here ofrefers
to a conflict
whichappear
took
place
between
the
two
cities
during
the
former's
reign.
It should be noted that upon his Cone³ Entemena
makes
noofmention
of any
warhisatsilence
this period,
and,
as in
the
case
Ur-Nina's
reign,
might
be
interpreted as an indication of unbroken peace. But the
narratives
may be inreconciled
onoftheAkurgal
supposition
either
that
the
conflict
the
reign
was
of
no
great importance, or that it did not concern the fertile
plain
of Gu-edin.
be remembered
thatafter
the
text upon
the Cone Itof must
Entemena
was composed
the
Eannatum,
uncle,were
and
the stirring
successestimes
wonofbythat
monarchEntemena's
against Umma
naturallyconflicts
of far ofgreater
importance inIthisiseyes
than
the
lesser
his
predecessors.
true
that
he
describes the still earlier intervention of Mesilim in the
‫دو‬
1 See above, pр. 105. 3 Op. cit.,
2 " Déc.
en Chaldée," p. xl., Col. II.
p. xlvii.
118 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
affairs stele
of Lagash
and Umma, set
butupthisbyisMesilim
because was
the
actual
or
boundary-stone
removed
by the provoked
men of Umma
in Eannatum's
an act which
the war.
The storyreign,of
Mesilim's
intervention,
which
resulted
innatural
the setting
up
of
the
boundary-stone,
thus
forms
a
introduction
to
the
record
of
Eannatum's
campaign
;
the fact that these two events closely follow and
one
another in Entemena's text is not inconsistent with
aofless
important
conflict
being
recorded
bythethereignSteleof
the
Vultures
as
having
taken
place
in
Akurgal.
The only other evidence with regard to the achievements
ofhisAkurgalis
furnished
byStele
the titles
ascribed
to¹
him
by
two
sons.
Upon
the
ofthe
Vultures,
Eannatum
describesalonehimit asmight
" kingbe" inferred
of Lagash,
and
from
this
passage
that
he
was as successful as his father Ur-Ninâ in maintaining
the
independence ofbricks,
his city.
But incolumn,
other texts
upon
foundation-stones,
and asmall
Eannatum
describes himI.onlyIt asshould
" patesi,"
as alsothatdoesin his
other
son
Enannatum
be
noted
the
majority
of his inscriptions Eannatum. claims for himself the title
of patesi, and at the end of one of them, in which he
has enumerated a long list of his own conquests, he
exclaims,
“ ofHeLagash,
(i.e. Eannatum)
is the son ofis Ur-Ninâ,
Akurgal,
the
patesi
and
his
grandfather
the
patesi of Lagash." 2 That he should term Ur-Nina
" patesi " does not accord with that ruler's own texts,
but, if Eannatum himself had been merely a patesi at
the
beginning
ofhehismay
reign,wellandhavehisoverlooked
father had also
been
one
before
him,
the
more
ambitious astitlethistoomission
which hiswould
grandfather
hadthelaidclaim,
especially
enhance
splendour
of
his
own
achievements.
It
is
also
possible
that at
this time the distinction between the two titles was not
so strictly drawn as in the later periods, and that an
alteration
in them did
not always
mark a corresponding
political change.
However
this maybe,the
conflicts of Eannatum suggest that Lagashsubsequent
had failed
1 Col. II., 1. 9.
23. See
" Déc.above,
en Chaldée,"
p. 106, n. p.1. xliii., Col. VIII.
THE DAWN OF HISTORY
119
to maintain her freedom. We may assume that the
Sumer, and that Kish had put an end to the comparative
independence
during Ur-Nina's
reign. which the city had enjoyed
North had once more interfered in the affairs of
CHAPTER V
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES ; EANNATUM AND THE
STELE OF THE VULTURES
HEN the patesiate of Lagash passed from
Akurgal
to hisassonEannatumwemaypicture
the
city-state
owinghome,
a general
allegianceof
to Akkad in the north. Nearer
the relations
Lagash to Umma appear to have been of an amicable
character.
minor conflicts
maythe
havetreaty
takenof
place betweenWhatever
the two citiesin
the interval,
Mesilim was still regarded as binding, and its terms
were treated
with respect
byboth parties.
The
question
whether
Eannatum,
like
Akurgal,
had
had
some
cause of disagreement with the men of Umma atminor
the
beginning
of his passages
reign depends
upon
ourpartinterpretation
ofengraved
some broken
in
the
early
of thesecond
text
upon
the
Stele
of
the
Vultures.
The
column deals with the relations of Umma and Lagash
during the reign of Akurgal, and the fourth column
concerns
the reign
ofEannatum.
The
name of portion
neither
ofof these
rulers
is
mentioned
in
the
intermediate
the text, which, however, refers to Umma and
Lagash
in connection
with
apossible
shrine orthatchapel
dedicated
toacontinuation
the god
Ningirsu.
It
is
we
have
here
ofthe
narrativeofthe
preceding
column,
and
into that
case weof Akurgal,
should assign
thisthanportion
ofearly
the
text
the
reign
rather
to
the
part ofreferthetoreign
of his successor.
Butandit may
equally
well
Eannatum's
own
reign,
may
either
record
a
minor
cause
of
dispute
between
the
which was settled before the outbreak of the cities
great
war,
or
may
perhaps
be
taken
in
connection
with
the
following
columns
ofthe
text.
1"Déc. en Chaldée," p. xl.; cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Königsinschriften,"
W
pp. 10 ff.
120
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 121
These
two
columns
definitely
refer
towhich
Eannatum's
reign
and
describe
certain
acts
of
piety
hework
performed
in
the
service
of
his
gods.
They
record
carriedrejoiced
out in ;E-ninnû,
by which
thededication
heart of ofNingirsu
was
the
naming
and
some
portion
of
E-anna,
the
temple
of
the
goddess
Ninni;
and certain additions made to the sacred flocks of the
goddess Ninkharsag. The repetition of the phrase
referring to Ninni's temple¹ suggests a disconnected
list of Eannatum's achievements in the service of his
gods,
rather than a connected narrative. The text in
the fifth column continues the record of the benefits
bestowedtrace
by him
upon Ningirsu,
andrenewal
here weofmay
perhaps
a
possible
cause
of
the
the
war with Umma. For the text states that Eannatum
bestowed
certain
territory
upon
Ningirsu
and rejoiced
his
heart
;
and,
unless
this
refers
to
land
occupied
after
the
defeat
of
Umma,
its
acquisition
may
have
been
resentedhave
by the
neighbouring
city. forSuch
aninvasion
incidentof
would
formed
ample
excuse
the
the
territoryto the
of Lagash
byofEannatum
the injured himself
party, though,
according
records
and ofof
Entemena,
it
would
appear
that
the
raid
of
the
men
Ummawasunprovoked.
But,outbreak
whateverofmayhave
the immediate cause of the
hostilities,been
we
shall
due toseethereasonfor
influencebelieving
of Kish. that thewarwas ultimately
The outbreak of the war betweenUmma and Lagash
is recorded concisely in the sixth column of the inscription upon the Stele of the Vultures, which states that
ofNingirsu.
his god,
the patesi Gu-edin,
of Umma,thebyterritory
the command
beloved
of
plundered
to note
that
In
record,
brief asisit regarded
is, it is interesting
thethis
patesi
ofofUmma
as
no
more
than
the
his
city-god,
or
the
ministerwho
carries
instrument
out his commands. As the gods in a former generation
had
up the
between
and Umma,of
whichdrawn
Mesilim,
theirtreaty
suzerain,
had Lagash
at the command
his
own itgoddess
ofdelimitation,
so now
was theengraveduponthe
god, and not thestelepatesi,
of Umma,
12 With
the "lower
part of Col. IV. (pl. xl.), 11. 5-8, cf. Col. V., II. 23-29.
Literally,
devoured."
122 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
who
termsGu-edin,
of that treaty
sending not
his
armyrepudiated
across the the
border.
too, isbydescribed,
in its relation to the patesi of Lagash, but as the special
property
ofNingirsu,the
opposing
city-god.
We news
shall
see
presently
that
Eannatum's
firstact,
onhearing
offeeling
the invasion,
wasquitein harmony with the theocratic
of the time.
The patesi who led the forces of Umma is not
named
Eannatumuponthe
of thethat
Vultures,
but
from thebyCone
of Entemena¹ Stele
we learn
his name
was Ush. In the summary of events which is given
upon
thatacteddocument
it is stated
thatandUsh,that,patesi
of
Umma,
with
ambitious
designs,
having
removed the stele of delimitation which had been set
up
in anrespective
earlier age
by Mesilim
between
theofterritories
ofThethe
states,
he
invaded
the
plain
Lagash.
pitched battle between the forces of Umma
and
Lagash, which followed the raid into the latter's
territory,Theis recorded
by Entemena
in equally
brief
terms.
battle
is
said
to
have
taken
place
at
the
word
of
Ningirsu,
the
warrior
of
Enlil,
and
the
destruction of the men of Umma is ascribed not only
toEnlilthehimself.
command,Here,butagain,
also we
to find
the actual
agency, of
Enlil, the god of
the
central
cult ofanddivine
Nippur,recognized
the supreme
arbiter
of human
affairs. Theas various
citygods
might
make
war
on
one
another,
but
it
was
Enlil who decreed to which side victory should incline.
In the record of the war which Eannatum himself
has left us, we are furnished with details of a more
strikingsummary.
characterInthan
thoseitgiven
in Entemena's
brief
the
latter
is
recorded
that
the
battle
was
waged
at
the
word
of
Ningirsu,
and
the
Stele
of
the
Vultures
amplifies
this
bald
statement
by
describing the circumstances which attended the notification
of thebydivine
will. ofOnUmma
learning
ofthe
violation
ofof his
border
the
men
and
the
plundering
had ensued,
not
at his
onceterritory
summonwhich
his troops
and leadEannatum
them in did
pursuit
of the and
enemy.
There wasto beindeed
delay,
no advantage
gainedlittleby danger
immediatein
1 Col. I., 11. 13 ff. (" Déc. en Chaldée," p. xlvii.).
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 123
action.
For
Umma,
fromplunderers
its proximity
totheyLagash,
afforded
a
haven
for
the
which
could
reach
in
safety
before
the
forces
of
Lagash
could
called to arms. Thus Eannatum had no object bein
hurrying out his army, when there was little chance
of overtaking
thedamage
enemy that
weighed
withtospoil.
Moreover,
all the
coulddown
be done
Gu-
edin
had no Indoubt
beentodone
thoroughly
by the stele,
men
oftheyUmma.
addition
carrying
off
Mesilim's
had probably
denudedthethecrops,
pastures
ofhadallsacked
flocks
and
cattle,
had
trampled
and
and burnt
the villages
and
hamlets
through
which
they
had
passed.
When
once
they
and
their
plunder
were safe
within thetheirraidownat border,
they were
notbe
likely
to
repeat
once.
They
might
expected to take action to protect their own territory,
but
next moveEannatum
obviouslyhadlaynowithobjectLagash.
In
thesethe
circumstances
in attacking
before
his
army
was
ready
for
the
field,
and
his
preparations
forLagash
war had
been
completed;
and while
the
streets
of
were
doubtless
re-echoing
with
the blows of the armourers and the tramp of armed
men,
the
city-gates
must have
beenimpatiently
thronged with
eager
groups
of
citizens,
awaiting
the
return
of
scouts
sent
out
after
the
retreating
foe.
Meanwhile,
we may picture
Eannatum
repairing
to the
temple
of
Ningirsu,
where,
having
laid
his
complaint
before
him,
he awaited
thepeople
god'sshould
decisionfollow
as tounder
the
course
his
patesi
and
his
the provocation to which they had been subjected.
It the
is not
directly
stated
in theE-ninnû
text asEannatum
preserved
upon
stele
that
it
was
within
sought Ningirsu's counsel and instructions ; but we
may
assume
that
such was
the
case,there
sincethethepatesi
god
dwelt
within
his
temple,
and
it
was
would naturally seek him out. The answer of the
god
to Eannatum's
prayer appeared
was conveyed
topatesi,
him inas
ahevision;
Ningirsu
himself
to
the
appeared in a later age to Gudea, when he gave
the latter ruler detailed instructions for the rebuilding
ofshould
E-ninnû,
and hegranted
him aforsignthebywork.
whichLikehe
know that
was chosen
124 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Gudea,hisEannatum
made
hiswas
supplication
lying
flat
upon
face;
and,
while
he
stretched
out
upon
the ground, he had adream. In his dream he beheld
the god Ningirsu, who appeared to him in visible form
and came
near himhis and
stoodandbypromised
his head.himAnd
the
god
encouraged
patesi
victory
over his enemies. He was to go forth to battle and
Babbar, the Sun-god who makes the city bright, would
advance
at his right andwiththe
hand to assist
him. thatThushe
encouragedbyNingirsu,
knowledge
was carrying out the orders of his city-god, Eannatum
marshalled
armywithin
and settheiroutown
fromterritory.
Lagash to attack
the The
men account
of his
Umma
of the battle is very broken upon the
Stele of the Vultures,¹ but sufficient details are preserved to enable us to gather that it was a fierce one,
and that
victory
was wholly
upon
theof side
of Lagash.
conjecture
We
may
that
the
men
Umma
did but
not
await
Eannatum's
attack
behind
their
city-walls,
went
out
tofields
meetandhimpastures
with thefromobject
of laid
preventing
their
own
being
waste.
Every
man
capable
of
bearing
arms,
who
was
not
required
for
the
defence
of
two
cities,
was
probably
engaged in the battle, and the two opposing armies
were
doubtless
ledpatesi
in person
by who
Eannatum
himself
and
by
Ush,
the
of
Umma,
had
provoked
totally
defeated
the war.
The and
armypursued
of Lagash
the
men
of
Umma
them
with
great
slaughter.
Eannatum puts the number of the slain at three
thousand
six hundred
men, or,men.
according
reading, thirty-six
thousand
Eventothea possible
smaller
of these
figures
is probably
exaggerated,
but there tois
no
doubt
that
Umma
suffered
heavily.
According
his
an active
the own
fight,account,
and he Eannatum
states that took
he raged
in thepart
battle.in
defeating
After
theonarmyto inUmma
the open
plain,Thethefortificatroops
pressed
oftionsLagash
itself.
had doubtless
probably been
denuded
their full
garrisons,
and were
held bya
mereofhandful
ofdefenders.
Flushed
withvictory
attack, and,
carrying the
the men
wallsofbyLagashswept
assault, had ontothe
the city
1 Obv. , Col. VII. (lower part) and Col. VIII. ff.
PORTION OF THE " STELE OF VULTURES, " SCULPTURED WITH SCENES
REPRESENTING EANNATUM, PATESI OF SHIRPURLA, LEADING HIS
TROOPS IN BATTLE AND ON THE MARCH .
In the Louvre ; Déc, en Chald., pl. 3 (bis).
1
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 125
itself at their mercy. Here another slaughter took
place,
Eannatum
statesan evil
thatstorm."
within the city he
swept allandbefore
him " like
The record of his victory which Eannatum has left
usOriental
is couched
in metaphor,
andtheisscribes
doubtless
coloured
by
exaggeration
;
and
who
drew
it
up
would
be inclined
represent
defeattheof
Ummanaturally
as even more
crushingto than
it was.the Thus
number of burial-mounds suggests that the forces of
Lagash
suffered
heavilyof themselves,
and rallied
it is quite
possible
the
remnant
Umma's
army
made a good fight within the city. But we have and
the
independent
testimony
of
Entemena's
record,
written
not
many years
the Eannatum's
fight, to showphrases
that there
considerable
truthafterunder
; and isa
clear
that for
Umma
furtherproof
resistance
the was
time rendered
may be incapable
seen in theof
terms
peacehewhich
Lagash imposed.
Eannatum's
first act,of after
had received
the submission
of the
city,
was
to
collect
for
burial
the
bodies
of
his
dead which strewed the field of battle. Those ofown
the
enemy
he would probably leave where they fell, except
such as blocked the streets of Umma, and these he
would remove and cast out in the plain beyond the
city-walls. left
Forthewe bones
mayconclude
Entemena,
Eannatum
of his foesthat,
to belikepicked
clean
by
the
birds
and
beasts
of
prey.
The
monument
which we have his record of the fight is known onas
the Stele of the Vultures from the vultures sculptured
upon
the upper
portion ofoffit.withThese
are
represented
as swooping
the birds
headsofandpreylimbs
of the slain,
holdshould
firmlyhave
in theirincluded
beaks and
talons.
Thatwhich
the they
sculptor
this
striking
incident
in
his
portrayal
of
the
battle
is
further
testimony
to theThat
magnitude
of theduly
slaughter
which
had
Eannatum
taken
place.
buried
his
own
dead is certain, for both he and Entemena state that
the burial-mounds which he heaped up were twenty
inStelenumber
; Vultures,
and two toother
sculptured
portions
ofrefer,
the
of
the
which
we
shall
presently
give
representations of the piling of the mounds
abovevivid
the dead.
126 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
The fate ofmisfortune
Ush, the patesi of Umma, who had
brought
such
on his own
cityrecorded;
by the rash
challenge
he
had
given
Lagash,
is
not
it is clear he did not remain the ruler of Umma. but
He
may havehebeenwasslain
in thedeprived
battle, but,
eventhrone,
if he
survived,
certainly
of
his
possibly
at thefactinstance
For Entemena
records the
that itofwasEannatum.
not with Ush,
but with
aconcluded
certain Enakalli,
patesi
of Umma,
that ruler
Eannatum
a
treaty
of
peace.
The
latter
may
have
been
appointed
patesi
by
Eannatum
himself,
as, atthea defeat
later day,of the
Ili owed
hisUrlumma.
nomination But,
to Entemena
on
patesi
whetherto
this was so or not, Enakalli was certainly prepared
1
make
greatEannatum
concessions,demanded,
and was ready
to toaccept
ever terms
in order
securewhatthe
removal
of the continued
troops of Lagash
from
his the
city,negotiawhich
they
doubtless
to
invest
during
tions.treaty
As aremight
be concerned
expected, the
various
termsplainof
the
chiefly
with
the
fertile
of Gu-edin,
whichunreservedly
had been restored
the original
cause ofor,thein
war.
This was
to Lagash,
the
words" ofit the
treaty,totohave
Ningirsu,
whose
" beloved
territory
is
stated
been.
In
order
that
there
should
be
no
cause
for
future
dispute
with
regard
to theUmma,
boundary-line
separating
theasterritory
of Lagash
and
adeep
ditch
was
dug
a
permanent
line
of demarcation. The ditch is described as extending
" fromgreatthestream
greatwestream"
up to Gu-edin,
andeastern
with
the
may
probably
identify
an
branch
of the
Euphrates,
through
which
atPersianGulf.
this period
itTheemptied
a
portion
of
its
waters
into
the
ditch, or canal, received its water from the river,
and,formed
by surrounding
thelineunprotected
sidesbut
of Gu-edin,
itextent
not
only
a
of
demarcation
a barrier to any hostile advance on thetopartsomeof
Umma.
On the bank of the frontier-ditch the stele of
Mesilim,
which
had
beenstele
takenwasaway,
was erected
another
prepared
once
more,
and
the
orders of Eannatum, and was set up beside it.by The
1 Cone-Inscription, Col. I., 11. 32 ff.
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 127
second monument was inscribed with the text of the
treaty
drawn up between Eannatum and Enakalli,
and its text was probably identical with the greater
part
of that found upon the fragments of the Stele
of the Vultures, which have been recovered ; for the
contents
that
text markmemorial
it out asofadmirably
suited
toAfter
servetheofashistorical
a permanent
the
boundary.
narrative
describing
thetheevents
which
led
up
to
the
new
treaty,
the
text
of
Steleof
of the Vultures enumerates in detail the divisions
the stele
territory
of was
whichsetGu-edin
wasfrontier
composed.
Thusin
the
which
up
on
the
formed
itself
an additional
securityTheagainst
the territory
of Lagash.
coursetheof aviolation
boundary-of
ditch
mightin place,
possiblyit would
be altered,
the stele
remained
servebut
as awhile
final authority
to whicharising.
appeal Itcould
be madeininthistheway
casethat
of any
dispute
is
probably
we
may
explain
the
separate
fields
which
are
enumerated
byname
upon the fragment
oftheMuseum,
Stele of theandVultures
which
is
preservedin
the
British
upon a
small foundation-stone which also refers to the treaty.2
The fields there enumerated either made up the territory
known
generalto name
of Gu-edin,
perhapsof
formed by
an the
addition
that territory,
the orcession
which
Eannatum
maypeace.
have exacted
from Umma
as
part
of
the
terms
of
While
consenting
to
the
restoration
offrontier,
the disputed
territory,
and
the topay
rectifica-as
tion
of
the
Umma
was
also
obliged
tribute
to Lagashbrought
a considerable
quantity
of grain,
and
thisInEannatum
back
with
him
to
his
owncity.
connection with the formal ratification of the
treatyerected
it wouldin honour
appear ofthatEnlil,
certain
shrines orNingirsu
chapels
were
Ninkharsag,
and
Babbar.
We
may
conjecture
that
thisbewas
doneforin
order
that
the
help
of
these
deities
might
secured
the preservation
ofchapels
the treaty.
According
to Ente-to
mena's
narrative,
or
shrines
were
erected
these four deities only, but the Stele of the Vultures
:
12 "" Cuneiform
Déc. Texts in the British Museum," Pt. VII., pl. 1f., No. 23580.
en Chaldée,"Col.p.II.,
xliv.,11. GaletE.
3 Cone-Inscription,
11–18.
128 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
contains a series of invocations addressed not only to
Enlil, Ninkharsag, and Babbar, but also to Enki, Enzu,
and Ninki,¹ and it is probable that shrines were also
erected
inbeside
theirthehonour.
Theseofwere
built uponandtheit
frontier
two
stelae
delimitation,
was doubtless at the altar of each one of them in turn
that Eannatum and Enakalli took a solemn oath to
abide
by the
terms
ofbythewhich
treatytheandtreaty
to respect
the
frontier.
The
oaths
was
thus
ratified
are referred
to uponeach
the ofStele
ofdeities
the Vultures
2
by
Eannatum,
who
invokes
the
by
whom
he
and Enakalli
swore, and in a the
seriesmenofofstriking
formulae
calls
downdestructionupon
should they violate the terms of the compact. Umma
" On
the men of Umma," he exclaims, " have I, Eannatum,
cast
the great net of Enlil ! I have sworn the oath,
and the men of Umma have sworn the oath to Eannatum.
In the
name
of Enlil, there
the king
ofbeenheaven and
earth, in
, and a ditch
the
field
of
Ningirsu
has
has been dug down to the water level. ... Who from
•
•
•
among the men of Umma by his word or by his
willgoback
upon
theword
(that
hasat some
been future
given),time
and
will
dispute
it
in
days
to
come
?
If
theyshall alter this word, maythe great net of Enlil, by
whom they have sworn the oath, strike Umma down ! "
Eannatum
then
turns
to Ninkharsag,
the goddess
of
the
Sumerian
city
of
Kesh,
and
in
similar
phrases
invokes her wrath upon the men of Umma should they
violate their oath. He states that in his wisdom he
has presented two doves as offerings before Ninkharsag,
and has
performed
other
ritesgoddess,
in herhehonour
at Kesh,
and
turning
again
to
the
exclaims,
" the
As
concerns
my
mother,
Ninkharsag,
who
from
among
men ofUmma by his word or by his will go back
upon
the toword
(that Ifhasatbeen
given),and
willtheydispute
italterin days
come?
some
future
time
shall
this
word,
may
the
great
net
of
Ninkharsag,
by! "
whom
they
have
sworn
the
oath,
strike
Umma
down
Enki,
the god of the abyss
waters beneath the earth,
is the nextdeitytobe
invoked,of andbeforehimEannatum
...
•
•
12 Cf.
Obv., Col. XIX-XXII., andRev., Col. III.-V.
Obv., Col. XVI.-Rev., Col. V.
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 129
records
that hehas
presented
certain
his
net Eannatum
cast over
the fish
menasofofferings
Umma, ; and
shouldcome
they upon
cross the
ditch,byheitsprays
that destruction
may
Umma
means.
Enzu, the
Moon-god
of
Ur,
whom
Eannatum
describes
"the
strong bull-calf of Enlil," is then addressed ; fouras doves
were set Umma
as offerings
before
him,should
and hetheismen
invoked
to
destroy
with
his
net,
of
that
city
cross orNingirsu's
boundary,
or alter
the course
ofBefore
theeverditch,
carry
away
the
stele
of
delimitation.
Babbar, the Sun-god, in his city of Larsa,
Eannatum states that he has offered bulls as offerings,
and
his great
net, inwhich
he terms.
has castFinally,
over theEannatum
men of
Umma,
is
invoked
similar
prays to Ninki, by whom the oath has also been taken,
tomight
punish
any violation
of the
by wiping the
of Umma
from off the
face treaty
of the earth.
the text upon
whichThewegreat
havestele
takenof Eannatum,
much of thefrom
description
of his
war
with
Umma,
is
the
most
striking
example
of
Sumerian art that has come down to us, andearly
the
sculptures
considerable
upon
it
throw
light
upon
the
customs and beliefs of this primitive race. The metaphor of thethroughout
net, for example,
is employed
by
Eannatum
curseswhich
down upon
the
he
calls
Umma, in illustrated
the event by
of any
violation
of theupon
treaty,twois
strikingly
a
scene
sculptured
of the fragments
ofthe
stelewhich
haveofbeena large
recovered.
complete,
consisted
the
stele
slab
When
of stone, curved at the top, and it was sculptured and
upon both
also uponofitsitedges.
Up
toinscribed
the present
timesides
sevenandfragments
have been
recovered
of and
the excavations
Tello,
Louvre
of
which sixduring
are inthethecourse
one is in theatBritish
by therecovered
symbols
Museum
Although the fragments thus
A to G.¹; theseareusuallydistinguished
on the
published
in(it" Déc.
en beChaldée"
been
A-Fhave
1 The fragments
onC,
notedthat
should
4,
A,
B,
and
C,
Obverse
:
Plate
plates
following
A,
B,
and
interchanged);
Plate3,
be
andCshould
the
lettersB
theplate
(bis), D and
placedcorrectly);Plate4
Reverse
(the lettersBandCarehere
Obverse
and
Plate4(ter),F,
3
(bis),
DandE,Reverse;
Obverse;
Plate
E,Reverse.
published
in
"
Cun.
F,
is
connects
C
with
fragmentG,
which
The
Texts in the Brit. Mus.," Pt. VII., pl. 1.
K
130 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
;
represent
butpossible
a smallfrom
proportion
of the
original
monu-to
ment,
it
is
a
careful
study
of
them
form
a fairlyuponcomplete
idea
ofhavethealready
scenes noted,
that were
sculptured
it.
As
we
the
monument
was
a
stele
of
victory
set
up
by
Eannatum,
and
thewithtwoscenes
facesillustrating
of the slabthearevictory,
sculptured
in low
relief
but
differing
considerably in character. On the face the representations
are
mythological
andmight
religious,
while
on thebe back
they
are
historical.
It
very
naturally
supposed that the face of the stele would have been
occupied
byoverrepresentations
of until
Eannatum
himself
triumphing
his
enemies,
and,
the
text
upon
the
stele
was
thoroughly
deciphered
and
explained,
this
was
indeed
the
accepted
opinion.
But
it
is
now
clear
that Eannatum devoted the front of the stele to representations of his gods, while the reverse of the monument was considered the appropriate place for the
scenesdivine
depicting
the
patesi
and his ofarmy
carrying
out
the
will.
The
arrangement
the
reliefs
upon
the stonethatthustheforcibly
illustrates
theitsbelief
of thiswhose
early
period
god
of
the
city
was
real
ruler,
minister
and servant the patesi was, not merely in
metaphor, but in actual fact.
Upon the largest portion of the stele that has been
recovered,
formedwhich
of twoillustrates
fragmentsjoined
together,¹
we
have the scene
Eannatum's
metaphor
of the net. isAlmost
thewithwhole
of thisofportion
ofwhich
the
monument
occupied
the
figure
a
god,
appears of colossal size if it is comparedwith those of
the patesi and his soldiers upon the reverse of the stele.
The
god hascheeks
flowing
hair,
bound
witha long
a double
fillet,
and,
while
and
lips
are
shaved,
beard
falls
inHefiveis undulating
curls
from
the
chin
upon
the
breast.
nude to the waist, around which he wears a
close-fitting garment with two folds in front indicated
by double lines. It was at first suggested that we
1course
These ofareitsknown
by the
symbols
DConstantinople
and E ; see p. the
131,upper
Fig. 46.
Inof
the
transport
from
Tello
to
part
fragment
D was unfortunatelydamaged,
so that the(see
god's"Déc.
brow,enandChaldée,"
his eye,
and
the
greater
part
ofhis
nose
arenowwanting
pl.squeeze
4 bis).ofthefragment
In the blocktakentheatTello
missingbyportions
have been
M.de Sarzec
(cf. "restored
Déc.," p. from
194f.)a.
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 131
shouldsuch
see asinGilgamesh,
this figure abutrepresentation
of somethatearly
hero,
there
is
no
doubt
weof
should
identify
him
with
Ningirsu,
the
city-god
Lagash.
ForLagash,
in histheright
hand
theoutspread
god holdswings,
the
emblem
of
eagle
with
clawing
the headsperpetuating
of two lions;Eannatum's
and the stele
itself,
while
indirectly
fame,
was
essentially
intended
to
commemorate
victories
achieved
by
Ningirsu over his city's enemies. This fact will also
explain the rest of the scene sculptured upon the lower
‫ייייייייייי יוון‬
‫ال‬
‫ابل‬
:
FIG. 46.
Part of the Stele of the Vultures, sculptured with a scene representing
Ningirsu
clubbing the enemies of Lagash (Shirpurla),whom he has caught in
his net.
[Fragments D andE, Obverse; Déc., pl. 4 bis.]
fragment.
Forwhichthehegodletsgrasps
in hisa netrightin front
hand ofa
heavy
mace,
fall
upon
him containing captive foes, whose bodies may be seen
between
itsbroadmeshes
struggling
andwrithing
within
it.arranged,
On the
relief
thecords
of
the
net
are
symmetrically
and itgod's
apparently
rises
as ahassolidthestructure
to
the
level
ofthe
waist.
It
thus
appearance
of a cage with cross-bars and supports ofwoodor metal.
But the rounded corners at the top indicate that we
1
132 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
may regard it as a net formed of ropes and cordage.
Thattoittheshould
rise stiffly
beforeoftheperspective
god maycharacterbe partly
due
imperfect
knowledge
istic
of alltoearly
art,thepartly
perhaps
to the desire
of thein
sculptor
allow
emblem
of
Lagash,
grasped
the god'sitself
left hand,
to rest
uponnet,it;byunless
indeed
the
emblem
is
a
part
of
the
means
of
which
the god
is holding
up. is Innotanyfortuitous.
case the proximity
of
the
emblem
to theitnet
Within the
net are the foes of Lagash, and with the mace in his
right
hand
Ningirsu
is represented
as clubbing
the
head
of
one
of
them
which
projects
from
between
the
meshes.
The metaphor of the net, both of the fisherman and
the fowler, is familiar in the poetical literature of the
Hebrews,
and occurrenceamongtheprimitive
it is interesting to note this very
early
example
ofits
Sumerian
inhabitants
of Babylonia.¹Eannatum,
In the text
upon
the Stele oftheVultures
as weengraved
have already
seen,
toprotection
guard theofterms
of ofEnlil
his treatyandbyofplacing
itdeities.
underseeksthe
the
nets
other
He states that he has cast upon the men of
Ummasworn,
the nets
the event
deitiesofbyanywhom
he andof their
they
have
and, inof the
violation
oath, heThus
praysthethatmeshes
the netsofmay
destroy
them
and
their
city.
each
netmay
in
a
sense
beof
regarded
as
the
words
of
the
oath,
by
the
utterance
which
they
havename
placed
themselves
withinBut
the the
power
of
the
god
whose
they
have
invoked.
scene
on
thefrontto ofthistheportion
stele isofnotthetotext,
be regarded
referring
nor is theas directly
colossal
figure
that
of
Enlil,
the
chief
god
of
Babylonia.
For
his
destruction
of
the
men
of
Umma
is
merely
invoked
as a stele
possible
occurrence
in theinclubbing
future, while
the godhason
the
is
already
engaged
captiveshe
;missing
and, whether
theof net
of Ningirsu
wasfact
referred
tocaught
in
a
portion
the
text
or
not,
the
that
the figure on the stele grasps the emblem of Lagash is
1 Cf. isHeuzey,
d'Assyr.,"
III., p. 10. Its ofSharru-Gi,
first adoptionanbyearly
the
Semites
seen on"Rev.
the recently
discoveredmonument
king ofKish;
See above,seebelow,
p. 128 f. Chap. VIII., p. 220 f.
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 133
sufficient
indication
that Ningirsu
and
not ofthe
Enlil, stele
nor
any
other
deity,
is
intended.
Thus
the
face
illustrates the text of Eannatum as a whole, not merely
the
imprecatory
formulae
attached
to theof treaty
within
Umma.
It
refers
to
the
past
victories
Ningirsu
his character as the city-god of Lagash.
The representation ofNingirsu clubbing his enemies
forms
onlyoftheupper
a portion ofpart
a larger
scheme
which occupied
the
whole
ofthe
SteleoftheVultures.
figurefieldof but
the oncomposition,
isThough
not sethisinisthetheprincipal
centre of the
the extremeit
right,
the representing
right-hand edge of the fragments illustrated
on
p.
131
edgeinofattendance
the stele. upon
On
the left behindthe godthe
andactual
standing
him
was
arecovered
goddess, parts
ofa fragment
whose head
andtheheaddress
have
been
upon
from
edge
of the stele.¹ She wears a horned crown, andleftbehind
her is a standard surmounted byan emblem in the form
an eaglescale
with than
outspread
wings.ofShe
is sculptured
on
aofserves
smaller
the
figure
Ningirsu,
and
thus
colossal
she
stood onto aindicate
fillet orhislintel,
whichproportions
cuts off ;theandupper
registerit.fromThea fragment
second scene
which
was
sculptured
below
of
the
stele
in
the
British
Museum
²
preserves
one
of
Ningirsu's
feet
and
a
corner
ofsented
the net
with
the
prisoners
in
it,
and
both
are
repreas
resting
on
the
same
fillet
or
lintel.
This
fragment
ispieces
a pieceof ofthesome
importance,
for, byit enables
joining
two
other
stele
in
the
Louvre,
us to form
somehave
idearepresentations
of the scene in the lower register.
Here,
too, we
of deities, but they
are
arranged
on
a
slightly
different
plan.steleWe
find
upon
the
fragment
from
the
right
of
the
(C)
part
oftheregister
head and
headdress
like and
that onin
the
above.
Hereofshea goddess
faces tovery
the left,
another
fragment
(F),left,which
joins
the British
Museum
fragment
upon
the
is
a
portion
of
a
very
plicated piece of sculpture. This has given risecom-to
1 Then. 1).fragment
is known
as B;see "above,
Déc. p.en51,Chaldée,"
pl. 4 (see above,
p. 129,
Forher
headdress,
Fig.
18.
22 Fragment
see F;
above,
p. 129, p.n 1.129, n. 1.
Fragment GC;and
3 Fraginents
seeabove,
134 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
many
there appears
to be littleWedoubt
that itconjectures,
represents but
the forepart
of a chariot.
have
the same curved front which is seen in the chariot of
Eannatum
upon
the reins
reversewhich
of the
stele,
and the
same
arrangement
of
the
pass
through
adouble
ring
fixed insupport.
the frontHere
of the
chariot
and
are
hitchedof
over
ahigh
the
support
and
the
front
the chariot are decorated with a form of the emblem of
Lagash,
the
spreadthat
eagletheand
the islions,
and
we may
therefore
conclude
chariot
that
of
Ningirsu;
indeed, on the left of the fragment a part of the god's
plain
garment
may
beregister.
detected,similar
to that standwhich
heingwears
in
the
upper
He
is
evidently
in the chariot, and we may picture him riding in
triumph after thedestruction ofhis foes.
closeuponthe
analogyfront
may ofthe
thus besteletraced
the
twoAscenes
andthebetween
two upper
registers
the back.onInthe
latter wehis have
repre-to
sentationsupon
of Eannatum
foot leading
warriors
battle,
alsofront
ridingofvictoriously
a chariot
their
head. and
On the
the stele areinscenes
of aatsimilar
character
inenemies
the religious
sphere,andrepresenting
Ningirsu
slaying
the
of
Lagash,
afterwards
riding
in
his
chariot
in
triumph.
It
may
also
be
noted
that
the
composition
of theisscenes
in the two registers
uponupper
the
face
of
the
stone
admirablyplanned.
In
the
register
theis colossal
figure ofNingirsu
with
his net,
uponin
the
right,
balancedbelow
on
the
left
by
his
figure
the
chariot;
and, similarly,
theasssmaller
figure Ningirsu's
or figures
above
were
balanced
by
the
that
drew
chariot,
him. and the small figure of a goddess who faces
There are few indications to enable us to identify
the
goddesses
who represent
accompanyNingirsu.
If the
figures
in both
registers
the same divine
personage
the
names perhaps,
of severalseegoddesses
suggestwifethemselves.
We
might,
inher
Ningirsu's
Bau,of the
daughter
ofAnu,
or
his
sister
Ninâ,
the
goddess
the
oracle,
to
whose
service
Eannatum
was
specially
devoted,
or standard
Gatumdug,
theaccompanies
mother of Lagash.
Butin
the
military
which
the
goddess
the upper scene, and the ends of two darts or javelins
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 135
which
appearin the
same fragment
to rise from,
or be
boundupon,her
shoulders,
seem
to
showthat
the
upper
goddess,
at anyrate, is of a warlike character.
Moreover,
in
anotherinscription,Eannatum
ascribes
a
success
he has achieved in war to the direct intervention of the
goddess
proving
that Ishtar,
she, likewastheessentially
later BabyIonian andNinni,
Assyrian
goddess
the
goddess
of
battle.
Itis
permissible,
therefore,
to
see
in
the
uppergoddess,sculptured
upon
the
faceof
the
Stele
ofof battle,
the Vultures,
a representation
ofNingirsu
Ninni, thewhile
goddess
who
attends
the
city-god
he is
engaged
in
the
slaughter
of
his
foes.
In
the
lower
register
it
is
possible
we
have
a
second
representation
of
Ninni,
where
sheanappears
to welcomeNingirsu
after theof
slaughter
is
at
end.
But
though
the
headdresses
the
two
goddesses
are
identical,
the
accompanying
emblems
appear
tolower
differ,figure
and some
we aregoddess
thusjustified
in
suggesting
for
the
other
than
Ninni,
whose
work was
finished
whenfittedNingirsu
had
secured
the
victory.
The
deity
most
to
gladden
Ningirsu's
havebeside
been her
his
faithful wifesight
Bau,onwhohiswasreturn
wontwould
to recline
lord upon
his couch within
the temple
E-ninnû.
We
may
thus
provisionally
identifythe
goddess
ofthe
lower
registerthewith
Bau,ofwho
is there
portrayedupon
going
out
to
meet
chariot
her
lord
andmaster
his
return
from battle.
scenes
which
are sculptured
upon
the
backPerhaps
of the the
Stele
of
the
Vultures
are
of
even
greater
interest than those upon its face, since they afford us
a picture when
of these
earlyinSumerian
peopleswarsas which
they
appeared
engaged
the
continual
were
waged
between
the
various
city-states.
Like
the
scenes
uponthe
face
of
the
stele,
those
upon
the
back
are
separateorfillets,
registers,
dividedacross
one from
the
otherarranged
by raisedinbands,
stretching
the
face
of thescenes
monument
and above
representing
the soilplace.
on which
the
portrayed
them
took
registers upon the back are smaller than those onThe
the
face,
being
at
least
four
in
number,
in
place
ofthe
two
scenes which1 " are
devoted to Ningirsu and his attendant
Déc. en Chaldée," p. xliii., GaletA, Col. V. f.
136 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
deities.
mightare beon expected,
the scenes
uponupon
the
back of theAsstele
a smaller scale
than those
the face, and the number and variety of the figures
composing
space has been
left
on the them
reverseareoffarthegreater.
stone forLittle
the inscription,
the
greater
part inof the
whichbroad
is engraved
frontbetween
of the
monument,
spaces ofonthethefield
the divine
figures.fourOffragments
the highesthave
of the
fourrecovered,¹
registers
upon
the
reverse
been
one ofonwhich
(A)wasproves
that
thethecurved
head of theof
stele
this
side
filled
with
representations
vultures,towhichreferencehas
alreadybeenmade.
The
intention
of
the
sculptor
was
clearly
to
represent
them
as flying
thick the
in thesevered
air overhead,
fromslain.
the
field
of battle
heads andbearing
limbs off
of the
The birds thus formed a very decorative and striking
feature
of theis monument,
andthem,
the ispopular
name of theIn
stele,
which
derived
from
fullyjustified.
the same register
onhis the
leftinisbattle,
a sceneandrepresenting
Eannatum
leading
troops
we while
there
see
them
advancing
over
the.bodies
of
the
slain;
from the extreme
right men
of theengaged
same register
we havethea
fragment
representing
in
collecting
deadandpilingtheminheaps
forofburial.
Wemayconjecture
that
the
central
portion
the
register,
which
is
missing,
portrayed
the
enemies
of
Eannatum
falling
beforehis
In the register
immediatelybelow
find anotherlance.
representation
ofEannatum
at theheadweof
his
Here, and
however,
they areinstead
not inofbattle
array
buttroops.
on the march,
Eannatum,
advancing
4
on foot, is riding before them in his chariot.5
The sculptured representations of Eannatum and
his
soldiers,
which areimportance,
preserved upon
thesegivefragments,
are
of
the
greatest
for
they
vivid
picture of the Sumerian method of fighting, andasupply
detailed
regard toWethenotearms
armour ininformation
use at this with
early period.
that and
the
1These
p 129,
n. 1.are numbered A, D (which is joined to E), and B ; see above,
See the
above,platep. facing
125. p. 124.
34* See
Fragment
B, Reversep.(see
the platefacing
5 See
124.above, p. 129, n. 1).
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 137
Sumerians advanced to the attack in a solid phalanx,
the
leading
rank
beingthe protected
byfrom
hugetheshields
or
bucklers
covered
that
whole
body
neck
to
the
feet,only
andenough
were so space
broadthat,
whenlined
up in battle
array,
was
left
for
a
lance
levelled between each; the lance-bearers carried toas be
an
additional
weapon
an
axe,
resembling
an
adze
with
a
flat
head.
Fromthe
second
register,
inwhichwe
see
the
army onthe march,it is clear that no shield was carried
bythe
for individual
the huge
bucklersrank
wereandonlyfileborne
by men inprotection
the front; rank,
and
they
thus served
to protect
the formation.
whole front ofInthe
an attacking forceas
it advanced
insolid
scene
upper and
register
behind
in theshield,
two soldiers
are sculptured
each
in
each
gap
between
the
shields
six
lances are levelledwhich are graspedfirmlyin both hands
by
theinsoldiers
wielding
them. deviceofthe
The massingsculptor
of the
lances
this fashion
is obviouslya
tothesuggest
one lance
behindis
other tosix
therows
attack.of soldiers
But theadvancing
fact that each
represented
as grasped
inboth
handsbybyits
ownerproves
that
the
shields
were
not
carried
the
lance-bearers
themselves,
but
by
soldiers
stationed
in
thefront,
armed
only with an axe. The sole duty of a shield-bearer
during
anposition,
attack inwhich
phalanx
was clearly
totokeep
his
shield
in
was
broad
enough
protect
his
ownbody
and that of the
lance-bearer
onhis right.
Thus
the
representation
of
two
soldiers
behind
each
buckler
on the As
Stelesoonofasthean attack
Vultureshadisbeen
a perfectly
accurate detail.
successfully delivered,
and thetheenemy
was
in flight,
the shieldbearers
coulddiscard
heavy
shields
they
carried
and
join
in
the
pursuit.
The
light
axe
with
which
they
were
armed
wasis probable
admirablythatsuited
for hand-to-hand
conflicts,
and
it
the
lance-bearers
themselves
abandoned
their
heavy
weapons
and
had
recourse
to the
when they broke
BothaxeEannatum
and histheirclose
soldiersformation.
wear a conical
helmet,
the brow
and carried
down
low atbeing
the
back so covering
as to protect
the neck,
the royal
helmet
distinguished
by thetheaddition
at thethesides
of moulded
pieces to protect
ears. Both
shields
and the
138 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
helmets
were probably
the may
nine
circular bosses
on the faceof ofleather,
each ofthough
the former
possiblyhave been of metal. Their use was clearly to
strengthen
shields, and
theyother
wereside.
probably
to awoodentheframework
on the
Theyattached
would
alsoblows
tend toaimed
protect
the surface
ofroyal
the weapons
shields bydeflectconsisted
ing
at
them.
The
ofa
long
lance
or
spear,
wielded
in
the
lefthand,
and a
curved
mace
or
throwing-stick,
formed
of
three
strands
bound together at intervals with thongs of leather or
bands of metal. When in his chariot on the march, the
king
furnishedaxewith
consisting
of a was
flat-headed
likeadditional
those of weapons,
his soldiers,
and a
numberlastof helightcarried
darts,insome
withattached
double points.
These
a hugefitted
quiver
to the
fore part of his chariot, and with them we may note a
double-thonged
doubtless
intendedIt foris probable
driving
the ass or asses whip,
that drew
the vehicle.
that the
soldiers following
Eannatum
in both
scenes
were
pickedmen,
who
formed
the
royal
bodyg
uard,
for
those in the battle-scene are distinguished by the long
hair or, rather,
wig, thatandfallsthose
uponontheir
shoulders
beneath
their helmets,¹
the march
are from
seen
to be clothed from the waist downwards in the rough
woollen garment similar to that worn by the king.
Theymay
havebeen
recruited
of the royalwellhouse
and the
chief among
familiestheofmembers
Lagash.
The
king's
apparel
is
distinguished
from
theirs
by the
the
addition
of
a
cloak,
possibly
of
skin,
worn
over
left
shoulder in such away that it leaves the right arm
and shoulder entirely free.
Considerable
light
is thrown
upon
theburial
customs
ofregister,
the
Sumerians
by
the
scene
sculptured
in
the
third
or section, on the reverse of the stele of
Eannatum.
Portions
of which
the scene
are preserved
upon
the
fragments
C
and
F,
we
have
already
noted
may be connected with each other by means of the
fragment
G,
preserved
in
the
British
Museum.
In
this
register
haveofaEannatum,
representation
following
the we
victory
whenofthethekingscenes
and
his army
had time to collect their2 Seedead
and bury them
1 See above, p. 43.
above, p. 42, n. 1.
PORTION OF THE " STELE OF VULTURES," SCULPTURED WITH A SCENE
REPRESENTING THE BURIAL OF THE DEAD AFTER A BATTLE .
In the Louvre; photo. by Messrs. Mansell & Co.
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 139
with
solemn ritesItand
beneaththathuge
tells or
burial-mounds.
willsacrifices
be remembered
a fragment
of thethe
top battlefield
register portrays
theon collection
ofwetheseedead
upon
;
here,
the
left,
the
mounds in course ofconstruction, under which the dead
were
deadhead
are quite
nude,
and
areto seen
toalternately.
be buried.
piled upTheThe
in rows,
to
head
and
feet
feet
two corpses at the base are sculptured
lying flatto upon
the ground,
and,
as the oftellarises,
they
appear
be
arranged
like
the
sticks
fan.
This
arrangement
was
doubtless
due
to
the
sculptor's
necessity of filling the semi-circular head ofthe tell, and
does not represent the manner in which the corpses
were
actually arranged for burial. We may conclude
that they wereset out symmetricallyindouble rows, and
that
was horizontal,
additional
rowstheposition
being addedof every
until one
sufficient
height had
been
1
attained.
Two living
figures
arecompleting
sculpturedthe
on burial.
the fragment,
engaged
in
the
work
of
are represented as climbing the pile of corpses,They
and
they
seem
to
be
helping
themselves
up
bymeans
of
a
rope
which
they
grasp
in
their
right
hands.
On
their
heads
carryto baskets
piledtheup top
withofearth,
which
they aretheyabout
throw upon
the mound.
Inthe
reliefthey
to be climbing
upon
the piling
limbs
ofearththefrom
dead,below
but itappear
is
probable
that
they
began
and climbed the sides of the mound
asrepresent
it wastheraised.
The sculptor
has hiding
not seen
how to
sides
ofthe
tellwithout
his
corpses,
so he has omitted the piled earth altogether, unless,
indeed,is what
appears
toforbe the
a rope
which
themound
carriersin
hold
really
intended
side
of
the
section. offerings
It has been
suggested
thatthethebaskets
carriersappear
are
bearing
for
the
dead,
but
betheheaped
with the
earth,stele,
notthat
offerings,
and thepiled
record
intotwenty
text
upon
Eannatum
upof
burial-mounds
after
his
battle
with
the
men
Umma, is sufficient justification for the view that the
scene represents one of these mounds in course of
construction.
1 Fragment C, Reverse; see theplate facing p. 138.
t
140 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
The continuation of the scene upon the other two
fragments,¹
proves
that funeral
the burial
ofandthethedead
was
attended
with
elaborate
rites,
offering
of sacrifices. To the right of the workers engaged in
piling
up the burial-mound
may bebound
seensecurely
a bull lying
onhis
backupon
the
ground,and
withto
ropes
to
two
stout
stakes
driven
into
the
soil
close
its head and tail. He is evidently the victim, duly
prepared
for sacrifice,
that
will be Inoffered
whenabove
the
burial-mound
has
been
completed.
the
field
the bull are sculptured other victims and offerings,
FIG. 47.
Part
of atthetheSteleburial
of the
Vultures,
sculptured
with
afragment
sacrificialrepresents
scenewhich
took
place
of
the
dead
after
battle.
The
the
head
of
abull,
which
is
staked
to
the
ground
and
prepared
for
sacrifice.
The
foot and robe probablybelonged to a figure of Eannatum,who presided at the
funeral rites.
[Fragment F, Reverse; Déc., pl. 4 ter.]
which were set out beside the bull. We see a row of
six
lambs
ortokids,
decapitated,
and arranged
symmetrically,
neck
tail,
and
tail
to
neck.
Two
large
waterpots,
with
wide
mouths,
and
tapering
towards
the
base,
stand
on
the
right
of
the
bull;
palm-branches,
placed
in them, droop
down
over their
rims,
and
aofyouth,
completely
nude,
is
pouring
water
into
one
thema
from a smaller vessel. He is evidently pouring out
libation,
aswemayinfer
asimilarscene
early Sumerian
reliefthatfrom
has been
recovered.2onanother
Beyond
The remains
of"Cun.
this scene
upon
fragmentF
are," figuredin
the1.text ; for
the12fragment
G,
see
Texts
in
theBrit.
Mus.
Pt.
VII.
,
pl.
See above, p. 68, Fig. 20.
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 141
the
bundles ofafaggots,
andlarge
in thevessels
field there
aboveappear
them toarebesculptured
row of
growing
plants.
These
probablydo
not
rise
from
the
large
vessels,
as
they
appear
to
do
in
the
sculpture,
but
form a separate row beyond the faggots and the vessels.
At
the robe
head ofof athemanbullwhomaydirects
be seenthethesacrifice.
foot andAspartin
of the
all the otheroccupies
registers
upon theposition,
reverse weof may
the stele
Eannatum
aprominent
conclude
that
this
is
part
of
the
figure
of
Eannatum
himself. He occupies the centre of the field in this
register,
presides
the funeral rites of the warriors
who
haveand
fallen
in hisatservice.
the last scene
that isremains
preserved
upon fragments
the Stele
ofrecovered,
theOf Vultures
very
little
uponthe
but this is sufficient to indicate its character.
ま
FIG. 48.
Part Eannatum
of the Steledeciding
of the the
Vultures,which
was sculptured
with aThe
scenepoint
repre-of
senting
fate of prisoners
taken in battle.
the spear,
he grasped inhis left hand, touches the head of the captive
king
ofKish.which
[Fragments C andF, Reverse; Déc., pl. 3 and 4 ter.]
Eannatum
was inherebattle.
portrayed
the the
fateleftof
prisoners taken
Of hisdeciding
figure only
hand
is preserved;
it isshaftgrasping
a heavy
spear
or
lance
by
the
end
of
the
as
in
the
second
register.
The spear passes over the shaven heads of a row of
captives, and at the end of the row its point touches
thehead
ofanda prisoner
ofhand
more inexalted
rank,
who faces
the
king
raises
one
token
of
submission.
Acaptive
fragment
headofofKish,"
this
gives oftheinscription
name " Al-[behind
... ],theKing
and itmay be concluded with considerable probability
that these words form a label attached to the figure
of the chief prisoner, like the labels engraved near the
head
of Eannatum
in the two upper
registers,
which
describe
him
as
"Eannatum,
champion
of
the
Ningirsu." There is much more to be said for god
this
142 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
explanation
thanan account
for theofa
possibility
thatbyEannatum
the words
formed
part
of
war
waged
against Kish, which has been added to the record
ofthehisstelewarmustwithhaveUmma.
According
suchsupposed,
a view
been larger
than wetohave
since
it would have included additional registers at
the base of the reverse for recording the subsequent
campaigns
and their
meanserected
of reliefs.to
The monument
wouldillustration
thus haveby been
commemorate all the wars of Eannatum. But that
against
Umma
would befrom
the most
important,
and
its
record,
copied
directly
the
text
of
the
treaty,
would still occupy three quarters of the stone. Moreover, wetheshouldhave
the scribeevenslavishly
copied
text of thetosupposethat
stele of delimitation
down
toit the
its later
title, records,
and madewhich
no we
attempt
to assimilate with
must assume he added
inposition
the form
of additional
paragraphs.
Such
a sup-to
is
extremely
unlikely,
and
it
is
preferable
regard
the words behind the prisoner's head as a label,
and to conclude that the connected text of the stele
ended, as it appears to do, with the name and description
of the stone, which is engraved as a sort of
colophon upon the upper part of the field in the fourth
register.
According to this alternative we need assume the
existence of no registers other than those of which we
already possess fragments, and the conception and
arrangement
of theOn reliefs
gains immensely
in unity
and
coherence.
the
obverse
we
have
only
two
registers,
the
upper
one
rather
larger
than
the
one
below,
and
both
devoted,
as
we
have
seen,
to
representations
ofofNingirsu
anddivided
his attendant
goddesses.
The
reverse
the
stone,
into
four
registers,
is assigned
entirely
to Eannatum,
who
is chariot
seen leading
his
troops
to
the
attack,
returning
in
his
from
the
field
of
battle,
performing
funeral
rites
forhis
dead
soldiers, and deciding the fate of captives he has taken.
Thuswarthewith
reliefsUmma,
admirably
illustrate
the description
of
the
and
we
may
conclude
that
the
Stele of the Vultures was either the actual stele of
delimitation set up by Eannatum upon the frontier,
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 143
or, as is more
probable,
an upon
exacta copy
ofwhich
its Eantext,
embellished
with
sculptures,
stone
natum caused to be carved and set up within his own
city as amake
memorial
of his conquest.
Indeed,
we stele
may
perhaps
the
further
assumption
that
the
was
erected within
the temple
of Ningirsu,
since it
commemorates
the
recovery
of
Gu-edin,
the
territory
that
was peculiarlyhis own. The Stele of the Vultures,
with its elaborate and delicate relief, would have been
out of place upon the frontier of Gu-edin, where, we
may
the memorial
stone would
madeconjecture,
as strong and
plain as possible,
so ashaveto been
offer
little
scopethe
for shelter
mutilation.
But, if temple
destinedintoLagash,
be set
up
within
of
Ningirsu's
the
sculptor
wouldhave
hadno restriction
placedupon
his
efforts;
and
the
prominent
place
assigned
to
Ningirsu
in
the
reliefs,
upon
the
face
of
the
memorial,
is fullyVultures
in keeping
withtimethestood
suggestion
thatshrine.
the Stele
ofthe
at one
within his
In favour of the view that the monument was not
the actual stele ofdelimitation we may note that towards
the close of its text some four columns were taken up
with
other conquests achieved
by Eannatum.
But inlistsall of"kudurru-inscriptions,"
or boundary-stones,
which were intended to safeguard the property or
claims
ofimprecations
private individuals,
the texts
close with
a
series
of
calling
down
the
anger
of
the
gods upon
infringing
the owner's
rightsuponin any
way.
Nowanyinone
general
character
the text
the
Stele
of the Vultures
closelyfrom
resembles
the
" kudurruinscriptions,"
only
differing
them
in
that
it sets
out to delimit, not the fields and estates of individuals,
but
thetherefore
respectiveexpect
territories
of two
city-states.
We
should
that,
like
them,
it
would
close
with invocations to the gods. Moreover, the Cone of
Entemena,
the text
ofof which
was undoubtedly
copied
from
a
similar
stele
delimitation,
ends
with
curses,
and not with a list of Entemena's own achievements.
But ifthe short list of Eannatum's titles and conquests
bewouldomitted,
the text upon the Stele of the Vultures
end with the series of invocations to Enlil and
other deities, to which reference has already been made.
144 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
We may therefore conclude that the original text, as
engraved
of delimitation,
did endwasat
this point,upon
and the
that stele
the list
of other conquests
only added upon the memorial erected in Ningirsu's
temple.
Apart from the interest attaching to the memorial
itself, thisofpoint
bearingtoupon
of the
conquest
Ummahasinarelation
the the
otherdate
successful
wars conducted by Eannatum in the course of his
reign.
It
might
reasonably
be
urged
that
the
subjugation
of thetheneighbouring
city ofdistant
Ummalandswould
have
preceded
conquest
of
more
and
cities,
over
which
Eannatum
succeeded
in
imposing
his
sway. Inupon
thatthecaseStele
we must
list
of conquests
of theassume
Vulturesthatwastheadded
at a later
date.withOntheother
equallypossible
that
the war
Umma tookhand,it
placeiswell
on in Ean-
natum'saway
reign,onand
that,expeditions,
while the patesi
and
his army
were
distant
their
ancient
rival
Umma
refrained
fromthetakingadvantage
of their
absence
toBothgaincities
control
of
coveted
territory
of
Gu-edin.
may forandyearsLagash,
have respected
the terms
of
Mesilim's
treaty,
while
finding
scope
elsewhere
forin her
ambition,
may have been
content
toby
acquiesce
the
claims
of
independence
put
forward
her nearest neighbour.
Thusengraveduponthe
the list of Eannatum's
conquestsmaywell
have
been
of the Vultures at the time the treaty with UmmaStele
drawn up. In accordance with this view we shall was
see
there arereasons
for believingthat
severalof
Eannatum's
conquests
did
take
place
before
his
war
with
and it is quite possible to assign to this earlierUmma,
period
the others that are mentioned in the list.
The conquest of Kish stands in close relation to
that
of Umma,
apart from the
of the
king ofKish
as a for,
captiveuponthe
Steleportrayal
of the Vultures,
there iswould
a passage
main body
the inscription
which
seemintotheconnect
the ofoutbreak
of war
betweenInUmma
and Lagash
with
the influence
of that
city.
the
broken
passage
recording
the
encouragement giventhetonames
Eannatum
by Ningirsu
raid of
Gu-edin,
of Umma
and Kishafter
occurthetogether,
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 145
and
the
contexthisofpatesi
the passage
suggests
that
Ningirsu
here
promises
victory
over
both
these
cities.¹
Wemay,therefore,conjecture
thatthe
ambitious
designs
describedinbyraiding
Entemena
as actuating
Ush,were
the patesi
Umma,
the territory
of Lagash,
fosteredof
by
the city
ofKish.
Ithisis probable
thata military
Eannatumhad
already
given
proof
of
qualities
as
leader,a
and had caused the king of Kish to see in Lagash
possible
rival forTothesow
hegemony
whichbetween
the North
had
long
enjoyed.
dissension
her
and
her
neighbour
Umma,
would
have
appeared
a
most
effective
method
ofthecrippling
her
growing
power,
and
ithisis support,
possible
that
king
of
Kish
not
only
promised
butinfurnished
a contingent
of his ownof
soldiers
to
assist
the
attack.
The
representation
the captive king of Kish upon the Stele ofthe Vultures
maypossibly
be interpreted
as provingduring
that the
he led
his
troops
in
person,
and
was
captured
battle.
But the relief is, perhaps, not to be taken too literally,
and
symbolize
forces along
withmay
thosemerely
of Umma,
andthehisdefeat
failureoftohisrender
them
any
effective
aid.
On
the
other
hand,
in
a
text
engraved
upon
one
of
his
foundation-stones,
Eannatum
boasts that: he" Eannatum,
added thepatesi
kingdom
of Kish byto the
his
dominions
of Lagash,
goddess
who
loves him,
along
with theofpatesiate
ofIt would
LagashNinni
was
presented
with
the
kingdom
Kish."
seem
that
in
this
passage
Eannatum
laysto
claim,
not
only
to
have
defeated
Kish,
but
also
exercising suzeranity over the northern kingdom.
With connect
Eannatum's
victorywhich
over heKish
we must
probably
the
success
achieved
overof
another
northern
city,
Opis.
For
towards
the
end
the text upon the foundation-stone referred to above,
2
these
to be ofdescribed
as asecond
single
event, achievements
or, at least, asappear
two events
which the
closelyfollows
andcelebrating
supplementsthetheprincipal
first. Inthe
courseof
ofhis the
formulae
conquests
Eannatum
: " was
By Eannatum
Elamreign,
broken
in the exclaims
head, Elam
driven backwasto
1 See Obv., Col. VI., 11. 25ff., Col. VII., 11. 1 ff.
2 Foundation-stone A, Col. V., 1. 23-Col. VI., 1. 5 ; “ Déc.," p.L xliii.
146 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
his own land ; Kish was broken in the head, and the
king of Opis was driven back to his own land." ¹
When
referring
to theinscription,
victory over
Opis in names
an earlier
passage
of
the
same
Eannatum
the
king who attacked him, and, although he does not give
manydefeated
details ofonlytheafter
war,a itsevere
maystruggle.
be inferred" When
that Opis
was
the
king
ofname
Opiswasrosespoken
up," the
text runs,pursued
"Eannatum,
whose
by
Ningirsu,
Zuzu,
king
of
Opis,
from
the
Antasurra
of
Ningirsu
up to
the city of Opis, and there he smote him and destroyed
him."
We have
already
seen
reasonspartforin believing
that
the
king
of
Kish
took
an
active
Umma's
war
with
Lagash,
and
shared
her
defeat
;
and
we may
conjecture
that
it
was
to
help
and
avengehis
ally
that
Zuzu,
king
of
Opis,
marched
south
and
attacked
Eannatum. That he met with some success at first
isrecords
perhapsthatindicated
bythe
Eannatum
he drove
him point
back from
to hiswhich
own land.
For
the
Antasurra
was
a
shrine
or
temple
dedicated
to
Ningirsu,
and
stood
within
the
territory
of
Lagash,
though possibly
or nearin the
Eannatum
met theuponinvaders
force,frontier.
and not Here
only
dislodged
them,
but
followed
upcity,hiswhere
victoryhebyclaims
pursuing
them
back
to
their
own
that he administered a still more crushing defeat. It
is possible that the conquest of Ma'er, or Mari, took
place at this time, and in connection with the war
with
Opis and Kish, for in one passage Eannatum
refers to the defeat of these three states at the
Antasurra of Ningirsu. Ma'er may well have been
allied
with Kish
and army
Opis, led
andbymayZuzu
haveincontributed
a contingent
to the
his attack
on Lagash.
It is interesting to note that Kish and the king of
Kish
represented
the
most ofdreaded
enemies
of Lagash,
atForleast
during
a
portion
the
reign
of
Eannatum.
on a mortar
of black
basalt which
preservedthatin
the British
Museum,
Eannatum,
after isrecording
he has dedicated it to Nina, " the Lady of the Holy
2 See Col. IV., 11. 25 ff.
3 See the opposite plate.
1 See Col, VI., 11. 6 ff.
PORTION OF A BLACK BASALT MORTAR BEARING AN INSCRIPTION OF
EANNATUM, PATESI OF SHIRPURLA.
Brit. Mus. , No. 90832; photo, by Messrs. Mansell & Co.
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 147
Mountain,"
itMay
or carry
prays
that
noaddsmanthemaydamage
"
theis
itKing
away;
and
he
then
petition,
of
Kish
not
seize
it
!
"
This
ejaculation
kingdom
of the
the cities
dreadofwhich
the northern
eloquent
in
the
south,
and
we
see
inspired
temples
in it evidence of many a raid during which the may
We
of theirof treasures.
beenthedespoiled
of Lagash
the altar and
dedication
may
well had
ascribe
to atheperiod
earlybefore
part theof
of the atinscription
the cutting reign;
Eannatum's
any
rate,
to
power of Kish was broken in the south ; and, if we are
perhaps serve
mortar may
right
this supposition,
campaigns.
Eannatum's
For
group of the
to datein another
side
of
this
monument
on
the
second
inappears
a passage
the citiesit
conquered
to be recorded that he hadfollows
the invocations
of Erech
Ur. The passage
upon the other side, in the
set
forth and
by Eannatum
of which
he prays that no one shall remove
coursemortar,
the
or cast it into the fire, or damage it in
the
lines were
any
way ; andmade
it might
be original
argued that
text
of
dedication
to
the
an
addition
at a considerably later period. In that case theof
afford nothat
proofof that
passage
Kish.theButconquest
both sides
Ur
and would
Erech preceded
been
of
having
have
the
appearance
ofengraved
the monument
byassuming
the samethathand,
and ofwetheareinscription
probably
the
whole
in
justified
was placed upon the vessel at the time it was made.
conquest inof Ur
provisionally
We
his
that ofplace
Kish.theFurther,
and may
Erechthusbefore
conquest
groups his" the
foundation-inscriptions,
of Ur and Erech withEannatum
that of Ki-babbar,
place
of the Sun-god,"
a
term
which
may
with
considerable
the
be identified with Larsa, the centreIt ofwould
probability
cult of the Sun-god in Southern Babylonia.
thus appear that Eannatum conquered these cities, all
at ofabout
south inoftheBabylonia
inperiod,
the extreme
situated
early
part
his
the
same
and
probably
reign.
An indication
we are right
the
southern
conqueststhat
of Eannatum
beforeintheplacing
war with
Umma may, perhaps, be seen in the invocations to
148 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
deities Eannatum
engraved upon
thetoStele
of histhetreaty.
VulturesInwith
which
sought
protect
the
course of the invocations Eannatum states that he has
made
theMoon-god,
goddess Ninkharsag
city
of Kesh,offerings
to Enzu,to the
in Ur, and into the
Babbar,
the
Sun-god,
in
Larsa.
Thesepassages
we
may
assume
refer
to offerings
madeview
by isEannatum
suzerain,
and, if this
correct, wein hismustcharacter
concludeof
that the conquest of these cities had already taken
place.
Thealsoinvocation
Enki ofperhaps
presupposes
that Eridu
was in theto hands
Eannatum
at this
time,
a corollary
that would
almost
necessarily
follow,
ifhadthefallen
threebefore
neighbouring
cities
of
Ur,
Erech,
and
Larsaof
his
arms.
Accordingly,
the
list
gods by whom Eannatum and the men of Umma
swore toThey
preserve
treaty becomes
peculiarly
signifi-as
cant.
weretheselected
on political
as much
on purely religious
grounds,
and
in their
combined
jurisdiction
represented
the
extent
of
Eannatum's
dominion in Sumer at the time. That a ruler should
becity-gods
in a position
to exactcalculated
an oath toby inspire
such powerful
was
obviously
respect
for
his
own
authority,
while
the
names
of
the
gods
themselves formed a sufficient guarantee that divine
punishment
would
surely follow
anybyviolation
of the
treaty.
The
early
successes
gained
Eannatum,
by
which he was enabled to exercise suzerainty over the
principal
cities ofhisSouthern
may wellof have
beenthecauseof
arousingBabylonia,
the active hostility
Kish
and
Opis.
When
he
had
emerged
victorious
from
his
subsequent
struggle
with
the
northern
cities,
we
may
assume that he claimed the title of king, which he
employs
in placein ofthehistextmore
usual
titlewithofUmma.
patesi in
certainpassages
ofhis
treaty
The other fall
conquests
recorded
in In
the allinscriptions
ofof Eannatum
into
two
groups.
his victories that have come down to us theon lists
the
Stele of the Vultures, the foundation-stones, and the
brick-inscriptions
the defeat
ofto Elam
is given
the first
place.
This
is
probably
not
be
taken
as
implying
that it was the first in order of time. It is true that
the order in which the conquered districts and cities
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 149
are arranged
isis not
generally
the the
samecase.in theApart
different
lists,
but
this
invariably
from
differences
caused
bythe
omission
or
insertionof
names,
the order
is sometimes
the the
conquest
Arua
is recorded
beforealtered;
that ofthus
Ur on
Stele ofof
the
Vultures,is whereas
onItthewould,
foundation-stones
this
arrangement
reversed.
therefore,
be
rash
to assume that they were enumerated in the order
of their occurrence;
it is more
probableonthat
the
conquered
states
and
districts
are
grouped
a
rough
geographical
basis,
and that these
groupsto them.
are arranged
according
to
the
importance
attaching
Thatis
Elam
should
always
be
mentioned
first
in
the
lists
probablyofthe
due cities
to theof fact
thatandsheAkkad,
was thewhose
hereditary
enemy
Sumer
rulers
could
never
be
sure
of
immunity
from
her
attacks.
The prey
agricultural
wealth
oftribes
Babylonia
offeredamong
a tempting
to
the
hardy
who
dwelt
the
hills
upon
the
western
border
of
Elam,
and
the
dread
experienced by the
of the raider
andplain,mountaineer,
dweller
in
the
is
expressed
by Eannatum
his description of Elam as "the mountain
that strikesin
terror. " 1
That in their conflict with Eannatum the Elamites
asrecord
usual,upon
the aggressors,
is clear from the words
of"were,
the
his
longer
foundation-inscriptionbyEannatumwas Elam broken in the head, Elamwas
driven
his own land."2
other passages
referringback
to theto discomfiture
of the InElamites,
Eannatum
adds athephrase
formula
thatwould
"heseem
heapedto imply
up burialmounds,"
which
that
enemy
defeated
considerable
the
were
only
with
loss.
It is not
unlikely
that ofweElam
may were
fix thedefeated,
field ofbattle,
upon
which
the
forces
the
banks of the Asukhur Canal, which had been cuton two
Col. III., 1. 13.
12 Foundation-stoneA,
Col.
VI.,
ff.
11.
6
the bodies toof
thatEannatumburied
is notthough
tobe ittakentomean
The phrase
formula employed
may be a conventional
Elamites,
the 3slain
states
ItmaybenotedthatEntemenadefinitely
importantbattle.
describeany
inthe
openplain,andthiswas
tobleach
ofhisenemies
left
thebones
thathe
Each sidewould bury its own dead to
of thetheperiod.
theentrance
practice into
probably
Underworld.
ensure their
150 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
generations
beforethe bycanalUr-Ninâ,
Eannatum's
grandfather;
at
least,
gives
its
name
to
a
battlefield
which
is
mentioned
immediately
before
the
name
of Elam in one of the lists of conquests. It would
thus
seem that
the Elamites
were engaged
in raiding
territory
Lagash
Eannatum
the
of
when
fell
upon
them
with his army and drove them northwards and across
the Tigris.
Closely associated with Eannatum's success against
ofunknown,
Shakh, ofanda procity
werename
his forconquest
the
Elamitesof the
which
is
the
reading
bably also of a land or district which bore the name of
of
this
last
place
is
only
The
conquest
Sunanam.
upon
the
Stele
of
the
passage
in a broken
mentioned
the names of Elam and Shakh, and
Vultures,¹ between
city, soonthat
little hand,
can bewhenever
inferred
that
ofthe
unknown
with
regard
to
it.
Shakh,
the
other
of Eannatum,
follows
in thetheinscriptions
it is referred toafter
name of Elam,
and
it
was
not
immediately
frontier which
on
the
Elamite
improbably
a
district
of theevidently
invaders.a
during
his name
pursuit was
Eannatum
ravaged
The
city
with
the
unknown
for not only
was it governed
place
of somebutimportance,
inofthea
is
mentioned
by
a
patesi,
when
its
conquest
interpretation
usually
lists
details
are
given.
The
actioncertain,
with regard
towould
the
its ispatesi's
phrase
recording
emblem
but
it
of
the
city
not
quite
plantedto
Eannatum
the approach
wouldhe seem
itappear
beforethattheoncity-gate.
Theofcontext
intended asstates
not
an actthatofhedefiance,
imply
that thisforwasEannatum
conquered
ofthesubmission,
up burial-mounds.
the city
city, and
likeheaped
its name,
is unknown, butThesincesitetheof
followit asthose
concerning
to it alwaysregard
recordswereferring
in
provisionally
having
Elam,
may
Elamite frontier. conquestslain
the direction ofthegroup
comofEannatum's
remaining
The
Mishime,
and
Az,
achieved
over
victories
he
the
prise
Arua. The first of these places was a city ruled by
2
1. 3. sign,formed ofthe signs uru and
VI., 1. 10-Col. VII.,
1 Rev., Col. isexpressedby
conflate
the
2Thename
A, the phonetic reading ofwhich is unknown.
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 151
adestroyed
patesi, whom
Eannatum
slewregarded
when he ascaptured
andin
it.
It
was
formerly
situated
the
neighbourhood
ofwastheheld
Persian
Gulf,
but inadequate.
the grounds
onMoreover,
which
this
view
have
proved
Eannatum's references to Mishime and Arua
do
not
assist usstates
muchthatinhedetermining
theirannihilated
positions,
for
he
merely
destroyed
and
them. Inaareference
passage upon
SteleofofSumer
the Vultures,
however,
to thetheland
follows
closely
upon
aindication
record of that
the conquest
of Arua,should
whichbe
perhaps
is
an
all
three
places
soughtforinsettling
Southerndefinitely
Babylonia.the We
areinthuswhich
without
data
region
this
group
of
cities
lay,
and
we
are
equally
without
information
as orto destroyed
the period them.
ofhis reign
infact
which
Eannatum
captured
The
that
they are
mentioned last in the lists is no proof that they were
amongto their
his most
recentsmall
conquests
; it mayIn support
merely beof
due
relatively
importance.
this
suggestion we maynote
that inrefers
the longest
ofonce
his
foundation-inscriptions
Eannatum
to
them
only, while his successes against Elam and the northern
cities
are celebrated in two or three separate passages.
From
the preceding discussion of the campaigns
of Eannatum it will have been seen that during his
reign
a considerable
expansion
took
place
in the power
and
influence
of
Lagash.
From
being
a
city-state
with
her influence restricted to her own territory, she became
head
of a confederation
the the
greatnorthern
Sumerian
she successfully
disputedofwith
citiescities,
hegemony in Babylonia, and she put a check upon the
the
encroachments
of Elam,
the hereditary
foe ofof EannaSumer
and
Akkad
alike.
According
to
the
view
tum's conquests which has been put forward, the first
expansion of the city's influence took place southwards.
engraved
1 The
namehead
oftheofplace
wasand
formerlyread
in ashort
inscription
upon
a
maceGudea,
it
was
supposed
to
be
described
that
passage as lying near the Persian Gulf; cf. Heuzey, "Rev. Arch.," vol.in xvii.
(1891),
p. in153that
; Radau,
"EarlytheBab.
Hist.," pp.for81,"place,"
191. Butandtheit issyllable
determinative
as
occurs
text
without
rather
as
part
of
the
name
of
the
mountain
from
which
Gudea
toobtained
be interpreted
the breccia for his mace-head; and the mountain itself is described
as situated
" theCol.
Upper
2 See " on
Rev.,"
VIII.Sea," i.e. the Mediterranean, seebelow, p. 270 f.
152 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
The cities of Ur, Erech, Larsa, Kesh, and probably
Eridu,
become
her vassal
states,power
before;
Kish andhadOpisalready
attempted
to curtail
her growing
and inseethea struggle
war whichbetween
followedtheit iscombined
probableforces
that weof
may
Sumer on the one hand, and those of Akkad on the
other.
One of the most important episodes in this
conflict was the war with Umma, since the raid by the
men
of that city
intooutbreak
the territory
of Lagash The
furnished
the occasion
for the
of hostilities.
issue
ofleading
the conflict
placed
Lagash
in
the
position
of
the
city
in
Babylonia.
The
fact
that
from
this
time
forward
Eannatum
didinscriptions,
not permanently
adopt
the
title
of
"king"
in
his
may
perhaps
be"patesi,"
traced which
to hisemphasized
preference his
for dependence
the religiousupon
title hisof
ownThe
city-godNingirsu.
military character of Eannatum is reflected in
his
inscriptions,
which
ingrandfather,
this respectUr-Nina.
form a striking
contrast
to
those
of
his
While
the
earlier
king's
records
are
confined
entirely
to
listsor
ofrestored
templesin and
other
buildings,
which
he
erected
Lagash
and its almost
neighbourhood,
thetotexts
ofwars.Eannatum
are
devoted
exclusively
From a few scattered passages, however, his
we
gather
that
he beautifying
did not entirely
neglectinthe
task
of
adding
to
and
the
temples
his
capital.
Thus
he builtto aother
templebuildings
for the which
goddesswere
Gatumdug,
and
added
already
standing
in
Ur-Nina's
time.
But
his
energies
infortifithis
direction
were
mainly
devoted
to
repairing
the
cations
Lagash, and
in a complete
state ofofdefence.
Thustoheputting
boasts the
thatcity
he built
the wall
of Lagash and made it strong. Since Ur-Nina's time,
when
the city-wall
haddefences
been thoroughly
repaired,
it
isweakened,
probable
that
the
of
the
city
had
been
for Eannatum also records that he restored
Girsu,
one
of suffered
the quarters
of the
city,occasion,
which and
we may
suppose
had
on
the
same
had
been
allowed
to
remain
since
then
in
a
partly
ruined
condition.
In honour of the goddess Nina he also
records that he rebuilt, or perhaps largely increased, the
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 153
quarter
of the city
whichfor was
named
after
her, andof
he
constructed
a
wall
the
special
protection
Uru-azagga,
anotherwhich
quartertook
of Lagash.
Inthisfact,period
the
political
expansion,
place
at
inequally
the striking
power ofincrease
Lagash,inwas
accompanied
by anof
the
size
and
defences
the city itself.
During
the reignenjoyed
of Eannatum
it is clearmeasure
that theof
people
of
Lagash
a
considerable
prosperity,
for,patesi's
although
they
were
obliged
toconsiderfurnish
men
for
their
army,
the
state
acquired
able wealth from the sack of conquered cities, and from
the tribute
ofasgrain
and ofother
supplies
whichsubjection.
was levied
upon
them
a
mark
their
permanent
Moreover,
the and,
campaigns
could
notofhave
been
ofonvery
long
duration,
after
the
return
the
army
the
completion
ofbeadisbanded,and
war, it is probable
that
the
greater
part
ofto itwould
the
men
would
go
back
their ordinary occupations. Thus the successful
prosecution
of any
his foreign
policy byofEannatum
did
not
result
in
impoverishment
the
material
resources
of hisnotpeople,
the fertile
the city were
left and
untilled
for lackplainsof around
labour.
Indeed,it
would appear
thatthein the
latter
part ofunder
his
reign
he
largely
increased
area
of
land
cultivation.
his longerconquests,he
foundation-inscriptions,
after recordingForhisinprincipal
states : "In
that day
Eannatum
did
(as fruit,
follows).
Eannatum,
when
his
might
had
borne
dug
a new canal
for
Ningirsu,
and
he
named
it
Lummadimdug."
By
the
expression
" when hisrefers
mighttohad
borne
fruit,"
ithisis
clear
that
Eannatum
the
latter
part
of
reign, incessantly
when he was
no field,
longerandobliged
tohisplace
his
army
in
the
he
and
people
were enabled to devote themselves to the peaceful
•
task of developing the material resources of their own
Another canal, which we know was cut by Eannatum,
was thatof separating
Gu-edin from
the territory
Umma, butthethisplainwasofundertaken,
not
for
purposes
of
irrigation,
but
rather
as
a
frontierditch to mark the limits of the territory of Lagash in
district in Sumer.
154 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
that direction. There is little doubt, however, that at
apart
of its ofstream
waswhich
used for
supplying
water
toleast
those
portions
Gu-edin
lay
along
its
banks.
Like
the canaltoLummadimdug,
this frontier-ditch
was
also
dedicated
Ningirsu,
and
inthe
inscription
upon
a small column which records this fact, the name of
the canal
is given as(Lummagirnuntashagazaggipadda.
)
But
this
exceedingly
long
title
was
onlyemployed
upon
state occasions, such as the ceremony of dedication; in
common
the name
girnunta,parlance
as we learn
fromwastheabbreviated
reference toto Lummait upon
Entemena's Cone. It is of interest to note that in
the title of the stone of delimitation, which occurs
upon the Stele of the Vultures, reference is made to
agiven
canalasnamed
Ug-edin,lordtheoftitletheofcrown
the stone ,being
give
"
O
Ningirsu,
life unto the canal Ug-edin! " In the following lines
the monument itself is described as " the Stele of
Gu-edin,
territory
of Ningirsu,
whichit I,is
Eannatum,thehave
restoredbeloved
to Ningirsu
" ; so that
clear
namesomeis connection
incorporatedwithin
that ofthat
the the
stele,canal,
mustwhose
have had
the frontier-ditch. Perhaps the canal Ug-edin is to be
identified
with Lummagirnunta,
unless one of the two
was a subsidiary
canal.
Forafter
the supply
of hisofprincipal
irrigation-canal
with
Eannatum
water
the
period
the
spring-floods,
did
not depend
solely
upon before
such water
as mightof find
itslatterway
in
from
the
river,
the
surface
sank below the level of the canal-bed ; nor the
did
he confine himself to the laborious method of raising
itmachines.
from theBoth
riverthese
to hismethods
canal byofmeans
of irrigationobtaining
water he
doubtless
employed,
but
he
supplemented
them
the
construction of a reservoir, which should retain atbyleast
a portion
ofit the
surplus
wateruseduring
thefields
earlyafter
spring,
and
store
up
for
gradual
in
the
water-level in the river and canals had fallen. In the
the
passage
in
his
foundation-inscription,
which
records
this
fact, he says : " For Ningirsu he founded the canal
Lummadimdug
and dedicated
it to him
; Eannatum,
endowed with strength
by Ningirsu,
constructed
the
*
BRICK OF EANNATUM, PATESI OF SHIRPURLA, RECORDING HIS GENEALOGY
AND CONQUESTS, AND COMMEMORATING THE SINKING OF WELLS IN
SHIRPURLA.
Brit. Mus. , No. 85977 ; photo. bv Messrs. Mansell & Co.
WARS OF THE CITY-STATES 155
reservoir
a capacity
thousand ofsixLummadimdug,
hundred gur ofwithwater."
¹ It ofis three
true
that his reservoir was not of very imposing dimensions,
but
its construction
proves
that Eannatum
orinhisa
engineers
had
studied
the
problem
of
irrigation
scientific spirit,
and had already evolved the method
of
obtaining
aconstantwater-supplywhichisstill
regarded
as giving the best results.
Smaller
canals were
possiblydug
during Eannatum's
reign
for
supplying
water
to
those
quarters
of Lagash
which he improved or added to; and we also
know
that,
where
canalization
was
impracticable,he
obtained
water
by temple,
sinking forwells.
Within
the enclosure
of
Ningirsu's
instance,
he
constructed
a
well
for supplying
the temple
withwhich
water,lined
and some
of theon
bricks
have
been
recovered
the
well
the inside. On these he inscribed his name beside
those of the gods by whom he had been favoured ; and,
after givingthata listhe ofhadhisbuilt
moretheimportant
he
recorded
well inconquests,
the spacious
forecourt
of the temple,
and had From
namedtheit reference
Sigbirra,
and
had
dedicated
it
to
Ningirsu.
tois clear
his conquests
the inscription
that the insinking
of the well,uponlikethethebricks,
cuttingit
of the
irrigation
-Eannatum's
canal Lummadimdug,
took place in
years
reign.
the
later
of
of
The phrase
withbewhich
theindicating
well-inscription
Eannatum
ends
may
taken
as
the
measure
of prosperity
to "which
thedays,"
stateit ofsays,Lagash
attained
Ningirsu
under
his
rule.
In
those
"did
love Eannatum." But Eannatum's claim to remembrance
rests, as we havebymeans
seen, inofawhich
greaterhedegree
upon
his militarysuccesses,
was enabled
to extend the authority of Lagash over the whole of
Sumer enough
and a great
partsame
of Akkad.
proved
strong
at the
time to He
defend
his himself
empire
from
the
attack
of
external
foes,
and
it
is
probable
that,
after his signal defeat of the Elamites, he was not
troubled by further raids from that quarter. Three
1 For
Foundation-stone
A, Col. VII.,
11.from
3 ff. the well, see the plate opposite
bricks
2
one
of
the
inscribed
p. 154.
156 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
times
in the course
ofname
his inscriptions
hebyNingirsu,
states that
"were
by Eannatum,
whose
was
uttered
the countries broken in the head," and it would
appear
that
his boast
wasfromjustified.
Thebattle-mace,
metaphor
he
here
employs
is
taken
the
heavy
whichperiod.
formedIt anmayeffective
warfare
the
be seenweapon
in use ininthethescene
sculp-of
tured
upon Ningirsu
the principal
monument
of Eannatum's
reign,
where
himself
is
portrayed
as the
breaking
representation
the
heads
of
his
foes.
This
of
citygod of Lagash, one of the finest examples of early
Sumerian
in itself admirably
symbolizes
the
ambition sculpture,
and achievements
of the ruler
in whose
reign and by whose order it was made.
CHAPTER VI
THE CLOSE OF UR-NINA'S DYNASTY, THE REFORMS OF
URUKAGINA, AND THE FALL OF LAGASH
E
H memberof
ANNATUMUr-Nina's
was the most
famous
andis powerful
dynasty,
andit
probableof
that his reign marks the zenith ofthe power
Lagashledto
as ahiscity-state.
We douponthe
not knowthrone
the byhis
cause
which
being succeeded
brother Enannatum I., instead of by a son of his own.
That the break
in thefromsuccession
wasEnannatum
due to no palacerevolution
is certain
a reference
makes
toEl-Hibba,¹
his brother
in
an
inscription
found
by
Koldewey
at
where,
after
naming
Akurgal
as
his
father,
he
describes himself as " the beloved brother of Eannatum,
patesimaleof issue,
Lagash."
It ishispossible
that Eannatum
had
no
or,
since
reign
appears
to
have
been
long,
he mayhave
sons.notWewonmaywithout
indeed
conjecture
that hissurvived
victorieshiswere
considerable
losstheamong
his younger
warriors,
and
many
cadets
of
royal
house,
including
the
king's
own sons, may have given their lives in the service
of their city and its god. Such may well have been the
cause
of theto succession
passing
fromthethefamily.
direct That
line
ofEnannatum
descent
a
younger
branch
of
followed,and
didby not
precede
histo brother
upon
the
throne
is
proved
the
reference
him hein
the El-Hibba text already referred to; moreover,
himself was succeeded
by his own immediate descendreference
ants,
and
a
to
Entemena follows in orderhis ofreign
timeupon
the the
sameCone
ruler'sof
record concerning Eannatum. The few inscriptions
1See4. Messerschmidt, "Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler," I., p. v., pl.
3, No.
157
158 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
of his reign,are that
and
El-Hibba,
of ahave
votivebeen
ratherrecovered
than ofatan Tello
historical
character, and, were it not for the historical summaries
upon Entemena's
Cone beandwithout
an inscribed
plaque
of
Urukagina,
we
should
data
for
tracing
the history of Sumer at this period. As it is, our
information is in the main confined to the continued
rivalrynow
between
and ofheractive
near hostilities.
neighbour Umma,
which
led toLagash
a renewal
have ofalready
seen that,theinspite
ofofthe
increase
inthetheWe
power
Lagashduring
reign
Eannatum,
city ofbutUmma
had not inmaintaining
been incorporated
in its
dominion,
had succeeded
an attitude
ofsemi-independence.
This
is
apparent
from
the
terms
of theto treaty,
bythewhich
the ofmenLagash
of Umma
undertook
not
invade
territory
;
and,
although
they paid a heavy tribute in corn to Eannatum, we
may
assume
that they
were itself
ready ofto seize
any opporpresent
repudiating
tunity
that
might
the
suzerainty of Lagash. Such an opportunity theymay
have
seen the
in theaccession
death ofof their
conquerorwe Eannatum,
for after
his brother
find them
repeating
tacticsthetheyleadership
during
the reign
same under
had employed
preceding
patesi,
the
of
their
Enakalli,
Eannatum
Ush.
with
whom
had
drawn
up
treaty,
been
succeeded
throne
his
had
on
the
by
Urlumma.
In
his
cone-inscription
Entemena
gives
no indication as to whether there was any interval
between
the
reigntablet
of Enakalli
and that
of"Collection
Urlumma.
But
from
a
small
oflapis-lazuli
in
the
de Clercq," we gather that the latter was Enakalli's son,
and, therefore, probably his direct successor upon the
throne. The little tablet was employed as afoundationmemorial,ofand
a shortto inscription
upon itbyrecords
the
building
a
temple
the
god
Enkigal
Urlumma,
who describes himself as the son of Enakalli. Each
ruler bears the title of "king " in the inscription, and,
although
the signthatfollowing
title is
uncertain,the
therereading
is littleof doubt
we shouldtheidentify
1
de d'Assyr.,
Clercq, Catalogue,”
Tome
II., nameshould
pl. x., No. 6, possibly
p. 92f.;
1 See " Collection
"
vol.
iv.,
p.
40.
The
"Rev.
Thureau-Dangin,
be readUr-Khumma (cf. "Königsinschriften," p. 150, n. h.).
THE FALL OF LAGASH
159
the Urlumma and Enakalli of the tablet with the two
patesis of Umma who are known to have borne these
Urlumma
didUsh's
not example,
maintainmarshalled
his father'shispolicy,
but,
following
armyof
and made His
a sudden
descent
upon
the
territory
raid appears to have been attended
Lagash.
with
even
greater
violence
than
that
of hisremoving
predecessor.
Ush
had
contented
himself
with
merely
the
stele of delimitation set up by Mesilim, but Urlumma
broke
thatweof Eannatum
in pieces
by treated
casting itMesilim's
into the
fire,
and
may
assume
that
he
stele in the had
samebuilt
way.uponThetheshrines,
chapels,
Eannatum
frontieror and
hadwhich
dedicated
to
the
gods
whom
he
had
invoked
to
guard
the
treaty, were now levelled to the ground. By such acts
Urlumma
out allyears
traceupon
ofthehishumiliating
conditions sought
imposedto blot
in earlier
city, and,
crossing
the
frontier-ditch
of
Ningirsu,
he
raided
and
plundered
the
rich
plains
which
it
had
always
been
the
ambition of Umma to possess.
Ittreaty
is probable
thatmerely
Urlumma's
objectspoilin from
breaking
the
was
not
to
collect
the
fields
and
villages
he
overran,
but
to
gain
complete
possession of the coveted plain. At least, both
Entemena and Urukagina record that the subsequent
battle between the forces of Umma and Lagash took
place
within
theUrlumma
latter's territory,
whichdidwould
seem
towithimply
that
and
his
army
not
retreat
their plunder to their own city, but attempted to
retain possession of the land itself. Enannatum met
the
men of Umma
in Ugigga,
aa district
withinfought,
the
temple-lands
of
Ningirsu,
where
battle
was
which,
in Urukagina's brief account, is recorded to
have resulted in Umma's defeat. Entemena, on the
other hand, does not say whether Lagash was victorious,
and
his silence is possibly significant, for, had his father
achieved a decided victory, he would doubtless have
names.
Enannatum stele
1 In avery fragmentarypassage ofthe clay-inscriptionof
removal of Mesilim's from
El-Hibba, Langdonwould see a reference to theMorgenländ.
Gesellschaft,"
during
revolt;p. see
Bd. LXII.this(1908),
399 f." Zeits. der Deutschen
160 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
recorded
it.
Moreover,
Urlumma
continued
to
give
trouble,
and ithe was
only
indefeated
the reignandof slain.
Entemena
himself
that
was
finally
We
may,
therefore,
conclude
that
Enannatum
did
no
more
than check Urlumma's encroachments, and it is not
improbable that
theoflatter
retainedwhich
for Lagash
the timehada
considerable
portion
the
territory
enjoyed
severalfactsgenerations.
Few forother
are known of the reign of
Enannatum I. We gather that he sent men to the
mountains,
probably
of Elam,
and caused
themandto
fell
cedars
there
and
bring
the
trunks
to
Lagash;
from the cedar-wood thus obtained he constructed the
roof of a temple, which appears to have been dedicated
towithNingirsu.
The
temple
we may
probably
identify
Ningirsu's
famous
temple
E-ninnû,
whence
we
have
recovered
a
mortar,
which
Enannatum
prepared
and
presented
that itwithmight
be used for pounding
onions
in
connection
the
temple-ritual.
Another
object
dedicated
to
Ningirsu,
which
dates
from
this
period,
is
preserved
in
the
British
Museum,
and
furnishes us with the name of a minister in the service
of Enannatum. This is a limestone mace-head,¹ carved
with the emblem of Lagash, and bearing an inscription
from which
we bylearnBarkiba,
that it thewasminister,
depositedto inensure
the
temple
E-ninnû
the
preservation
of the
lifethis
of Enannatum,
" hisalthough
king.'
ItEnannatum
would
appear
from
record
that,
himselfalsoadopted
the titleAkurgal,
of patesi,"
which he ascribes
to his father
it was
permissible
for
his
subordinates
to
refer
to
him
under
the title of "king." That " patesi" was, however,
his usual
designation but
mayfrom
be inferred
not onlyoffrom
his
own
inscriptions,
the
occurrence
the
title
after
his
name
upon
a
deed
of
sale
drawn
up
on
ahistablet
of
black
stone,
which
probably
dates
from
reign. From this document, as well as from a
text inscribed upon clay cones found by Koldewey at
66
‫دو‬
p.67.30 f.;
Texts,"
Pt. V., "History
pl. 1, " Königsinschriften,"
See " Cuneiform
ofEgypt,"
vol.
i.
,
p.
ofthe
object,
seeBudge,
for 1adrawing
2 The reading ofthe last syllable ofthe name isnotcertain.
3 Cf. " Déc. en Chaldée," p. xlix.
161
THE FALL OF LAGASH
El-Hibba,¹
we also learn
that Enannatumhad
named Lummadur,
in addition
to Entemena.a sonIt
should
be noted
thatstone
neither
the ofclayEnannatum's
cones nor
on the tablet
of black
is theonname
father
recorded,
sobethat
the suggestion
has been
made
that
they
should
referred
to
Enannatum
II.,
rather
than to Enannatum I. But the adornment of the
E-anna, recordedof onEnannatum
the cones, I.,is which,
referredliketo
intemple
the
clay-inscription
the cones, was found at El-Hibba. It is reasonable
therefore
to assign the cone-inscription also to Enannatum I., and to conclude that Lummadur was his
son,
rather than
and possible successor
Enannatum
II. theThesoncone-inscription
records theof
installationwhen
of Lummadur
byhadhis been
fatheradorned
as priestandin
E-anna,
that
temple
embellished in honour of the goddess Ninni. Since
Enannatumwas
succeeded
upon that
the throne
of Lagash
by
Entemena,
we
may
assume
Lummadur
was
the One
latter'sof younger
brother.
duties the
Entemena
upon
to perform, the
afterfirst
ascending
throne, was
was called
the defence
of his territory
againstthatthis
furtherruler
encroachments
by
Urlumma.
It
is
evident
closely
watched
the
ofof events
in Lagash,
andinsuch
ancityoccasion
aswelltheprogress
death
the
reigning
patesi
that
might
have
appeared
to
him
a
suitable
time
for
the
renewal
of
hostilities.
The
death
of
the
great
conqueroroccupy
Eannatum
had ofalready
encouraged
him
to that
raid
and
a
portion
the
territory
held
up
to
by Lagash, and, althoughEannatum hadsucceeded
inatime
holding
to some extentin
awaited
favourablehimopportunity
to extendcheck,he
the areaonly
of territory
under hisseecontrol.
Such an opportunity
herival,would
naturally
in
the
disappearance
of
his
old
for
there was always the chance that the new ruler would
prove a still less successful leader than his father, or
his
accession
might
rise towhich
dissension
the
members
of the
royalgivehouse,
would among
materially
12 Cf.
I., p. v., pl. 4, No. 5 a-d.
The"Vorderas.
name is alsoSchriftdenkmäler,"
read as Khummatur.
3 See above, p. 157, n. 1.
M
162 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
weaken the city's power of resistance. His attack
appears tothathavehebeen
carefully his
organized,
for therebyis
evidence
strengthened
own
resources
seeking assistance from at least one other neighbouring
state.this His
of securing
victory
by
meansanticipation
was, however,
far froma decided
being realized.
Entemena
lost noouttimeintointhesummoning
his forces,he and,
having
led
them
plain
of
Lagash,
met
the army ofwhich
Urlumma
at theEannatum
frontier-ditch
Lummagirnunta,
his uncle
had ofconstructed
for
the defence
and irrigation
ofinflicted
Gu-edin,
the defeat
fertile
territory
of
Ningirsu.
Here
he
a
signal
upon
the men
of Umma,
who,fellows
whenlying
routeddeadandupon
put
tothe flight,
left
sixty
of
their
banks of the canal.¹ Urlumma himself fled from
the
battle, did
and not
sought
his own
Entemena
rest safety
contentin with
the city.
defeatBut
he
had
upon theintoenemy
the territory,
field. Heand
pursued
the inflicted
men of Umma
theirinown
succeeded
in
capturing
the
cityitselfbefore
its
demoralized
inhabitants Urlumma
had had time
to organizeandor slew,
strengthen
defence.
he captured
and itshe
thus undoubtedly
put an end tocaused
an ambitious
ruler,and
whoannoyance
for years
had
much
trouble
Lagash.
Entemena's
complete,
but
itto was
not won
without victory
some losswasamong
his own
forces, for
he heaped
up covered
burial-mounds
in fiveof his
separate
places,
which
no
doubt
the
bodies
own
slain.
The
bones
of
the
enemy,
he
records,
were
left
to bleach in the open plain.
Entemena now proceeded to annex Umma, and
he
incorporated
it within theunder
stateofficers
of Lagash
and
reorganized
its
administration
appointed
by himself.
As theof new
he did
not
appoint
any native
that patesi
city, butof Umma
transferred
thither
an official of his own, who held a post of considerable
1 So Thureau-Dangin,
"interpret
Königsinschriften,"
p. 38 f., Cone,
Col.menIII.,of
11.Umma
19ff.
Genouillacwould
the
passage
asmeaning
that
the
abandoned
in). their
flight
sixty ofwere
theirdrawn
chariotsbyofasses,
war (cf.
"Tabl.
sum.
arch.
,
"
p.
xii.
These,
of
course,
the
earliest
mentionof
mentionorofSamsu-iluna
a horse inBabyloniaoccurring
onatablet
of the1907,period
murabi
(cf. Ungnad, "Orient.
Lit.-Zeit.,"
col.ofHam638 f.) ;
the regular use ofthe horsewasintroduced by the Kassites.
MARBLE GATE-SOCKET BEARING AN INSCRIPTION OF ENTEMENA,
PATESI OF SHIRPURLA.
Brit. Mus., No. 90932 ; photo. by Messrs. Mansell & Co.
THE FALL OF LAGASH 163
importanceThein name
anotherof the
townofficial
underwastheIli,suzerainty
of
Lagash.
and
at
the
time of the annexation of Umma he was acting as
sangu, or priest, of theasNinab
town, theorNinni-esh.
name of which
has
beenprovisionallyread
Though
the reading of the name of the place is still uncertain,
itBabylonia,and
would appearto tohavehave
been
situated
inimportance.
Southern
been
aplaceof
some
Amensmall
Louvre
together
of tablet
Erech,inofthe
Adab
and ofmentions
Ninni-esh,
and,certain
when
Lugal-zaggisi
enumerates
the
benefits
he
had
conferred
on
the cities of Southern Babylonia over which he
ruled, he mentions Umma and Ninni-esh together,
after
referring
to Erech,
Ur, probability
and Larsa.thatWethemay,
therefore,
conclude
with
some
city
insituated
whichnotIlifarwasfromatUmma.
this timeIt was
actingunder
as the
priestcontrol
was
of Lagash,
and doubtless
formed part
empire
which
Eannatum
had bequeathed
to ofhisthesuccessors
upon the throne. Ili is described as the priest, not
the
patesi,theof control
the city,ofand
it is possible
that his office
included
its secular
administration.
But
inthatview
importance
it wasof the
without
a patesi. of the place, it is unlikely
The installation of Ili in the patesiate of Umma
was
accompanied
byhis some
degree did
of ceremonial.
It
would
appear
that
appointment
not
take
place
immediately after the capture of the town, but that
a short interval elapsed between the close of the war
and theEntemena
inauguration
of the
new
government.
Meanwhile,
himself
had
returned
to
Lagash,
and
itpresence.
was to He
thatthen
citysetthatouthewithsummoned
Ili
into
his
Ili from Girsu, and,
when Umma was reached, he formally installed him
atthethetitlehead
of the government,
on him
of patesi.
At the sameand
timeconferred
he dictated
his
own
terms
to
the
people
of
Umma,
and
commissioned
Ili to see that they were duly carried out. In the
1 See
Thureau-Dangin,
"Rev. d'Assyr.," p. 40, n. 4; " Recueil de tabl.
chald.
,
"
p.
56,
No.
120.
2 See Hilprecht, " Old Bab. Inscr.," Pt. II., No. 87, pl. 40, Col. II. ,
11. 26 ff.
164 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
first
placealways
he restored
toclaim,
Lagash
the
territory
tofrontierwhich
she
had
laid
and
the
ancient
ditches, towhich
had been Infilledaddition
up ortohadreasserting
fallen in, thehe
caused
be repaired.
traditional
of Lagash,
he inhabitants
annexed newhadlandtakenin
the district rights
of Karkar,
since its
part in the recent rebellion, and hadprobably furnished
an important
contingent
forextend
the army
oftwoUrlumma.
He
gave
directions
to
Ili
to
the
principal
frontier-ditches,
dedicated
to
Ningirsu
and
respectively, within the territory of Karkar ; and, Nina
with
the
large
supply
of
forced
labour
which
he
exacted
from his newly annexed subjects, he strengthened the
defences of his own territory, and restored and extended
the system of canals between the Euphrates and the
Tigris. But Entemena did not content himself with
exacting
land and labour only from the conquered
city. probably
He imposed
a Ili's
heavymosttribute
in corn,duties
and asit
was
one
of
important
patesi to superintend its collection and ensure its
punctual
transfer
into the granaries
of Lagash.
In order
to commemorate
the conquest
and annexation of Umma, Entemena caused a record ofhis victory
toa stone
be drawn
whichtohethose
doubtless
hadinengraved
upon
steleup,similar
prepared
earlier times
byones,Mesilim
and Eannatum.
Thisthestele,
like totheserve
earlieras
was
probably
set
up
upon
frontier
a memorial of his achievements. Fortunately for us,
he did not confine the records to his own victories, but
prefaced them with an epitomized account of the relations which had existed between Lagash and Umma
from the time of Mesilim until his own day. Other
copies and
of thesetinscription
were
probably
engraved
upon
stone
up
in
the
cities
of
Umma
and
Lagash,
and, in order to increase still further the chances in
favour of the preservation of his record, he had copies
inscribed upon small cones of clay. These last were of
the
and the
we may
concludenature
that heof foundation-memorials,
had them buried beneath
buildings
heperhaps
erectedin ortherepaired
upon the
frontier-canals,
and
also
foundations
of
temples
within
the
city
of Lagash itself. Entemena's foresight in multiplying
THE FALL OF LAGASH
165
the
numberof his
of hisbuildings,
texts, and
ininburying
themwithin the
structure
was
accordance
the
practice of the period; and in his case the custom has
beenfullyjustified.
Sobutfaroneas we
know,smallhis clay
greatcones
stone
stelæ
have
perished;
of
the
has
is among
mostofSumer.
valuable of
the been
recordsrecovered,
we possessandofthe
early the
history
ofstelæ
the
paragraphs
Itwere
is possible
that
the
concluding
text
given
in
a
fuller
form
upon
the
stone
than
we find
themofupon
the cone;
but, so farweashave
the
historical
portion
the
record
is
concerned,
the greater
part, ifmay
not have
the whole,
doubtless
recovered
record.
The stelæ
been
of Entemena's
curses,
intended
to
preserve
engraved
with
elaborate
the
and, though
havefrontier-ditch
been omitted from
in theviolation,
shorter version
of the these
text,
and prayer
their place
takenrecord
by theconcludes.
brief invocation
here
with
whichis the
Entemena
1
prays
if ever
timeboundary-ditch
to come the men
of Ummaor
shouldthat
break
acrossin the
of Ningirsu
the boundary-ditch
of Ninâ,
in orderwhether
to lay they
violentbe
hands
upon the territory
of Lagash,
men ofround
the city
of Ummamayitself
ordestroy
people them,
from and
the
lands
about,then
Enlil
may
Ningirsu
cast
overAnd,
themshould
his net,theandwarriors
set hisofhand
and
foot
upon
them.
his
own city be called upon to defend it, he prays that
theirmanyyears
hearts may before
be fullLagash
of ardourwasandin courage.
Itof was
not
sore
need
the
helpApart
whichfrom
is heretheinvoked
for
her
by
Entemena.
cone recording the conquest of
Umma,
the
inscriptions
of Entemena
do ofhis
not throw
much
light
upon
the
military
achievements
reign.
Three
fragments
of
a
limestone
vase
have
been
found
at Nippur in the strata beneath the temple of Enlil on
the
south-east
of the
ziggurat,
or temple-tower,
bearing
on theirsideouter
surface
a votive
inscription of
Entemena. From these we gather that the vase was
dedicated to Enlil as a thank-offering after some
1 "Déc. en Chald.," p. xlvii.; Thureau-Dangin, " Rev. d'Assyr.,"
Vol.2 IV.,
pp. 37ff., ""Königsinschriften,"
OldBab. Inscr.," Pt.pp.II.,36ff.pl. 48 f., Nos. 115-117.
Cf. Hilprecht,
166 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
victory.
Thefrom
fragmentary
character
of the
inscription
prevents
us
identifying
the
enemy
who
was
subdued
on
this
occasion;
but
we
shall
probably
be
right
in taking the passage as referring, not to the conquest
of Umma,
butmay
to theregard
subjugationofsome
other district.
In
fact,
we
the
vase
as
evidence
that
Entemena attempted to retain his hold upon the empire
which Eannatum had founded, and did not shrink from
the
of undertaking
attainnecessity
this object.
In further military
support ofexpeditions
this view weto
may perhaps cite a reference to one of the cities conquered up
by Eannatum,
whichreign,
occursthough
upon anot
votiveby text
drawn
in
Entemena's
the
patesi himself. The text in question is stamped upon
the perforated
reliefofformed
Dudu,thechiefpriest
of aNingirsu,¹
which
at
one
time
support
of
ceremonial mace-head dedicated in the temple ofcolossal
NingirsuTheat material
Lagash. ofwhich the block is composed is dark
incrack;
colour,it consists
comparatively
light ofclay
in weight,
liableandto
ofa mixture
and and
bitumen,
mayhavebeenformedbynature
orapliantstate
produced artificially.²
While
this
substancewas
stillin
the
block
was
formed
frombyit, and
theofdesigns
with the
inscriptionto
were
impressed
means
a
stamp.
According
the
inscription,
this
bituminous
substance
was
brought
by
Dudu to Lagash
from one and
of theincorporated
cities whichwithin
had
beenconquered
by
Eannatum
his
empire. The
factprocured
that Dudu
should
have
caused
the
substance
to
be
from
the
city
in
question
suggestsatthat
friendly
relations
existed that
between
it not,
and
Lagash
the
time;
it
is
quite
possible
it
had
meanwhile,
secured
itssuzerainty
independence,but
stillcontinued
toonlyacknowledge
the
of
the
latter
city.textsTheof
other
references
to
a
foreign
city
in
the
Entemena
occur includeamong
upon his two the
principal
scriptions, which
buildingsinlist ofhisbuilding
oppositeenp.Chald.,"
110. p. 204.
the plate"Déc.
12 See
Cf. Heuzey,
engraved
upon gate-socket
an alabasterof
texts
are),and
3 The two principal enbuilding
Chald.,"
p.
xlvi.
uponafine
foundation-tablet("Déc.
Entemena preserved in the British Museum (" Cun. Txts.," Pt. X., pl. 1).
THE FALL OF LAGASH
167
ofa
great We
lavermayperhaps
for the godseeinthis
Enki, described
the
record
King ofindication
Eridu."
asa further
"erection
that at least the southern portion
of Eannatum's empire still remained in his nephew's
possession.
is includedto,
whose portrait
high-priest,
The designs
already referred
the plaque
uponDudu,
in the
FIG. 49.
FIG. 50.
FIG. 51.
group
silver
vase.ibexesTheandupper
uponinEntemena's
fromemblem
Details the
the engravings
are
stags
groups
lower
Lagash;
the
of
represents
substituted for the lions.
[Déc., pl. 43 bis; Cat. No. 218.]
personage during
been anandimportant
toofhave
appears
have
inscriptionsthat
two
Entemena,
reign
the
his periodsilverof
to famous
by reference
arethesedatedoccurs
recovered
been
upon
the
One
of
office.
vase of Entemena, the finest example of Sumerian
vase,
metal work that has yet been recovered. theTheemblem
forms
of
variant
with
outline
engraved in
neck, stating
aroundthegreat patesi of
an inscription
¹ bears patesi
of Lagash,
of Lagash,"the
Entemena,
that
end of Entemena's reign, the gate-socket at
inscribed
Allwere
datetowards
than thethetablets.
a rather earlier
1 See the plate oppositep. 168, and seeabove, p. 78.
168 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Ningirsu," had fashioned it of pure silver and had dedicatedofit his
to Ningirsu
in E-ninnû
the preservation
life. It was
depositedto asensure
a votive
object in
Ningirsu's temple, and anote is added to the dedication
to the effectAthat
" atreference
this timetoDudu
waspriesthood
priest of
Ningirsu."
similar
Dudu's
of the
Entemena
occurs
a foundation-inscription
of a reservoir for
supply
recordingupon
the construction
Canal,
capacity constructed
being little
ofmorethethanLummadimdug
half that of the
earlierits reservoir
by
Eannatum.
Sinceto Dudu
the canal
was
dedicated
to Ningirsu,
the
reference
was
also
here
appropriate.
But such a method of indicating the date of any object
with
even
though
closely
connected
orthe construction,
worship
oritsproperty
of the
city-god,
wasmaysomewhat
in
these
texts
perhaps
unusual,
and
occurrence
beDudu
takenenjoyed.¹
as an indication
of
the
powerfulpositionwhich
Indeed, Enlitarzi, another priest of
Entemena'sreign,
subsequentlysecured
Ningirsu
during
building-inscripthe
throne
of
Lagash.
Entemena's
tions
afford
furtherevidence
ofhis
devotionto
added to.
whose temple and storehouses he rebuilt and Ningirsu,
in
were
his
constructions
Next
in
order
of
importance
honour of the goddess Ninâ, while he also erected or
repaired
temples
and otherbuildings
dedicated
to LugalNinkharsag,
Gatumdug,
and
uru,
and
the
goddesses
Entemena's
Ninmakh.
Such
records
suggest
that
reign, like forthatLagash,
of Eannatum,
was
aprobable
period that
of some
prosperity
although
it
is
her
influence
was
felt
within
a
more
restricted
area.
By
his conquest and annexation of Umma, he more than
made up for any want of success on the part of his
I.,freedand,Lagash
throughfrom
thishervictory
alone,
father,
hesistent
mayEnannatum
well
have
most
perthe
reign
of
his
immediate
enemy
throughout
successors.
With Enannatum II., the son ofEntemena, who succeeded his father upon the throne, the dynasty founded
2
1 That in virtue of his office the priest ofNingirsu at this period occupied
isalsoclearfromthedoubledates,
by
importance
a positionandof considerable
see
below,
p.
171.
patesiate
priesthood;
least twenty-nine
to have reigned atVolume,"
appears
2 Entemena
p. 123. years ; see
Allotte
de la Fuje,
"HilprechtAnniversary
SILVER VASE DEDICATED TO THE GOD NINGIRSU BY ENTEMΕΝΑ,
PATESI OF SHIRPURLA.
In the Louvre ; Déc. en Chald., bl. 43 (bis).
THE FALL OF LAGASH
169
by Ur-Ninâ, so far as we know, came to an end. The
reign of Entemena's
is attestedfrom
by athesingle
tionengraved
upon asondoor-socket
greatinscripstorehouse
ofNingirsu
at
Lagash,
his
restoration
of
which
is
recorded
in
the
text.
There
then
occurs
a
gap
in
our
sequence
ofroyal
inscriptions
found ofat his
Tello,the
next
records
ruler
who
has
left
us
any
own,
being
Urukagina, the ill-fated reformer and king of Lagash,
under whom the city was destined to suffer what was
undoubtedly the greatest reverse she encountered in the
long
course ofher history. Although we have no royal
texts relating to the period between the reigns of Enannatum II.means
andforUrukagina,
we
are fortunately
not
approximately
length
without
estimating
its
and recovering the names of some, if not all, of the
patesis
the isthrone
Lagash
in theof
interval.whoOuroccupied
information
derivedoffrom
a number
clay
tablets,
the majority
ofTello
whichafter
wereM.found
in the
course
of
native
diggings
at
de
Sarzec's
death. ofThey
formedpart
of theandprivate
archive ofwith
the
patesis
Lagash
at this time,
are concerned
the household expenses of the court and particularly of
the harîm.of Frequently
these
tablets
of wife,
accountsmake
mention
the
reigning
patesi
or
his
from
them we have recovered the names of three and
patesisEnetarzi,
and Lugal-anda
-who
areUrukato be
set in the Enlitarzi,
interval between
Enannatum
II. and
Moreover,
pointed
gina.
it
has
been
out
that
the
inscriptions
upon consisting
most of thetablets
endwith
adiagonal
peculiar
form
of
figure,
of
one
or
more
strokes cutting
abeen
singlegiven
horizontal
one
; andtothe
aplausible
explanation
has
ofthese
figures,
effect
1 That offerings continued to bemade inconnection withUr-Nina's statue
de,"
ofthe period, cf.sum.Allotte
byandtablets
reign (asVI.evinced
Lugal-anda's
arch.
Genouillac,"Tabl.
,
p.
107,
d'Assyr.,"
"Rev.
lap.during
Fuye,
Ivii.) is no proofofthe continuance ofhis dynasty, though it is evidence of
that
suggests
held.andGenouillac
still
was
which itsmayfounder
the honourandinEnlitarzi
Enanof
possibly
sons
related,
been
have
Enetarzi
the suggestionispurelyconjectural.
natum
II.Thureau-Dangin,
(op. cit., p. xii.), "butRecueildetabletteschaldéennes,"
pp."ii.Tablettes
f., 9 ff.,
2
See
présargoniques,"
andGenouillac,
"Documents
Allotte
de
la
Fuje,
sumériennes archaïques."
Lugal-andanushuga
(see
appears
tohavebeen
name
3 Thefull formop.ofthe
Königscit.,
p.
17,
No.
33,
Rev.,
Col.
II.,
1.
2,
and
“
Thureau-Dangin,
inschriften," p. 224); but it was generally abbreviated to Lugal-anda.
170 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
that they were intended to indicate the date of the
tablet, the number of diagonal strokes showing at a
glance
the year
patesi's
in which
text
was written,
andoftothe
which
the reign
accounts
refer. the
A considerable number of such tablets have been examined,
andbycounting
the strokes
uponforthem
it hasfour
beenyears,
concluded
that
Enetarzi
reigned
at
least
Enlitarzi
foryears.¹
at least five years, and Lugal-anda for at
leastTheseven
may now
relative order of these three patesis
it
is
possiblebe
definitely
fixed,
and,
though
as
bethatregarded
should
which
are
missing
of
others
the
names
themselves furnish
set within the period, the tablets
the
in
any
case
that
indications
one. It
a long between
Enannatum II. and Urukagina was notinterval
and
that Enlitarzi
been suspected
had
for somelivedtimeat aboutthe
a steward
same period,for
Lugal-anda
by theof wife
of EnlitarziThisas
was employed
namedas Shakh
the
wife
Lugal-anda.
well
by
Barnamtarra,
discovery son;
of a
confirmed bywastheEnlitarzi's
inference has
now been
that
Lugal-anda
proving
document
for a clay cone hasbeen found,inscribed with a contract
concerning the sale of a house, the contracting parties
as "the son
describedof Barnamtarra,
of Lugal-anda,
the family
being
and
the
family
Enlitarzi,
thefuture
priest,"
ofLugal-anda's
weonlyhavethegrounds
wife. Moreover,
was
not
lastbutof
Lugal-anda
believing
that
for
recovered,
been
have
names
whose
patesis
the
three
Anfactindication
immediatepredecessor.
Urukagina's
was
that
this
was
the
case
may
be
seen
in
the
that thein
mentioned
is
frequently
who
Eniggal,
steward
also employedofbythisUrukagina
tablets
ofwifehisShagshag.
reign, was Confirmation
has
view
and
his
the
first
datedin
a
tablet,
inthe
text
upon
found
been ofUrukagina's
reign as king, in which mention is
year
d'Assyr.,"
Vol.which
VI., No.
4,probably
p. 107.
Allottehave
de labeen
Fuje,found"Revue
1 Seefigures
were
clay
sealings,
upon
Similar
for
Enlitarzi dereigned
possible thatseeAllotte
of such
tablets. Itatisleastnine;
to bundlesand
la
Fuÿе,
Lugal-andafor
atattached
least
sevenyears
p. 123.chald., " p. ii. f.
Anniversary Volume,"
" Hilprecht
Thureau-Dangin,
"Rec.detabl.
Cf.
3 Cf. Genouillac,
"Orient.
Lit.-Zeit.,"
XI.Lugal-andahe
, col. 215, n.hada
6. The
wife
of
Lugunutur,
Enlitarziwas
and
in
additionto
son
named
Urtar, who was living in Lugal-anda's reign (cf. "Tabl. sum. arch., " p. xii.) .
THE FALL OF LAGASH
171
made
ofan Barnamtarra,
Lugal-anda's
wife.¹ This
only
leaves
interval
before
the
reign
of
Enlitarzi,
in
which
Enetarzi,
the remaining
patesi, period
is to beisset.clear from the
That
this
was
not
along
fact that Enlitarzi himself occupied the throne soon
after Enannatum II., an inferencewe may draw from a
double
date upon
a sale-contract,
dated
inpriesthood
the patesiateof
ofEntemena,
patesi
of
Lagash,
and
in
the
Enlitarzi,
chiefidentity
priest ofof Ningirsu.
There
canherebe reno
doubt
of
the
Enlitarzi,
the
priest
ferred to, with Enlitarzi, the patesi, for the wife of the
2
priest, who
contract,Since,
bears therefore,
the same
name
as theis mentioned
wife of thein the
patesi.
Enlitarzi
already occupied
thereign
highofposition
of chief
priest
of
Ningirsu
during
the
Entemena,
itnotis
reasonable
to
conclude
that
his
reign
as
patesiwas
separated
by any longTheinterval
that offurnished
Entemena's
son and successor.
internalfromevidence
by
the
texts
thus
supports
conclusion allsuggested
examination ofthe
tabletsthethemselves,
of whichbyarean
distinguished
by
a
remarkable
uniformity
oftype,
consisting,
as
they
do,
of
baked
clay
tablets
of
a
rounded
form
and writtenroyalinscriptions.
in a style which closelyresembles that
oftheUrukagina's
The interval
between
death of Entemena and Urukagina's
accession
was
thus
a
short
one,
and
the
fact
that
during
it
no
less
than
four
patesis
followed
in quick
succession suggests thatthe periodonewasanother
one ofunrest
inLagash.
Enetarzi
been;
chiefLike
priestEnlitarzi,
of Ningirsu
beforealsoheappears
securedtothehavethrone
1 The "greatWith
patesi"
and Barnamtarra are
hereidentify
mentioned
in a listwho,of
functionaries.
the
formerGenouillac
would
Lugal-anda,
hetitlesuggests,
after
being
dethroned
by functions.
Urukagina, Inwassupport
allowedoftothisretain
thehe
of
patesi
with
its
purely
religious
view
cites another
in Urukagina's
second year,ofwhich
enumerates
presents
madetablet
by "thedatedpatesi"
toAmat-Bau,daughter
Urukagina;
it is
significant
that offerings
the beastswere
by Lugal-anda's
Other
tablets mention
made byfurnished
" the patesi"
to Shakh-Bausteward.
and Aenragin,
other children
of suggests
Urukagina(seeGenouillac,
"Tabl. sum.
arch.,"through
p. xiv. the
f.).
Genouillac
also
that
Enlitarzi
mayhave
survived
patesiate
ofxiii.his) . son,Lugal-anda, until the beginning of Urukagina's reign
(op. 2cit.,
p.
See Thureau-Dangin,"Rec.
tabl. title
chald.of, " "No.priest
26, "pp.inii.,the9. contract
3 Moreover,
Enlitarzi is givende the
inscribed on the clay cone referred to on p. 170.
172 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
at least we know that a priest of that name held office
from
whichone,¹
this
at about
this
period. isThean inscription
fact
may
be
inferred
extremely
interesting
for it consists of the earliest example of a letter or
despatch
that
has yet beenat found
onduring
any Babylonian
Tello
the inrecent
site.
It
was
discovered
the
excavations of Commandant Cros, and, alike
character
ofits
writing
and
inits
general
appearance,
closely resembles the tablets of accounts from theit
patesis' private archive, to which reference has already
been
made.chiefThepriestdespatch
wasgoddess
writtenNinmar,
by a certain
Lu-enna,
of
the
and is
addressed
to
Enetarzi,
chief
priest
of
the
god
Ningirsu.
At
firstexpect
sight itsto find
contents
are scarcely
thoseby which
we
should
in
a
letter
addressed
one
chief
priest to another. For the writer informs his correspondent ofthatLagash,
a bandbutofthat
Elamites
had
pillaged
the
territory
he
had
fought
with
the
in
putting
them
to
flight.
enemy,
and
had
succeeded
He then refers tofive hundred and forty ofthem, whom
he
probably
captured
or amounts
slew. The
reverseandofwool,
the
various
of silver
tablet
enumerates
and
certain
royal
garments,
which
may
have
formed
part of ;theand booty
taken,
or recaptured,
fromto bethea
Elamites
the
text
ends
with
what
appears
reference to the division of this spoil between the
patesi
of that
Lagash
andofferings
another should
high official,
and with
directions
certain
bededucted
for
to
the
goddess
Ninmar,
in
whose
temple
presentation
theThat
writera was
chief
priest.
chief
priest
of Ninmar
should
lead
ana report
army
against
the
enemies
of
Lagash
and
should
send
ofhe hisrefers
success
to
the
chief
priest
of
Ningirsu,
inwhich
to the share of the spoil to be assigned to
thatastheit
as was
an indication
the
patesi,
may be regarded
of
Lagash
not
so
stable
central
government
members
once had been
underThethereference
more powerful
suggestsof
Ur-Nina's
dynasty.
to Enetarzi
tookthus
placeconclude
during
of the II.Elamites
that
the incursion
Enannatum
the
reign
of
We
may
that the last member of Ur-Nina's dynasty did not
1 Cf. Thureau-Dangin, " Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. VI., pp. 137 ff.
THE FALL OF LAGASH
173
possess
his father's
abilityoftothedirect
affairs inofthe
Lagash
and
allowed
the priests
greatthetemples
city
tobeenusurp
many
of
the
privileges
which
had
hitherto
heldclose
by theof patesi.
It dynasty
is probably
tobethistraced.
fact
that
the
Ur-Nina's
may
The subsequent
struggle
formore
the patesiate
appears
to
have
taken
place
among
the
important
members
of the priesthood.
Of was
thosesucceeded
who secured
the son,
throne,
Enlitarzi,
at
any
rate,
by
his
by
whom,
however,
he
may
have
been
deposed,
and
no
strong
administration
appears
to
have
been
established,
until
Urukagina,
abandoning
the
traditions
of both the
priesthood
and
the
patesiate,
based
his
government
on
the
support
he
secured
from
the
people
themselves.
Such appears to have been the course of events at this
time, although
the paucity
of our
historical
materialsa
renders
it
impossible
to
do
more
than
hazard
conjecture.
In addition to the tablets ofaccountsconcerning the
household
expenditure
of theprincipal
patesis,relicsof
and thethisletter
to
Enetarzi
from
Lu-enna,the
period
that
come down
us are numbers
somehave
of which
bear toimpressions
of theofclay
sealssealings,
of the
patesi
Lugal-anda,his
wife
Barnamtarra,
and
his
steward
Eniggal.
They afford
us nofornewthehistorical
but are extremely
valuable
study ofinformation,
the artistic
achievements
and
religious
beliefs
of
the
Sumerians."
From
the traces
uponfortheir
lowerreed-baskets
sides, it isorclear
that
they
were
employed
sealing
bundles
tied
in sacking
formed ofofpalm-leaves
securedof
with upcords.
In consequence
the rough and
character
the
lumps but,
of clay,
no single
one presents
a perfect
impression,
as
several
examples
of
each
have
been
found,
it
is
possible
in
some
cases
to
reconstruct
the
complete design and to estimate the size of the original
seal. In the accompanying blocks reproductions are
1scarcelyjustifies
The fact that Enlitarzi
may
haveoffice
survived
during
the
patesiate
ofheld
his
son
the
view
that
the
of
patesi
was
not
necessarily
for life.
Vol. VI.,ofpp.the105ff.;
" Doc.at
de la Similar
Fuÿe, "Rev.
d'Assyr.,"
2 SeeAllotte
Hermitage
in
the
Museum
sealings
pl.
v.ff.
présargon.,"
St. Petersburg have been published by M. Likhatcheff (cf. alsoGenouillac,
" Tabl. sum. arch.," p. ix.). ,
174 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
given
of the can
designs
cylinder-seals
of Lugalanda which
be upon
most the
completely
restored.
The
principal
grouprampant
of figureslionsinintheconflict
largerwithofathehumantwo
consists
oftwo
headed bull and amythicaland composite being, halfinrium..
00000
ணிய
..
FIG. 52.
2
FIG. 53.
Impressionofaseal
ofLugal-anda,patesiofLagash(Shirpurla),engravedwith
the
emblem
of
Lagash,
and with figures
animals, heroes, and mythological
creatures. Belowis areconstruction
oftheofcylinder-seal,indicating
its size.
[SeeAllottedela Fuje, Rev. d'Assyr., Vol. VI., No. 4, pl. i.]
bull
and half-man,
whose offormGilgamesh.
recalls theTodescription
ofof the
Ea-bani
in
the
legend
thebelow
left
inscription
is
the
emblem
of
Lagash,and
is a rowbulls,
of smaller
figuresandconsisting
human-on
headed
two heroes
a stag. ofThetwofigures
THE FALL OF LAGASH
175
the smaller
cylinderof Lagash
representis reduced
the sametotypes,
but
here
the
emblem
the
eagle
without
the lions,
which
was peculiarly
theresembles
emblem
ofEa-bani
Ningirsu.
The
mythological
being
who
is repeated heraldically on each side of the
text in conflict with a lion.
101
C
The occurrence of this figure and those of the
FIG. 54.
28
..------ན་
43
FIG. 55.
Impression
ofanimals,
a seal ofmythological
Lugal-anda,beings,
patesiand
of Lagash
(Shirpurla),Below
engraved
with
figures
of
a
beardedhero.
is a
reconstruction ofthecylinder-seal,indicatingitssize.
[SeeAllotte de la Fuje, Rev. d'Assyr., Vol. VI., No. 4, pl. ii.]
heroes uponon the
seals
is important,
asSumerians,
it points
toother
a
knowledge
the
part
of
the
earlier
of the principal legends that were incorporated in the
great
national for
epictheofstudy
Babylon.
The sealings
arethey
no
less
important
of
Sumerian
art,
and
prove that seal-cutting must have already been practised
by the Sumerians for a considerable length of time.
1
1 Allotte de la Fuÿe, "Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. VI., p. 110 ff.
176 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
While the designs are of a very decorative character,
it is interesting to note how the artist has attempted
to fill isupinstriking
every portion
of tohisthefield,
an archaic
trait
which
contrast
Semitic
seals
of
the
peculiarityonwhich
Sargonic
period.
Another
may here
bebelow
referred
to
is
the
employment,
the
larger
seal
the inscription, of a sort of arabesque pattern, an
ingenious
combination
straightwithlines
and curves,andthesymmetrical
course of which
may beoffollowed
out oncepassing
alongthatthethissamepattern
line amayhave
second time.
It
has
been
suggested
formed
engraver's monogram or signature, but it is more
the
likely
to havedecorative,
been a religious
symbol,added
or mayperhaps
be
merely
having
been
toseal.fill inThea
blank
space
remaining
in
the
field
of
the
discovery
of these
seal-impressions
enablesunrest
us tothrough
realize
that,
in
spite
of
the
period
of
political
which
Lagash was
now passing,
herownart lines.
did notInsuffer,
but
continued
to
develop
along
its
fact,
her sculptors and engravers were always ready to serve
theAlthough,
reigning patesi,
whoever
hethe
might
be.relation of the
as
we
have
seen,
exact
three patesis,
Enetarzi,Enlitarzi,
and Lugal-anda,
to the
dynasty
of
Ur-Ninâ
is
still
a
matter
for
conjecture,
there
is nobreak
doubttookthatplace,
withnotUrukagina,
at anyrate,
a
complete
only
in
the
succession,
but
principles
whichThat
had
guidedalsoforinsothe
longtraditions
the rulingandfamily
at Lagash.
Urukagina isdidclear
not from
obtainthethetotalthroneabsence
by right
of
succession
of
any
genealogies
in hissoinscriptions.
not even
name
his father,
that we may He
tracedoes
his succession
2
12 The
SeeAllotte
Fuje, op.socit.,
tablets dela
of accounts,
far p.as 118.
they have been examined, furnish no
information
onUrukagina's
antecedents;
but itmaybenoted
thattheygive
details
with
regard
to
his
children,
cf.
Genouillac,
"
Orient.
Lit.-Zeit.,”
ΧΙ.,of
col.
216,
n.
2,
and
"Tabl.
sum.
arch.
,
"
pp.
xv.,
xxiii.
f.
On
the
Obelisk
Manishtusu,
king
of Kish,Since
mention
is made period
of a certain
Urukagina, son of
Engilsa,
patesi
ofLagash.
atabletofthe
ofUrukaginaenumerates
offerings
madeby
Shagshag,
Urukagina's
wife,onbehalf
ofacertainEngilsa
and
herself,
Genouillac
accepts
the
identification
of
the
two Urukaginas,
applying
the
title
of
patesi
in
Manishtusu's
texts
to
Urukagina,
notEngilsa
(cf.
"Tabl.
sum.
arch.
,
"
p.
xiv.).
This
synchronism
between
the
rulersearlyof
Lagash
and
Kish,
if
established,
would
be
most
valuable
for
the
chronology
; but it is(seenotfurther,
certain,p.and209the
merely
a coincidence
f.). recurrence of the names may be
THE FALL OF LAGASH
177
to his own initiative. He himself ascribes to Ningirsu
his elevation to the throne, and the phrase that follows
suggests
that
thisdescribing
was notin accomplished
without
a
struggle.
When
detail
the
drastic
reforms
which he had carried out in the internal administration
of theplace
state,when
heprefaces
account
stating
they
took
Ningirsuhis had
givenbyhim
the that
kingdom
of Lagash
and
had established
his might.
Inextremely
view of
these
very
reforms,
we
may
regard
it
as
probable that he headed a reaction against certain
characterized
government
abuses
of the which
city, andhadthat,
in usurpingthetherecent
throne,
he owed
his
success
to
awide-spread
feeling
ofdiscontent
among
theFurther
great bodyevidence
ofthe people.
ofinathecomplete
break
inpatron
the
succession
may
be
seen
change
of
the
deity, whoseno protection
the reigning
house
enjoyed.
Urukagina
longer
invoked
the
god
on
whom
the
dynasty of Ur-Ninâ had relied for intercession with
Ningirsu,¹ andThe inveryhistitleplacewhichaddressed
himself
to
Ninshakh.
Urukagina
himself
adoptedwhich
is probably
significant
of his antagonismto
theof
family
for
so
long
had
directed
the
destinies
the state. While even the great conqueror Eannatum
had
proudly
clung
tohad
the followed
title of "patesi,"
andhis
successors
on
the
throne
his
example,
in
every
one of his rejects
own inscriptions
that
haveof been
recovered
Urukagina
it
in
favour
of
that
"
king."
It would
appear upon
that hehisdidaccession,
not inaugurate
change
immediately
and that this
for
at leastpredecessors.
a year he continued
the titleofemployed
byhis
For sometoof use
the tablets
accounts
from the private archive of the patesis, to which
reference
has
already
been
made,
appear
to
be
dated
in
the
first
year
of
Urukagina's
patesiate;
while
the
other
documents of this class, which refer to him, are dated
from
the iffirstthereto the
sixth
year
of sequence,
his reign we
as king.
So
that,
is
no
gap
in
the
may
conclude that he discarded the former title after having
The reading
oftheasname
of thisdeity (Dun...) isstilluncertain
; it
has1beenread
variously
Dun-sir,Shul-gur,
andDun-gur
;
see
above,p.
109.
See above, p. 169 f.
N
178 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
occupied the throne
for onemaywell
year. Hishave
dropping
ofthis
time-honoured
designation
accompanied
the abolition
of privileges
and
abuses
with
whichIndeed,
it had
become
associated
in
the
mind
ofthe
people.
the
of histitleinscriptions
tiontone
for the
of patesi,reflects
nor doesnohefeeling
appearofveneraanxious
to commemorate the names of those who had borne it.
Thus in one of his texts, when he has occasion to give a
brief
summary
ofan earlier
struggle
Lagashhistorical
and Umma,
he names
the ruler
of thebetween
latter
city,
but not
he seem
ascribes
the referred
former'stovictory
to Ningirsu,
and does
to have
Enannatum
I. and
Entemena, in whose reigns the events took place.¹
But it is in the reforms themselves, which Urukagina
introduced, that we find the most striking evidence of
he madeInfroma series
the cherished
severance
the
complete
of very
of
his
predecessors.
traditions
striking
texts,
of
which
we
now
possess
three
versions,
he has left us a record of the changes he introduced in
of the country. In the conthe internal
administration
dition
in which
at least two of these versions have come
downto us aliterary artificeis employed,
whichtheenhances
degree
in
a
remarkable
and
emphasizes
these,
character of his reforms. Before enumerating drastic
the
writer
provides
a
striking
contrast
by
describing
the
condition
withintrotwo
duction
bytheofthe
king. country
We arewhich
thus preceded
confrontedtheir
pictures, the main characters
features ofarewhich
correcompanion
completely
spond, whileIntheir
underlying
changed.
the two
sections of each text the
general
consisting
is
much
the
same,
thedifference
phraseology
inandtheinjustice
fact that,
while the first describes the oppression
which had existed in the state of Lagash
" since distant
days,thefromreforms
the beginning,"
the
second
by
which
Urukagina
section
enumerates
people's
lot.
claimed
that heof the
hadreferences
amelioratedtheythecontain
are still
Though some
obscure, the texts afford us a welcome glimpse of the
Plaque,
Col.assumed
IV., 11.byMeyer,
5ff. The"Geschichte,"
passage doesBd.notI.,refer
toII.,Urukagina's12 Oval
own
reign,
as
Hft.
p. 456.en
ConeA, Cones B and C, and the Oval Plaque ; see "Découvertes
Chaldée," pp. 1.-lii., and Thureau-Dangin, "Königsinschriften," pp. 44 ff.
THE FALL OF LAGASH
179
economic
conditions
that
prevailedfound
in Sumer.
In they
contrast
to
other
royal
inscriptions
at
Tello,
give usofinformation
concerningthedailylife
and
occupations
the
people;
and
at
the
same
time
they
revealan
beneath the official decorum of a Sumerian court
amountnotof oppression
and misery,theexistenceofwhich
would
be
suspected
from
theperiod.
pious foundationinscriptions
and
votive
texts
ofthe
The conquests achieved by Lagash during the epoch
ofthe
addedconsiderably
to the great
wealthpatesis
ofthehad
city,undoubtedly
and had given
her, at least for
athetime,
the
hegemonyin
Southern
Babylonia.
Butofthe
with
growth
of
her
power
as
a
state,
she
lost
many
qualities
by The
virtuesimplicity,
of which her
earliercharacterized
successes were
achieved.
which
the
patesi's household at a time when he was little more
than
among organization
his fellows,wasofgraduallyexchanged
for theachief
elaborate
a powerful court.
When theandarmy
returned
laden
with bootycities
fromkept
distant
regions,
the
tribute
of
conquered
the
granaries
of
Ningirsu
filled,
it
was
but
natural
that
the
rulersluxury,
of Lagash
should enrich
surroundtheirthemselves
with
greater
and
should
city
by
the
erection
of
palaces
for
themselves
and
sumptuous
temples
for the which
gods. occupy
The longthelists
of temples
and
other
buildings,
greater
part
of
the
inscriptions
left
us
by
Ur-Ninâ
and
his
descendants,
testify
tothattheir
activity in thisofthe
direction.
It willin anbe
obvious
the
beautification
capital,begun
era of conquest, could not be continued inless fortunate
times
without
puttingInsuchcircumstances
a considerable straintheupon
the
resources
ofthestate.
agricultural
sectionforofthe
population
wereforcedoftotheir
contribute
the
means
gratifying
the
ambition
rulers.
New taxes were levied, and, to ensure their collection,
a host ofnumbers
inspectorswould
and other
officialstendweretoappointed
whose
constantly
increase.
"Urukagina,
Within the“ there
limitswere
of theinspectors
territorydown
of Ningirsu,"
to the sea.says
"1
1 Cones
B and
C, Col.
VII.,
11. 12ff.on For
antablets
interesting
discussion
of
many
of
the
official
titles
occurring
the
of
the
period,
see
Genouillac, " Tabl. sum. arch.," pp. xxiii. ff.
180 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Theinpalace
of the patesi
thus began
to usurpbeen
the
place
the
national
life
which
had
formerly
held by the temple of the city-god, and, while the
people
found that
theweretithes
duewithto additional
the latter taxawere
not
diminished,
they
faced
tion on all sides. Tax-gatherers and inspectors were
appointed in every
district andoffortheevery
of the
population.
The cultivators
soil, class
the owners
of flocks and herds, the fishermen, and the boatmen
plying
on the rivers and canals, were never tofreelevying
from
the rapacityoftheseofficials,who,inaddition
their dues, appear
to have
billeted
themselves
on their
unfortunate
victims.
That
corruption
should
have
existed in the ranks of his officials was but natural,
when
the; forpatesi
himselfrecords
set themthatanhisexample
in the
matter
Urukagina
predecessors
on the throne
hadown
appropriated
theoxenproperty
ofgods,
the
temples
for
their
use.
The
of
the
he
tellsgivenus, towerethe employed
forgood
the fields
irrigation
ofgods
the
lands
patesi;
the
of
the
formed the
patesi's holding
andathisthe
placeexpense
of joy. of The
priests
themselves
grew
rich
the
temples,
and
plundered
the
people
with
impunity.
The asses
andoff,finethey
oxenexacted
which were
temple-property
they
carried
additional
tithesentered
and
offerings,
and
throughout
the
country
they
the gardens
the poorButandwhilecutsodown
treeskeptor
carried
off theof fruits.
doingthethey
onrecords
goodthat
termsthewithpriests
the palace
officials
; for Urukagina
divided
the
temple-corn
within
the
people
of
the
patesi,
and
brought
them
tribute
garments,
birds, kids,cloth,
and thethread,
like. vessels and objects of copper,
The misappropriation
of temple-property,
and particularly
that
of
the
city-god,
afforded
Urukagina
the
pretext
for
inaugurating
his
reforms.
He
stood
forth
aslandsNingirsu's
champion,
and bybytherestoring
the proved
sacred
which
had
been
seized
palace,he
his own disinterestedness,
and afforded
his subjects
an
example
which
he
could
insist
upon
their
following.
He states that in the house of the patesi and in the
1 Cones B and C, Col. IV., 11. 9 ff.
THE FALL OF LAGASH
181
field ofin the
installed
that
the patesi
house he
of the
harîmNingirsu,
and in thetheir
fieldmaster
of the;
harîm
Bau,andtheir
that inhetheinstalled
house ofthethegoddess
children
in themistress
field of; and
children he installed Dunshagga, their master.¹ the
In
these
threeofphrases
Urukagina
not only
records the
restoration
all
the
property,
which
had
formerly
belonged
to
the
temples
dedicated
to
Ningirsu
and
his
family,
but
also
reaffirms
the
old
relation
of
the
patesi
to thepatesi
city-god.
Inthe character
of hisas arepresentative
the
only
received
his
throne
administered in the interest of the god ; histrust
fields,toandbe
goods,
that he possessed were not his own
propertyandbutallNingirsu's.²
Afterto carrying
these which
reforms,existed
Urukagina
ceeded
attack theoutabuses
among prothe
secular
and theandpriests,
Hethecutunnecessary
down the
numbersofficials
of the former,
abolished
posts andTheoffices
which pressedthetoofishery-inspectors,
hardly on the
people.
granary-inspectors,
the
boat-inspectors,
the inspectors
of who
flocksfarmed
and herds,
and,
in
fact,
the
army
of
officials
the
revenue
and
made
a
good
profit
out
of
it
themselves,
were
allhad
deprived
of office.
Abuses which
hadtosprung
up
and
obtained
the
recognition
accorded
longestablished
custom,
were
put
down
with
astrong
hand.
All
those tribute
who had
taken
money
intheir
placeposts,
of theas
appointed
were
removed
from
were
those
officials
of theThepalace
whothemselves
had accepted
bribes
from
the
priests.
priests
were
deprived
of
many
of
their
privileges,
and
their
scale
ofsingled
fees out
was forrevised.
Burial
fees
in
particular
were
revision,
for
they
had
become
extortionate
;case
theyofwere
now cutburial,
down when
by morea corpse
than half.
In
the
an
ordinary
laid in the grave, it had been the custom for was
the
presiding
priest
to demand
asfoura feehundred
for himself
seven
urns
of
wine
or
strong
drink,
and
twenty
loaves
bread, onea hundred
and twenty
corn, aofgarment,
kid, a bed,
and a measures
seat. Thisof
formidable list of perquisites was now reduced to three
1 Cones B and C, Col. IX., 11. 7 ff.
2 Cf. Cone A, Col. V. (end).
182 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
urns ofthewine,
loaves ofwasbread,
bed, from
and asixty
kid,
while
fee ofeighty
his assistant
cut adown
to thirty measures of corn. Similar reductions were
made
in other
fees loaves,
demanded
the which
priesthood,
and
allowances
of wine,
andbygrain,
were paid
to various
classes and officials in Lagash,
were
revisedprivileged
and regulated.
Asconfined
was but tonatural,
oppression
and
robbery
had but
not
been
the
priestly
and
official
classes,
werelawless
practisedsections
with ofimpunity
by the with
more thepowerful
and
the
population,
resultif
that
no
man's
property
was
safe.
In
the
old
days
aranmanthepurchased
a sheepit and
a good one, heIf
risk of having
stolenit was
or confiscated.
he built
himself a Iffish-pond,
hisafish
were
taken
and he
had
no
redress.
he
sunk
well
in
high
ground
beyond
the areathatserved
by thewould
irrigation-canals,
he
had
no security
his labour
be for his own
benefit. This state of things Urukagina changed, both
by
putting
andrastic
end topenalties
the extortions
of Atofficials
and
by
imposing
for
theft.
the
same
soughtfrom
to protect
by lawbythe
oftime,hishesubjects
oppression
theirhumbler
wealthierclasses
and
more
powerful
neighbours.
Thusofheanyenacted
that
if
agood
ass
was
foaled
in
the
stable
subject
of
the
king,
andsohisbysuperior
should
wish to; and
buyifit,he
should
only
do
paying
a
fair
price
the
owner
refused
to
part
with
it,
his
superior
must
not
molest
him.
Similarly,
if
the
house
of
a
great
man
lay
beside
thatto
ofbuya it,humbler
subject
of
the
king
and
he
wished
he mustto sell
pay it,a fair
price;have
and perfect
if the liberty
owner
was
unwilling
he
should
to refuse without any risk to himself. The same desire
to other
lessenreforms
the hardships
of the poorer classes
is apparent
inmore
of
Urukagina,bywhich
hemodifiedthe
barbarous customs of earlier days. One instance
of suchkindred
a reform
appears when
to apply
to thein corvée,
orof
some
institution;
engaged
a
form
forced labour, it had not been the custom to supply
the
for drinking,a nor
even to allow
themworkers
to fetchwithit water
for themselves
practice to which
Urukagina put a stop.
THE FALL OF LAGASH
183
The extent to which the common people had been
mulcted
oftheir by
property
bythe
officials ofthe
palace
is
well
illustrated
two
of
Urukagina's
reforms,
from
which
it wouldorappear
himself
and his
themselves
chief minister,
grandthat
vizir,thehadpatesi
enriched
by
enforcing
heavy and
unjust fees.
One instance
concerns
the
practice
of
divination
by
oil,
which
at thisof
time seems to have been a not uncommon method
foretelling
the future.
If wethemayprocedure
judge from
inscrip-in
tions of a rather
later period,
consisted
pouring
out oil
uponoiltheonsurface
ofthe
water,
theindicating
different
forms
taken
by
the
striking
water
the course which events would take. To interpret
correctly
the and
message
of the relates
oil a professional
diviner
was
required,
Urukagina
that
not
onlydid
the diviner demand a fee of one shekel for his services,
but a similar fee had to be paid to the grand vizir, and
no less than five shekels to the patesi himself. That
these
feesofshould
have tobeen
keenly
resented
is in itself
awas
proof
the
extent
which
this
form
of
divination
practised.
Urukagina
tellstheus diviner
that aftertookhismoney
accession
the
patesi,
the
vizir,
and
no more ; and, since the latter's fee was also abolished,
we
may
probably
infer
that diviners
werenota allowed
recognizedto
class
of
the
official
priesthood,
and
were
accept
payment
except
in the
form of offerings for the
temple
to
which
they
were
attached.
The other matter in which it had been the custom
of the patesi and his vizir to accept fees was one in
which
the evil
the practice
more ifobvious.
Urukagina
tellseffects
us thatof under
the oldarerégime,
a man
put
awayhis
wife,
the
patesi
tookfor
himself
five
shekels
of silver
andfirsttheintroduction,
grand vizir one.
It iswere
possible
that,
upon
their
these
fees
defended
as beingcontrary
a deterrent
But inbepractice
Divorce could
obtainedthey
hadthe
effect.to divorce.
on
nopractically
groundsa bribe
whatever
by
the
payment
of
what
was
officials,tie with
that
the obligations of theto the
marriage
were the
notresult
respected.
1 cf.SeeHunger,
" Cun. Texts
in the Brit. Mus.,"
Pt. III.
, pl. 2 ff., Pt.inV.,"Leipzig.
pl. 4 ff.,
Babyloniern,"
bei
den
and
"Becherwahrsagung
Semit. Stud.," I., 1.
184 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
The wives of aforetime, according to Urukagina, were
possessed
bytwofees
menwith
impunity.
abolishing the official
for divorce,
it isWhile
probable
that
Urukagina
drew
upthatregulations
to ensure
thatmerited,
it was
not
abused,
and
compensation,
when
shouldevidence
be paid that
to thehewoman.
On
thepunishment
other hand, we
have
inflicted
severe
for
infidelity
on
the
part
of
the
wife,
and
we
may
assume
that bywere
this meanshe
attemptedtotobestamp
out practices
which
already
beginning
a
danger
to the
existence of the community.
It is interesting to note that the laws referred toby
Urukagina,
inaregiving
an similar
accountinofformthetochanges
he
introduced,
precisely
those
we
findupon the Code of Hammurabi.¹ This fact furnishes
definite
proof,
not only
thatbutHammurabi
codified
the
legislation
of
earlier
times,
also
that
this
legislation
itself was ofhimself,
Sumerian
origin. Ithisisreforms,
probablerevived
that
Urukagina
in
introducing
the laws
of a still As
earlier
age,whichascribed
had beentheallowed
fall
into disuse.
Hammurabi
origin toof
his
laws
to the them
Sun-god,
whomsoheUrukagina
representsregards
upon his
stele
as
reciting
to
him,
his
reforms
as
due
to
the
direct
intervention
of
Ningirsu,
his
king,andwhose
word
it washishepeople
causedbuttowith
dwellNingirsu
in the
land;
itwas
notwith
that
he
drew
up
the
agreement
to
observe
them.
Like
Hammurabi,
too,weak
Urukagina
boasts
that; andheheis tells
the
champion
of
the
against
the
strong
`ushisthat
in placeheofestablished
the servitude,
which Hehadspoke,
existedandin
kingdom,
liberty.
delivered the children of Lagash from want, from theft,
4
112 The
On this
point cf.argument
also Cuq,for"Nouvelle
p. 485.
principal
its Semitic revuehistorique,
originwas based”on1908,
amisrenderaP
ing
Meyer," Sum. und Sem.," p.24, n. 3, and cf. "Geschichte,"
1. 2,3ofgalûbu
p.ConesB
512). (see
and C, Col. VIII., 11. 10 ff. 4 B and C, Col. XII., 11. 26 ff.
5
Cf.
Cone
A, Col.slaverywas
VII., and Cones
BandbutC, Col.
XII., 1. wereputdown
21 f. Thephrasein
does
not
implythat
abolished,
thatabuses
state. asTheemploymentofslavesnaturallycontinued
toofthethis
beadministrationofthe
a epoch
recognized
institution
laterperiods.
fact, tablets
prove that not onlyin earlier
privateandpersons,
but also Intemples
could
possess
slaves,
and,
likemaledomestic
animals,theycould
be dedicatedintoa list
a godof
for
life.
Thus
eight
and
three
female
slaves
arementioned
offerings (cf.
madeGenouillac,
by Amattar-sirsirra,
a daughter
Mesandu
" Orient. Lit.-Zeit.
," 1909,ofcol.Urukagina,
110 f.). to the god
THE FALL OF LAGASH
185
fromwidow
murderandandtheotherorphan
ills. the
In hisstrong
reign,man
he says,
to
the
did
no
harm.¹
Urukagina's
championship
ofbutNingirsu's
rights
is
reflected,
not
only
inhis
reforms,
also
inthe
buildings he that,
erectedin addition
during histo his
reign.greattemple
Thus weE-ninnû,
find it
recorded
he builtofor Tirash,
restored and
two his
othergreat
templesinhis
honour,his
palace
storehouse.
temples were erected in honour of Bau, his wife,Other
and
ofDunshagga
and
Galalim,
two
of
Ningirsu's
sons,
the
latter of whom is first mentioned inUrukagina's texts.
ofNingirsu,
heToKhegir,oneofthesevenvirgindaughters
dedicated
a
shrine,
and
he
built
another
in
honour; ofa
three
of
her
sisters,
Zarzari,
Impae,
and
Urnuntaea
wasthus
dedicated
to Ninsar,
Ningirsu's
sword-bearer.
Itthird
may
be
inferred
that
Urukagina's
building
operations
were
mainly
devoted
to
temples
and
shrinesto
ofmembers
the city-god
Ningirsu,
and
to
those
dedicated
of his family and household. Like Eannatum
andEntemena,
he alsoimproved
the water-supplyof
the
city,
andcut
acanal,
or
more
probably
improvedan
old
one,
for
bringing
water
to
the
quarter
ofthe
city
named
Nina. In connection with it he constructed a reservoir,
with ahecapacity
eighteen
hundred
and twenty
which
made,heoftells
us, "like
the midst
of the sea.gur,
small name,"Ningirsu
canalof Girsu healso
repaired,Nippur."3
and herevived
itsTheformer
isprincein
This
furnishes honours
another instance
ofhis ofpolicy
ofherestoring
to
Ningirsu
privileges
which
and
had
been
deprived.
reference tomaintained
Nippur is ofactive
TheUrukagina
interest,
for it
suggests
that
relations
with the central cult of Sumer and the north, an
inference
rebuilding
byhadhisbeen
of Enlil'sbuilttemple
Lagash,confirmed
which
inEntemena
previously
by
.
Lagash and
its comother than
Allusions
inscriptions
are few,
and
Urukagina's
parts toin cities
ponent
"2
1 Cones B and C, Col. XII., 11. 23 ff.
3 Cones B and C, Col. XII., 11. 29 ff.
11. 112 Cf.
ff. Brick, Col. IV.,ConeA, Col. III.,1. 10, and ConesBandC, Col. II. ,
186 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
those
that do occur fail to throw much light upon the
relations he maintained with other city-states. Asmall
object of clay in the form of an olive¹ has been found,
which
bears the
"Ningirsu speaks
good words
withvotive
Bau inscription
concerning: Urukagina
in the
templeof
Erech,"-a
phrasetothat
seems toover
implyaclaim
on
the
part
of
Lagash
suzerainty
that city.
Another votive object of the same class mentions
the
fortification of the wall of E-babbar, but the reference
hereatis probably
famoustemple
templeofofthisthename,
Sungod
Larsa, butnottotohisthesmaller
which
stoodofinUmma.
Lagash andThewasafterwards
by
the men
only other desecrated
foreign city
mentioned in Urukagina's inscriptions is Umma itself,
whose
relations toareLagash
and Entemena
brieflyinthereignsofEnannatum
recorded. The text of theI.
passage
we may surmise
thatantheaccount
short
summaryisofbroken,
events but
wasintended
to introduce
of Urukagina's
own
relations
with thatproves,
city. We
may
note
the
fact,
which
this
reference
that
the
subsequent descent of the men of Umma upon Lagash
and theirandcapture
andofsackactive
ofthehostility,
city wereduring
the result
of
friction,
possibly
at
least
a portion
Urukagina'sownreign.
From ofUrukagina's
texts we thus do not gather
much
information
with
regard
the
empire of Lagash under his rule.to theThatextent
he didof not
neglecthistherepair
actualof defences
ofofhisGirsu;
citymay
beclear,inferred
from
the
wall
it
is
ever, that his interest was not in foreign conquest,hownor
even
inmaintaining
the
existing
limits
ofhis
dominion,
but in internal reform. He devoted all his energies to
purifying
the the
administration
of which
his ownforland,
andtheto
stamping
out
abuses
under
so
long
people had suffered. That he benefited the land as a
whole,
andbeearned
the gratitude
there can
no doubt;
but it isoftohishispoorer
reformssubjects,
themselves that we may trace the immediate cause of the
downfall of his kingdom. For his zeal had led him to
12 OliveA;
"Découvertes,"p." p.1.,44andf. "Königsinschriften," p. 44f.
Olive C ; cf.“ Königsinschriften,
* Oval Plaque, Col. IV., the end ofwhich is wanting ; cf. p. 178, n. 1.
THE FALL OF LAGASH
187
destroy
the he
long-established
methods
ofcorruption,
government,he
and,
though
thereby
put
an
end
to
failed toThehost
provide ofofficials
an adequate
substituteortodispossessed
take their
place.
he
abolished
of officehadhadmadebelonged
to ofa Lagash
militaryfeared,
administration,
which
the
name
and
they
had
doubtless
been
organized
with
a
view
to
ensuring
the
stabilitymattered
and protection
oftimes
the state.
Their
disappearance
little
in
of
peace;
though,
even
so,
Urukagina
must
have
had
trouble
with
the
variousestranged.
powerfulWhen
sectionswarof threatened
the population
whomhave
he
had
he must
himself
without
ancause
army and
without
the means
offound
raising
one.
To
this
we
may
probably
trace
theFrom
completeness
of
Umma's
victory.
what
we
know
of
the
early
history
of
Sumer,
ittowould
appear
that most
of its city-states
were and
subject
alternate
periods
of
expansion
and
decay;
we
have already seen reason to believe that, before the
reign ofmust
Urukagina,
the reaction
hadthealready
set in,of
which
inevitablyhave
followed
conquests
the
earlierto patesis.
The struggle
for theaccession,
throne, which
appears
have
preceded
Urukagina's
mustof
have
weakened
still
further
the
military
organization
the
stateof; and
whenattempted
Urukaginato himself,
actuated
by
the
best
motives,
reform
and
remodel
its entire constitution, he rendered it still more defenceless before thenotattack
any advantage
resolute foe.ofsoThe
city of
Ummawas
slow tooftake
favourable
anto inopportunity
forwithstriking
at her
ancientrival.
Hithertheir
wars
Lagash
the
men
of
Umma,
so farto
as we know, had never ventured, or been allowed,
attackdefeated,
the city.or atIn any
earlier
days
Umma
had always
been
rate
her
encroachments
had
been checked. It is true that in the records that have
come down to us the men of Umma are represented
astilities
always
taking the
the frontier-ditch
initiative, andwhich
provoking
by crossing
markedhosthe
limit of their possessions. But they never aimed at
more than the seizure of territory, and the patesi of
Lagash was
enoughthem,
to check
advance,
and always
generallystrong
to expel
before their
they
188 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
reached
thethis,
cityand,
itselfby. hisIndeed,
Entemena
had doneof
more
than
capture
and
annexation
Umma,
hadlittlecrippled
forAtawhat
time period
the resources
of this
ambitious
state.
exactly
Umma
repudiated
the suzeraintyhe
hadimposed
iseffects
notknown;
but
in
any
case
we
may
conclude
that
the
of the
chastisement she had received at his hands were sufficient
to prevent for a time any active encroachments
onherpart.
Therenewed
activitythelines
of Ummaof her
during
Urukagina's
reign
doubtless
followed
earlier
and tookthe form ofa raid into the territory ofattempts,
Lagash.
The
comparative
success,
which
we
may
conjecture
achieved on this occasion, doubtless encouraged hersheto
further efforts, and emboldened her patesi to attack the
city of Lagash
Theruler
of Umma,underwhose
leadership
this itself.
final attack
was delivered,
bore the name
of Lugal-zaggisi.
Fromwill
an inscription
ofthehisfollowing
own, to
which
further
reference
be
made
in
chapter, we learn that his father Ukush had been patesi
of Ummaforbefore
him.
We mayathus
assume
that the
cityhad
some
time
enjoyed
position
of
independence,
of whichandsheplace
had taken
advantage
tosatisfactory
husband
her
resources
her
army
on
a
footing.
In anycase
it was strong
enough
to overcome
any
opposition
that
Urukagina
could
offer,and
the city
of Lagash, which had been beautified and enriched by
the care ofspoiled.
a long line of successful rulers, was laid
wasteTheanddocument
from which we learn details of the
of Lagash
is a strange
one. of Ithousehold
closely resembles
insack
shape
and
writing
the
tablets
accounts
from
the
archive
of
the
patesis,
which
date
from
the;2
reigns
of
Urukagina
and
his
immediate
predecessors
but
text inscribed
upon
it consists
ofanindictment
ofsentences,
thethe men
of
Umma,
drawn
up
in
a series
of short
which
recapitulate
the
deeds
of
sacrilege
committed
is not a royal noritsanposition
official
inscription, by
and,them.
so far asItonecanjudgefrom
1
1 See ThureauDff.angin, " Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. VI., pp. 26 ff., “ Königsinschriften,"
pp.
56
2 See above, p. 169 f.
THE FALL OF LAGASH
189
whendiscovered by Commandant Cros, it does not seem
to have
beenunearthed,
storedinanyregular
archive
ordepository.
For
it
was
at
a
depth
of
about
two mound
metres
below
the
surface
ofthe
soil,
to
the
north
ofthe
which covered the most ancient constructions at Tello,¹
and no other tablets were found near it. Both from its
form and contents the document would appear to have
been
the been
workinofUrukagina's
some priest,service;
or scribe,
who
had
formerly
and
we
may
picture
him,byafter
the sack ofthethesacred
city,buildings
giving vent
to
his
feelings
enumerating
which
had
been profaned
by thesinmen
of Umma,
andthelaying
the
weight
of
the
great
committed
upon
head
of thethegoddess
whomwastheywritten
and shortly
their patesi
served.
That
composition
after
the
fall
ofhistorical
Lagash setting
may be orheldintroduction;
to explain thetheabsence
of
any
city'sso recently
destruction
and
the
profanation
of
her
shrines
have
taken
place thatHeplunges
the writer has
no need histo explain
the
circumstances.
at
onceinto
accusations
against
theandmentheofabsence
Umma,ofandliterary
the very
abruptness
of
his
style
ornament
render
their
delivery
moreuse
striking.
phrases
and the
recurrent
of the The
samerepetition
formulæ ofserve
only
to heighten
thethecumulative
effectcity.
of the charges he
brings
against
destroyers
ofhis
"The men of Umma," he exclaims, " have set fire
totheythehave
Eki[kala]
; they
havethesetsilver
fire toandthetheAntasurra;
carried
away
precious
stones
!
They
have
shed
blood
in
the
palace
of
Tirash
;
they
have
shed
blood
in
the
Abzu-banda
;
they
have
shed blood in the shrine of Enlil and in the shrine of
the Sun-god
; theyaway
have the
shedsilver
bloodand
in the
they
have carried
the Akhush;
precious
stones
!
They
have
shed
blood
in
E-babbar
; they
have
carried
away
the
silver
and
the
precious
stones!
They haveofshedtheblood
in the
Gikana
ofhave
the goddess
Ninmakh
Sacred
Grove;
they
away the silver and the precious stones ! Theycarried
have
shed
blood
in
the
Baga;
they
have
carried
away
silver and the preciousstones ! They have set firetheto
1 Tell K ; see above, pp. 19 f., 90 ff.
१.
190 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
the Dugrustones
; theyhave
carried
awayblood
the silver
and the;
precious
!
They
have
shed
in
Abzu-ega
they have
setaway
fire tothethesilver
temple
oftheGatumdug
; they
have
carried
and
precious
stones,
and
have ofdestroyed
the statue
! ofThey
have
set Ninni
fire to;
the
...
the
temple
E-anna
the
goddess
they
have
carried
away the the
silverstatue
and ! theTheyprecious
stones,
and
have
destroyed
have
shed
blood
in
the
Shagpada;
they
have
carried
away
the silver and the precious stones ! In the Khenda ...;
they
have
shed
bloodawayin Kiab,
the temple
of precious
Nindar ;
they
have
carried
the
silver
and
the
stones
! They have
set
firecarried
to Kinunir,
the silver
templeandof
Dumuzi-abzu;
they
have
away
the
the
precious stones
! They
haveaway
set fire
tosilvertheand
temple
ofprecious
Lugal-uru
;
theyhave
carried
the
the
stones
!
They
have
shed
blood
in
the
temple
E-engur,
ofandthethegoddess
Nina;stones
theyhave
carried
away
the
silver
precious
!
They
have
shed
blood
in
the
Sag
the
temple
of
Amageshtin;
the
silver
and
precious
stones
of
Amageshtin
have
they
carried away!fromThey
have ofremoved
theallgrain
from
Ginarbaniru,
the
field
Ningirsu,
of
it
that
was
under
cultivation
!
The
men
of
Umma,
by
the
despoiling
of
Lagash,
have
committed
asin
against
the
god
Ningirsu
! The
poweraway!
that isOfcome
untothethem,
from
them
shall
be
taken
sin
on
of Urukagina, king of Girsu, there is none. Butpartas
for Lugal-zaggisi,
of Umma,
Nidababear
this sinpatesi
uponher
head !" may his goddess
It will
in addition
the temples
in the
list,bethenoticed
writer that,
mentions
several tobuildings
of a
more
secular
character,
but
the
majority
of
these
were
attached to the great temples and were used in connection with the produce from the sacred lands. Thus
the Antasurra,
the palace
thetoAkhush,
the
Baga,
and the Dugru
were ofallTirash,
dedicated
the service
of Ningirsu,
theandAbzu-banda
and the
Shagpada toThe
the
goddess
Ninâ,
the
Abzu-ega
to
Gatumdug.
text doesor ofnotprivate
recorddwellings,
the destruction
palace,
but thereofcanthebeking's
little
‫وه‬
1 Cf. Genouillac, "Tabl. sum. arch.," pp. xv., n. 12, xli.
THE FALL OF LAGASH
191
doubt that the whole city was sacked, and the greater
part
of it destroyed
bywithfire.theThe
writercommitted
of the tabletin
isthemainly
concerned
sacrilege
temples
of the Ningirsu.
gods, and with
thefind
magnitude
of
the
offence
against
He
can
no
reason
for
the
wrongs
the
city has suffered
in for
anytransgression
on
the
part
of
Urukagina,
its
king;
Ningirsu has
had
no
cause
to
be
angry
with
his
representative.
All
heonecan
do
is
to
protest
his
belief
that
the
city-god
will
day beNidaba.
avengedMeanwhile
upon the men
of Umma
and their
goddess
Lagash
lay desolate,
and
Umma
inherited
the
position
she
had
held
among
the
cities
of
Southern
Babylonia.
We
know
that
incourse
oftemples,
time thewhich
city had
rose againfrom
her ruins,
anddesecrated,
that the
been
laid
waste
and
were rebuilt in even greater splendour. But, as a state,
Lagashherappears
never to have At
recovered
fromshetheblow
dealt
by
Lugal-zaggisi.
any
rate,
never
again
enjoyed
the
authority
which
she
wielded
under
the rule ofher great patesis.
CHAPTER VII
EARLY RULERS OF SUMER AND KINGS OF KISH
HEbeensackdescribed
and destruction
of Lagash,
whichcloses
has
in
the
preceding
chapter,
onlyofin the
the fortunes
that city,
but alsoan inepoch,
the not
history
lands of ofSumer
and
T
following
struggles
Akkad.
the early
city-states,When
we have
hithertothebeen
able toofarrange
our
material
in
strict
chronological
order
by
the
help
of
a
nearly
unbroken
succession
of
rulers,
whose
inscriptions
have
been
recovered
duringustoreconstruct
the French excavations
at
Tello.
These
have
enabled
the
history
of Lagash
herself
insome
detail,
andit from
the references
they
furnish
to
other
great
cities
has
been
to estimate the influence she exerted from time possible
to time
among
herneighbours.
It
is
true
that
the
records,from
which
information
werechronicle,
drawn upand
by the
rulers our
of Lagash
whoseis derived,
deeds they
are
naturallyfar
frombeing
impartial
authorities.
Afactsvictory
sometimes
have
been
claimed,
when
may
the
may
not
have
fullyjustified
it
;
and
to
this
extent
we
have
history
been
forced
to view the
ofSumer
andtheofAkkad
from
the
standpoint
of
a
single
city.
Had
sitesit ofis
other
cities
yielded
as
rich
a
harvest
as
Tello,
probable that other states would be found to have
played
noregarded
less important
parts.
But
intime
any atcaseleastit
may
be
as
certain
that
for
a
Lagash
enjoyed
the hegemony
which
ittowas
the
ambition
ofevery
state
ofSumer
and
Akkad
possess.
This leading position had been definitely secured to
her
conquests
of Eannatum,
and,diminished,
although
underbyhisthesuccessors
her influence
mayhave
192
1
i
RULERS OF SUMER AND KISH 193
it must have still remained considerable until the
victory of Umma put an end to it.
Lugal-zaggisi,
the conquerorof
Lagash,is
mentioned
byname
in
the
document
from
which
our
knowledge
of the catastrophe is derived. The unknown writer of
that
composition,
as ofUmma,"
we have already
seen,weassigns
to
him
the
title
"patesi
and,
had
no
other
information
concerning
him,against
we might
perhapsrivalhaveof
concluded
that
his
success
the
ancient
his
own
citywas merely
an isolated
achievement.
In
the
long-continued
struggle
between
these
neighbouring statesof Ummahad
finally proved
victorious,and
theof
results
this
victory
might
have
been
regarded
as
littlemorethanlocalimportance.
But,namewas
even before
the
discovery
of
the
record,Lugal-zaggisi's
known
as that ofUrukagina
of agreat conqueror, and it will be seen that his
defeat
wasofwhich
only onehe step
in a thecareer
of
conquest,
in
the
course
subdued
whole
ofSumer and consolidatedadominion as great as, ifnot
greater
than,Theanyinscription
hitherto acquired
by we
the obtain
ruler ofoura
city-state.
from
which
knowledge
ofLugal-zaggisi's
careeris
engraved
upon
a
number
of
fragments
of
vases,
made
of
white
calcite
stalagmite, which were discovered at Nippur during the
excavations
carried
out
bybroken
the University
ofpieces,but,
Pennsylvania.
All
the
vases
were
into
small
as each
hadpossible,
been engraved
withthethefragments
same inscription,
it
was
found
by
piecing
together,
to reconstruct a more or less completecopy of the text.2
From
this
we learnandthathad
Lugal-zaggisi
haddedicated
the
vases
to
Enlil,
deposited
them
as
votive
offerings in the great temple of E-kur.
Fortunately,
Lugal-zaggisi
prefaces
his titles
recordandof
their
dedication
with
a
long
list
of
his
own
achievements,
whichthismakeportion
up theof greater
of the
inscription. From
the textpart
we gather
1 It has
indeed
beenonsuggested
that,
as Urukagina
is have
termedsurvived
"Kingtheof
Girsu"
in
the
lament
the
fall
of
Lagash,
he
may
catastrophe
andp. xvi.)
continued
toit rule
as kingprobable
in Girsuthat
(cf. Lugal-zaggisi,
Genouillac, "Tabl.
sum.
arch.,
"
;
but
is
scarcely
after
sacking
and
burning
the
greater
part
of
the
city,
would
have
permitted
him
to do so.
2 See "Hilprecht,
" Old Bab.pp.Inscr.,"
152 ff.Pt. II., No. 87, pll. 38 ff.; ThureauDangin,
Königsinschriften,"
194 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
considerable information with regard to the cities under
his
of the was
empire
whichThehe
laidcontrol,
claim atand
thethe
timelimits
the record
drawnto up.
text opens with an enumeration of the royal titles, in
whichofLugal-zaggisi
is described
asprophet
"KingofofNidaba;
Erech,
king
the
land,
priest
ofAna,
the
son; ofhe Ukush,
patesifavourably
of Umma,
the prophet
of
regarded
Nidaba
who
was
by
Ana,
the king with
of theunderstanding
lands ; the bygreatEnki;
patesiwhose
of Enlil;
endowed
name
was
spokenby
Babbar
(the
Sun-god);
the
chief
minister
ofEnzu (the Moon-god) ; the representativeof Babbar ;
the patron of Ninni ; the son of Nidaba, who was
nourished
with
holy
milk
by Ninkharsag
; the
the pupil
servantof
ofthe
god
Mes,
who
is
the
priest
ofErech
;
Ninabukhadu, the mistress of Erech ; the great minister
of the gods."
1 theLugal-zaggisi
then
goes on “toWhen
statethein
general
terms
limits
of
his
dominion.
god Enlil, the king of the lands," he says, " had
bestowedupon
Lugal-zaggisiinthe
the kingdom
of land,
the land,
and
had
grantedhimsuccess
eyes
ofthe
and
when his might had cast the lands down, and he had
conquered
themsame,fromat the
rising
of the
sunstraight
unto the
setting
of
the
that
time
he
made
his
path from the Lower Sea (over) the Euphrates and the
Tigris
unto
the
Upper
Sea.sameFrom
the rising
of him
the
sun
unto
the
setting
of
the
has
Enlil
granted
dominion.
the chief
the gods,
that, in accordance Itwithis totheEnlil,
practice
of theofperiod,
he
ascribes
the
dominion
which
has
been
granted
him
to
administer.
defines
the
Lugal-zaggisi
inarewhich
Theofhisphrases
and
it
will
striking,
sufficiently
empire
limits
significance.
their exact
into
be necessary to enquire
quoting
be
wellto
continue
so
it
will
Butbeforedoing
the
to
describe
proceeds
which
the
inscription,
from
different
upon
has
conferred
the
king
which
benefits
cities of his realm. Referring to the peace and
"3
...
1 Col. I., 11. 4-35.
This 'rendering is preferable to "the Lower Sea(of) the Euphrates and
the 2Tigris.
"
3 Col. I., 1. 36-Col. II., 1. 16.
RULERS OF SUMER AND KISH 195
prosperity
whichthatcharacterized
record states
"he causedLugal-zaggisi's
the lands to reign,
dwellthein
security,
heofwatered
thethey
landsetwith
waters
of joy.patesiIn
the
shrines
Sumerdid
him
upto
bethe
ofchiefpriest.
the lands, At
andthat
inErech
(they
appointed bright
him) towithbe
time
he
madeErech
joy;
liketheabeloved
bull hecity
raised
theSun-god,
head ofheUrwatered
to heaven
;
Larsa,
ofthe
with
waters
; Umma,power
the beloved
the god
. .,
he
raisedof joy
to exalted
; as a city
eweofthat
... . her
lamb,has
he made
Ninni-esh
resplendent
summit
of Kianki has
he raised
to heaven."
Then; the
follows
the
votive
portion of the text and the prayer ofdedication,
with which for the moment we have no concern.
From the extracts which have been quoted from
Lugal-zaggisi's
inscription,
itwillhavebeenseenthathe
claims
a
jurisdiction
far
wider
than mightButhavethebeen
expected
to
belong
to
a
patesi
ofUmma.
text
itselfexplains
the
apparent
discrepancy,
and
shows
that,
whilebyLugal-zaggisi's
inheritance
was aover
patesiate,
hehe
won
his own exertions
the
empire
which
It will be noticed that while
subsequently
ruled.
he claims for himself the titles "King of Erech " and
" king Ukush
of the only
land,"thei.c.titleof Sumer,
he
ascribes toIthisis
father
"patesi
of
Umma."
thereforethe
clearlimits
that his
father's
authority
did not
reach
beyond
of
his
native
city,
and
we
conclude that such was the extent of the patesiatemayof
Umma
Lugal-zaggisi
himselfoncame
to thefound
throne.at
The laterwhen
titles,which
he assumes
the vases
Nippur,
proveestablished
that at the
time
theythroughout
were inscribed
he
had
already
his
authority
Sumer
and
had removed
his latter
seat ofcityhad
government
from
Umma
tois Erech.
That
the
become
his
capital
clear
from
the
precedence
which
he
gives
to theof
designation
"
King
of
Erech
"
over
his
other
titles
honour;
in accordance
with thisintochange
dence, heand,
details
the new relations
which ofheresihas
entered with the deities of that city. Thus he is the
servantpriest
of Mes
and mistress
the pupilofErech;
of Ninabukhadu,
the
divine
and the
and in a special
1 Col. II., 1. 17-Col. III., 1. 2.
196 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
sense he has become the patron of Ninni, the chief seat
of whose Ana,
worshiptoo,wastheatfather
Erech,ofinthehergods,
greathad
temple
E-anna.
his
temple in Erech, and so Lugal-zaggisi naturally became
his priest
and enjoyedofAna's
his special
favour.
It was probably
inconsequence
close
connectionwithhis
new
capital
thatlands,
Lugal-zaggisi
ascribes
to him theonlytitleto
"king
of
the
"
which
by
right
belonged
Enlil
ofNippur;
we maynote
the prayer
dedication
on theand
vases
it is withthatin
Ana that
Enlil ofis
besought
to intercede
on behalf
Although
Lugal-zaggisi
had ofthe
changedking.¹
his capital and
no longer continued to use his father's title as patesi of
Umma, hehenaturally
his native
city;
moreover,
retaineddidthenot
titleneglect
" prophet
of Nidaba,"
and
thereby continued
tohisclaim
thevictories,had
protection ofbeen
the
city-goddess,
who,
before
recent
his patroness and that of his father before him. He
even emphasized
upon her
by styling
himself
her son, andhisindependence
another passage
he boasts
that
he
had
raised
the
city
of
Umma
to
power.
High
in
his
favour
also
stoodUr,
the
city
ofthe
Moon-god,
and
Larsa,
city of the
the selected
less-known
cities oftheNinni-esh
andSun-god
Kianki ;areandalso
for
mention
as
having
been
specially
favoured
by
him.
At
first
sight
it
is
not
clear
on
what
principle
the
names
of
these cities are selected from among all those in the
land
presumably
the circlebe
ofhisofSumer,
authority.which
Thatwere
Erech,
Ur, and within
Larsa should
referred toandis would
naturalthus
enough,
to oneof
another,
formfor
thethey
centrewereandclose
nucleus
his
dominion;
and the
king
would naturally
devote
himselfto
improving
canalization
beautifying
their
and
them by that
the erection
new the
buildings.
is not improbable
we may ofexplain
mentionItofNinni-esh
principle : oftheytheprobably
and
onthe same
stood
incities,
theKianki
immediate
neighbourhood
three
greater
ortheyof Umma,
and thus participated in the benefits
which
enjoyed.
In any case, the absence of a city's name from
to be taken as
list is1 Seenotbelow,necessarily
Lugal-zaggisi's
p. 198.
RULERS OF SUMER AND KISH 197
implying that itThis
was isnotproved
included
within
the
limits
of
hisdominion.
by
the
fact
that
Lagash
isearliest
not referred
to, although
itthewasking's
probably
oneinofcomhis
conquests.
In
fact,
object
posing
the earlier
inscription
was not toofgive
an accurate
analysispartofofthehisextent
and condition
his
empire,
butfavoured,
merely toandenumerate
the names
cities ofhethose
had
particularly
to
record
the
deities withwhomhe stoodinparticularlycloserelations.
For
instance,
we referred
mayconclude
the city
of Eridu
is not
to bythat
name,although
it nevertheless
formedreason
part oftoLugal-zaggisi's
kingdom.as There
is been
thus
every
regard
his
dominion
having
co-extensive with the whole of Sumer, and his title
" king of the land " was probably based on a confederation of all the Sumerian city-states.
moreappears
difficultto problem
by what
firstAsight
be a claimis topresented
a still wider
empire,at
which
follows
Lugal-zaggisi's
titles
at the
end ofof the
first
and
the
beginning
of
the
second
column
his
inscription. He here states that, after Enlil had bestowed
onandhim
the
kingdom success
of the inland
(that
is,theof
Sumer),
had
grantedhim
the
eyes
of
land,conquered
andwhenhis
had
themmighthadcastthelands
from East to West, downandhe
at that time
Enlil
"
made
straight
his
path
from
the
Lower
Sea
(over)
the
Euphrates
and
the
Tigris
unto
the
Upper
Sea." The Lower Sea is clearly the Persian Gulf,
and by theis intended,
Upper Searather
it isthan
probable
terranean
Lakethat
UrmitheorMediLake
Van.
On
the
basis
of
this
passage
Lugal-zaggisi
hasan
credited
consolidated
been
with
having
and
ruled
extending from the
empire
Persianwords,
Gulfhetowould
the shores
of the Mediterranean.
In other
have
included
Akkad
and
Syria
along
with
Sumer
within
the limits of his rule.
It is true that Shar-Gani-sharri of Akkad, at a rather
later period, did succeed in establishing an empire of
1
1 See above, p. 194.
2 See
Hilprecht,
"Explorations
in Bible
Lands,"
p. 384. (cf.In "connection
with
this
view,
his
earlier
theory
that
Umma
was
Harran
Old Bab.
Inscr.," Pt. II., pp. 54ff.) he has,ofcourse, given up.
198 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
this extent, but there are difficulties in the way of
creditingtheLugal-zaggisi
withkingdom,
a like achievement.
For
Erech,
capital
of
his
was
in
Southern
Babylonia,
and, unlike the city of Akkad, was not well
adapted to form the centre of an administrative area
extending so far to the north and west. Moreover,
the
actual phrase
employed
bydominion
Lugal-zaggisi
doesthese
not
necessarily
imply
a
claim
to
within
regions,
buta victorious
may be taken
as commemorating
little
more
than
raid,
during
which
he
may
have
penetrated to the Syrian coast. Such an expedition,
sofromfar the
as wepolicy
know,hitherto
must have
markedbya new
departure
followed
the
rulers of
Sumerian city-states, and its successful prosecution
would
language in itwhich
it is
recorded.haveInfully
viewjustified
of thesetheconsiderations,
is preferable to regard Lugal-zaggisi's kingdom, in the strict
sense of the word, as having been confined to Sumer.
have no evidence on which to form an opinion. We
shall
presently
reasons
about
this period,
or aseelittle
later,forthebelieving
state ofthat
Kishatsecured
Of his relations to Akkad and the northern cities we
the
hegemony
inanyNorthern
Babylonia,
and,
in view of
the
absence
of
reference
to
it
in
Lugal-zaggisi's
inscription,
may perhaps
that inof his
foundations
the
city hadwealready
laid theconclude
its time
later
power.
It was probably after his successful return from the
in the
north-west
that within
Lugal-zaggisi
long
expedition
Enlil's
his
vases
as
votive
offerings
deposited
Nippur,
engraved
inscripshrine
at
and
upon
them
the
concerning
tionsreign.
from which
wethird
obtaincolumn
our information
of
his
text
he states
his
In
the
that he has dedicated them to Enlil, after having
made
outof
and
having
poured
ofloaves
inNippur
due
offerings
pure waterinaswhich
a libation.
He
then
adds
a
prayer
heaprays
for life "forMay
himself,
and
dedication,
peace for his land,
and
large
army.
Enlil,
the
prayer
lands,"
my
king
of
the
he
says,
"pronounce
father
!
To
my
life
may
he
add
tolifeAna,
his
beloved
dwellhe ingrant
security
! Mayas numerous
he cause the
Warriors
as thelands
grasstomay
me in!
RULERS OF SUMER AND KISH 199
abundance
! Ofwiththekindness
celestial onfoldsthemay
he(oftakeSumer)!
care !
May
he
look
land
May
thetogodsme not
alterI the
goodbe destiny
they have
assigned
!
May
always
the
shepherd,
who
leads
(his
flock)
!
"¹
We
may
regard
it
as
typical
of
great conqueror that he should pray for a supplytheof
warriors "as numerous as the grass."
It is fortunate for our knowledge ofearly Sumerian
history
thatdepository
the shrineforofvotive
Enlilofferings,
at Nippurbrought
shouldthither
have
been
the
byvictories.
the rulers
of inscribed
city-statesobjects
to commemorate
their
Of
the
of
this
class
that
were
recovered
at
Nippur
during
the
American
excavations
on that site,of Lugal-zaggisi,
by far the mostwhich
important
are
the
vase-fragments
have
already
been described. But others were found, which, though
supplying
detailed
value,
sincelessthey
furnishinformation,
the namesareof ofotherconsiderable
rulers of
Sumer, who
may
probably
beperiod
grouped
with Lugalzaggisi.
Two
kings
of
this
are
Lugal-kigubnidudu
and ofLugal-kisalsi,
bore the
the
title " King
Erech" and each
" Kingofofwhom
Ur," while
former,
liketheLugal-zaggisi,
styles himself
ininscriptions
addition
"king
of
land,"
i.e.
of
Sumer.
Their
were found in the mound of Nippur at about the same
level
as theofvase-fragments
ofemployed
Lugal-zaggisi,
and
a
comparison
the
characters
in
each
set
of
texts suggests that they date from about the same
period.
and Lugal-kisalsi
are in
anyThat
case toLugal-kigub-nidudu
be set before the time
of Shar-Gani-sharri
ofAkkadof isdiorite,
provedwhich
by thethefactformer
that had
one ofdedicated
the roughto
blocks
Enlil
inscribing his name
upon it, wasin the
afterwards
used byafterShar-Gani-sharri
as a door-socket
temple
hethanerected
at Nippur.2
Whetherto they
livedThe
stilllongest
earlier
Lugal-zaggisi
itis
difficult
decide.
inscription of Lugal-kigub-nidudu which has been
engraved upon a vase which he deposited
asrecovered
a votiveis offering
in Enlil's temple, and from the
1 Col. III., II. 14-36.
See Hilprecht, " Old Bab. Inscr.," Pt. I., p. 47, No. 1 ; Pt. II., p. 46.
200 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
introductory phrases preceding the dedication it would
appear thatonehewhich
foundedhe aalready
kingdom,
or at any
rate
enlarged
possessed.
"
When
Enlil,
thetoking
of the lands," theandpassage
runs,
" (hada
spoken)
Lugal-kigub-nidudu
had
addressed
favourable word to him, and had united the dominion
with the kingdom, of Erech he made a dominion, of
Ur he made a kingdom."¹ It would thus seem that
Lugalkigub-nidudu
at first
only one
of the twohadcities,
Erechbeen
or Ur,possessed
and thatof
hequest,
subsequently
acquired
thethem
other,bothprobably
by conand
proceeded
to
rule
under
separate
administrations.
ations
Too much emphasis is not to be set on the fact that
he
describeswhile
hisherulestyles
of Erech
asUraa lordship
or; fora
dominion,
that
of
kingdom
the
difference
in period,andit
these phrases iswastobenotnoted
verythatErech
marked in
the
pre-Sargonic
isthementioned
beforeUr.
Moreover,
Lugal-kisalsi
assigns
title
"
King
ofErech"
as
well
as
"King
of
Ur
"the
his
predecessor
as
to
himself,
and,
since
he
places
former title
first,
it isBut
probable
thatthisErech
and notit
Urwas
their
capital.
even
on
assumption
does notcity,follow
thathave
Erech
wasthatLugal-kigub-nidudu's
native
for
we
seen
Lugal-zaggisi
conquered Sumer he transferred hiswhen
capital
to Erech,
and
Lugal-kigub-nidudu
may
have
done
the
same.
The
fact
that
at
a
later
periodGudea,when
rebuilding
the templesuggests
E-ninnû,
came
across a stele
of Lugalkisalsi
that
he
exercised
authority
over
Lagash
;
and
we
may
probably
conclude
that
both
he
and
Lugal-kigub-nidudu
included
the
principal
cities
of Southern Babylonia under their sway. That Lugalkisalsi
followedthrone
anddidof not
precede
uponthedual
Erech
and UrLugal-kigub-nidudu
is certain from one
ofhis votive inscriptions, which contains
a reference to
the
earlier
king.
The
beginning
of
the
text
is wanting,
so that it is not clear whether he mentions
him as
his father or in some other connection. In any case
2
12 See
" OldBab.
Inscr.,"IX.,Pt.p.II.,268.No.6, p. 57f.; " Königsinschriften," p. 156f.
below,
Chap.
3 " Old Bab. Inser.," Pt. II., No. 86b, pl. 37, p. 58.
RULERS OF SUMER AND KISH 201
we may assume that he followed him at no long
interval; but it is not yet certain whether we are to
set their reigns in Sumer before or after that of Lugalzaggisi.
The same uncertainty applies to another ruler of
this
period, who bore the name of Enshagkushanna
and assumed the titles " lord of Sumer " and " king of
the land." Two of his inscriptions have been recovered
found and
at Nippur
upon
one of
at thefragments
same level ofas vases,
those which
alreadywere
described,
these is ofconsiderable interest, for it gives us the name
ofin antheenemy
of
Sumer
who
has
already
bulked
largely
in
The
inscription
earlier
history
of
Lagash.¹
words,theandbooty
reads:of
consists ofhasonly
question
voweda few
to Enlil
" Enshagkushanna
Kish, the wicked." It is clear
from
the epithet
applied
to Kish that atcitythiswasperiod,
as
in
the
time
of
Eannatum,
a terror to the Sumerian states in
the northern
the
south,
and
we
may
assume that war between them
was not of infrequent occurrence. It was after some
raid or battle
in theof the
northspoilthatto Enshagsuccessful
Enlilhavein
a
portion
dedicated
kushanna
of
vases
his
temple
of
E-kur.
Similar
fragments
been found at Nippur, the inscriptions upon which
by a
against
Kish,at aperiod
achievedrather
testifyoftoSumer,
otherwho
successes
reigned
king
probably
Lugal-kigub-nidudu,
and
earlier
than
Enshagkushanna,
evenAlthough
Lugal-zaggisi.
fragments
no less thanthefourname
of hisofvaseinscriptions have
been ofdiscovered,
this
3
Sumerian king unfortunately does not occur on any
one of them. In the longest ofthe texts he takes the
title of " king," and in the gap that follows we may
probably
phraselike"theof the
that is, of
Sumer; onrestore
two ofthethem,
otherland,"
Sumeriankings
we have referred to, he ascribes his installation in the
government of the country to Enlil, the god of Nippur.
All
four inscriptions
were drawn
up onvictory
the same
occasion,
and commemorate
a striking
this
99 ff.,Pt.144II.,ff. pl. 43, Nos. 91 and 92.
21 See
" Oldabove,
Bab.pp.
Inscr.,"
3 Op. cit., Pl. 45 f., Nos. 102–105, 110.
202 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
unknown Sumerian ruler had achieved over the northern
cities was
of Kish
andtheOpis.
Of the twoforconquered
cities
Kish
clearly
more
important,
its
devastation
ismentioned
recorded inin one
eachofofthem.
the texts,
Opisruled
is only
Eachwhereas
city was
by
avases,
separate
king,
whose
overthrow
is
recorded
on
the
but, since they were defeated in the same battle,
we
may
conjecture that
they formed
the centre
ofwasa
single
confederation
or
dominion,
of
which
Kish
the head. In two of the texts the king of Kish is
referred
to, notthe only
by name
his title,
but by name,
and,
since he bore
Semitic
of Enbi-Ishtar,
we may
conclude that at this period Kish, and probably Opis
and other northern
werecities
alreadywereunder
Semitic
domination.
In thecities,
war these
waging
with
the
south,check
the vases
whatof appears
have beenanda
serious
to therecord
increase
Semitic toinfluence
power.KishForandnotOpis
onlywere
was sacked,
Enbi-Ishtar
defeated,
but
both
and
the
Sumerian
king
returned
southward
ladenrarewithstones.
booty,The
including
statues,
precious
metals,
and
vases
on
which
he
recorded
his
victory
formed
part
of
theof
spoil
captured
in
the
north.
They
were
fashioned
white brown
calcite tufa
stalagmite,
dark rock.
brownInsandstone,
andof
dark
or
igneous
the
land
Sumer, where stone was a rare commodity, these were
highly
prized
objects, andatthey
formed
a fitting thankoffering
for
presentation
Enlil's
shrine.
Wehaveofalready
referred
tokings
the question
asMesilim
to the
nationality
the
still
earlier
of
Kish,
and his successors, some of whom we know to have
beenthatcontemporary
with thecity
earlier
Lagash.
At
period the northern
had rulers
alreadyofsucceeded
inSumer,
imposing
its authority
upon
some
ofthe
city-states
of
and
later
on
both
Kish
and
Opis
are
proved
to
have
beenengaged
in active warfare
inthe south.
Too
little
evidence
is
available
for
determining
definitely
whether
earlier
patesiswere
ofSumerian
or Semiticthese
stock,
but kings
there and
is much
to be said
in favour
of regarding the later conflicts between the north and
south
merely a continuation
of therateearlier
With asEnbi-Ishtar
we meet at any
with struggle.
a name
RULERS OF SUMER AND KISH 203
that
is genuinely
Semitic,
and Semitic
we shallkings
presently
see
reasons
for
believing
that
other
of
Kish,
whose inscriptions and monumentshave been recovered,
should
be placed
in thealready
same period.
According
to
this
view,
as
we
have
pointed
out,
the
first
Semitic isimmigration
into Northern
Babylonia,
orof
Akkad,
not
to
be
synchronized
with
the
empire
Akkad, which was founded by Shar-Gani-sharri and
consolidated
by Narâm-Sin.
spitevotive
of the
absence
of Semitic idiom
from the fewInshort
inscriptions
ofthethepossibility
earlier kings
have as yetthatbeenfound,
mustofKish
not bethat
disregarded
they too
date
from
a
period
of
Semitic
and
not
of
Sumerian
domination
in the
north.
At Sippar also we have
evidence
ofvery
early
Semiticoccupation.
One of this
later
group
of been
kings Semites,
of Kish,iswhose
prove
them
to
have
Uruinscriptions
the
in
all
probability
mush,
or
Rimush,
and,
although
to
first,
since
we
latest
of
them,
he
may
be
referred
have definite evidence that he is to be assigned to the
Narâm-Sin.in the
In
epoch
preceding Shar-Gani-sharri
tablet from Tello,andpreserved
an unpublished
thereis Urumush."
occurs the proper
at Constantinople,
Museum
The
"
My
god
name
Ili-Urumush,
has
of
some
of
the
early
kings
of
Babylonia
deification
as
having
taken
place,
at
any
long
been
recognized
rate from the time of Shar-Gani-sharri ; and we have
thatbutthewashonour
was bynottheonlykingspaidthemselves
to them
evidence
after
death,
assumed
during their own lifetime. The occurrence of a proper
on
can onlythebename
explained
name
such as Ili-Urumush
that
a
king
bearing
of
Uruthe
supposition
mush had already reigned, or was reigning at the time
1 With
it we may
compare
the name1. 17Enbu-ilum
on theenObelisk
ofManishtusu,
FaceA,Col.
IX.,1.
24,Col.XIII.,
("Délégation
Perse,"
Mém. II.,
pll. 22See
andabove,
3). Chap. II., p. 52 f.
3 The name has also been read as Alu-usharshid, but the phonetic
Sumerian
renderingUru-mu-ushisnowingeneraluse.
Apreferablereading
Semitic
Rimush
would
be
the
Rí-mu-ush,
(cf.
King,
"
Proc. Bibl.Arch.
.
XXX.,
p.
239,
n.
2),
since
thesignURU
at
this
periodwas
commonly
employed
with the value rá. But, in order to avoid unnecessary confusion, the accepted
reading Urumush is retained in the text.
45 Cf.See Thureau-Dangin,
" Orient.
further, pp. 251, 273
f., 288,Lit.-Zeit.,"
301 f. 1908, col. 313 f.
204 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
the
former namewhich
was mentions
employed.theNow,
theoftablet
in
Constantinople,
name
Ili-Urumush, is undated, but from its form, writing, and contents
may clearly
to the sameandepoch
as
certainit dated
tabletsbeofassigned
Shar-Gani-sharri
NarâmSin with which it was found. From this it follows that
Urumush was anterior to Shar-Gani-sharri and Narâm-
Sin,
though
reigninterval.
maynot have been separated from
theirsWe
byhave
anyhisbut
long
a few short inscriptions of Urumush,
and those of a votive character,
but they enable us to
form some estimate of the
extent and condition of his
empire.
Theonlydesignation
he assumes
in those of his
inscriptions
that
have
been
recovered
is
"
King
of
Kish,”
so that we are without the
information
been
derivedwhich
frommight
a studyhaveof
his subsidiary titles. Such
titles would no doubt have
been
addedtheirin absence
any lengthy
text, and
from
his known inscriptions is simply
due to their brevity. On
FIG. 56.
the other hand, the fact that
Whitethe name
marbleandvase,titleengraved
with
of Uru- these short inscriptions have
found on sites so widely
mush,King ofKish. From Niffer. been
[PennsylvaniaMuseum,No. 8870.] scattered as Abû Habba,
Niffer,from
andAbu
Tello,Habba¹
is probably
significant. The inscriptions
and
Tello
consist
simply
ofhis
name
and
title
engraved
on
fragments
of
stone
vases,
and,
since
they
bear
no
dedication
a localas spoil
deity,from
theyKish.
might But
possibly
have
been carriedtothere
fragments
of precisely
similaratvases,
have
been found
Niffer,bearing
and, asthethesame
textsinscription,
two
other vases from the latter place prove that upon
they were
1 The vase-inscription of Urumush in theBritish Museum was found at
Abu
Habba, not
atNiffer orTello as implied by Thureau-Dangin, “Königsinschriften,"
p. 160.
RULERS OF SUMER AND KISH 205
Urumush
itistwo
a fairsitesassumpdeposited
on himself,
the other
is to
tion that there
their by
presence
therefore
in
the
same
way.
We
may
be
explained
the
and Lagash
both Sippar
conclude
In other
words,were
it isunder
not imUrumush.
control ofthat
probable
that the limits of his authority in Babylonia
extended from the extreme north of Akkad to the
south of Sumer.
It is fully in accordance with this view that
should have controlled the central sanctuary
Urumush
atbearNippur,
and his
vasesprove
foundthatuponthisthat
which
dedications
toEnlil,
was site,
so. From
one of them we learn too that the power of Kish was
felt beyond the limits of Sumer and Akkad. The text
statespartthat
the vasespoilupon
which
itandis
in question
from
Elam,
of
certain
formed
inscribed
was dedicated to Enlil by Urumush, " when he had
Elam
conquered
and Barakhsu."¹
It is possible
thatof
conquest
neighbouring
district
the
ofElam
and
the
Barakhsu, to which Urumush here lays claim, was not
more than a successful raid into those countries, from
which he returned laden with spoil. Butenough
even so,to
the
fact
that
a
king
of
Kish
was
strong
assume offensive against Elam, and to lead an
theacross the border, is sufficiently noteworthy.
expedition
The references to Elam which we have hitherto
from Tello would seem
noted
in thethatinscriptions
to suggest
up to this time the Elamites had
succeeded
in penetrating
been
the aggressors,
and had
territory
fromUrumush
which they
were
with
into Sumerian
the reason
conditions
Under
dislodged.
difficulty
shortly
reversed,
see
for
and
we
shall
were
was with
not aother
solitary
believing
factsachievein the
ment, butthat
mayhisbesuccess
connected
rulers
of
this
period.
history
of
Kish
under
the
Semitic
testimony
the power
Meanwhile
note oftheKish,
kingdom
and extent ofwethemay
which istofurnishedby
Latertradition
the short
inscriptionsofhis
; but
met his endreign.
in a palace
revolution relates
that
Urumush
5, p. 20 f. I., pp. 44, 81 ;
Inscr.,"
I., No.à ladivination,"
Hilprecht," Choix
" Old Bab.
1 See
relatifs
Boissier,
de
textes
2
See
Jastrow, " Die Religion Babyloniens undAssyriens," II., p. 333; and " Zeits.
für Assyr.," XXI. (1908), pp. 277 ff.
206 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
the survival of his name in the omen-literature of the
later
BabylonianspartandAssyrians
isthefurther
evidence
of
the
important
he
played
in
early
history
of
their country.
Another king of Kish, whose name has been recovered
votive inscriptions
from Abu for
Habba
and Nifferin short
is Manishtusu.
But fortunately
our
knowledge
ofhis
reign,
we
possess
amonument,
which,
though
giving littleinformation
of anhistoricalnature,is
ofthe
greatest
value
for
the
light
itandthrows
upon the
Semitic
character
of
the
population
the
economical
conditions
whichprevailedin
Northern
Babylonia
at the
time
it
was
drawn
up.
This
monument
is
the
famous
Obelisk of Manishtusu, which was discovered by M. de
Morgan
Susa, during
his first
season's
work on that
site in theat winter
of 1897-8.
Onthe
obeliskisengraved
a text in some
sixty-nine
columns,
written
in Semitic
Babylonian,
and
recording
the
purchase
by
Manishtusu
oflarge tracts
of cultivated
landsituated
neighbourhood
of Kish
and of three
other citiesininthe
Northern
Babylonia. Each of the four sides of the stone is
devoted to a separate area or tract of land, near one of
the four great cities. Thus the first side records the
purchase
ofthecertain
land
madewhich
up oflaythree
estates
andof
known
as
Field
of
Baz,
near
the
city
Dûr-Sin
; the secondnear
sidetherecords
of the
Field
ofBaraz-sîrim,
city oftheKish,purchase
Manishtusu's
capital ; and
the these
third together
side, likewere
the known
first, deals
three
estates,
as thewith
Meadow
Ninkharsag,
(or, strictly,
near thewithcitytheof
Marad
; whilethetheMarsh)
fourthof side
is concerned
purchase
of the
the name
Field ofof which
Shad-Bitkim
andprovisionally
Zimanak,
near
a
city
may
be
rendered as Shid-tab. Thegreat lengthoftheinscription
1
2
The mace-head,
dedicated
toAbu
the Habba;
goddess see
Nina,thewhich
is preserved in
the12British
Museum,
was
found
at
oppositeplate.
Such is the form of the name in his own inscriptions. The reading is
substantiated
Manishduzzu
Manishdussu,
bythe variants
Anzanite inscriptions
(see Scheil,
"TextesandÉlam.
-Anzan.," which
I., p. occur
42, andin
"TextesÉlam.-Sémit.,"
IV., p. 1; cf. also Hoschander, " Zeits. für Assyr.,"
ХХ.,
р.
246).
3 SeeII.),Scheil,
"Textes" Wiener
Élam. -Sémit.,"
I., pp.XXI.,1 ff.pp.("Délég.
en Perse,"
Mém.+ The
and
Hrozný,
Zeitschrift,"
11
ff.
true pronunciation ofthe name is uncertain..
MACE-HEAD DEDICATED TO THE GOD MESLAMTAEA ON BEHALF OF DUNGI,
KING OF UR ; AND MACE- HEAD DEDICATED TO A DEITY OR DEITIES
BY LASIRAB, KING OF GUTIU.
Brit. Mus. , Nos. 91074 and90852.
REPRESENTATION IN DIORITE OF A WOMAN'S HAIR, DEDICATED TO
A GODDESS ON BEHALF OF DUNGI, KING OF UR ; AND MACE -HEAD
DEDICATED TO THE GODDESS NINA BY MANISHTUSU, KING OF KISH .
Brit. Mus., Nos. 91075 and 91018.
RULERS OF SUMER AND KISH 207
is due to the fact that, in addition to giving details
with regard to the size, value, and position of each
estate,
thefromtextwhom
enumerates
bywasname
the various
propurchased,
prietors
the
land
the
former
overseers
or managers
were dispossessed,
the
new overseers
who werewhoinstalled
in their place.and The
names
of the
latter
are
repeated on all four sides of
the We
obelisk
before
the
purchase-formula.
may note the fact that Manishtusu did not
confiscate
land,but
acquired
it legally
by purchase,
asland-owner.
though the
heThe
wereexact
merely
a
private
citizen
or large
area of each estate was
first
accurately
ascertained
by
measurement,
and
its
value
was ofthenlandreckoned
ingrain and
afterwards
in silver,
one
regarded
bur
being
as
worth
sixty
gur
of
grain,
or one-tenth
one mana orofthree-twentieths
silver. An additional
sum,
consisting
purchase-price,
ofwas
of
the
also paid to the owners of each estate, who received
besides
the kingvaried
presents
of animals,
vessels, from
etc., which
in value
accordinggarments,
to the
recipient's
rank
or
his
former
share
in
the
property.
Not
only onare the
the owners'
namesalsoandthose
parentage
duly
recorded
stone, but
of certain
associates who had an interest in the land ; most of
these appear to have been relatives of the owners, who
had
capital forTheir
the cultivation
improvementcontributed
of the estates.
names wereor doubtless
includedraised
in order
to prevent
any
subsequent
claim
being
by
them
against
the
king.
The
same
reason
appears
to
have
dictated
the
enumeration
by
name of the former managers or overseers of each estate,
who
by its purchase
theirwhich
occupation.
The cultivation
ofthewere
largedeprived
tracts ofofland,
passed
into than
the king's
possession,
hadsixty-four
given employment
towhono
less
fifteen
hundred
and
labourers,
had been in the charge of eighty-seven overseers. It is
worthy of note that Manishtusu undertook to find fresh
occupation
and means
ofwere
support
for both
these classes
ingreatother
places,
which
probably
situated
at no
distance
from
their
homes.
The reason for this extensive purchase of landed
property by Manishtusu may possiblyhave been given
208 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
at theunfortunately
beginning ofvery
the little
text inscribed
upon
the obelisk,
but
of
the
first
column
ofof the
inscription
has
been
preserved.
The
main
body
the
text affords little material on which to base a conjecture.
Onereason
point,forhowever,
may appears
be regarded
as
certain:
the
the
purchase
to
have
had some close connection with the forty-nine new
managers and overseers, to whom Manishtusu entrusted
the
acquired property.
The
mereadministration
fact that theirofhis
namesnewly
and descriptions
should have
been
repeatedMoreover,
on each side
ofaretheallobelisk
is probably
significant.
they
described
the
text as citizens¹ of Akkad, and the prominenceingiven
tothethem
ineach
section
suggests
thatoftheking
purchased
land
with
the
express
object
handing
it over
to their charge. Itmay also be noted that Manishtusu
removed,not
onlythe
former managers,
but alsoevery
labourer who had
been employed
on the estates,
so that
we
may
assume
that
the
new
managers
brought
their
own
labourers
with
them,
who
would
continue
cultivation of the land under their direction. If the
the
king's
in purchasing
the landhe had
beennotmerely
toremoved
makeobject
atheprofitable
investment,
would
have
former labourers, for whose maintenance
he undertook
toprovideonelsewhere.
Manishtusu's
action
can
only
be
explained
the
supposition
that
he
was
anxious
to
acquire
land
on
which
he
might
settle
the
men
from
Akkad
and
their
adherents.
The
purchase
therefore
to have
beenfrom
dictated
by totheother
necessity
ofappears
removing
certain
citizens
Akkad
sites
in Northern Babylonia. We do not know the cause
which
gavepresently
rise toseethisthat,
transference
ofof population,
but
we
shall
in
view
the
high
social
standingmayofperhaps
severalbeofconnected
the immigrants,
Manishtusu's
action
with certain
traditions
concerning
this
period
which
were
current
in later
times.2
At the head of the inhabitants from Akkad, to whom
the king handed over his new estates, stands Aliakhu,
his nephew,ofand
among
them
we alsocities,findwhosonsappear
and
dependants
the
rulers
of
important
1 Literally, " sons."
2 See below, Chap. VIII., pp. 238 ff.
RULERS OF SUMER AND KISH 209
to have
acknowledged
the suzerainty
of Kish.
Thusof
two
of the
men are described
as from the
household
Kur-shesh, patesi of Umma;¹ another was Ibalum, the
son of Ilsu-rabi,
patesi
of Basime;
andLagash.
a third The
was
Urukagina,
son
of
Engilsa,
patesi
of
reference
to antheattempttofix
last of thesethefourperiod
personages
has been
employedin
of
Manishtusu's
reign. On the discovery of the obelisk Père Scheil
proposed with
that wetheshould
identify
Urukagina,
the sonsug-of
Engilsa,
king
of
Lagash
of
that
name,
gesting
that
he his
occupied
thelifetime
positionandassigned
himhim-in
the
text
during
father's
before
he
self succeeded to the throne. At this time it was still
the
fashionandto set
Urukagina
of Tello,
to regard
him atasthethehead
oldestof the
of allpatesis
the
rulers of that city whose names had yet been recovered.
Now, on the obelisk mention is also made of a certain
" Me-sa-lim,
the son
king," i.e.identification
a son of Manishtusu.
Support
for ofthetheproposed
was
therefore
found in the further suggestion that Mesalim,
the son of Manishtusu, was no other than Mesilim, the
early king of Kish,
who wasand,theincontemporary
ofof
Lugal-shag-engur
of
Lagash,
his
character
suzerain,had interposed in the territorial dispute between
that cityEngilsa
and Umma.
According
to allegiance
this view, Lagash,
under
and
Urukagina,
owed
towhich
Kish
during
the
reign
of
Manishtusu,
a
state
of
things
continued into the reign of Mesilim, who, on this theory,
was Manishtusu's son and successor.
But the recognition of Urukagina's true place in the
line of the rulers of Lagash has rendered the theory
untenable ; and the suggested identification of Mesalim,
the son of Manishtusu, with Mesilim, the early king of
Kish,
far
from givingwithsupport
to fact,
the other
proposal,
incompatible
isposed
quitesoidentifications
it.
In
both
the pro-to
cannot be right, and it remains
4
possibly
implies
thatpp. they
were his grandsons ;
The phrase
employed
see 12Hrozný,
"
Wien.
Zeits.
,
"
XXI.,
p.
1.9,
n.
2,
29,
40.
Scheil,estate
" TextesElam.-Sémit.,"
I., p.side2. ofthe obelisk is stated to have
3 The
described on the second
been
bounded on its eastern side by the field of Mesalim; see Face B,
Col. VI., 11. 12-14.
4 See above, pp. 99 ff.
P
210 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
be seen whether either of them can be accepted. Of
the
two, the contemporary
proposal to identify
withatLugalshag-engur's
may beMesalim
dismissed
once,
since both the internal and the external evidence
furnishedreignby the
obelisk
area period.
against assigning
Manishtusu's
to
so
early
Although
these
objections
do not applyis negatived
so stronglyonto other
the other
proposal,
its
acceptance
grounds.
From
Urukagina's
own inscriptionswe
have seen
reasonof
to believe
that he didnot
obtain the throne
by right
succession,
but
by
force
;
he
never
refers
to
his
own
father, and the antagonism to the patesiate, which
characterizes
his intexts,
suggests thatWehismaytherefore
reign marks
aconclude
completethat
break
the
succession.
Urukagina ofthetheking,
obelisk
isthea different
personage
to
Urukagina,
and
former's
father,
Engilsa,
would
in
that
case
have
ruled
as ofa
patesi
of
Lagash
at
a
period
subsequent
to
the
sack
thatWe
cityby
Lugal-zaggisi.
are
therefore
reduced
to
more
general
considerations in attempting to fix the date of Manishtusu.
That hisas that
reignofisUrumush
to be assigned
to about
thedoubt,
same
period
there
can
be
little
for,
in contrast to those of the earlier kings of Kish, the
inscriptions
of both are written in SemiticBabylonian,
and the forms of the characters they employ are very
1
2
Evidencewashasanterior
similar.Urumush
alreadytobeenShar-Gani-sharri
citedwhich proves
that
and
Narâm-Sin. In Manishtusu, therefore, we have another
Semitic kingin under
whom which
the cityafterwards
of Kish enjoyed
hegemony
Babylonia,
passedtheto
Akkad.
That
the
kingdomby ofa long
Kish,interval
under these
two
rulers,
was
not
separated
from
the
empire
of
Akkadwould
seem
to
follow
from
the
references
to the latter
city
ontheManishtusu's
obelisk. who
We
have
already
noted
that
forty-nine
overseers,
were entrusted with the administration of the lands
purchased
by the king, are described in the text as
1 See above, p. 176 f.
2 The mention of the name Engilsa on atablet from Tello in connection
with
that ofinsupport
Urukagina's
wifeidentification
maybe merely
acoincidence;
ithas,however,
beencited
ofthe
(see
above,
p.
176,
n.
2).
3 See further, Chap. VIII., pp. 228 ff.
RULERS OF SUMER AND KISH 211
citizens ofofAkkad,
that families
among their
are
members
powerfulandruling
from number
other cities
of Babylonia.
It would
thus appear
thatprinces
Akkadfrom
was
already
of
sufficient
importance
to
attract
such distant cities as Umma and Lagash. This fact,
indeed, has been employed as an argument in favour of
the view that Manishtusu and Urumush must have
ruled after, and not before, Shar-Gani-sharri and Narâmsin,¹ under whom Akkad was made the capital of the
whole country. Although this inference does not
necessarily
follow,already
and, incited
pointwithof regard
fact, is tocontradicted
by
the
evidence
Urumush,
itof isAkkad
clear enjoyed
that, evena position
in the time
of
Manishtusu,
the city
of
considerable
importance;
it is improbable
thatcapital.
any long period elapsed before
itandreplaced
Kish
as
the
of Manishtusu's authority within the
limitsTheofextent
Babylonia
is indicated by the reference to
Southern
Babylonian
cities
in hisandobelisk-inscription
;
for,
since
the
patesis
of
Lagash
Umma
sent
their
relatives
or dependants
to Manishtusu's
it maya
be
inferred
that his dominions
includedcourt,
at least
portion
ofappears
Sumertoashave
well undertaken
as Akkad. military
Like Urumush,
he
also
expeditions,
by
means
of
which
he
added
to
the
territory
under his control. In the British Museum are fragments of two monoliths, engraved with duplicate
inscriptions,
which
record
his defeat
ofofa the
confederation
ofthethirty-two
kings
"
on
this
side
(?)
sea,"ruled.2
and
capture
of
the
cities
over
which
they
difficult
determine
inIt iswhich
theseto cities
lay, with
but, certainty
since " thethesearegionis
mentioned
any qualifying
may pro-In
bably
take without
it as referring
to thephrase,
PersianweGulf.
that case the text mayhave recorded the subjugation
‫دو‬
1 Nos.
Cf. Hrozný,
" Wien.
Zeits.
, "Jensen,
XXI., p."40.Zeits. für Assyr.," XV., p. 248,
56631
;
cf.
56630
and
2
refertoas
fragment,
butthese
arepreserveduponeach
n. 1.sameOnlylinesa fewsigns
the
passage
us
to
restore
and
enable
of
the
inscription,
the
on thisandside(?)
ofcities
the sea
thirty-two col-It
of cities them,
: "battle,
[Of theandkings]
followsfor
[I
captured]."
their
Iconquered
lected
andduplicate
published
publishedby
found2, isatSusa
that the fragmentarytext
be" Textes
noted Elam.-Sémit.,"
should
of the
a
II.,
pl.
1,
No.
also
Scheil,
inscription.
212 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
of the southern
portiontheofElamite
Sumer,border.
or perhaps
the
conquest
of
cities
within
Though
Manishtusu's name does not occur in the few lines of
the main
there
is noinscription
doubt thatpreserved
the text upon
is his,thefor fragments,
upon one
ofcharacters,
them is stating
engraved
a
dedication
in
rather
larger
that the stele of which it formed
a partofwas
dedicated
to the
Shamash
by Manishtusu,
King
Kish.
Since
both
fragments
were
found
atsetAbu
Habba,
we
may
conclude
that
the
stelæ
were
up in the great temple at Sippar, andwere dedicated
by Manishtusu to the Sun-god in commemoration of
his victory.
Other
monuments
of Manishtusu's
reign
that have
come
down
to
us
consist
of
a
number
of
figures
andat
statues
of
the
king
which
have
been
discovered
Susa during the French excavations on that site.
There isto noSusadoubt
that ofthewar,majority
of these
were
carried
as
spoil
and
were
not
set
up
inAnzanite
that city
by
Manishtusu
himself,
for
they
bear
inscriptions to that effect. Thus one statue
is stated to have been brought from Akkad to Susa
by Shutruk-nakhkhunte,¹
and anotherproving
by thethatsame
king
from
"
Ishnunuk,"
incidentally
the
state
of
Ashnunnak,
which
lay
to
the
east
of
the
formed
partdiscovered
of Manishtusu's
dominions.
But
aTigris,
more
recently
statue
of
the
king
bears
no later Anzanite record, and is inscribed with its
original
to the
god Naruti
a high
official indedication
Manishtusu's
service.
It is a by
remarkable
monument, for while the figure itself is of alabaster,
the ey are formed of white limestone let into sockets
and
in placeThough
by bitumen;
the black
are
now held
wanting.
the staring
effectpupils
of the
3
12 Op."TextesÉlam.-Sémit.
," IV., pl. 2, No. 1.
cit.,
pl.
2,
No.
2.
that unpublished
the statuette statues,
figured inwhich
"Textes
-Sémit.,
" III.,of
pl. 33,Itandis probable
four other
all Elam.
bear the
legend
Shutruk-nakhkhunte,
conqueror
of Ishnunuk,
also
represent Manishtusu;
in
all" Textes
ofthemÉlam.-Sémit.
the name ofthe
original
owner
has
beenhammered
out
(cf.
Scheil,
," IV., p.IV.,3). pl. 1, pp. 1 ff.
4 " Textes Elam.-Sémit.,"
Inscriptions et
Comptes
5 See De Morgan,
1907, pp." 397
ff. rendus de l'Académie des
Belles-lettres,"
RULERS OF SUMER AND KISH 213
unstatueofis early
pleasing, the
eyes theis scarcely
inlaid
example
most interesting
doubtedly
yet more
been
the statue
round that
Semitic
and has
in the
Both inin this
recovered.sculpture
famous obelisk, Père Scheil would see evidence of
Manishtusu's permanent subjugation of Elam, in sup-
port of his view that Elam and Babylonia practically
FIG. 57.
Alabaster statue of Manishtusu, King of Kish, dedicated by a high official
to the god Naruti. Found at Susa.
[See Comptes rendus, 1907, p. 398 f.; Délég. en Perse, Mém. X., pl. 1.]
formed
ainscribed
single country
atobelisk,
this early
period,¹
But
the
text
upon
the
as
we
have
already
seen, been
is of agained
purelylocal
interest,
anda norecord
objectat would
have
by
storing
such
Susa,
even
on
the
hypothesis
that
Manishtusu
had
transferred his capital thither. It is safer therefore to
See above,
Scheil,p." 206
Textesf. Elam.-Sémit.," I., pp. 2 ff., IV., pp. 1 ff.
21 See
214 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
draw
no historical conclusions from the provenance
of the statue and the obelisk, but to class them with
the other statues which we know to have been carried
off as spoil
Elam at alikelaterUrūmush,
period. carried
There onis
evidence
thattoManishtusu,
a successful war with Elam,¹ but it is probable that
the successes of both kings were of the nature of
victorious
raids
and country.
were followed
upearly
by noexistence
permanentof
occupation
of
the
The
Semitic
influence
in
Elam
is
amply
attested
by
the
employment
of the Semitic
Babylonian
language
for
their
own
inscriptions
by
native
Elamite
rulers
such
as Basha-Shushinak. But it does not necessarily
follow
nativewerekingsdeposited
of Babylonia,
which that
have the
beeninscriptions
found at ofSusa,
there
by
these
kings In
themselves
duringprobably
a periodnotofuntil
Semitic
rule
in
Elam.
fact,
it
was
the
period
of
the
Dynasty
of
Ur
that
Elam
was
held
for
any Sumer
length orofAkkad.
time as a subject state by kings
of either
Until recently Manishtusu and Urumush were
the only
of KishButof athisfindperiod
whosemade
namesat
had
been kings
recovered.
has been
Susa, ofwhich,
while
furnishing
the
name with
of another
king
Kish,
raises
important
questions
to the connection between the empires of Kishregard
and
Akkad.
In
the
present
chapter
we
have
been
dealing
with a period of transition in the history of the lands
offollowed
Sumerbyanda Akkad.
The fall
of Lagashcities
had been
confederation
of Sumerian
with
Erech
as
its
capital,
and
the
conquests
of
Lugalzaggisi
had sufficed
to preserve
a time theButintegrity
of the southern
kingdom
he hadforfounded.
events
were
already
taking
place
which
were
to
result
the definite transference of power from Sumer to thein
north.
The light
votiveupon
inscriptions
from byNippur
have
thrown
some
the
struggles
which
the
Semitic
immigrants
into
Northern
Babylonia
sought
to extend their influence southward. The subsequent
increase
in access
the power
of Kish was
not but
followed
by
any 1fresh
of
Sumerian
power,
directly
See Chap. VIII., p. 231.
2 See Chap. X., p. 289.
RULERS OF SUMER AND KISH 215
paved the way for the Semitic empire founded by
Shar-Gani-sharri
cityconnection
of Akkad asbetween
his capital.
The evidence ofwiththe
the close
the
rise of upKishupon
andAkkad
suggests
that
bothdomination,
cities were
borne
the
same
wave
of
Semitic
which
by
this
time
had
succeeded
in
imposing
itself
on Babyloniafrom
the north. In thewasfollowing
we
shall see that Shar-Gani-sharri
not thechapter
leader
of this racial movement, and that his empire rested
upon foundations which other rulers had laid.
CHAPTER VIII
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD AND ITS RELATION TO KISH
T largely in later Babylonian tradition, and his
HE name of Sargon of Agade, or Akkad, bulks
writers
modern
as
regarded
by
has
been
reign
intext
theofNabonidus
early history
epoch
the mostTheimportant
marking
in
the
reference
ofhis
country.
to the age of Narâm-Sin has caused the Dynasty of
Akkad to be taken as the canon, or standard, by which
or of
othertimedynasties
relative age
torulersmeasure
haveofBabylonian
from
tosites.
timeEven
been
whosetheinscriptions
early
various
upon
recovered
relianceupon
to place
who have refused
historians
thosefigures
Nabonidus,
have
not,
by
so
doing, de-in
of
the
position
of
Sargon's
the
significance
from
tracted
history; and, since tradition associated his name with
the founding of his empire, the terms " Pre-Sargonic
generally
been very
and "PostSargonic "ofhave
and later
periodsem-in
the earlier
as descriptive
ployed
early
The finding
andAkkad.of Akkad,
thehistory
and ofoftablets
of Shar-Gani-sharri
inscriptions ofSumer
in his reign, removed any tendency to discredit
dated
the historical value of the later traditions ; and the
identification of Shar-Gani-sharri with the Sargon of
ceasedin toearlybe
scribes
and Neo-Babylonian
the
Assyrian
In
fact,
if
any
one
point
in
question.
called
certainlyof
to be character
regarded ofas Sargon
Babylonian
was thewashistorical
established, ithistory
at
Susa
has
introduced
discovery
But
a
recent
Agade.
and
has
reopened
into
the
problem,
element
a fresh along unfamiliar lines. Before introducingits
discussion
andtoreconciled
the
data,itthat
the steps
withnew
the old,
will must
be wellbetoexplained
refer briefly
‫دو‬
216
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD
217
by
which Sargon's
in history
deduced.name was recovered and his position
Sargon'stextsname
was
first ormetastrological
with in certain
explanatory
of
a
religious
character,
which had been recovered from Ashur-bani-pal's library
at Nineveh. Here we find references to the name
Sharru-ukîn,¹ or Sargon, king of Agade, from which it
appeared
that hemythology.
had playedInantheimportant
part
in
Assyrian
heroic
year
1867,
attention
was firstRawlinson
directed tobriefly
Sargon's
place in his
history
when
Sir
Henry
announced
discovery
ofis represented
the famousasLegend
of Sargon,
in person
which the
king
recounting
in
the
first
the
story
ofhis
birth
and
boyhood,
hiselevation
to
thethrone
and
his
subsequent
empire.
Theyears
textlater
of the
Legend
was
published
in
1870,
and
two
it
was
translated
by
George
Smith,andwhoNarâm-Sin,
added a which
translation
of just
the
Omens
of
Sargon
he
had
come across in the collections of tablets from Kuyunjik.5
Smith followed
Rawlinson
in ascribing
to Sargon
the
building
ofthe
temple
E-ulmash
inAgade,by
restoring
his name as that of Narâm-Sin's father in the broken
cylinder
ofNabonidus
found bytextTaylor
at Mukayyar.
Up
to
this
time
no
original
of
Shar-Gani-sharri's
reign wascylinder-seal
known. Theoffirst
to be published
was thein
beautiful
Ibni-sharru,
a
high
official
Shar-Gani-sharri's service, of which Ménant gave a
1 Written both as Sharru-GI-NA and as Sharru-DU.
2
Cf. "Cuneiform Inscriptions from Western Asia," Vol. II. (1866),
pl. 39, No. 5, 1. 41, where Sargon's nameoccurs in conjunction with his title
suchdescriptions
or(shar
pl. 48,kitti),
1. 40,"proclaimer
where he is ofcreditedwith
"King
"
(dabib
kitti),
"which
projustice
asclaimer
" kingofAgade,"
ofjustice"
in
pl.
50,
1.
64,
the
passage
damkati);
(dabib
of
favours"
the old Babylonian city of Dûr-Sharrukin, "Sargon's Fortress,"
mentions
was
also referred to him.
3 Rawlinson
announced
his7, discovery
of305,thewhere
Legendhe ofmade
Sargon
inacute
the
Athenæum,
No.
2080,
Sept.
1867,
p.
the
suggestion
that
Sargon
ofAssyria,
the father
ofSennacherib,
mayhave
been
called
"the
later
Sargon"
(Sharru-ukin
arkû)
"
to
distinguish
him
from
the
hero
of
romance
whose
adventures
were
better
known
among
the
Assyrian
people."
45 ""Trans.
Cun. Inscr.
West.
Asia," Vol.
III.
(1870),p.pl.464,f. No. VII.
Soc.
Bibl.
Arch.,"
Vol.
I.
(1872),
6 Seehad" Cun.
Inscr.theWest.Asia,"
Vol. I. (1861),father
pl. 69,asCol.Sagaraktiyas
II., 11. 29-32(cf.;
Oppert
restored
name of Narâm-Sin's
Vol. I. (1863), p. 273, and
en Mésopotamie,"
"" Expédition
Histoire desscientifique
Empires de Chaldée
et d'Assyrie" (1865), pp. 22ff.).
218 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
description in 1877,¹ and again in 1883.2 Ménant read
the king's name as " Shegani-shar-lukh," and he did not
identify
him with
Sargon
thebutelder
(whomthat
he heputwasin
the
nineteenth
century
в.с.),
suggested
a still earlier king of Akkad. In 1882 an account was
published
of the
Habbaofcylinder
Nabonidus,
which
records
his Abu
restoration
E-babbarofand
contains
the passageconcerning the date of Narâm-Sin, " the son
ofSargon."the Inthe
yearoftheShar-Gani-sharri,
BritishMuseum
acquired
famousfollowing
mace-head
which
had been
dedicatedthisbywashimthetofirstShamash
in his
great
temple
at
Sippar;
actual
inscription of Shar-Gani-sharri
to be found. theInname
placewasof
Ménant's
reading
"
Shegani-shar-lukh,"
read
asit" and
Shargani,"
theastwo
final and,
syllables
beingofcutsome
off
from
treated
a
title,
in
spite
dissentients,
the identity
of Shargani
of AgadeUnlike
with
Sargon the elder
was assumed
as certain.
Sargon, the historical character of Narâm-Sin presented
no difficulties. His name had been read upon the vase
discovered
by
M. ; Fresnel
at Babylon
andthere
afterwards
lost
in
the
Tigris
and,
although
he
was
called
simply
"
king
of
the
four
quarters,"
his
identification
with
thefrom
Narâm-Sin
mentioned
by Nabonidus
on hisof
cylinder
Ur
was
unquestioned.
Further
proof
the correctness of the identification was seen in the
occurrence
of the that
nametheof Magan
upon theof vase,
when
it was discovered
second section
his Omens
recorded his conquest ofthat country.
1
1 IV.,
See Tome
" Comptes
rendus1877),
de l'Académie
des impression
Inscriptionsofthesealhad
etBelles-lettres,"
Ser.
V.
(Oct.,
pp.
330ff.
An
sent from Baghdad to Constantinople, whence M. Ménant had receivedbeenit
from" Collection
M. Barré dede Clercq,"
Lancy inTome
1865.I., It1888,
wasNo.later46, acquired
by49 M.f.). de Clercq
(cf.
pl.
V.,
p.
"Recherches surlaglyptique
orientale,"
I. (1883),
p. 73(Nov.
f. 7, 1882),
"
Proc.
Soc.
Bibl.
Arch.,"
Vol.
V.
pp. +8f.,See12.Pinches,
Foraop.discussion
ofthe
date, see
above,pp.Chap.
III.The
, p. 60identificaf.
identificacit.,
Vol.
VI.
(Nov.
6,
1883),
11ff.
The
tionname
was opposed
bybeMénant,
who
pointed
outthat
the5,two
finalpp.syllables
of
the
couldnot
treated
as
a
title
(op.
cit.,
Feb.
1884,
88
ff.,
and
" Collection de Clercq," p. 49f.). Ménant adhered to his former opinion
3 See Pinches, "Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," (1883), P.
that
Agade.Shargani-shar-lukh (as he nowread the name)was an earlier king of
II. (1859), p. 62, and “ Cun.
SeeWest.
Oppert,
"Expedition
Inscr.65 SeeGeorge
Asia,"Smith,
Vol. "Trans.
I., pl. 3,scientifique,”
No.
VII.
Soc. Bibl. Arch.," Vol. I., p. 52.
MACE-HEAD DEDICATED TO SHAMASH , THE SUN-GOD, BY
SHAR-GANI -SHARRI, KING OF AGADE.
Brit. Mus. , No. 91146; photo. by Messrs. Mansell & Co.
*
ARA
LAPIS- LAZULI TABLET WITH VOTIVE INSCRIPTION OF LUGAL- TARSI,
KING OF KISH; AND MACE-HEAD DEDICATED TO A GOD ON BEHALF
OF NAMMΑΚΗΝΙ, ΡΑTESI OF LAGASH (SHIRPURLA)
Brit. Mus., Nos. 91013 and 22445.
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD
219
Apart
from theof early
difficulty
presented
by the
Sargon's
name,
the
absence
records
concerning
reign
of Shar-Gani-sharri for a time led in certain quarters to
atraditions
completepreserved
underrating
of
the
historical
value
of
the
in thesurvived
Omen-text.
mace-head
from Abu Habba alone
in proofThe
of the
latter's
existence,
and
it
was
easy
to
see
in
the
later
Babylonian
traditions
legends
of which concerning
the historianSargon
couldvalueless
make notales
use.¹andThe
discovery at Nippur, close to the south-east wall of the
ziggurat,
or temple-tower,
ofShar-Gani-sharri
brick-stamps andanddoorsockets
bearing
the
name
of
recording
his
building
of
the
temple
of
Enlil,
proved
that
he
hadof Babylonia.
exercised authority
overperiod
at leastof atheconsiderable
part
At
a
later
American
excavations there was found in the structure
of the
ziggurat, below the crude brick platform of Ur-Engur,
another
pavement
consisting with
of twotheknown
courses inscription
of burned
bricks,
most
of
themstamped
of Shar-Gani-sharri, while the rest bore the briefer in-
scription
ofbyNarâm-Sin.
The
pavement
hadNarâm-Sin,
apparently
been
laid
Sargon
and
partly
re-laid
by
who
hadutilized
some
of the
former's
buildingmaterials.
The
fact
that
both
kings
used
the
same
peculiar inbricks,
which
were
found
in
their
original
positions
structure of the same pavement, was employed as the
an
additional
argument
in
favour
ofidentifying
Shar-GanisharriA with
Sargon
I.,in" the
the father
of Narâm-Sin."
3
further
stage
development
of
the
subject
was
reachedinscribed
on the recovery
at Telloof ofa commercial
a largenumber
of tablets
with accounts
and
agricultural character, some of which were dated by
events
in the
reignshailed
of Shar-Gani-sharri
and
Narâm-Sin.
This
was
at
once
as
confirming
and
the disputed traditions of the Omen-tablet,completing
and from
1and
Cf. "Winckler,
"Geschichte
BabyloniensI., undAssyriens"
(1892),
pp. 30,
Altorientalische
39,
Forschungen,"
p.
238
(1895)
;
and
Niebuhr,
" Chronologie"
(1896),
p. 75.Inser.," I. (1893), pll. 1-3, p. 15.
23 Op.
Hilprecht,
"
Old
Bab.
cit., II. (1896), p. "Comptesrendus
19 f.
4 Cf. Thureau-Dangin,
del'Académie des Inscriptions et
Belles-lettres,"
Tomeр. 2.XXIV., 1896, pp. 355ff.; and Heuzey,
" Revue d'Assyr.,"Ser.IV.IV.,(1897),
220 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
that time the identity of Sargon and Shar-Gani-sharri
was
not seriouslycalled
Finally,therecent
discoveryof
a copyoftheinquestion.
original chronicle,
from which
the historical references in the Omen-tablet were taken,
restored the traditions to their true setting and freed
them
from the augural text into which theyhad been
incorporated.¹ The difference in the forms of the two
names wascombinedwith
ignored or explained
away, and traditions.
the early
textswere
the
late
Babylonian
Both sources of information were regarded as referring
to the same monarch, who was usually known by the
titleThe
of Sargon
I., orwhich
SargonhasofAgade.
discovery
reopened the question as
toof later
the identity
of
Shar-Gani-sharri
Sargonof
tradition was made at Susa with
in thethecourse
carried out on that site by the Délégation
excavations
en Perse. The new data are furnished by a monument, which, to judge from the published descriptions
probablyofbeearlyregarded
of it, mayspecimens
as onesculpture
of the most
that
valuable
Babylonian
has
yet
been
found.
Two
portions
of
the
stone
have
recovered,
engravedofwithan sculptures
bearingof
been
and king
early
Semitic
traces
of
an
inscription
Babylonia.
The being
stone curved,
is roughlyandtriangular
in shape,
the
longest
side
on
all
three
sides
in
two
registers.
In
the
upper
reliefs
are
sculptured
register
are battle
scenes and a row
of king
captives,
and
of
the
and
his
insuite.the lower
are
representations
On
the
third
face
of
the
monolith,
to
the
right
of the king
inrepresented
the lowerfeeding
register,onis the
a scene
inandwhichon
slain;
vultures
are
a smaller detached fragment of the stone is a figure,
probably
that ofinaagod,
clubbing
the ofking's
enemies
who
are
caught
net.
The
details
the
the vultures obviously recall the similar scenesneton and
the
3
concerning early Babylonian Kings" (1907),
Seepp.King,
Vol.12 I.,Shargani,
27 ff.the" Chronicles
first part of the name Shar-Gani-sharri,was equated with
Sharru-GI-NA(=
ukin),
the second
part ofbeenthedropped
name, read
shar-ali,of
"king
of the city,
" wasandregarded
as having
by a asprocess
abbreviation.
3 See Gautier,
"Recueil
" Textes
Elam.-Sémit.,"
IV.,depp.travaux,"
4 ff. Vol. XXVII., pp. 176 ff., and Scheil,
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 221
stele of Eannatum,¹ but the treatment of the birds
and
alsomore
of thevaried
figuresandin the
scenes, isthan
said toin
be far
less battle
conventional
Eannatum's sculpture. That they are Semitic and
Sumerian
Semitic
inscripnot
work
is provedof the
by the
imprecations
tion,
of
which
a
few
phrases
closing
pointed
are
still
visible.
The
king
also
has
the
long
beard
of the
Semites,hasdescending
tocharacteristics,
his girdle, and,he
although
his
clothing
Sumerian
issuggested
of the Semitic
type.of theSeveral
pointsandof tointerest
are
by
details
sculpture,
these
we
willThe
presently
refer.
name of
which now concerns us is themonument.
the kingpoint
tothewhom
we
owe
this
remarkable
been
has
unfortunately
main
inscription
Although
out,
the
king's
name
has
been
preserved
hammered
in a cartouche in front of him, where he is termed
practically
" Sharru-Gi,
king." NowoneSharru-GI
identical
withthe
Sharru-GI-NA,
of the twoisforms
under
which
Sargon's name is written in Assyrian and NeoBabylonian texts² ; for the sign NA in the latter name
to theaffecting
ideogramin and
is merely
adropped
phoneticincomplement
could
writing
without
be
any
pronunciation
of
the
name.
Hitherto,
as
we
way
the
father
Narâm-Sin,
Sargon,
traditional
of
have
seen,
the
has been identified with Shar-Gani-sharri of Akkad.
suggests itself: Can we identify
question obviously
The Sharru-Gi
the
of the new monument with Shar-Ganithat a contemporary
sharri ? Can
we supposeof Shar-Gani-sharri's
name,scribe
and
this rendering
invented
thus gave rise to the form which we find preserved in
Scheil,
traditionof? thePèreproblem,
later was
Babylonian
who
the firstandto Assyrian
offer a solution
Sharru-Gi
and areShar-Ganiissharri
clearly
right in treating
;
the
forms
tooname.
dispersonages
as
different
as
variants
of
the
same
similar
to
be
regarded
It has also been noted that Sharru-Gi and Narâm-Sin
are both mentioned on a tablet from Tello. On these
that Sharru-Gi,
whose
grounds
Père
Scheil
suggested
name
he
would
render
as
Sharru-ukîn
(
=
Sargon),
was
the father of Narâm-Sin, as represented in the late
2 See above, p. 217, n. 1.
1 See above, Chap. V., pp. 125, 130 ff.
222 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
tradition ; Shar-Gani-sharri he would regard as another
sovereign ofand
Akkad,
dynastyon astheSargon
Narâm-Sin
one ofofthe
theirsame
successors
throne.¹and
Itatmayfirstbesight
admitted
thatto commend
this explanation
isforoneit
that
seems
itself,
appearsthetoearly
succeed
in reconciling
the
later tradition
with
monuments.
But
difficulties
in The
the
way
of
its
acceptance
were
at
once
pointed
out.
occurrence
of theonproper
name Sharru-Gi-ili,
“ SharruGi
is
my
god,"
the
Obelisk
of
Manishtusu
clearly
proves
that
a
king
bearing
the
name
of
Sharru-Gi,
and
presumably
identical
with
the
Sharru-Gi
of
the
new
stele, preceded
Manishtusu,
kingonly
of Kish,
forplacetheduring
deification
of
a
king
could
obviously
take
his lifetime or after his death. Similar evidence has
already
cited to prove thatandUrumush
of Kish
was
anterior been
to Shar-Gani-sharri
Narâm-Sin,
though
his
reign
mayinterval.
not haveGranting
been separated
from
theirs byif
any
long
these
conclusions,
Narâm-Sinhad
the sonwould
of Sharru-Gi,
by Père Scheil,been
Urumush
have beenas suggested
separated
from
Manishtusu
by
the
Dynasty
of
Akkad,
a combination
that
is
scarcely
probable.
Moreover,
the
context
of
the
passage
on
the
tablet
from
Tello,
on
which the names of Sharru-Gi and Narâm-Sin are
mentioned, imply
thoughthat
of doubtful
interpretation,
doessame
not
necessarily
they
were
living
at
the
time; they
mayreasons
have been
separated by
several
generations.
These
in
themselves
make
it
probable
that Sharru-Gi was not the founder of Narâm-Sin's
dynasty,
a predecessor
Urumushbut
uponwas
the throne
of Kish. of Manishtusu and
Itpreserved
has been infurther
pointed out
that inMuseum
an inscrip-at
tion
the
Imperial
Ottoman
Constantinople
thejudge
namefrom
of a the
kingtraces
of Kish
isvisible,
mentioned,
which,
to
still
may probably be restored as that of Sharru-GI.5 The
4
See Scheil,
-Sémit,"Lit.-Zeit.
IV., pp., " 41908,
ff. col. 313 ff.;.; cf. also
Thureau-" DTextes
"Orient.
angin,Elam.
21 See
King,3 See" Proc.
Bibl. Arch.," Vol. XXX.4 (1908),
pp. 239
above,Soc.p. 203.
See above,
p. 203ff. examined
f.
the
5
See
King,
op.
cit.,
p.
240
f.
M.
Thureau-Danginhassince
text at Constantinople,andhe confirms the restoration.
1
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD
223
fragmentary
nature ofthethe
text, which
was found
Abu
Habba during
excavations
conducted
by theat
Turkish Government
upon
that site,¹
rendered
any
deductions
that
might
be
drawn
from
it
uncertain;
but itsufficed to corroborate the suggestionthat SharruGi
a kingthen
of Akkad,
a still earlier
king
of was
Kish.not Since
I have but
recognized
a duplicate
text of the
Constantinople
inscription,
alsoandfrom
Abu
Habba,
which
enables
us
to
supplement
to
some
extent
correct
theof conclusions
based
upon it.inscribed
The
duplicate
consists
a
cruciform
stone
object,
onits twelve sides with a votive text recording a series
ofin gifts
to
the
Sun-god
Shamash
and
his
consort
Aa
the city toof thefragmentary
Sippar, and theinscriptionat
early part ofConstantiits text
corresponds
nople. Unfortunately
the
beginning
of the texttext,is
wanting,
as
is
the
case
with
the
Constantinople
so that we cannot decide with certainty the name of
the king who had the monument engraved. But the
duplicate
furnishes fresh data on which to base a
conclusion.
Althoughthetheamount
king's name
wanting,
it is possible
to estimate
of textis that
is missing
at the
head of the first column, and it is now clear that the
name of Sharru-Gi does not occur at the beginning of
the
inscription,
but somesuggests
lines down
thein column
; in
other
words,
its
position
a
name
agenealogy
rather than that of the writer of the text. Moreover,
inSharru-GI
a brokenoccurs
passage
inandthethesecond
column
the
name
again,
context
proves
definitely
that he was not the writer of the text, who speaks in
the
first
person,
though
he maythenotmonument
improbablycanhave
been
his
father.
But,
although
no
longer be ascribed to Sharru-GI, the titles " the mighty
king, the king of Kish," which occur in the first column
of thethetext,occurrence
are stilloftothebename
takeninastheapplying
him,
while
second tocolumn
confirms
restoration
its suggested
in the
Sharru-GI
It may therefore
be regarded
as certain
thatgenealogy.
was
king who
of Kish,
and,cruciform
it would monument
seem, the
fatheranofearly
the
king
had
the
1 Cf. Scheil, " Une saison de fouilles à Sippar," p. 96.
224 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
inscribedofandShamash
deposited
as a votive
offering
in the
temple
at Sippar.
In the
last chapter
referenceandhashisbeen
made toto theManishtusu's
activity
in
Sippar
devotion
great
temple
of
the
Sun-godon ina careful
that city.studyForvariousepigraphicalreasons,
based
of monument
its text, I would
provisionally
assign
the
cruciform
to
Manishtusu.
According to this theory, Sharru-GI would be Manishtusu's
father,
andyetthebeen
earliest
king of Kish of this period
whose
name
has
recovered.
The proofthat Sharru-Gi, or, according to the later
interpretation
of the name,
Sargon, wasnornotwasidentical
with
Shar-Gani-sharri,
King
ofAkkad,
even
a
member
of
his
dynasty,
would
seem
to
bring
once
more
into discredit the later traditions which gathered round
his name. To the Assyrian andNeo-Babylonian scribes
Sargon
appears
as a kingwhoof Agade,
or Akkad,
and the
father
of
Narâm-Sin,
succeeded
him
upon
his
throne. It is clear, therefore, that the nameofthe earlier
king of real
Kishname,
has beenShar-Gani-sharri,
borrowed for thehaskingdisappeared
ofAkkad,
whose
inachievements,
the tradition.whichArelaterwe ages
to imagine
the greatof
ascribedthat
to Sargon
Akkad, were also borrowed along with his name from
the
historicalSargon
SargonisofKish
? Oris itofpossible
that and
the
traditional
representative
his
period,
combines
the attributes
one king in? his
In one
the person
cruciform
monument,ofmore
whichthan
we
have
seen
may
probably
be
assigned
to
Manishtusu,
the stating
king prefaces
thetookaccount
ofathisconquest
ofAnshan
by
that
it
place
a
time
"
when
all the
lands revolted against me," andthephraseemployed
recalls thewhich
similarstatesexpression
in the Neo-Babylonian
chronicle,
that
in
Sargon's
old age " inall the
the
lands
revolted
against
him."
The
parallelism
language ofthe early text and the late chronicle might
perhaps be cited in support of the view that facts as
well as names had been confused in the later tradition.
Fortunately we have not to decide the question as a
point ofprobability,
literary criticism,
general
for we nor
haveeven
the upon
meansgrounds
of testingof
1
...
1 See above, pp. 206, 212
a
김근수
CRUCIFORM STONE OBJECT INSCRIBED ON TWELVE SIDES WITH
A VOTIVE TEXT OF AN EARLY SEMITIC KING OF KISH, RECORDING A SERIES OF GIFTS TO SHAMASH THE SUN- GOD AND
HIS WIFE AA IN THE CITY OF SIPPAR.
Brit. Mus., No. 91022.
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD
225
the traditions
in detail
by comparison
withbeencontemporary
documents.
Reference
has
already
made
toNarâm-Sin,
tablets dated
in
the
reigns
of
Shar-Gani-sharri
and
and
the
date-formulæ
occurring
upon
them refer, in accordance with the custom of the
period,
to events of public interest after which the
years were named. In the case of tablets dated in SharGani-sharri's
findthethree
have
a direct reign,
bearingweupon
pointdate-formulæ
at issue, andwhich
to incidents which correspondina remarkable degreereferto
achievements
ascribed to Chronicle.
Sargon in the
Omen-tablet
and
the
Neo-Babylonian
The
Amurru, the " Western Land" on the coastconquest
of Syria,of
isrepresenting
referred to separate
in four sections
of thethither.
Omens,¹The
probably
expeditions
third
section
records
a
decisive
victory
for
Sargon,
andto
apparently
the
deportation
of
the
king
of
Amurru
Akkad ; while in the fourth Sargonis recorded to have
set up
his upon
imagestheinrocks
Amurru,
that
is to say, he carved
Mediterranean
his
image
near
the
coast,
orof inthethecountry.
Lebanon,as
a
lasting
memorial
ofhis
conquest
theintablets
accounts
from Tello is datedNow" inonetheofyear
whichofShar-Ganisharri conquered Amurru in Basar." 2 It is therefore
certain that
the conquest
ascribed
by
tradition
to Sargon
of Akkad,ofis Amurru,
to be referred
to SharGani-sharri
andatreated
as historically true.we employ the
We
obtain
very
similarresultwhen
campaigns.
Elamite
same
method of testing
Sargon's
Sargon's
The
Omen-tablet
opens
with
the
record
of
of the
invasion
ofthe
country,
followedby
his
conquest
Elamites,
whom
heisrelatedtohave
afflictedgrievously
by
off their
supplies.
This wouldraidappear
into
to cutting
have been
in thefood
nature
of a successful
Elamite
territory.is dated
On thein other
hand,when
one ofthe
early
account-tablets
the year
Shar-Ganisharri overcame the expedition which Elam andZakhara
1 King,
" Chronicles,"
Vol. II., rendus
pp.27ff.,deSections
II., IV.,
V.,
and VII.
2
ThureauD
angin,
"Comptes
l'Académie
des
Inscriptions,"
1896, p. 358,No. 2 and n. 1, "Recueil de tablettes chaldéennes, p. 57,
No. 3124" Chronicles,"
(cf. p. 46, No.Vol.85)II.,; see
"Königsinschriften,"
p. 225.
p. 25alsof., Section
I.
226 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
had
sent
againstit records
Opis anda success
Sakli. against
It is clear
that the
date,
although
the
Elamites,
can hardly refer to the same event as the Omen-text,
sinceatheraidlatter
records
an invasion
ofElam
bySargon,
not
into
Babylonian
territory
by
the
Elamites.
But the contemporary document at least proves
that
Shar-Gani-sharri was successful in his war with Elam,
and it is provoked
not unlikely
that
the attack country.
on Opis bySuch
the
Elamites
his
invasionoftheir
a raid as the Omens describe fully accords with the
practice used
of this
period,Elam
when and
the return
kings toof their
Kish own
and
Akkad
to invade
country laden
with
spoil.
Thetradition
date-formula
which
confirms
a
third
point
in
the
late
refers
to
year in which Shar-Gani-sharri laid the foundationstheof
the temple of Anunitu and the temple of Amal in
Babylon,
proving
notperiod,but
only thatalso
thethat
city Sargon
of Babylon
was
inhimself
existence
at
this
devoted
toChronicle
its adornment
bythatbuilding
temples
there.
The
late
records
Sargon
removed
the
soil from the trenches of Babylon, and abroken passage
in the Omens appears to state that he increased the
might
ofandBabylon.
On thisconfirm
point the
early
dateformula
the
late
tradition
and
supplement
each other.
Thus, wherever we can test the achievements
ascribed to Sargon
ofofAkkad
by comparison
with
contemporary
records
Shar-Gani-sharri's
reign,
we
find a complete agreement between them. Another
featuretheinfounder
the traditional
pictureatofAkkad,
Sargonwhereas
admirablyit
suits
of
a
dynasty
would have little suitability to a king of Kish. This is
the support which the goddess Ishtar is stated to have
2
3
" Comptes rendus," 1896, p. 357, No. 1; "Recueil de tablettes," p. 60,
No. 1 130.
2 Theofwarlike
expedition
to Dêr (Dûr-ilu),which
is referred
to in thebe
Legend
Sargon
(see
"Chronicles,"
Vol.
II.,
p.
92),
may
possibly
connected
withthis
campaign
ofShar-Gani-sharri.
34 See
above,
p.
205,
and
below,
pp. No.
231,6243
f.Recueil de tablettes," p. 56,
"
Comptes
rendus,"
1896,
p.
359,
;
"
No. 118.
5 Op.
" Chronicles,"
II., p.The8, passagehas
1. 18.
6
cit.,
II.,
p.
27.
by Hilprecht, " Old Bab. Inscr.," II., p. 26.no reference to Kish, as suggested
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD
227
given Sargon,armsbothtoinvictory.
raising him
toAkkad,
the throne
and
in
guidinghis
For
which
SharGani-sharri
his capital,
was antheimportant
seat of
her
worship.madeWhen,
therefore,
late tradition
records
Sargon
and Kazallu,
we
maythat
ascribe
theseconquered
victoriesSubartu
to Shar-Gani-sharri,
although theythatarehaveunrecorded
the contemporary
monuments
as yet beenin recovered.
At any
time it may
may behappen
of Kashtubila of
Kazallu
foundthat
in athetextname
of Shar-Gani-sharri's
reign,
as that
of Mannu-dannu
been
recovered
on a statue
of Narâm-Sin.2of Magan
Such anhasattitude
of expectancy
is justifiedhasbyalready
the striking
instances byin
which
the
late
tradition
been
confirmed
the early texts; and the parallelism in the language of
Manishtusu's monument and the late Chronicle of
Sargon, astofortuitous.
which reference
been made,
treated
Havinghasregard
to the must
insecurebe
foundations
upon which
these early may
empireswellwere
based,
Manishtusu,
Shar-Gani-sharri,
like
have
had
to face a revolt of the confederation of cities he had
subjected to his would
rule. probablyhave
In such a caseemployed
the scribe
of
phraseShar-Gani-sharri
ologyconventional
precisely similar
that in Manishtusu's
for
forms oftoexpression
constantly recurtext,in
monumental
inscriptions
of theissame
Our conclusion,
therefore,
thatperiod.
in the later texts
Shar-Gani-sharri
has
adopted
Sharru-Gi's
name,of but
nothing more. In view ofthe general accuracy
the
the
conquests
of
these
early
late
traditions
concerning
rulers, ithave
may taken
seem strange
ofnamesto
should
place; that
butsuch
it isa change
not difficult
suggestconquerors,
causes forboththebelonged
confusion.
great
to theBoth
samekings
epoch,were
and
founded dynasties in Northern Babylonia, and bothbore
names which, in part, are not dissimilar. Moreover, the
12 See
" Chronicles,"
II., pp. 3, 30 f., 90 f.
below, p. 241.
3 Though
wehave
nodynasty
directevidence
in his case,
Sharru-Gi
maywell
have
been
the
founder
of
his
;
the
absence
of
his
father's
name
from
the
text
and
the
cruciform
monumentaccords
genealogy
in
the
Constantinople
with this suggestion.
Shar-Gani-sharri ascribes no title to his father DâtiEnlil(see
further, p. 232).
228 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
suggestion
hasform
been components
made that theofwords
" Gani" may
and
"Gi,"
which
the
names,
possibly
have
bothinbeen
divineperiods
titles, ofthough
we But
find
no
trace
of
them
the
later
history.
whether
so oritnot,
andthat
whatever
the namesthiswewas
adopt,
is clear
Sargon'srenderings
traditionalof
achievements
maybeorcredited
Shar-Gani-Sharri,
who,
as king of Agade
Akkad,tosucceeded
to the earlier
empire
ofthe
kings ofseen
Kish.³reason to believe that the
We
have
already
kings
of Kishofwere
separated
by view
no long
interval from
the
empire
Akkad,
and
this
is
supported,
not
only
by
a
study
of
their
inscriptions,
but
also
by
the
close connection that maybe traced between the artistic
achievements
of the two periods. Epigraphic evidence
has
been
strikinglyreinforcedbythediscoveryofSharruGi's
monolith;
forartistic
the sculptures
upon
it have
share hitherto
to some
extent
the
high
qualities
which
beenregardedas the exclusive possession of the Dynasty
of Akkad.
Thevictory,
modelling
ofnatural
the figures
on NarâmSin's
stele
of
their
pose
and
spirited
attitudes,
have
long
been
recognized
as
belonging
to a
totallydifferentcategoryfromthesquatandconventional
representations
Steleareofmarked
the Vultures.
The
cylinder-seals ofupon
the the
period
by the same
12 Dhorme's
Cf. Scheil,suggestion
"TextesÉlam.-Sémit.,"
pp. 16, 26. for Gani in the
that GIwas anI.,ideographicwriting
early
period
(cf. that
"Orient.
Lit.-Zeit.," ideographic
1909, col. 53value
f.) isforscarcely
probable,
though
the
fact
the
commonest
GI
was
kanûlateror
ganû
("
a
reed")
may
possibly
have
contributed
in
some
way
to
the
confusion. It should also be noted that Clayhas recently pointed out the
occurrence of the name Sha-ru-ki-in, on a fragment of an early text (see
" Amurru,"
p. 194),as
apparentlythat
ofasatherulernunnation
of "the(asfourinquarters."
Since
the
final
ncan
hardly
be
treated
the wordas
ir-bi-ti-in
in
the
fifth
line
ofthetext),
wemayprobably
regard
the
passage
proving
the early
existence
the name
Sharrukin,
Sargon,whichwouldbe
the natural
rendering
of theofname
Sharru-GI
(see above,
p. 221). But the
title of the king in the newtext, and his description as " the beloved of
Ishtar,"
would
suitexcuse
a kingforofaconfusion
Akkad rather
than a king of Kish, thus
affording
additional
by
thelaterscribes.
3 It is therefore still permissible to employ the name " Sargon " as a
synonym
of Similarly
Shar-Gani-sharri,thepredecessor
ofNarâm-Sinuponthethrone
ofnot
Akkad.
the
terms
"Pre-Sargonic"
and
"Post-Sargonic"
need
be
given
up.
In
the
text,
however,
the
forms
Sharru-Gi
and
Shar-Ganisharri havebeenemployed forthe sake ofclearness.
4 See above, p. 210 f.
5 See the frontispiece; and cf. p. 242 f.
and
M
.1,NBrit
8039
us
Messrs
;po.
hoto
yos
CMb19030
&
ansell
-SIN
BUR
REIGN
THE
DURING
.,K
UR
OF
ING
TWO
SURVEY
A
DETAILS
WITH
INSCRIBED
CLAY
BAKED
TABLETS
PROPERTY
CERTAIN
OF
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD
229
degree of excellence,
between there
the sculptures
Eannatum
and those ofbutNarâm-Sin
has hithertoof
been
a example
gap in theof orderly
stages
of development.
A
single
engraved
metal-work
had
indeed
been recovered, but the date of this was, and still is, to
some
The object
oftheextent
copperuncertain.
head ofacolossal
votiveconsists
lance,
some
thirty-one
and
a
half
inches
long.
On
one
ofits
faces
is
engraved
inspirited
outline
the figure of a lion rampant, and on the neck
of the blade is the name of a king of Kish
beginning
with
the sign"
Sharru."by the
A slight
indication
of
date
is
afforded
fact
that it was found at Tello, near the eastern
corner oflevel.
Ur-Nina's
rather
higher
If thebuilding,
second but
line atofathe
inscription,
which
is
illegible
through
oxidization, contained
a title
and
not
part
of the
name,
it
is
probable
that
we
may
restore
the
name in the first line as that of Sharru-Gi
himself. Otherwise we must assign the lance
toshould
someplace
otherhim
kingbefore
of Kish,
but whether
we
or
after
Sharru-Gi
it isItdifficult
to say.that the art of the later
was clear
period
was
ultimately
based uponof the
the formal
FIG. 58.
though
decorative
conventions
earlier
head
Sumerian time, but, with the doubtful ex- ofCopper
a colossal
ceptionstatues
of the
copper lance-head
and had
the votive
lance,
rude
of
Manishtusu,
no
example
engravedwith
the name and
titleofanearly
previouslyThebeen
foundlinkofbetween
the intermediate
king
Kish.
period.
missing
the
earlier
From of
Tello.
sculpture
of
Lagash
and
that
of
Akkadhas
[Déc.No.pl.1.]5 ter,
now
been
supplied
bythemonolith
of
SharruGi.
Itsboth
pointsin design
ofresemblance
to theVulture
Stele,
and
treatment,
prove
direct
continuity
with were
early obviously
Sumerian borrowed
art. The from
divinethenetTello
and
the
vultures
monument, while the guards attending upon Sharru-
Gi display the squat and heavy appearance which
1 See Heuzey, " Rev. d'Assyr., " Vol. IV., p. 111.
230 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
characterizes the warriors of Eannatum. At the same
time, a new element is introduced in the battle scenes,
where
the designsHere
andgrouping
arehasmorevaried
andfancy
less
conventional.
the
sculptor
allowed
his
and hasof the
attempted
a naturalistic
infreer
his play,
delineation
combatants.
He hastreatment
not fully
attained
the
masterly
qualities
which
characterize
the
stele ofNarâm-Sin, but his work is its direct forerunner.
To
judge
from thethestriking
evidence
furnished
bybeena
single
monument,
art
of
Kish
must
have
closelynorelated
tonew
thatdeparture,
of Akkad.but The
latter
inaugu-on
rated
totally
was
dependent
its predecessor, whose most striking qualities it adopted
andimproved.
Asgovernment,
in the spheretheof Dynasty
art, so, too,of inAkkad
that ofdidpolitics
and
notits
originate,
but
merely
expanded
and
developed
inheritance along
lines that
alreadywe laid
Even with
Sharru-Gi,
it is clear
havedown.
not reached
the
beginning
of
the
Semitic
movement
in
Northern
Babylonia,
and the
thatlater
in this
the kingdom
Kish resembled
empirerespect
ofAkkad.
The battleof
scenes
upon
his monuments
proveofthat
Sharru-Gi
wasno
agreat
conqueror,
but
the
traces
the
text
supply
details
his campaigns.
is significant,
however,
that hisofenemies
are beardedIt Semites,
not Sumerians,
proving
thatandthetheSemitic
immigration
intowasNorthern
Babylonia
surrounding
districts
no been
new
thing
;
we
may
infer
that
kindred
tribes
had
long
settled intothisdefend
portion
ofterritory
WesternfromAsia,
and
were
prepared
their
the
encroachments ofone oftheir own race. Yet details of SharruGi's
with him domination
we are appreciably
nearersculpture
to the prove
time that
of Sumerian
in the
north.
The
shaven
faces
of
the
king's
suite
or
bodyguard
suggest
Sumerians,
and
their
clothing,
which
the
king himself shares, is also of that type. In such
details
weeither
mayin see
evidence
ofartistic
strongconvention.
Sumerian
influence,
actual
life
or
in
Such a mixture of Sumerian and Semitic characteristics
would
quite foreign
Dynasty
and it beis probable
that tothetheearlier
rulersofofAkkad,
Kish
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD
231
had
not yet proved themselves superior to Sumerian
tutelage.
Some account has already been given in the last
chapter
of thethecampaigns
oftheManishtusu
and
Urumush,
which
paved
way
for
conquests
of
Shar-Ganisharri. We there saw that Manishtusu claims to have
defeated a confederation of thirty-two cities,¹ and, if we
are have
rightindefinite
assigning
thethatcruciform
monument
to him,
we
proof
his
successes
were
not
confined
to
Akkad
and
Sumer,
but
were
carried
beyond
the Elamite
border. monument
Since the fragments
stelæ,at
like
the cruciform
itself, wereof his
found
Sippar, ofwhere
they
had itbeen
dedicated
in that
the great
temple
the
Sun-god,
is
quite
possible
they
should be employed
tosamesupplement
eachInother
ashaving
commemorated
the
campaign.
that
case, theas
kings
of
the
thirty-two
cities
are
to
be
regarded
having
inaugurated
" the revolt
ofpreceded
all the lands,"
which
the
cruciform
monument
tells
us
the
conquest
of Anshan. The leader ofthe revolt was clearly the
king of Anshan, since the cruciform monument and its
duplicate
particularly
record
his defeat
andwith
deportation.
On
his
return
from
the
campaign,
laden
gifts into
and
tribute,
Manishtusu
led
the
king
as
his
captive
the presence of Shamash, whose temple he lavishly
enriched
in gratitude
for hisAnshan
victory. wasHisprobably
boast that
he
ruled,
as
well
as
conquered,
based
on the exaction of tribute ; the necessity for the reconquest
ofElamseem
by Urumush,
and later
on by Shar-Ganisharriwould
to indicatethat
the authority
ofthese
early
Semitic
kings
in
Elam
was
acknowledged
only so
longAlready,
as their army
was
in
occupation
ofthe
country.2
in the reign of Manishtusu, Akkad and
her citizens had enjoyed a position ofgreat influence in
12 See
above,benotedthat
p. 211 f. on atablet fromTello of the timeofthe Dynasty
It
should
ofAkkad mention is made ofa patesi of Susawho musthavebeenthedependent
ofthe
reigninglineking.
His nameshouldprobablybe
readas
Ilishma,but
asto the
end
ofthe
is
broken,
it
is
also
possiblethat
the
personage
was Ilish, an official in the service of the patesi of Susa (cf. " referred
Rec. de
tabl.,"
p.
57,
No.
122,
Rev.,1.
2
f.).
It
is
possible
that
to
this
period
should be assigned apatesi,whosename, occurring upon the fragment ofalso
an
archaic
from-Sémit.,
Susa,III.
has, p.been1) ;provisionally
Scheil, "inscription
Textes Elam.
see further, p.read
243 asf. Ur-ilim (see
232 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
the kingdom
ofKish,
and it isshenotshould
surprising
the
course
of a few
generations
havethatin
obtained
the
hegemony
do notnorknow
the
immediate
causeinofBabylonia.
the change We
of capital,
whether
itbetween
was thetheresult
a prolonged
of antagonism
rival ofcities.
On this period
point the
tradition is silent, merely recording that Sargonlaterobtained
"the kingdom"
through
Shar-is
Gani-sharri
was the
actualIshtar's
founderhelp.
of hisThat
dynasty
from the
inscription
upontitlehistogate-sockets
atclearNippur,
which
ascribe no
his father, found
DâtiEnlil,
proving
that his family
hadunderthe
not evensuzerainty
held the
patesiate
or
governorship
ofAkkad
of Kish. Indeed, tradition related that Sargon's native
city was
Azupirânu,
and
it the
lovedsubsequent
to contrastsplendour
his humbleof
birth
and
upbringing
with
his
reign.of bulrushes,
The legendandofhis
committal
toadoption
the riverbyin
an
ark
of
his
rescue
and
Akki,
the gardener,
would
make itsensured
appealfortoSargon
every
later
generation,
and
it
undoubtedly
the position of a national hero in the minds of the
people.tending
The toassociation
of memory,
the storyneed
withnothisbename,
while
preserve
his
to discredit the traditions of his conquests, which,heldas
wehavealreadyseen,are
confirmed
in several important
details
by
the
inscriptions
ofhis
reign.
On
the transference
of power
fromfrom
Kish toNorthern
Akkad
an
expansion
of
Semitic
authority
Babylonia
appears
toofWesternAsia.
have taken placeElam
throughout
a
considerable
portion
no
longer
claims
the and
principal
shareandofShar-Gani-sharri
attention from theseemsrulersto
of Akkad
Sumer,
have devotedand,hismore
energies
to extending
his influence
northwards
particularly,
in
the
west.
which lay to the north-east of Akkad, in theKutû,
hilly
country
on the
the Lower Zab,laid
wastheconquered
in the same
yeareast
thatofShar-Gani-sharri
foundations
of
the
temples
of
Anunitu
and
Amal
inBabylon,
and Sharlak, its king, was taken captive. The reference
12 Cf.
"Thureau-Dangin,
Old Bab. Inscr.,""Comptes
Pt. II., pl.rendus,
2, No."2;1896,
andp.see359,further,
p.; "Recueil
248 f.
No.
6
See
de tablettes," p. 56, No. 118 ; and " Königsinschriften," p. 225.
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD
233
to this itevent
the official
of the year
which
tookinplace
is sometitleindication
of theduring
imcampaign.
Unfortunately,
portance
ascribed
to
the
we possess no classified date-list for the Dynasty of
Akkad, such as we have recovered for the later
Dynasties
ofareUrtoo
andfew
Babylon,
and the
dated
tabletsanyof
this
period
to
enable
us
to
attempt
chronological
classification
ofmeans
themofbyarranging
their contents.
We
are
thus
without
the
Gani-sharri's conquests in the order in which theyShartook
place,
or
of
tracing
the
steps
by
which
he
gradually
increased
his empire.hasBut
ifsignificance,
the order ofit would
the sections
on
the
Omen-tablet
any
seemor
that
his
most
important
conquest,
that
of
Amurru
Western Land," took place in the earlier years
"ofthe
his reign.
A discrepancy occurs in the later accounts of this
conquest,which have come down to us upon the Omentablet
and thetheNeo-Babylonian
Chronicle.
While inis
the
former
complete
subjugation
of
Amurru
recorded
to that
have this
takenevent
placeoccurred
"in the"third
" the
latter
states
in theyear,
eleventh
year." It is quite possible to reconcile the two traditions
;years
the former
statement
may imply
thatthat
it took
three
to
subdue
the
country,
the
latter
the
conquest
was
achieved
in
the
eleventh
year
of
SharGani-sharri's reign.¹ Indeed, the fact that four sections
of theit required
Omens refer
to Amurru
would
seem the
to whole
imply
expeditions
that
several
to
bring
region
into complete
the extension
his authority
to the subjection.
MediterraneanBycoast
Shar-Gani-of
sharri
madebya striking
advance upon
thethrone
ideals ofofempire
possessed
his
predecessors
on
the
Kish.in
But
even
in
this
achievement
he
was
only
following
the
steps of a still earlier ruler. A passage in Lugalzaggisi's text would seem to imply that, in the course of
expedition along
theSyrian
Euphrates,
heBut
hadShar-Ganisucceeded
inansharri's
penetrating
to
the
coast.
conquest appears to have been of a more permanent
character
than Lugal-zaggisi's
raid. Thepermanent
position
rendered
maintain
of1 his
capital
it
easier
to
See King, " Chronicles," Vol. I., p. 38 f.
2 See above, p. 197 f.
2
234 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
relations withthither
the inWest,
and toof his
despatch
expeditions
the event
authoritypunitive
being
calledIt has
in question.
been claimed on behalf of Shar-Gani-sharri
that he did not stop at the coast, but crossed the
Mediterranean
Cyprus,ofwhich
he is said
to haveseem,
included
within theto limits
his empire.
It would
however,
that
while the island
mayhave
been subject
indirectly
Babylonian
influence
period,
to
at
an
early
there is no indication of any direct or vigorous
influence
upon ofthesuchnative
Cyprioteweculture
atSemitic
this time.¹
But traces
an influence
should
expect
to find, if the island
subject
to Shar-Gani-sharri,
and had
had been
sharedpolitically
the elaborate
system of communication which he established
between
the distantevidence
parts would
of his scarcely
empire. have
In itself
the
archæological
been
cited
to
prove
a
definite
occupation
of
the
island,
statement
had
Sargon's
Omen-of
tabletnottoa the
effect occurred
that " heupon
crossed
the Sea
the West." But the newly discovered chronicle
provesEast,"
thatwhich
the truewithout
readingdoubt
should
be " the
the Persian
Sea in
the
indicates
Gulf.
wewasgather
that inin the
the form
originalof
From thethisChronicle
passage
not
cast
composition
narrative.
It inis agreater
poeticaldetail
summary
aSargon's
consecutive
the pre-of
might,
elaborating
ceding phrase that "he poured out his glory over the
world." In it the clauses are balanced in antithesis,
and the Western Land and the Eastern Sea, that is
Syria and the Persian Gulf, are mentioned together as
having formed the extreme limits of Sargon's empire.
On thesections
Omen-tablet
the piecemeal
original textto different
has been augural
cut up
into
and
applied
phenomena.
settingof astheaconsecutive
tive of eventsInits
the new
mention
Persian Gulfnarrawas
inconsistent
Amurru,
withforthea copyist
conquestto ofamend
obviously
and
hence
it
was
natural
text to the form in which it has reached us on the
the
archæological
1 Forseea discussion
of theXII.,
theory,
further, Chap.
p. 343 f. evidence adduced in favour of the
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 235
Omen-tablet.¹ The Omens still retained the reference
to the despoiling
of theGulf,
Country
of the
Sea, i.e. the
littoral
of
the
Persian
which
Shar-Gani-sharri
doubtless included within the southern border of his
empire. With this record we may connect the tradition,
reproduced
inantheisland
Legend
of PersianGulf,
Sargon, thatand
he
conquered
Dilmun,
in
the
with his maritime enterprise in this region we may
compare
that of Sennacherib at a later date who crossed
the Gulf in the course ofhis conquest of Elam. From
the earliest periods we know that the rivers and canals
ofBabylonia
werefornavigated,
Persian Gulf
a natural outlet
the trade ofandthetheSumerian
citieswas
in
the
south.of In
a naval
for the
conquest
theorganizing
coast and the
islands,expedition
Shar-Gani-sharri
would knowledge
have had native
ships
andhadsailors
atacquired
his disposal,
whose
of
the
Gulf
been
in the
course of their regular coastal trading.
In the internal administration of his empire SharGani-sharri
appearsatoregular
have inaugurated,
or at anyrate
tobetween
have organized,
system
of
communication
principalcities,
cities which
and theoccur
capital.in theTheconreferences the
to separate
temporary
reign, we
are know
not numerous.
From
the inscriptions
texts found ofathisNippur,
that he
rebuilt
E-kur,
the
great
temple
of
Enlil,
and
many
of
the
bricks
which
formed
his
temple-platform
and
that
of Narâm-Sin
been isfound
in place. that,
Thelikemacehead
from Abuhave
Habba
an indication
his
predecessors on the throne of Kish, he devoted himself
1 The phrasethe"the
Sea inSea,thei.e.East,"opposed
to theItCountry
ofthe West,
canonlymean
Eastern
the Persian Gulf.
would bemore
than
aeasternportion
fanciful interpretation
to
take
it
as
implying
a
maritime
expedition
in
the
ofthe
Western
Sea,
as
Winckler
suggests
(see
"
Orient.
Lit.Zeit.,"
580).is The
Neo-point
Babylonian
though the
tablet onNov.
which1907,
it iscol.written
laterin
of timeChronicle,
than the Omen-tablet
from Ashur-bani-pal's
Library,inclearlyrepresents
the more original
version.its
There
would
be
no
object
amending
the
Chronicle's
text,
while
mutilation
to fit thetempting
Liver-omenswould
naturally
introduce inconsistencies,
which
it
wouldbe
to
a
copyist
to
correct.
2 In the commercial tablets ofthe period ofShar-Gani-sharri andNarâmSin,
referenceatisLagash
frequentlymade
to transport
by water. Thus
the arrival
of
grain-boats
is
often
noted,
or
arrangements
are
made
for
the
despatch
ofcattle
asses by boat to other places.
34 See
See above,
above, p.p.and
219.
218.
236 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
to enrichingBabylonia;
the greatwhile
temple
ofof his
the date-formulæ
Sun-god in
Northern
one
supports
theButtradition
of texts
his and
building
activity
in
Babylon.¹
such
votive
records
throw
no
light upon
his tomethods
of government,
or more
uponoutthe
means
he
took
retain
his
hold
upon
the
lying
districts
ofhas,however,
his empire. been
Somerecovered
striking atTello,
evidence
upon
this
point
and this
is furnished,
not bybutanybyformal
recordlumps
or care-of
fully
inscribed
monument,
some
rough
clay, which
been broken
and thrown
onone side as
useless
débrishadduring
the reigns
of Shar-Gani-sharri
himself and his successor.
Along with the dated tablets of this period there
" Tell of Tablets," a number of sun-dried lumps of clay,
most of them broken in pieces, but bearing traces of
seal-impressions
their upper
surface.
carefulon
comparison
and upon
examination
of them
showedAthat
their
under and
sidesitimpressions
cordstheandclayknots
still visible,
was evidentofthat
had were
been
used
for
sealing
bales
or
bundles
of
objects,
which
had
been tied up and securedwith cords. Some of the sealwere found at Tello, in a mound to the S.S.E. of the
impressions
bear and
shortthatinscriptions,
consisting
of theor
name
of
theking
of
some
high
functionary
officer
of
state,
such
as
"
Shar-Gani-sharri,
the
mighty,
the king ofAkkad: Lugal-ushumgal, patesi ofLagash,
thy servant " ; here the king is addressed in the
secondengraved
person byuponthetheofficer
whose
nameinscriptions
and title
were
seal.
Similar
occur upon impressions from the seals of the
shakkanakkuandorthegrandking's
vizir,cupbearer.
the magicianTheofseals
the royal
household,
were
obviously
employed
by
the
officials
whose
names
occur ofinthethekingsecond
of each toinscription,
the
name
beingpart
also included
give them the
royal
authority.
Theenjoyed
right toonlyusebythetheroyal
name was
evidently
privilege
a
higherofficials
of the court.
clay were
broken
From
the fact
had
the lumps
sealed ofbundles
it isthat
clearthethat
at Tello,
found
1 See above, p. 226.
2 See Heuzey, " Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. IV., pp. 2 ff.
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD
237
beendespatched
from ofAkkad,
and weof have
them incontestablethither
evidence
a service
convoysin
between
Akkad
and Lagash,
under
the direct
controlto
ofthe
king's
officers.
We
may
note
that
in
addition
the
seal-impressions
ofthetheclay
were
inscribed
in a cursiveseveral
hand with
namefragments
of an official,
or private Thus
person,a sealed
for whom
sealedthe packet
was
intended.
bundlethefrom
grand vizir
was addressed " To Alla," that from Dada, the magician,
" Toother
Lugal-ushumgal,"
whose
nameinoccurs
in thereign
seal
on
fragments;
while
onesent
Narâm-Sin's
appears
tothehavepacket's
been place
addressed
simply " ToApart
Lagash,"
indicating
ofdestination.
from
the
fact
that,
with
the
exception
of
Lugal-ushumgal,
the
high court-officials
mentioned
onintheLagash,
seals would
naturally
be
living
in
Akkad,
not
the
addresses
on
the
different
fragments,
particularly
the
one
last
referred
to,
definitely
prove
that
the
sealings
were
employed
on stored
bundlesin actually
despatched
from
city
to
city
and
not
any
archive
or
repository.
It is thereforeandcertain
that, during
the system
reigns ofof SharGani-sharri
Narâm-Sin,
a
regular
communication was kept up between Lagash and the court,
and
itmayinlegitimately
be inferred
that the
capital
wasof
linkedup
a
similarway
to
the
other
great
cities
the empire.
In addition to the system of official convoys, the
commercial
have beenof found
at Tello beartablets
witnessof tothisanperiod
activethat
interchange
goods
and
produce
between
Lagash,
Akkad,
and
other
cities
in the empire. Thus in some we read of the despatch
ofgoldandtoAkkad,
orInofherdsofoxen,
or flockssent
of sheep,
lambs
goats.
return
we
findAkkad
grain
and
dates
southwards,
and
probably
garments
and
woven
stuffs
;
the
importance
of
the
first
two
exports
issions
indicated
byof the
frequent
occurrence
of the "expres"grain
Akkad"
and
"dates
of
Akkad
in the
commercial texts. Moreover, a study of the proper
names occurring
the tabletsrelations,
suggestsathat,
in consequence
of theseoncommercial
considerable
1
1 See Thureau-Dangin,
d'Assyr.,"
IV., pp. 71 ff. " Rec. de tabl.," pp. 44 ff., Nos. 77ff.; " Rev.
238 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Semitic
immigration
now
took Sumerian
place fromcities
AkkadErech
and
the
north.
Among
southern
and Umma, Ninni-esh and Adab had particularly close
relations
with and
Lagash,
whileinvoiced
goods indespatched
Kish, Nippur,
Ur are
the lists. from
The
conquests of Shar-Gani-sharri and Narâm-Sin were also
contributions
market of Lagash,
where
frommetMagan,
Melukhkha,
and
Elam
were
not
infrequently
with,
and we even find the sale of slaves from such distant
countries
Gutiu and
Amurrutherecorded.
To regulate
the
trade asrelations
between
different cities,
and to
reflected in the articles of commerce that reached the
instruct his local officials on details of their administra-
tion,
probable
that oftheBabylon,
kings of Akkad,
like those
of theit isFirst
Dynasty
wrote letters
and
despatches
which
were
delivered
by
royal
messengers.
Though
no royal
letters formulæ,
have beenafound
inscribedofwith
the
regular
epistolary
few
tablets
the
period
containwhat
are
obviously
directions
from
the
king.
encouragement
of official
due to hisbetween
was probably
cities
the scattered
intercourse
andItcommercial
over which he ruled, that Shar-Gani-sharri was enabled
to establish an efficient control over an empire which was
thanthat of anyearlierruler.
A studyof
moreextensive
Manishtusu
makes
of
thenames
upontheObelisk
which
that, already under the kings of Kish, the barriersitclear
each
city-state
and
isolated
surrounded
had
previously
had begun to disappear under the influence of a central
in ofUr
Sharaccelerated
process wasunder
administration.reign,Thisand,although
Gani-sharri's
the
kings
to have set in,
and Isin a conservative reaction toappears
the great cities never returned their former state of
isolation even in the south. Another factor,which may
have contributed to this process of centralization, may
text
itself,of and
beit may
tracedperhaps
in Manishtusu's
probably
in
some
the
be
detected
echoes
of
reign. It willbybe remembered
later traditions ofSargon'sthe
the king
that
neighbourhood
of Kishof
some the
largeobelisk
landedrecords
estates in thepurchase
and three other cities in Northern Babylonia, on which
he intended to settle certain citizens of Akkad and their
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD
239
adherents.of theThis
wholesale
transference
ofhavebeen
a large
section
population
of
acity
may
well
dictated
byofageneral
political motives,
and it is possible
that
it
was
part
system,
inaugurated
by
the
kings
Kish with
objectpatriotism
of substituting
national feeling
inof place
of thethelocal
of the city-state.
According
to
this
theory,
Manishtusu's
object
would
have
been
toweaken
Akkadto the
by the
deportationofofKish.
many of
her The
principal
citizens
neighbourhood
high socialstanding
of the immigrants,
suggests a
whosenames
are enumeratedof onseveral
the obelisk,
comparison with
the late oftraditions
concerning
Sargon's
high-handed
treatment
"the
sons
of
his
palace."2
The Neo-Babylonian
Sargon
caused
"the sons ofhis Chronicle
palace," thatrelates
is his that
relatives
and
personal
attendants,to
settle
for
five
kasgid
around,
and
itsupreme.
adds thatTheoverOmen-tablet
the hosts represents
of the worldcertain
he reigned
nobles,
orpossessed
powerfulof adherents
of
the
king,
as
having
been
distheir dwellings in consequence of additions
made to the royal palace ; and theyarerecorded to have
appealed
topossible
Sargon that
to tellthese
themepisodes
where intheytheshould
go.
Itis
quite
Assyrian
andNeo-Babylonian texts hadsome such historical basis
as that suggested
in the
preceding
paragraph.
SharGani-sharri
mayhave
adopted
Manishtusu's
policyand
carried it out on a more extensive scale. The deportations from Akkad, referred to in the late tradition, may
have
been intended to strengthen the loyal elements in
the provinces. In the course of centuries the motive
which
promptedandtheitmovement
would
betoforgotten
or
misunderstood,
would
be
ascribed
some
such
material cause as an increase in the size of the royal
palace.
If this that
was similar
only parttransfers
of a settled
policy, wein
may conjecture
were effected
the The
population
ofofother
parts
ofthe would
empire.undoubtedly
effect
such
a
policy
have
been byto weaken
the powercity-of states
resistanceagainst
formerly
possessed
selfcontained
the
hegemony of any one of their number. In this respect
the1 Seeabove,
kings pp.of 206Kishff. and
Akkad would only have been
2 See " Chronicles," I., p. 40 f.; II., pp. 5, 32.
240 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
carrying out, on a less ambitious scale and over a
smaller
area, the
policythroughout
which thethelaterAssyrian
kings
so ruthlessly
enforced
whole ofWestern
Asia. But, although successful for a time, no state
couldforces
be permanently
suchtoaa basis.
The
ofdiscontentestablished
were boundupon
to come
head,
and into Shar-Gani-sharri's
may perhapsis
trace
this cause the revoltownof case
all thewelands,which
recorded to have taken place in his old age. It is
perhaps
too,
thatrevolution.¹
Urumush is related to
haveTradition
metsignificant,
his end
in
a
palace
does not speak with any certain voice
concerning
the
Shar-Gani-sharri.
the
Omen-tablet andfatetheofChronicle
relate thatBoth
he was
besieged
in
the
city
of
Akkad,
and
that
he
sallied
forth
and signally
defeated
his enemies.reignButwiththea latter
textof
ends
its
account
of
Sargon's
record
disaster. " Because of the evil which he had committed," the text runs, " the great god Marduk was
angry
andofhethedestroyed
histhepeople
byoffamine.
From
the
rising
sun
unto
setting
the
sun
they
opposed
him
and
gave
him
no
rest."
The
expedition
against tablets
Erech inscribed
and Naksu,
in dates
upon
certain
duringrecorded
the patesiate
of Lugalushumgal,
maytheperhaps
be referred
to thisreign.periodTheof
unrest
during
latter
part
of
Sargon's
referenceis quite
to Sargon'sclosingyearsontheNeo-Babylonian
tablet
in the manner of the Hebrew books of
Chronicles. The writer traces Sargon's misfortunes to
his
own sent
evil deeds,
inupon
consequence
ofpunishment.
which the godIt
Marduk
troubles
him
as
a
may seem strange that such an ending should follow
the account of a brilliant and victorious reign. But
it is perhaps permissible to see in the evil deeds ascribed
tomaySargon
a reference
to hisenemies
policy among
ofdeportation,
which
have raised
him bitter
the priesthood
and
more conservative elements in the population
of thethecountry.
1 See above, p. 205.
2
See Thureau-Dangin, "Recueil de tablettes," Nos. 99, 136, 176. The
possibilitymay also be noted that the expedition represents one of Narâm-
hislater
reign,years.
to recover his preefforts, athaddwindled
the beginning
Sin's
successful
decessor's
empirewhich
duringof his
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD 241
There can be little doubt that Shar-Gani-sharri
was succeeded
onregard
the throne
of Akkad byconfidence
Narâm-Sin,as
whom
we
may
with
considerable
his son as well as his successor. In the later tradition
Narâm-Sin
ishisrepresented
as the sonhe ofnever
Sargon,
and,
although
in
own
inscriptions
mentions
his
father'sandname,
weShar-Gani-sharri
have contemporary
proof
that
his
reign
that
of
were
very
close
to one another. The relation of Shar-Gani-sharri's
pavement in the temple of Ekur to that of Narâm-Sin
and
the that
similarthecharacter
their laid
building
suggest
structuresof were
with materials
no long
interval between them, and the fact that Lugal-ushumgal,
patesi of Lagash,
was the contemporary
Shar-Gani-sharri
and Narâm-Sin¹
supports theof both
presumption
that
thelatterwas
Shar-Gani-sharri'ssuccessor
on the throne. Hence such evidence as we possess is
inrelationship
favour ofto accepting
the later tradition of their
one another.
Narâm-Sin's
fame into
as alater
greattimes,
conqueror,
that
of his
father, survived
and thelikeOmentablet
theofNeo-Babylonian
Chronicle
relate
his siege
ofandtheofandcity
Apirak
and
the
defeat
of
its
governor
Rîsh-Adad
its expedition
king. Bothagainst
textsthealsoland
brieflyof
record
his
successful
Magan. In the Omen-tablet the name of the king is
wanting,
but
the
lately
recovered
Chronicle
has
supplied
it as Mannu-dannu. On this point the later tradition
has
strikingly
confirmed
byofthethediscovery
atwhich
Susa
ofit isthebeen
base
of
a
diorite
statue
king,
on
recorded that he conquered Magan and slew
Mani[...],
lord."unsettled,
The precise
of the land itsof prince
Maganoris" still
someposition
setting
1 In addition
to Lugal-ushumgal's
seal-impressionwith
its addressto
SharGani-sharri,
another
has
been
recovered
with
asimilar
address
to
Narâm-Sin,
which he"Rev.
evidently
employed
after
the11.latter's ascension of the throne ; see
Heuzey,
d'Assyr.,"
Vol.
IV.,
p.
2 On the monument
the endTextesElam.-Sémit.
of the name is wanting.
Scheil
suggested
therestoration
Mani[um](see"
,
"
III.
,
p.
5),
areading
that
would
not
be
inconsistent
with
the
traces
on
the
Omen-tablet
(see
King,
" Chronicles," II., p. 39, n. 1). But M. Thureau-Dangin informs me that the
traces
uponformtheMannu-dannu
statue are notthose
ofathe
signaccurate
um, buttranscription
possibly of DAN,
so
that
the
may
be
fairly
of
the
original name.
R
242 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
itportion
in theofSinaitic
peninsula,
others
regarding
it latter
as a
Eastern
Arabia.
In
favour
of
the
view
it may
be ofnoted
thatbyfrom
Southern
Babylonia
itandwould
be
easy
access
way
of
the
Persian
Gulf,
the
transport
of
heavy
blocks
of
diorite,
which
Narâm-Sin,
andwould
at a rather
latereasily
periodeffected
Gudea,bybrought
from
Magan,
be
more
waterof
than overland. In that case Narâm-Sin's invasion
Maganwas
indirect his
continuation
of Shar-Gani-sharri's
policy
of
extending
empire
southwards
to include
the shores ofthe Persian Gulf.
In the records
inscription
this from
samediorite
statue,brought
which
Narâm-Sin
was upon
fashioned
toMagan,
Akkadhe claims
for thatthepurpose
fromof the
mountains
of
proud
title
"
king
of
the
four
quarters
(of thetitlesworld)."
Shar-Gani-sharri,
in addition
toAkkad,"
his usual
of
"the
mighty
one,
the
describes himself in one of the textskinguponof
his gate-sockets
Nippur asthat
"king
realm,"
butinnone
of hisfrominscriptions
haveofEnlil's
been recovered
does
hemayemploy
the title
"king of theandfourno quarters."
This
be
merely
a
coincidence,
inference
should
perhaps
be
drawn
from
the
absence
of
the title
from
his
texts.
On
the
other
hand,
it
is
possible
that
its
assumption
by
Narâm-Sin
was
based
on
a
definite
claimpredecessor
to aworld-wide
empire,
the full
extent this
of which
his
had
not
enjoyed.
However
may
be,
we
have
ample
evidence
of
Narâm-Sin's
military
activity. toInhetheclaims
introductory
thevictor
statue inalready
referred
to havelines
beenonthe
nine
separateforces,
battles,
forced
upon
him byyear.the Conquests
attack of
hostile
in
the
course
of
a
single
recorded
in other
inscriptions
of Narâm-Sin
are that
oflatterArmanu,¹
and
of
Satuni,
king
of
Lulubu.
The
region
lay
to
the
east
of
Akkad,
in
the
mountainous region to the north-east of Elam, and its king
appears todistricts
have formed
neighbouring
to opposea confederacy
the advanceofoftheAkkadian
influence in that direction.
The monument,whichNarâm-Sinset upanddedicated
12 See
ComptesElam.-Sémit.,"
rendus," 1899,I.,p.pp.348.53 ff.
See ""Textes
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD
243
inlatterthevictory,
temple isofonehisofgodtheinfinest
commemoration
of this
pieces
of
Babylonian
sculpture
recovered.withIta isrepresena stele
of victory,that
and has
the yet
facebeen
is sculptured
tation ofinthea mountainous
king conquering
SatuniTheandking,his whose
other
enemies
country.
figure is on a larger scale than the others, is nearly at
the summit
a high
helmeta
adorned
withofthe
hornsmountain.
of a bull,Heandwears
he acarries
battle-axe and a bow and arrow. Up the mountain
side
and along
paths
throughallies
the and
treeswarriors
which clothe
the
lower
slopes,
the
king's
climb
after
him,
bearing
standards
and
weapons
in
their
hands.
Someturn
of thein their
king'sflight
foes toaresuefleeing
before while
him, and
they
for
mercy,
one
still
grasps
a
broken
spear.
Another
has
been
shot
by
thetheking
andfrom
crouches
on theTwo
ground,
seeking
to
draw
arrow
his
throat.
others
lie
prone
before Narâm-Sin,
who hasTheplanted
hisof foot
upon the
breast
of
one
of
them.
peak
the
mountain
rises to the stars.
The fact that the stele was found at Susa has been
employed
as an argument
induring
favour hisof regarding
Elamin
asaddition
a dependency
of
Akkad
reign.
But,
to Narâm-Sin's own text, the stele bears a
later
inscription
of the
Elamite
king
Shutruk-Nakhkhunte,
from
which
we
may
infer
that
it
wasSusa
captured
introphy
Northern
Babylonia
and
carried
off
to
as a
ofwar.
But
it
is
not
unlikely
that
Narâm-Sin,
like
Shar-Gani-sharri
andApirak,
the kings
of Kish, achieved
successes
against
Elam.
his
conquest
ofwhich
tradition
records,
was
a
country
within
the
Elamite
region,
and
its
capture
may
well
have
taken
during a successful raid. Mention has been madeplaceof
two earlyupon
Elamite
patesis,
whoseandnames
have been
recovered
a
tablet
from
Tello
an
archaic
text
from
Susa."
Thepatesi
ofSusa,whosename
maybe
read
as Ilishma, belongs to a period when that city acknowledged the suzerainty of Akkad. But this single name
does
not prove that Elam, however closely connected
1 See the frontispiece to this volume.
2 See above, p. 231, n. 2.
244 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
withAkkad
by commercial
formed mayhave
a regular been
province of the Akkadian
empire.ties,Ilishma
appointed to the throne of Susa by the king ofAkkad
during an invasion of that country, which reached its
culmination in the deportation of the native king, as
Shar-Gani-sharri
deported thetheking
kingsof Anshan.
of Kutû The
and
Amurru,
and Manishtusu
available
suggests
duringenjoyed
the Dynasty
of Akkad,evidence
Susa and
Elamthat,
generally
their
independence,
subject to occasional periods of interruption.
Within the limits of Sumer and Akkad Narâm-Sin
appears to have followed his father's policy of materially
benefiting
the under
provincial
cities, whilecontrol.
keepingThustheirhe
administration
his immediate
continuedhimselfto
the servicetheofconvoys,
at thetosame
time
devoted
erection ofand
temples
the gods.
His
rebuildingatofSippar
the temples
of Enlil
at Nippur
and
ofwhileShamash
has
been
already
referred
to,
his votive onyx vases found at Tello¹ prove that
heSumerian
did notcityneglect
the shrines
of Lagash.
in which
he undertook
buildingAnother
opera-
tions was toNinni-esh,
for Ninni
there inhe the
rebuilt
dedicated
the goddess
sametheyeartemple
that
helaid
the
foundation
ofthe
temple
at
Nippur.2
But isbythefarstele
the sculptured
most interesting
offigure
his building
records
with
the
of stele.
himself,
which
is
usually
known
as
the
Diarbekr
When
firsttobrought
to the
at Constantinople
it was said
have been
foundMuseum
at Mardin,
and later on,
certainly with greater accuracy, to have come from
Diarbekr. As a matter of fact, it was discovered at
Pir
Hussein, a small village built beside a low tell, and
situated about four and a half hours to the N.N.E. of
Diarbekr, on the Ambar Su, a stream which rises in
the lower slopes of the Taurus, and, after running
1 Seeto Heuzey,
"Rev. d'Assyr.,"
IV., p. 1. Soc.Bibl.Arch.
He also built ,in" Nov.
Lagash
a
temple
Sin,
theMoon-god;
seeKing,"Proc.
1909.
formule on tablets Nos. 86, 106, and 144 in "Rec. de
2See
See the datedate-formulæ
p 226. detrav.," Vol. XV., p. 62.
tabl.,"
pp.p.46,245,53,Fig.
65 ;59."Königsinschriften,"
See
Scheil,
35 See
4
SeeScheil,
"Rec.
See Hilprecht,
"Old Bab.
" Geschichte
des Altertums,"
Bd. I.,Inscr.
Hft., " II.II., ,p.p.473.63, No. 120 ; and Meyer,
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD
245
parallel to ItthewasSebene
Su,thejoins
the some
Tigrisnineteen
below
Diarbekr.
found by
villagers
years ago when theywere digging for building materials
FIG. 59.
Stelesculpturedwith thefigureofNarâm-Sin,King ofAkkad,
whichwasfound
Ottoman Museum.atPirHusseinnearDiarbekr. IntheImperial
on the
site that
ofthetheancient
no
doubt
stelecity
wasbelow
foundtheintell.¹
situ, There
and isit
1 I visited
the exact
siteinspotwas
the summer
of1904,
when
on mythe
wayfrom
Persiato
Samsun,
and
the
pointed
outto
me
where
stele
was
found.
Narâm-Sin's
building,
or
platform,was
on
lower
ground
below
the
tell,
on
which
probably
stood
the
citadel.
The
stelewas
found
onlyabout
five
feet
below the surface, and it isclear that no considerable accumulation of débris
covers theacomparatively
remains of thesimplematter.
city ofNarâm-Sin's time, and that its excavation
wouldbe
2 Onasbeing
discoveredbythe
villagers
no particular
valuewas
attached
to
it,on and,
it
was
too
large
forthem
to
use,itwas
left
lying
for
three
years
the ofspotthewhere
itwas
found.
It was
then
brought
tothe
Diarbekr
byofthea
owner
village,
Chialy
Effendi,
who
built
it
into
edging
fountain
inOnthehiscourt
of his fourteen
house onyears
the left
bank
ofEffendi
the Tigris
outside
the
city.
death,about
ago,
Natik
sent
it
to the
Museum at Constantinople.
246 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
furnishes remarkable evidence of the extent of Narâm-
Sin's
inscriptionto the
upondefeat
the
stone influence
is broken, northwards.
but it containsThe
a reference
of thefourking's
enemies
the godThat
Enki,Narâm-Sin
or Ea, within
the
quarters
of thebyworld.
and
hisofthearmyTigris
should
have penetrated
upper reaches
is remarkable
enoughtoin the
itself,but
that he
should
have
erected
a
stele
of
victory,
and
possibly
a
building,
in
at
least
one
ofthe
towns
he
subdued
during
the
suggests
thattime.
his occupation of this
regioncampaign,
was effective
for some
Of we
Narâm-Sin's
the throne of
Akkad
know little.successors
The nameupon
of Bin-Gani-sharri,
one ofhis sons, has been recovered upon a seal,¹ and on
abeen
seal-impression
fromroyal
Tello,title,butsohisthatnamewe has
not
found
with
the
do
not
know
whether
he
succeeded
his
father
upon
the
throne.
Another son of Narâm-Sin, the reading ofwhose name
is uncertain,
heldhave
the been
post preserved
of patesi ofonTutu,
for his
name
and
title
a
perforated
plaque
from
Tello,
engraved
by
Lipush-Iau,
who
describes
herself
as
his
daughter
and
lyre-player
to
the
Moon-god,
Sin.
The
famous
seal
of
Kalki,
the
scribe,
who
was isinalsothetoservice
of Ubil-Ishtar,
" the but
king'sto
brother,"
be
assigned
to
this
period,
which
reigngives
we cannot
tell. Thepicture
sceneofengraved
upon
the
seal
an
interesting
one
of
these
early
Semitic
princes
attended
by
his
suite.
central figure, who carries an axe over his The
left
shoulder,
is
probably
Ubil-Ishtar,
and
he
is
followed
by
a Sumerian servant, whom we may identify with
the scribe Kalki, the holder of the seal. The other
attendants,
the prince's
steward withconsisting
his staff ofof office,
and a huntsman,
soldier, are his
all
3
1 See Ménant, "Recherches sur la glyptique orientale," p. 76, pl. 1,
No.
1. The seal is thatofIzinum, the scribe,whowas evidently in Bin-Ganisharri's service.
2GThe
seal of;Abi-ishar,
the scribe, bore"Rec.
the names
of bothp. Narâm-Sinand
Binani-sharri
see
Thureau-Dangin,
de
tabl.,"
No. of169.a
Erinda is mentioned onacommercial tablet ofthe period as the70, slave
certainmaypossiblybe
Bi-Gani-sharriidentified
(op. cit.withNarâm-Sin's
, p. 48, No. 94, son.
"Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., p. 76),
who
3 " Comptes rendus," 1899, p. 348.
4 See the opposite plate.
Photo, Mansell & Co.
Stele of Narâm-Sin, king of Agade,
representing the king and his allies in triumph over their
enemies .
IMPRESSION OF THE CYLINDER-SEAL OF THE SCRIBE OF UBIL- ISHTAR,
BROTHER OF AN EARLY SEMITIC KING OF NORTHERN BABYLONIA.
Brit. Mus. , No. 89137.
米
週刊
【 日 】中
T
具
AA
IMPRESSION OF THE CYLINDER- SEAL OF KHASHKHAMER , VASSAL OF
UR-ENGUR, KING OF UR.
Brit. Mus. , No. 89126.
PAGELL
IMPRESSION OF THE CYLINDER-SEAL DEDICATED TO THE GOD MESLAMTAEA
BY KILULLA-GUZALA ON BEHALF OF DUNGI, KING OF UR.
Brit. Mus. , No. 89131.
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD
247
bearded Semites. The shaven head and fringed
garment of the Sumerians are here retained by the
scribe, suggesting
that,
thoughlittle
the racial
Sumerians
were
employed
by
their
conquerors,
amalgamationTohadthetakenplace.
time of the kings of Akkad must also be
assigned
the
Steleat ofVictory,
two fragments
of which
have
beenfound
Tello,
sculptured
onboth
faces
with
bas-reliefs,
arranged
in
registers,
above
an
inscription.¹
The sculptor has represented his battle-scenes as a series
of hand-to-hand conflicts, and here we see bearded
Semitic warriors, armed with spear, axe, or bow and
arrows, but
smiting
their preservedtoindicatethatitenumeenemies. The inscription is very
broken,
enoughis
rates a number of estates or tracts of land, some, if not
neighbourhood
all
of them,been
situated
in thedifferent
of Lagash,
whichhave
assignedto
high officials.
The
summary
ofthe textseventeen
is partlychief
preserved,
and
states thatatthethelistendcomprised
cities and
eight
chiefbeplaces,
ends : with
a recordAkkad,
that may
probably
restoredandtoit read
" Besides
the
kingdom,
whichto he...had]." received,
patesiate
Lagash given
It would[wasthustheseem
that theof
stele was set up in Lagashto commemorate its acquisition by a king ofAkkad, who atthe same time rewarded
his
ownconquered
courtiers and
officialsThe
by assigning
themkingpartsis
territory.
ofwanting
the
name
of
the
inthethereign
text,orandperiod
we must
depend
on conjecture
to decide
to
which
it
belongs.
comparisonwillofshow
the monument
SteleAofVictory
that, thoughwiththeNarâm-Sin's
attitudes of
the
figures
are
natural
and
vigorous,
the
sculptor
does
not
display
quite
the
same
high
qualities
ofcomposition
artistic arrangement.
This factthemight
conceivably
beand
employed
in
favour
of
assigning
stele
tosharri
a period
ofdecadence
when
the
dynastyofShar-Gani
have fallen before the onset of some fresh wavemay
of
Semitic hordes.
the impression
given towards
by the
monument
is that But
of a vigorous
art struggling
"
rendus,"
Comptes
1895,
pp."RevueSémitique,
22 f.; "Rev. d'Assyr.,
Heuzey,
"ff.;
1 See
1897,
D
angin,
Vol.
III
.
,
pp.
113
and
Thureaupp. 166ff. For the sculptures, see p. 248 f.,Figs. 60 and 61.
248 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
perfection rather than the rude imitation of a more
perfect
andthan
it isinprobable
that weduring
mustthis
dateepoch
it in
anof Semitic
early,style,
rather
a
late,
period
domination.¹
The reference
to of" Akkad,
therenders
kingdom,"
in theto
summary
at
the
end
the
text,
it
difficult
assign
it tothen
an early
of Kishthat
suchShar-Gani-sharri's
as Sharru-Gi, for
we
should
haveking
to assume
dynasty was not the earliest one to rule in Akkad, and
Javelin
‫ייוויזייו‬
"
t
u
r
B
‫مای‬
प
FIG. 60.
Portion of a Stele
Victory
a king; from
of Akkad,
reliefofwith
battleofscenes
Tello. sculptured in
[In theLouvre: Cat. No. 21.]
thatrise
stillofearlier
the
Kish.Semitic
But inkings
viewreignedinthatcitybefore
of the total absence of
other evidence in support of such a conclusion, it is
preferable
to assign
the Tello
to
Shar-Gani-sharri
himself.
It willstele
have provisionally
been noted that
inperhaps
the inscription,
whichdueareto not
1 Certain ofepigraphic
peculiarities
the
Sargonic
period,
may
be
explainedas
theof
characteristic
influence
of
Lagash:
the
inscription
mayhave
been
engraved
byascribe
that familiar(cf.
city, who has"Rev.
reproduced
localp.forms
was
Sémit.,"the1897,
169). ofthe characters with which he
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD
249
are
Semites,
upon
the
monument
the
foes
sculptured
is
correct,
not Sumerians,
if ourofassumption
may
see in themand,
the men
Kish, on whose defeat we
by
Shar-Gani-sharri
the whole
offallen
Sumer,
including
theof
city
of
Lagash,
would
have
under
the
rule
Akkad. In that case the stele may well have commemorated the decisive victory by which Shar-Ganisharri
puthis own
an end
to the domination of Kish and
founded
empire.
The absence of Sumerians from the battle-scenes in
period thatbefore
the reliefs
oftheannihilation
we possess
is significant
the Semitic
onslaught.of
their
political
speare
FIG. 61.
Portion of a SteleofVictoryofaking ofAkkad, sculptured in
relief with battle scenes; from Tello. For the other face of the
fragment see the opposite page.
In the enemies
scenes engraved
uponsothethatsteleeven
of Sharru-Gi²
the
king's
are
Semites,
in
his
time
we
have the picture of different Semitic clans or tribes
contending
among
themselvesThat
for the
of the
countries they
had overrun.
the possession
racial movement
was not confined to Akkad and Sumer is proved by
1 AsthestelewassetupinLagash,
thesectiondealingwith
the distribution
ofthat
city's
landwouldnaturally
be
added
to
the
historical
record.
2 Seeabove, p. 220.
250 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Semitic King
inscriptions
of the
rulersus aofceremonial
other districts.
Lasirab,
of
Gutiu,
has
left
head, which was found at Abû Habba.¹ Whether maceit was
carriedto
Sipparweas cannot
spoil ofwar,
by
Lasirab himself,
say; butoritsdepositedthere
text proves that
Gutiu was ruled by Semitic monarchs. The neighbouring districtoneofofLulubu
was similarly
governed,
and
Anu-banini,
its
kings,
has
left
us
sculptured
imagestheofface
himself
his goddess
Ninni, or Ishtar,
Here
upon
of a and
cliff near
Ser-i-Pul-i-Zohab.
the
river
Hulvan
flows
through
anatural
rift
in
a
low
range
of
limestone
hills
that
rise
abruptly
from
the
plain.
The
track
runs
through
the
rift
in
the
hills
beside
stream, the
and mountains
on to the foot
the Zagros
pass andthethrough
into ofElam.
Road,
river,
andcliffforma
striking
combination,
and
not
only
Anu-banini
but
other
monarchs
who
passed
that
have left their records on the rock. One of these,way
on
the further bank ofthe stream, was set there by another
earlythatSemitic
king, whose sculpture was influenced
by
ofAnu-banini.
Among thewhich
various
Semitic
kingdoms
and for
smalla
principalities
founded
endured
were
and
time inthethispre-eminent
portion of Western
of Akkad
won
place. InAsia,thethatmountainous
regions to the east and north of Elam the immigrants
doubtless dominated
the country, but they found a
population
in a state of culture little more advanced
than
if subjectin toa nocondition
other influence,
they their
must own,
haveand,remained
of semi-
barbarity.
But in nature
Babylonia
thenomad
case was
different.
vigorous
Here
the
of
the
found
rich
soil to support its growth and development. a The
Seetheplatefacingp.
12 See
206. scientifique en Perse," Vol. IV., p. 161,
Morgan,
"Mission
De
pl. ix.
of
Turkey,onbothsides
in the spring
Persiafrompanels
into
passing bythis route
3 When
of
the
sculptured
ofall
the
1904,
madeacarefulstudy
I
on theis
thisearlySemiticking;
is thatof
Hulvan.
Thethesecondlargestpanel
sufficient
of
an
inscription,ofwhich
are
traces
sculpture
ledgebelow
The(Desculptured
in SemiticBabylonian.
it isitswritten
toprove thatwith
preserved
inscription
fragmentarySemitic
atSheikh-Khân,
panel
a conop.siderably
cit., pl.later
x.), date.
is a verymuch ruder production,and is probably ofMorgan,
THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD
251
ancient
cultureat ofwhose
the Sumerians
was adopteda bygradual
their
conquerors,
hands
it
underwent
change.conventions
The sculptor
freedteachers,
himselfand,
fromwhile
the
stiff
of his slowly
Sumerian
borrowing their technical skill, he transformed the work
of their Shar-Ganni-sharri's
hands. Such a cylinder-seal
as its
thatdesign
of Ibni-of
sharru,
scribe,
with
kneeling
heroes watering
oxen,¹theis delicate
a marvellous
productof
ofthethefigures
engraver's
art
;
while
modelling
uponthe Narâm-Sin's
stele, their natural
attitudes,
and
decorative
arrangement
of any
the
composition
as
a
whole,
are
not
approached
on
earlier monument. The later sculptures of Lagash owe
much to the influence of Akkadian work.
ofherAkkad
the Dynasty
sphere Not
In thea similar
politicalposition.
only
did
kings
attained
and
Sumer,
but
they
in
Akkad
secure
the
hegemony
beyond
Babylonia,
influence
the
limits
of
their
pushed
strictofsense
the
an empire
and
the ofworld
term.consolidated
His rule over
the fourin the
quarters
may have led Narâm-Sin to add to his titles, and the
the tendency
increased
theirmonarchs
power probably
growth
and
the attributes
to assume
of theseofearly
of gods.
Of the
kingsandoftheKish
wedeterhave
privileges
that
some
were
deified,
divine
evidence
minative is set before the name of Shar-Gani-sharri in
two inscriptions that have come down to us. In nearly
every text of Narâm-Sin the determinative for deity
his name,
in some of"thethegodcontemporary
precedes
ofAkkad."
he isandeventermed
seal-inscriptions
the
later
kings
of
Ur
the
cult
of
the
reigning
Under
and
his
worship
was
diligentlypractised,
monarch
this
continued after death. There is no evidence that was
custom obtained among the earlier Sumerian kings and
setthekings
its originof
patesis,
and weofSemitic
may withsupremacy.
some confidence
That
inAkkad
this period
their
honours during
should have claimeddivine
with
the
be
connected
may
probably
own
lifetime
increase in their dominion, based upon conquests which
extended from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean,
and from Arabia to the mountains of Kurdistan.
1 See the panel on the cover ofthis volume; and cf. p. 217 f.
CHAPTER IX
THE LATER RULERS OF LAGASH
marks
of
Akkad
E the
haveculminating
seen that thepointDynasty
bythe
races
of
attained
the earlier
Sumer Itandis Akkad
oftheir history.
true thatduring
the kings
ofthisperiods
period
predecessors, but
they
owed much
to improved
their immediate
Through
inheritance.
their
added
to
and
comthe into
village
of slowbeen
development
long centuries
the
transformed
had
gradually
munity
its
state, and this institution had flourished and had incityof theof
before and
the Kish.
centralizing
turn decayed
It wasinfluence
on the ruins
of Sumer
kingdoms
his
Shar-Gani-sharri
the
latterwhich
monarchy
that of Kish infounded
its extent,
empire,
differedthatfrom
A
of traced
its formation.
rather thancloseinconnection
the principles
the
between
can
be
similarly
withthough
which
periods
of been
the successive
remains
cultural
dealing.
The
rude,
we
have
hitherto
of the earlier Sumerians
vigorous, artistic effortsupon
the immigrant
the
models
furnished
In the
Semites of Northern Babyloniawhichimproved.
ofthatwhen
period
andbetween
upon cylinder-seals
sculpture
the two styles,
the
we
see theofKish
transition
produced
sometimes
treatment
aim
at
a
naturalistic
attainment of
awkwardand grotesque results. The full
Akkadian
kings
patronage
of
the
this
aim
under
the
importance,which,
and
an
gives
their
epoch
an
interest
from their empire alone, it would not perhaps have
enjoyed.
history
afford
Babylonian
ages of growth
the earlierof gradual
While picture
and
development,
a striking
252
W
:
LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 253
are
of orAkkad
the Dynasty
the periods
reversion
movement,
by a succeeding
certain retrograde
marked
the
whichbe produced
to earlierandideals.
stimulus,may
empire
the artTheof Akkad,
traced to the
influx of fresh racial elements into Northern Babylonia
cultured
and their fusion
the older
exin thewith
south.
Whenandthemorehighly
impulse was
elements
hausted
dynasties
which
given
and
the
to
it
had
rise
further
development
along
littleBoth in art and politics a
had
runlinestheirtookcourse,
these
place.
reactionfollowedtheperiodofSemitic
Sumerian
signifiofthe Dynasty of Ur was power,
and the establishment
southcant of more than a shifting ofpolitical influence
was
attempt
wards.
It
would
appear
that
a
systematic
made to return to the earlier standards. But the
delibethough
of Akkad
and her monarchs,
influence
was
far
from
ineffective.
and
combated,
rately
ignored
much to the period of
As the sculptures of Gudea owe
of
Dungi
was There
inevitably
Narâm-Sin,
so
the
empire
was
by
Shar-Gani-sharri's
conquests.
influenced
no sudden arrest either of the political or of the cultural
development
ofmerely
the country.
Atherecovery
of power
by
changed
direction
which
Sumerians
in
the
further development was to take place. Although,
there
is and
no
when
viewed from between
a generalthestandpoint,
epoch
of
Akkad
break
continuity
that ofofUr,
there is some lack of information with
period.
There is
regardindication
to eventsthat
in the
intervening
the reign
of Narâm-Sin
between
every
Dynasty
and that
of Ur-Engur,
founder of the
rather
than inof
Ur,
we have
to count the
in generations
butThetheclosetotalof length
of theofperiod
is still
centuries,
Akkad, as we
the Dynasty
unknown.
have already seen, is wrapped in mystery, but the gap
to someonce
extentmorebe
may fortunately
inbridged.
our knowledge
At this point
the city of Lagash
the
namesa
and, enables
by supplying
comes
to our ofassistance,
us
to
arrange
her
patesis,
ofsequence
a number
of rulers,
and thereby to form some estimate
of theIt will
lengthbe ofremembered
the period involved.
that under Shar-Gani-sharri
and Narâm-Sin a certain Lugal-ushumgal was patesi of
254 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Lagash,
andwhich
thathetheemployed
impressions
of histheseals
haveof these
been
recovered
during
reigns
two monarchs. The names of three other patesis of
Lagash ofare the
known,
who must
also be assigned
to the
period
Dynasty
of
Akkad,
since
they
are
mentioned upon tablets of that date. These are UrBabbar,
Lugal-bur; theof first
of these appears
to have Ur-E,
been theandcontemporary
Narâm-Sin,
and in
that
caseand
he must
have followed
Lugal-ushumgal.
As
information
totheUr-E
Lugal-bur,
we
haveno
beyond
duringofthetablets
periodfound
kings
fact that Afurther
they lived group
of theat Tello,
of Akkad.
differentiated
Dynasty
the from
Akkad
on the inonetype
hand,from
and those
on theofother
tabletsof
ofotherthepatesis
Dynastyto ofbe Ur,
furnishes
us with
thethenames
of
set
in
the
period
before
rise
of
Three of these, Basha-mama, Ur-mama,
Ur-Engur.
and Ug-me, were probably anterior to Ur-Bau, who has
left uspossess
amplea tablet
proof dated
of his inbuilding
activityyear
at Lagash.
We
the accession
of Urmama,and
anotherdated
during
thepatesiateof
Ug-me,
installation
in the year
of theofthis
of the
high priestbeenin
Nina.
Asealing
last
patesi's
reignhasalso
found, which
supportsbetween
group
the attribution
of this
of
tablets
to
the
period
the
Sargonic
era
and
that
engraving
of Ur.adoration
The subject
of the
the seal
common
the
of a deity,
a scene
of veryupon
occur-is
period;
rence duringthe the
later
butthatbyofitsthestyle
andof
treatment
vividly
recalls
work
epoch
Shar-Gani-sharri
andbeen
Narâm-Sin.
On the
strength
this
evidence it has
argued that
Ug-me's
periodof
3
above, pp.suggested
236 f., 241.that Ur-Ewas Narâm-Sin's contemporary, since
1 See
2
It
has
been
his name and that of Narâm-Sin are both found on the same tablet (see
" Rec. de tabl., " pp. iii. f., 45, No. 83, and " KönigsinThureau-Dangin,
schriften," p. 59, n. 1); but the phrase in which Narâm-Sin'snameoccurs,like
to refer tointhe
a pastsame
event.phrase
On with
the other
hand,
it, appears
precedes
thatwhich
Narâm-Sin,
on
this
tablet
is
mentioned
UrB
abbar
with
identifyhim
his name,we
mayprobably
title follows
and,
althoughthenopatesi,"
of
this
class
(op.
cit.is,
tablet
on
another
referredto
"No.Ur-Babbar,
it
is
not
named,
Lagash
where
passages,
132);
here
and
in
similar
implied. The name of Lugal-bur is found upon a tablet of the
obviouslyperiod(seeThureau-Dangin,
Sargonic
33 " Rec. de tabl.," p. 73, No. 181. "Rev. d'Assyr.,"Vol. V., p. 68).
4 Op. cit., Nos.184and183.
LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 255
was
not far from that of Lugal-ushumgal, Ur-E, and
Lugal-bur.¹
is dated
during
of thisinperiod
One
of theofdocuments
the
year
in
whichhe
Ur-Bau
himself,
the
patesiate
of irrigation,
while
works
certaininextensive
undertook
and
are
dated
the
year
of
Ur-gar's
accession,
others
in that which followed the accession of Nammakhni.2
From other evidence we know that Nammakhni was
UrUr-Bau's
son-in-law,
since hethrough
espousedherNingandu,
his title
to
the
daughter,
and
secured
Bau's
generation
to
the
throne.
Ur-gar,
too,
must
belong
following Ur-Bau, since a female statue has been found
to
some
deity
by
a
was
dedicated
atdaughter
Tello, ofwhich
Ur-Bau on behalf of her own life and that
of Ur-gar, the patesi. Tablets are also dated in the
of Ka-azag, Galu-Bau, and Galu-Gula,
accession-years
contents furnish indications that they date
and
their
from about the same time. Ur-Ninsun, whose name
and title occur on the fragment of a bowl very similar
wife, inis the
notreigns
menbybutNammakhni's
to thatonemployed
several
dated
tioned
tablets,
are
the
of Gudea and of his son Ur-Ningirsu. Now, in the
reign
ofofDungi,
the sonNinâ
of Ur-Engur,
there lived a; high
goddess
Ur-Ningirsu
and,
named
priest
the
with thea definite
patesi
official
this
priestly
ifof wethatmay
identify
probable,
we
obtain
name,
as
is
very
thelater history of Lagash and
pointofofUr.
contactButbetween
that
even if the synchronism between UrNingirsu and Dungi be regarded as non-proven, there
3
6
8
9
Rev.d'Assyr.," Vol. V., p. 68.
Thureau-Dangin,
21 See
" Rec.
de tabl.," Nos. "185-187.
Vol. II.,, "p.Vol.
79. V., p. 98, and " Königs"Rev. d'Assyr.,"
34 See
Heuzey,
"Rev.
d'Assyr.
See
Thureau-Dangin,
inschriften,"
62 f.," Nos. 188-190.
5 " Rec. dep. tabl.
that we should dedicated
identify Ka-azag,
the topatesi,
withon
6 It istheimprobable
Ka-azag,
father
of
Ninkagina,who
a
mace-head
Uri-zi
behalfofher own lifeand that ofNammakhni, the patesi (cf. "Cun. Texts in
mother, and
the Brit. Mus.,"
I., pl. 50).grandfather.
For Ninkaginawas
Nammakhni's
grandfatherhad
ButifNammakhni's
Ka-azagwas
thereforehis
held
the
patesiate,hisNammakhni
daughterwould
notobtained
have omitted
the title after
his
daughter
name
;
moreover,
himself
the
patesiate
through
marriage, not byinheritance.
78 See
Heuzey,
"Rev.
d'Assyr.,"
Vol.and
II.,209-211.
p. 79.
"
Rec.
de
tabl.
,
"
Nos.
192
ff.,
207,
9 See below, pp. 274 ff.
:
256 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
is no from
doubtthethatDynasty
no longof interval
separated
Gudea's
reign
Ur.
The
character
of the
art
and
the
style
of
writing
which
we
find
in
Lagash
at this time are so similar to those of Ur, that the one
must have followed the other without a break.
Aperiod
striking
example of the resemblance which existed
in the artistic productions of the two cities at this time
is afforded
by thesurmounted
votive copper
Gudea
and Dungi,
by thecones,
figuresor ofnails,
a bullof
FIG. 62.
FIG. 63.
Copperasfigures
ofbulls surmounting
whichandDungi.
were employed
votive offerings
in the reignscones
ofGudea
[Déc., pl. 28, Figs. 5 and 6; Cat. Nos. 159 and 162.]
glance willof the
showsubject
the slight
couchant.
the form andAtreatment
whichchanges
have beenin
reign.
introduced by the metal-workers
ofDungi's
in
the
summary
given
the
brief
From
we have
paragraphs it will have been noted that preceding
patesis oftheLagash,
twelvebetween
names oftosome
recovered
theassigned
dynasthe
period
who
may
be
less
ties of Akkad and Ur. Of these twelve names no
were
tablets,outwhich
groupareofmarked
occurat upon
than
by their
Tello,aand
together
foundeleven
LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 257
shape
and contents
belonging
to a clay,
singleandperiod.
The tablets
themselvesas are
of unbaked
they
form
the types ofitAkkad
and that
Ur.
In thea transition
last of thebetween
reigns mentioned
isprobable
we may trace a synchronism with the Dynasty of Ur,
and, although no actual point of contact can yet be
established
with theby Dynasty
ofsealing
Akkad,suggests
such evidence
asconsiderable
that furnished
Ug-me's
that no
lapse of time can have taken place. That
these
twelve
patesis
were theis only
ones who ruled
at
Lagash
during
this
interval
improbable,and
at
any
time the names of other rulers may be recovered. But
itextremely
is certainbrief,
the reigns
of many
werea
and that
we haveof these
not topatesis
do with
single dynasty,
firmly established
throughout
the
whole
period,
whose
separate
members,
after
their
accession,
each held the throne for the term of his natural life.
We have definite proof that several of the patesis, such
as Ka-azag,
Galu-Bau,
Galu-Gula,ruled
onlypoints
for a
few
years, and
it wouldandseem
that at certain
during this period a change
of rulers took place in
frequency.
Lagash
with
considerable
The employment
of the"title
of patesi,
and the total
absence
of
that
of
"king
at
this
time,
suggests
that
establishing
Lagash
had
not
succeeded
in
her
indepenallegiance
dence,
still owed with
to somethatalienthedynasty.
It is inandaccordance
this view
dates
inscribed upon the commercial tablets do not refer
tothat,
events
ofrate
a military
character.
We mayLagash
conclude
at
any
until
the
reign
of
Gudea,
and
her
rulers
were
not
concerned
to
enforce
their
authority
over other cities, nor to defend their own border from
attack.
The existence
of a more powerful
city,claiming
the
hegemony
in
Babylonia,would
account
fordatethe
absence
of
military
enterprise
reflected
in
the
formulæ and in the foundation-records of the time.
For
such
a city,
whilestates,
guaranteeing
the resented
integritytheof
each
of
her
tributary
would
have
inauguration
ofother
an ambitious
policy
bylocalanycharacter
one of
them.
On
the
hand,
the
purely
of the events commemorated in the date-formulæ is no
less significant. These are without exceptionS drawn
258 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
the local history of Lagash, and betray no evidence
offrom
the
authority
exercised
by a the
foreign
suzerain.
Itthisis
therefore
probable
that
during
greater
part
of
period Lagash enjoyed a considerable measure of
autonomy,
and thatadministration
such bonds were
as mayfarhave
united
her
to
any
central
less
tightly
drawn than at the time of Shar-Gani-sharri and NarâmSin. Like Lagash, her old rival Umma seems to have
survived
as a and
patesiate
under
thetolater
Semitic
rulers
inmaytheassign
north,
it
is
probably
this
time
that
we
Galu-Babbar,
the
patesi
of
that
city,
three
of whose votive
preserved
the British
Museum.¹
Duringconesthe areearlier
part ofin this
period
Lagash
presents
the
picture
of
a
compact
and
peaceful
state, content to develop her own resources. A considerable increase of power is noticeable in the reign
ofthough
Gudea,stilltheretaining
most famous
ruler
of
the
period,
who,
theindependent
title of patesi,
mustsincebe
regarded
as
practically
an
sovereign,
he
was
strong
enough
to
undertake
a
successful
campaign
in Elam,
andSyrian
imported
from Arabia
and the
coast.his building materials
With
the
exception
of
Gudea,
the
only
ruler
of
this
period who
has lefttheuspredecessor
any considerable
recordsandor
remains
is
Ur-Bau,
of
Nammakhni
Ur-gar
upon statue
the throne
Lagash.
small diorite
of thisof ruler,
which,Welikepossess
most ofa
those found at Tello, is without its head. It is a
standing
figure, toandshowitsthat
squatit must
and date
conventional
proportions suffice
from a rather
▼
earlier period thanthe larger and finerstatues ofGudea,
definitely states that he fetched the diorite for his series
ofsuchlarge
statues from Magan, but Ur-Bau makes no
boast ; and, although it is clear that his stone must
have
comethatfromthethesmall
sameblock
quarries,
we may probably
conclude
he
employed
his
figure had not been procured as the result of a for
special
which are fashioned from the same hard material. Gudea
expedition.
such records
he has toleft theus
portray him Inasfact,
devoting
all his asenergies
12 See
the Sarzec,
oppositeplate;
cf. " Cun.pl.Texts,"
See De
"Déc. enandChaldée,"
7. Pt. I., pl. 50.
CLAY CONES BEARING VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE PATESIS GALU- BABBAR,
GUDEA, AND UR-BAU.
Brit. Mus. , Nos. 15782, 91046, and 91063.
CLAY CONES BEARING VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS OF SIN- IDINNAM, KING OF
LARSA, AND SIN-GASHID, KING OF ERECH ,
Brit. Mus., Nos. 91152 and91150.
LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 259
building
of temples within the different quarters of
his city.¹
His chiefcare appears to have been the rebuilding,
site,inwhich
of E-ninnû,
the great
upon
a ofnewNingirsu
and enlarged
at
Lagash,
he
placed
temple
of
statue of himself that has been recovered. Littlethe
this temple now remains in the mounds of Tello, beyond
a wall the
the south-east
lower partcorner
of which
waslater
foundpalace
still standing
under
of
the
erected
second
centuryB.c.²
additiontothe
rebuilding
inof the
In
thatgod-he
the temple
of the city-god,
Ur-Bau
records
of
the
in
Girsu
in
honour
three
temples
erected
and Geshtin-anna, and of Enki, "the
desses
Ninkharsag
king
of
Eridu."
In
Uru-azagga
he builtquarter
a temple
for
of
the
Bau,
and
in
Uru,
another
the
goddess
a shrineIshtar.
in honour
ofdeities
Ninni,hon-or
city, he constructed
Other
goddess
Nin-azag-nun,
the
oured in asimilarway by Ur-Bau were Nindar, Ninmar,
and Ninagal,
the tolasttheofpatesi.
whom stood
in theto E-ninnû
mystical
ofmother
Attached
relation
he also built a " House of the Asses " in honour of
the deity whose duty it was to tend the sacred
Esignun,
assesUr-Bau
ofNingirsu.
probably
be regarded
as representative
earliermaypatesis
actingof
ofwiththefreedom
of
this
epoch,
who,
whilelimits
and independence within the
their
own state,
refrained from
on anyofGudea
policy
ofconquest
or expansion.
Withembarking
the accession
circumstances
aLagash.
distinct Like
changehisispredecessors,
noticeable inhethedevoted
of
himself
to
the
building
ofmore
temples,
but hisscale.
work was
undertaken
sumptuous
on
a
wider
and
Of
all
the kings
and
patesis
of
Lagash,
he
is
the
one
under
whom
the
appears
attained
greatest
material
city
to
have
its
prosperity,
which
found
its
expression
in
a
lavish
architectural
display.
Although
not
muchhisofmonuments
his great
temple
of
E-ninnû
still
survives
at
Tello,
are more numerous than all the others that have been
recovered on that site. Moreover, the texts engraved
2
12 See
See Thureau-Dangin,
above, p. 18 f. " Königsinschriften," pp. 60 ff.
3 Forhis inscribedmonuments, see" Königsinschriften," pp. 66 ff.
260 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
upon
his which
statues,he and
inscribed
upon the greatinclay
cylinders
buried
as
foundation-records
the
structure
of
E-ninnû,
are
composed
in
a
florid
style
and form a striking contrast to the dry votive formulæ
employed
by the majority
of are
his cast
predecessors.
Theof
cylinder-inscriptions
especially
in
the
form
a picturesque
narrative,
adorned
withsuch
striking
similes
and
a
wealth
of
detailed
description
as
are
not
found
in
the
texts
ofany
otherperiod.
Infact,
Gudea's
records appear to have been inspired by the novelty
and magnitude of his architectural constructions and
the
variety of sacred ornament with which they were
enriched.
We have no information as to the events which
led
to hisby accession,
beyond
the ofnegative
evidence
afforded
the
complete
absence
any
genealogy
from his inscriptions. Like Ur-Bau, Gudea does not
name his father, and it is possible that he was a man
of obscureasorpatesi
doubtful
birth. toTheaccount
energyforwhich
he
displayed
is
sufficient
his
rise
toof rule
power,mayandbetheheldsuccess
which
attended
hisaperiod
to
have
amply
justified
break
instudy
the ofsuccession.
Another
problem
suggested
by a
his
texts
concerns
the
source
of
the
wealth
which enabled him to undertake the rebuilding and
refurnishing
the temples
ofactivity
Lagashweupon
so elaborate
aseek
scale.in the
Theofbooty
cause
of
such
should
obtained during a numbernaturally
of successful
campaigns,
but
throughout
the
whole
of act
his
inscriptions
we
have
only
a
single
reference
to
an
of war. On the statue of himself in the character of
an architect,
holding
the
planan account
of E-ninnû
upon
his
knees,
he
gives
in
some
detail
of
the
distant
regions
whence
he
obtained
the
materials
for
the
construction
of Ningirsu's
the closeit offormed
this
list of places
and their temple.
products,Atas though
a continuation of his narrative, he adds the record that
he smote with his weapons the town of Anshan in
Elam and offered its booty to Ningirsu. This is the
only mentionand,of although
a victoryinthat
occurs
in Gudea's
inscriptions,
itself
it
proves
was sufficiently independent to carry on a that
war hein
LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 261
it does not throw light upon
on hiscauses
ownofaccount,
Elam
his success.
the other
The absence
of military
records
from
Gudea's
texts
isof rendered
the
more
striking,
when
we
read
the
names
the countries he laid under contribution for the
materials
employed inlisttheis that
building
ofonE-ninnû.
Theof
fullest
geographical
given
the
statue
the
architect
with the
plan, and,havealthough
unfortunately
some
of
the
places
mentioned
still
to
be identified,
the text itself furnishes sufficient information to demonstrate
the wide area of his operations. Gudea here
tells us that from Mount Amanus, the mountain of
cedars, he fetched beams of cedar-wood measuring fifty
and
even
sixty
cubits in length,
and
he also brought
down
from
the
mountain
logs
of
urkarinnu-wood
five-in
and-twenty
cubits
long.
From
the
town
of
Ursu
the
mountain
of Ibla heandplane-trees.
brought zabalu-wood,
great
Umanu,
beams
ofashukhu-wood
From
a mountain of Menua, and from Basalla, a mountain
of Amurru,
hethem,
obtained
greathe blocks
of instone
andmade
stelae
from
which
set
up
the
court of
E-ninnû. From Tidanu, another mountain ofAmurru,
he
broughtof pieces
of hemarble,
and copper,
from Kagalad,
a
mountain
extracted
Kimash,
which
he
tells us he used in making a great mace-head. From
the mountains
of Melukhkha
he broughtof the
ushû-wood,
which
employed
construction
temple,
he
in
the
fetched gold-dust from the mountain
Khakhu
and
he
of
carved
and
he gilded
with theof
headswithof itthree
lions. aInmace-head
Gubin, the
mountain
khuluppu-wood,
he felled
khuluppu-trees
; fromtheMadga
obtained
asphalt,
he
which
he
used
inmaking
platform of E-ninnû ; and from the mountain of Barshib
he brought down blocks ofnalua-stone, which he loaded
into great boats and so carried them to Lagash in order
to strengthen
the
base
of themakes
temple.it clear that Gudea
The
above
list
of
places
obtained his wood and stone from mountains on the
coast of Syria and inArabia, andcylinders
his copper from mines
inthatElam.
On
the
first
of
his
he also states
the Elamite came from Elam and the man of Susa
1 See De Sarzec, "Déc. en Chaldée," pl. 16–19.
262 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
from Susa, presumably to take part as skilled craftsmen
in thenotconstruction
of the
temple.
Inmany
thisplaces
accountashein
does
mention
the
names
of
so
the statue-inscription,
but
hedifficulties
adds some
picturesque
details
with
regard
to
the
of
transport
he
encountered. Thus he records that into the mountain
ofcedars, where no man before had penetrated, he cut
aprecious
road forwoods.
bringingHedown
cedarsroadsandinto
beamstheofmounother
alsothemade
tainscopper,
where hehequarried
stone,heand,
in addition
and
states that
obtained
silver toalsogoldin
the mountains. The stone he transported by water,
and
heMadga
adds that
theloaded
ships bringing
bitumen
and barges
plaster
from
were
as
though
they
were
carrying grain.
A thirdofmaterials
passage infrom
Gudea's
texts, occurs
referringuponto the
the
transport
a
distance,
colossal statue of himself which he erected in E-ninnû.¹
Here
he collected
states thatwood,
Magan,
Melukhkha,
Gubi, with
and
Dilmun
and
that
ships
loaded
wood
of alleightkinds
came
toeleven
the port
of Lagash.
Moreover,
on
out
of
his
statues
he
records
that
the diorite, from which he fashioned them, was brought
from Magan. In his search for building materials, he
asserts country;
that he journeyed
from
the lower country
toover
the
upper
and,
when
summarizing
the
area
which he and his agents ranged, he adopts an ancient
formula,
andwaysstates
thatfrom
Ningirsu,
his beloved
king,
opened
the
for
him
the
Upper
to
the
Lower
Sea, that is to say, from the Mediterranean to the
Persian Gulf.
and
countries,
enumeration
of these
The boastful
to thedistant
Upper and
the Lower
reference
Gudea's
Sea, might,a claim
perhaps,
at empire
first sightas extensive
be regardedas asthatcon-of
to
an
stituting
Shar-Gani-sharri and Narâm-Sin. But it is a remarkable fact that, with the exception of Lagash and her
textsthemake
Gudea's
townships,
within
limitsnoofallusion
Sumer
situated
toconstituent
cities or districts
great
and Akkad.
namesandofLarsa,
neighbouring
towns,
such asEven
Ur, the
Erech,
are not once
1 See " Déc. en Chaldée," pl. 9.
e3nl
,pDéc
.5Chald
SHIRPURLA
.GUDEA
POF
ATESI
,THE
OBRICK
TIME
F
TELLO
AT
PILLAR
LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 263
that they enjoyed
cited, Lagash
and it ancanequal
only measure
be inferred
But
of
independence.
with
neighbouring
authority
Gudea's
did
not
extend
over
ifcities
districts
can
his ownancountry,
effective wecontrol
thatwithin
he exercised
hardly and
conclude
over more distant regions. In fact, we ofmust
treat his
references to foreign lands as evidence commercial,
not of political, expansion.
Gudea's reignmay
be consequent
regarded as marking
a revivalof
Sumerian
prosperity,
ofSemitic
on
the
decay
influence and power in the north. The fact
that he was able to import his wood and stone from
Euphrates,
Syria, and
float it unmolested
of the the
northern
cities.
argues
a considerable
weakening down
Whether
Akkad,
or
some
other
city,
still
claimed
nominal suzerainty over the southern districts it isa
to say,
but itclaim
is atwasleasteither
clearrecognized
that in theor
impossible
reign
of
Gudea
no
such
enforced.
We
maysouth,
supposerelieved
that Lagash
andburden
the otherof
great
citiesdomination,
in the
from
the
a periodforofthepeace
and
Semitic which eachenjoyed
tranquillity,
employed
developcity
ment of her material resources. The city of Ur was
soonhegemony
to bring this
statetheof affairs
to acities
close,andbyfounding
claiming
among
southern
the
the kingdom
of Sumer
of arms.no
appearsbytoforce
reignandUrAkkad
have made
But
during Gudea's
movement, and Lagash and the other great cities of
commercial
pictured
maintaining
the
land
may
be
as
by the striving
relations
with
eachforother,
unhampered
political
supremacy.
of any
one
of
them
unparalleled
It
is
possible
that
we
may
trace
the
Gudea's
reign,
in
building
activity,
which characterized
in
the
art
of
building,
which
part
to
a
development
appears to have taken place at about this period. It
that bothof Gudea
and Ur-Engur,
has
been suggested
in this
the
Ur,
participated
the
founder
of
the
Dynasty
and
proof
of
movement,¹
same
great
architectural
has been seen in their common employment of the
twelvethanto
smaller
thirteensquare
inches,brick,
whichmeasuring
was morefrom
easy about
to handle
:
1 Cf. Heuzey, " Catalogue des antiquités chaldéennes," p. 49.
264 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
thethelarger
bricksofAkkad.
employed byTheUr-Bau
andadvantages
at the timeof
ofthis
Dynasty
inherent
form of brick are attested by its retention, with but
slight variations,
downhimself
to thesetendconsiderable
of the Babylonian
empire.
That
Gudea
storeseem
by
the
form
of
the
bricks
which
he
employed
would
to follow
passagetheinceremonies
his first cylinder-inscription,
wherefromhe the
describes
with which he
inaugurated
their manufacture, including the offer of
sacrifices and the pouring of a libation into the sacred
mould.incitedThehimusetoofrebuild
an improved
material
mayofwell
have
the greater
number
the
sanctuaries
in
Lagash
on
their
ancient
sites,
but
enlarged
and beautified in accordance with the new architectural
ideas. From another passage in his texts it would
seem
definitelyorclaimed
to have
novel that
form heofbuilding,
decoration,
suchinaugurated
as no patesia
before
him had
employed.
Theperhaps,
meaninghave
of thereference
phrase
isto not
quite
certain,
but
it
may,
the
reliefs
with
whichhe
adorned
E-ninnû.
Itadornment
maysculptured
alsoofrefer
to
the
use
of
raised
pilasters
forthattheis
façades
and
external
walls,
a
form
characteristic
of remains
later Babylonian
architecture,
but is
not
found
in
the
of
buildings
at
Lagash
before
Gudea's time.
In addition to E-ninnû, the great temple of the
city-god
Ningirsu,toGudea
that heand
rebuilt
the
shrines dedicated
Bau andrecords
Ninkharsag,
E-anna,
temple ofthe
goddess Ninni,
and heerectedsons.
temples
totheGalalim
and Dunshagga,
two ofNingirsu's
In
Uru-azaggahe
rebuiltGatumdug's
temple,and
in Girsu
Meslamtaea,
three
temples
to
Nindub,
and
Nindar,
last of whom was associated with the goddess Ninâ,thein
whose
honour
hetemple
made atosumptuous
throne.
In Girsu,
too,
he
built
a
Ningishzida,
his
patron
god,
whom
he
appears
to
have
introduced
at
this
time
into
the pantheon of Lagash. One of the most novel ofhis
reconstructions
was
the for
E-pa,Ningirsu.
the temple
of thebuilding
seven
zones,
which
he
erected
Gudea's
probably took the form of a tower in seven stages, a
1
11. 5 ff.VII. 1. 6.
CylinderB,A,col.col.VI.,XVIII.,
21 Statue
1. 77-col.
LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 265
true ziggurat,Butwhich
may
beoncompared
with
those
of
Ur-Engur.
the
work
which
he
most
prided
himselfwas
theresources
rebuildingof ofhisE-ninnû,
and toa study
this heof
devoted
all
the
city.
From
the remains of this temple that were uncovered at
Tello by M.thedesiteSarzec,
it would
appear
thatwith
Gudeaan
surrounded
ofUr-Bau's
earlier
building
enclosure, of which a gateway and a tower, decorated
with
relief, pilasters
are all inthat
remains.¹ These
wereincorporated
in
the structure of the
late
palace at Tello,
a great part of which
was built with bricks
from the ancient
temple.
It is difficult to determine
FIG. 64.
the relation of these
slight either
remainsto theat
Tello,
building
described
by
Gudea
himself,
orfortified
to the plan
of a
enclosure
which one of the
statues of Gudea, as
an architect, holds Tabletswitharchitect's ruleandstilus,which
upon his knees. thestatuesBandF' ofGudeabearupontheirknees.
FIG. 65.
That
the plan
was Agroundfrom statueplan
B. is engraved ontheupper tablet
intended,at
anyrate,
[Déc., pl. 15, Figs. 1 and 2.]
for a portion of the
temple is clear from
the inscription,
to the
effect
that
Gudeaprepared
the
statue
for
E-ninnû,
which
he
had
just completed.
TheGudea
detailedhasaccount
ofaffords
the building
of thispicture
temple,of
which
left
us,
a
very
vivid
the
ofthewithSumerians
at thisclothed
epoch,theandcultof
the religious
elaborateliferitual
which they
and1 Cf.worship
of their gods. The record is given upon
Heuzey, " Comptes rendus," 1894, p. 34 ; and see above, p. 18 f.
266 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
of clay,wasonestillofwhich
was inscribed
two huge
cylinders
and
the
inprogress,
while
the
work
ofbuilding
of
the
temple
and
decoration
other
after
the
building
had beenburied
installedas
had
beenhiscompleted,
and Ningirsu
within
shrine.
They
were
afterwards
temple itself,
foundation-records in the structure
of
the
well-preserved
and so haveandsurvived
in a wonderfully
excaduring
French
were
recovered
the
condition,
From
cylinders
vations
Tello.¹
the
first
of
the
we
at
learn that Gudea decided to rebuild the temple of the
drought,
which
ofthea prolonged
city-god
in consequence
naturally
to
anger
of
the
gods.
The
ascribed
was
fallen,
crops
canals
the
water
rivers
had
in
the
and
had suffered, and the land was threatened with famine,
means of
when
nightcommunicated
the patesi hadtheira vision,
orders byto him.
which one
the gods
Gudea tells us that he was troubled because he could
interpret
meaning
not
the
of the dream,
and it was from
only
encouragement
after
had
sought
and
received
he
Ningirsu
himself
andNinâ,Gatumdug
thatwho
he betook
to theof
temple
goddess
divines
secrets
of
the
the
the gods. From her he learnt that the deities who had
appeared
Ningirsu,
tocity,himNingishzida,
in his visionhishad
beendeity,
the
patron
sister
god
of
his
his
Nidaba,
and Nindub, and that certain words he had
heard uttered were an order that he should build
Nindub drawing aplan upon
E-ninnû.
He had beheld
tabletof oflapis-lazuli,
and
this Ninâbuild.
explainedwas
aplan
the
temple
should
Ninâ
added
the
he
instructions
offerings
own
the
gifts
and
the
ofher
as
to
patesi washimto make tocarrying
Ningirsu, whose work.
assistance
she
promised
Gudea
in
the
out
ofthe
then describes in detail how he obtained from Ningirsu
himself
that ittemple,
gods that
a sign
was trulyandthehow,having
will ofthe consulted
hetheshould
buildthe
proceeded
favourable,
to
omens
and
foundthem
hecourse
purify
city
special
rites.
this
the
by
In
the
of
1 For their text, see De Sarzec, " Déc. en Chaldée," pl. 33-36 ; Price,
"Les
andToscanne, "Les
B ofGudea";
"TheGreat
see Thureau-Dangin,
translation
Gudéa"Inscriptions
; for theirAand
Cylindres deCylinder
ff.; a summaryand
"Hall,
pp. 88"Egypt
Goudéa," and "Königsinschriften,
deoftheircontentsaregivenbyKing
Cylindres
and Western
and
discussion
Asia," pp. 195 ff.
LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 267
and
outathe
wizards
preparation
heanddrove
work
of from
kindled
cedar
Lagash,
fire
of
and
sorcerers
other aromatic woods to make a sweet savour for the
ofthethesacred
city,
completing
the purification
gods;
and, after the
surrounding
districts,
consecrated
hecedar-groves,
belonging
to the
andhecattle
and thetellsherds
temple. He then
fetched
us how
the materials
temple fromof distant
for themanufacture
the lands, and inaugurated
the
bricks with solemn rites
and ceremonies.
We are not here con-
cerned with Gudea's elabo-
new
rate descriptionof ofthethesumptemple,
and
tuous furniture, the sacred
emblems, and the votive
objects with which he enriched its numerous courts
and shrines. A large part
deis and
the tofirstthiscylinder
ofvoted
subject,
gives
second cylinder
the equally
acelaborate
ancount
of the removal of
the god Ningirsu from his
old shrine and his installa-
FIG. 66.
tion in the new one that Figure ofagodseated
upon a throne,
preparedfor
him.
been
had
who
mayprobablygodofLagash(Shirbe identified with
on
a
place
took
event
This
Ningirsu,thecitypurla).
Epoch
Gudea.
[Déc.
,
pl.
22,Fig.5;
Cat.
No.24.]
in
the
day
appointed
duly
city
the
after
new year,
and
its inhabitants
had undergone a second course
of
purification.
Uponhistransfertohisnewabode
Ningirsu
wasaccompaniedby
histhe
wifenumerous
Bau,hissons,
andhisdeities
seven
virgin
daughters,
and
attendant
who formed the members of his household. These
includedtheGalalim,
his son,
specialinduty
was toof
guard
throne and
placewhose
the sceptre
the ithands
the reigning
patesi
; hisDunshagga,
Ningirsu's
waterbearer;
Lugalk
urdub,
leaderinbattle;
Lugal-sisa,
his counsellor and chamberlain; Shakanshabar, his
268 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
grand
vizir ; Uri-zi,
the keeper
of his harîm
; Ensignun,
who tended
his asses
and drove
his chariot
; and
Enlulim,
the
shepherd
of
his
kids.
Other
deities
who
accompanied
Ningirsu
were
his
musician
and
fluteplayer,his
singer,theforcultivator
ofhisthelands,
who looked
after
the
machines
irrigation,
guardian
of the
sacred fish-ponds, the inspector ofhis birds and cattle,
and thewithin
god the
whocitysuperintended
theuponconstruction
of
houses
and
fortresses
the
city-wall.
All
these that
deitiestheywere
installed
inNingirsuand
special shrinesready
withinat
E-ninnû,
might
be
near
any moment to carry out his orders.
The important
placelifewhich
ritual
and worship
occupied
in
the
national
of
the
Sumerians
well
illustrated by these records of the building and isconsecrationfarofmore
a single
temple.
Gudea's
workpredecessors,
may have
been
elaborate
than
that
of
his
but the general features of his plan, and the ceremonies
and
rites
which
he
employed,
were
doubtless
fixed
and sanctified
by longproves
tradition.
description
Ningirsu's
entourage
that theHis
Sumerian
city-godof
was
endowed
withpatesi
allthehimself,
attributes
andenjoyed
allthe
privileges
ofthe
his
human
counterpart
and
representative. His temple was an elaborate
structure, which formed the true dwelling-place of its
ownertheandhis
divinehousehold;
anditincludedlodgings
for
priests,
treasure-chambers,
store-houses,
and
granaries,
and
pens
and
stabling
for
the
kids,
sheep
and
cattle destined for sacrifice. It is interesting to note
that in the course of building Gudea came across a
stele of Lugal-kisalsi, an earlier king of Erech and Ur.¹
From the name which he gave it we may infer that he
found
itorinchapels
Girnun,attached
which towasE-ninnû
probably; andoneheofcarethe
shrines
fully preservedit
andrespect
erectedwhich
it in hetheshowed
forecourtforof this
the
temple.
In
the
earlier record, he acted as Nabonidus did at a later day,
when
he came
across the foundation-inscriptions
of
Narâm-Sin
and
Shagarakti-Buriash
in
the
course
ofhis
rebuilding of E-babbar and E-ulmash, the temples of
Shamash and ofthe goddess Anunitu.
1 Cf. Cylinder A, col. XXIII., 11. 8 ff.; see above, p. 199 f.
SEATED FIGURE OF GUDEA, PATESI OF SHIRPURLA.
In the Louvre; photo. by Messrs. Mansell & Co.
LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 269
the artistic
productions
of Gudea's
the
mostOfstriking
that have
come down
to us areperiod
the series
ofdiorite
ofat himself,
whichthe
wereinscriptions
found together
inthem
the itlateisstatues
palace
Tello.
From
upon
originally
prepared
clear
that
they
were
byof
patesi
dedication
principal
temples
the
for
in
the
Lagash, which he either founded or rebuilt. Three were
installed in E-ninnû, of which one is the statue of the
architect
figure,
withonetheofplan,
and another,
a seated
proportions.
isThree
the only
the
series
of
colossal
moreNinni's
were temple
made forE-anna,
the temple
Bau, andof
others for
and theoftemples
the
goddesses
Gatumdugforand
Ninkharsag.
The smallis
seated
figure,
destined
the
temple
ofNingishzida,
the only onebyof which
we possessCrostheduring
head, forthethismore
was
discovered
Commandant
diggings
at Tello,
M. Heuzeyin
torecent
the body
ofthe
figure and
whichwashadfitted
beenbypreserved
Louvre forit will
the
manybe years.
the ofphotographic
reproduction
seen thatFrom
the size
thehead is
considerably
out
ofproportion
to
that
ofthe
bodyare; and
admitted
itallmust
be
that
even
the
larger
statues
not
of equal merit. While in some ofthem the stiffness
of archaic
convention
is still apparent,
such as
the
seated statues
for E-ninnû
and that others,
of the architect
with the rule from the temple of Gatumdug, are distinguished
by a fine naturalism and a true sense of
proportion.
maytemple
also
of treatment
variations
Some ininteresting
statues
from
the
be
noted
two
ofthe
standing
of Bau. One of these is narrow in the shoulders and
tobroadthe
contrast
slender
of form,
andtheis figure
in striking
ofa
strong
and
other,
which
presents
shouldered man. It would seem that the statues were
Gudea's
from
different periods
sculptured
we mayof infer
thatlife,he and
ascended
the
changesatobservable
the throne
whilealong
still aone.
youngThemandiorite
and which
that hishereign
must
have been
used
highly
prized
durability
for
its
for
them
was
very
his
beauty, and the large block that was required forand
1 See the plate opposite p.268; and cf. Heuzey, " Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. VI.,
pp. 18 ff.
270 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
tocolossal
havefigure
beenappears,when
regarded asthefarcarving
more wascompleted,
lapis-lazuli, silver, and other metals.¹ precious
Certainlythan
the
preparation
ofso
hard
a
stone
presented
more
difficulty
than that of any other material, and that Gudea's
sculptors
should
have
learnt
toadeal
successfully
with
such
large
masses
of
it
argues
considerable
advance
in theThedevelopment
their art.
small copperoffigures
ofofaGudea's
kneelingperiod,
god grasping
a cone are also characteristicthey
are surpassed bybutthein
design
and workmanship
similar
votive
figurewhich
datesrelieffromis furnished
Ur-Bau's byreign.2
Afine
example
of
carving
in
the
as
being
led
oval
panel,
in
which
Gudea
is
represented
intothe presence of his god ; a similar sceneof worship,
though
onhappy
a smallerscale,
isengraved
uponhis
cylinderseal.
A
example
of
carving
in
the
round,as
exhibited byofsmaller
of this
is hisof small
mace-head
brecciaobjects
decorated
withperiod,
the heads
three
lions.
the mace-head
referredInto design
on one this
oftheclearly
statuesresembles
from E-ninnû,
though,
unlike
it,
the
small
mace-headwas
probably
not
gilded,in
since
the
inscription
upon
it
mentions
the
mountain
Syria whence the breccia was obtained. But other
4
carved objects of stone that have been recovered may
well have been enriched in that way, and to their
underlying materialtheyprobablyowetheirpreservation.
The precious metalmayhave been stripped from these
solid gold hands.
or silver would scarcely have escaped the
plunderer's
With ofwhich
the exception
the periodto ofdrought,
inconsequence
Gudeaof decided
rebuild Ningirsu's
temple,
it is probable that during the greater part of his
reignthestateofLagashenjoyedunparalleledabundance,
such as is said to have followed the completion of that
work. The date-formula for one of his years of rule
takes its title from the cutting of a new canal which he
and the stone cores thrown aside ; but similar work in
1 Cf. StatueB, col. VII., 11. 49–54.
2 SeeDe
Sarzec,
"Déc. en Chaldée," pl. 8 bis,Fig. 1, andHeuzey, “ Catalogue,"
pp.
300
ff.
above, p."Rev.d'Assyr.,"
47, Fig. 12. V., p. 135 ; “Déc. en Chaldée," p. 293 f.
43 See
See Heuzey,
LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 271
named Ningirsu-ushumgal, and there is no doubt that
irrigation,
he
keptand
theherelaborate
system
whichin
Lagash
territories
wereofsupplied
withbywater,
plentiful
a perfectwhich
statetheof temple-lands
repair. Evidence
of the
supplies
produced
may
be seen
regular
offerings
decreed
inGudea.
the increase
of
the
by
On New Year's day, for instance, at the feast
of Bau, after hewhich
had rebuilt
temple,
he addedof tooxen,
the
consisting
marriage-gifts
were herherdue,
baskets
sheep,lambs,
ofdates,
potsetc.of butter,
figs,records
cakes,
birds,
fish,
and
precious
woods,
He
also
special offerings ofclothing and wool which he made to
her,
ofsacrificial
Nina.andFor
the newbeasts
templetoNingirsu and the goddess
of Gatumdug he mentions
the gift of herds of cattle and
flocks of sheep, together with
their herdsmen and shepherds, wwwww
and
ofkeepers
irrigation-oxen
and
their
for
the
sacred
lands of E-ninnû. Such references
point to an increase in
the revenues of the state, and
67.
we may infer that the people Mace-head FIG.of breccia,
from a
of Lagash
sharedpatesi
the pro"Upper
dedicatedSeato"
or Mediterranean,
sperity
of
their
and
mountainnear
the
his While
priesthood.Gudea devoted Ningirsu[Déc.,by Gudea.
pl. 25 bis, Fig. 1.]
himself to the service of his
gods,
does not
appear
to have
enriched
the
temples
atupholder
theheexpense
of
the
common
people.
He
was
a strict
of
traditional
privileges,
such
as
the
freedom
from taxation
by Gu-edin,anyNingirsu's
sacred
plain;
but he didenjoyed
not countenance
acts of extortion
on the part
his secular was
or sacred
Gudea's
ideal ofofgovernment
one of officials.
order, law,That
and
justice,
and
the
protection
of
the
weak,
is
shown
by
his
description of the state of Lagash during the seven days
he feasted with his people after the consecration of
E-ninnû.
Hethetellsequal
usthat
during
this and
privileged
time
the
maid
was
of
her
mistress,
master
slave consorted together as friends ; the powerful and
and
272 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
•
thehumble
manlay
down side
bywere
side,heard
and in; the
placelawsof
evil
speech
only
propitious
words
ofNina and Ningirsu were observed, and the rich man
did
not the
wrong
the orphan,
nor did tothewhat
strong
oppress
widow.
This reference
wasman
apparently
a
legal
code,
sanctioned
by
the
authorityofthe
city-god
of ais goddess
connectedinterest.
with theItancient
shrine of and
Eridu,
of considerable
recalls
the
reformsoutofthetheabuses
ill-fated
whointroduction
attempted
to stamp
of hisUrukagina,
time by the
ofandsimilar
legislation.¹
Gudeaas lived
in a happier
he appears
to us, not
a reformer,
but as age,
the
strong
upholder
ofthe
laws
in
force.
That the reign of Gudea was regarded by the succeeding
generations
inLagash
as thehisgoldenage
ofunder
their
city
may
perhaps
be
inferred
from
deification
the last kings of the Dynasty of Ur. There is no
evidence that, like Sar-Gani-sharri and Narâm-Sin, he
assumed divine honours during his own lifetime, for in
his
inscriptions
his nameandis itnever
by the the
determinative
of divinity,
alsopreceded
occurs without
divine
prefix
uponhisthescribe.
seals ofInGimdunpae,
his wife,
and
of
Lugal-me,
the
later
period
his
statues
were
doubtless
worshipped,
and
ithasbeen
suggestedwhich
that thehe perpetualofferings
ofdrinkand
foodthem,
and
grain,
decreed
in
connection
with
one
of
prove that it was assimilated from the first to that of a
god.
But the
names
of his statues
suggest
that
theyin
were
purely
votive
in
character,
and
were
not
placed
the
templespart.
in consequence of any claim to divinity
on Gudea's
wassymbolical
the customnames
of theto Sumerian
patesisandtoother
give
longItand
statues, stelae
sacred
objects
which
they
dedicated
to theto gods,
and
Gudea's
statues
do
not
form
an
exception
this
rule.
Thus, before he introduced the statue with the offerings
into
E-ninnû, he solemnly named it " For-my-kinghave-I-built-this-temple-may-life-be-my-reward
!" A
smaller statue for E-ninnû wasnamed " [The-Shepherd]who-loveth-his-king-am-I-may-my-life-be-prolonged ! ",
1 See3 above,
See StatueB,
pp. 178
ff. de trav.," Vol.2 XVIII.,
" Rec.
p. 64. col. I.
Cf. Scheil,
THE
BY
WHICH
HELD
IS
,E
OF
ACH
BRONZE
CONES
Brit
.9,NM1056
Sagagle
91058.
and
osus
V
A
BEARS
ND
FIGURE
GOTIVE
,OF
OD
KNEELING
SHIRPURLA
.OF
GUDEA
,PATESI
INSCRIPTION
Brit
.9,NM1144
91017
and
os
us
.
UR
OF
KING
INSCRIPTIONS
BEARING
FIGURES
VOTIVE
BRONZE
,BUR
-S
ND
A
LARSA
ING
K
IN
ARAD
OF
LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 273
statue for thesame temple he gave
while
to the" colossal
the title
Ningirsu-the-king-whose-weighty-strengththe-lands-cannot-support-hath-assigned-a-favourable-lotunto-Gudea-the-builder-of-the-temple." The small
standinglong
statuename
for "May-Nintud
the temple of (i.e.
Ninkharsag
bore the
equally
Ninkharsag)-themother-of-the-gods-the-arbiter-of-destinies-in-heavenand-upon-earth-prolong-the-life-of-Gudea-who-hathbuilt-the-temple!", and another small statue for the
temple of Bau was named " The-lady-the-beloveddaughter-of-the-pure-heaven-the-mother-goddess-Bau-in
-Esilsirsir-hath-given-Gudea-life." The statue for the
of Ningishzida was named " To-Gudea-thetemple
builder-of-the-temple-hath-life-been-given,"
and that for
E-anna bore the title " Of-Gudea-the-man-who-hathconstructed-the-temple-may-the-life-be-prolonged ! " It
will be seen that these names either assert that life and
or they invoke
been granted to Gudea,
happiness have
addressed
his
life.
Infact,inthey
to prolong
the deitythat the statues
originally
placed
the
were
prove
temples
gratitude
like
other
votive
objects,
either
in
for
continuance
of
thedivine
favour.
pastSuch
help,evidence
or toensure
a
to show
would ruler
seem had
we possess
ever
no Sumerian
that at the time ofasGudea
offerings were
to divine rank. theIt isstatue
true ofthatUr-Ninaduring
laid claimconnection
made
with
in
laid claim
had high
neverpersonages
reign,¹ but
Ur-Ninâother
Lugal-anda's
Moreover,
divinitytheirhimself.
totreated
own statues in the same way. Thus
madeis offerings
of Urukagina,
Shagshag,
no evidencein
connection the
withwife
her own
statue,but there
periods,
the earlier
In fact,
during
that
she was
deified. own
probably
was
Gudea's
reign,
the
statue
and
also
in
vicariously before
intended to represent the worshipper
death,
lifetime,
but
his
god.
Not
only
in
his
the statue continued to plead for him.alsoTheafterofferings
itself, but were
to the statuesymbolically
originally made
were not placed
the
itgod.to represent
near
probably
offerings
to
his
owner's
This custom may have prepared the way for the
above, p. 169.
"Tabl. sum. arch., " p. lvi. f.
21 See
Cf. Genouillac,
T
274 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
practice the
of deification,
but it did
notfound
originate
intheit.
Indeed,
later
development
is
first
among
Semitic
kings southward
of Akkad, until
and probably
of Kish, but
it
did
not
travel
after
the
Dynasty
of
Ur
had been established for more than ageneration. UrEngur,
likeinnovation
Gudea, waswasnotonly
deified
in his ownby lifetime,
and
the
introduced
Dungi.
During
the
reigns
of
the
last
kings
of
that
dynasty
the
practice
had
been
regularly
adopted,
and
it
was
in
this
period
that Gudea
was deified
his cultandestablished
in Lagash
along with
those ofandDungi
his contemporary
Ur-Lama
I.¹
By
decreeing
that
should be made to one of his statues, Gudea noofferings
doubt
prepared
the
way
for
his
posthumous
deification,
but
he
does
not
appear
to
have
advanced
the
claim
himself.
That he should have been accorded this honour after
death
mayofbehis regarded
as been
an indication
that the
splendour
forgotten.
reign
had
not
of Lagash
Gudea was succeeded upon thethisthrone
werulers
may
patesi
and
with
by
his
son
Ur-Ningirsu,
the
between
of
contact
a
point
establish
probably
and those of Ur. That he succeeded his
offather
Lagash
there can be no doubt, for on a ceremonial
andthein
to styles
Ningirsu,
he dedicated
macehinscriptions
ead, which we
himself
he
possess,
other
hisof
During
ofatLagash.
and and
also patesi
son ofheGudea
a
portion
least
rebuilt
repaired
reign
a gatepossesses
forthisthetemple,
BritishandMuseum
E-ninnû,
have
a
few
of
his
bricks
from
socket
he rebuilt in cedarbeen found at Tello recordingof that
the templeofoftheNingirsu,
a portionas symbolical
the
Gigunû,
wood
had
erected
Gudea
which
Tello
World.2 Moreover, tablets have been found atLower
we
gather
these
inhis
reign,
and
from
are
dated
which
probably
and
formonuments
at least threeweyears,
thathe was
patesi
that
learn
ahighly
other
longer.
From
was
a conwho
of
Lagash,
religious
official
placed
of Ur-Ningirsu,
also boreis the
name
Dungi,
temporaryof
we
may
identify
whether
to
be
decided
and
the
point
Gudea's
son.
personage
with
this
pp. 288,für298Assyr.
f. , " XVIII., p. 132.
12 See
further, Chap. X.,"Zeits.
SeeThureau-Dangin,
90
m
GATE- SOCKET OF GUDEA, PATESI OF SHIRPURLA, INSCRIBED WITH A TEXT
RECORDING THE RESTORATION OF THE TEMPLE OF THE GODDESS NINA.
Brit. Mus., No. 90849 ; photo. byMessrs. Mansell & Co.
LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 275
Ur-Ningirsu,
thehe official,
wasthehigh-priest
of theof
goddess
Ninâ,
and
also
held
offices
of
priest
Enki ofandsufficient
Moreover,
high-priest
of Anu.to stamp
he was
a
importance
his
name
upon
man
probablyThat
construction
bricks
which atwereLagash.
usedheinwastheDungi's
oftemporary
a temple
conknown
from
inscription
upon
votive
is
an
a
wig
head-dress
in the
Britishfor Museum,
which is
madeand
of diorite
and was
intended
a female statuette.2
engraved
The text
upon this object
states
that
itdivine
was
made
by
a
certain
Bau-ninam
for
his
lady
and
protectress, who was probably the goddess Bau, as an
adornment for her gracious person, and his object in
presenting
inducetheherKingto prolong
the offering
the life of Dungi,"
the was
mightyto man,
of Ur."
The important
part of astheatext
concernsor Bau-ninam's
description
himself
craftsman,
subordinate
of
official,
in
the
service
of
Ur-Ningirsu,
"
the
beloved
From
passage
high-priest
of
Nina."
this
it
is
clear
that
Ur-Ningirsu
was
high-priest
in
Lagash
at
a
period
when Dungi, king of Ur, exercised suzerainty over that
therefore wewe must
city.andIfsuccessor,
are toconclude
identifythat
himhewithhadGudea's
meanson
while been deposed from the patesiate of Lagash, and
appointedduring
priestly
to theDungi's
offices which we find him
holding
reign.
suggestionduties
thatduring
Ur-Ningirsu
may
alternative
Thefulfilled
the lifetime
his
sacerdotal
have
still crown-prince,
is
while
hesubsequent
himself was
of Gudea by
the
that
during
discovery
the
negatived
patesi,
Ur-Engur,
another
reign
ofUr-abba,
Dungi'swasfather,
; for
of
Lagash
on
the
throne
named
tablets have been found at Tello which are dated in
of Urin thewithpatesiate
the
reignToofreconcile
Ur-Engurthisandnewalsofactor
preceding
abba.
the
identification, we must suppose that Ur-Ningirsu's
brick
with
ofthis
Acomparison
pl.(seeNo.
37, No.8.
"Dec. en Chaldée,"
1 ofSeeUr-Ningirsu,the
the
show
will
plate),
same
9
on
the
patesi
one
similarity in the forms ofthe characters employed.
p. 206.
2 Cf.
See the
plate opposite
zur altorientalischen Geschichte,"
Winckler,
"Untersuchungen
3
p. 42.
4 See Thureau-Dangin, "Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. V., p.7.
276 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
deposition
occurredasinpatesi
the reign
ofplace.
Ur-Engur,
who
appointed
Ur-abba
in
his
According
toof this
view, but
Ur-Ningirsu
was notwascompletely
honours,
his authority
restrictedstripped
to the
purely
religious
sphere,
and
he
continued
to
enjoy
his
priestly
appointments
during
the
early
part
of
Dungi's
reign.
Theresupport
is nothing
impossible in this arrangement,
and
it
finds
inaccount-tabletsfrom
Tello,which
belong
to
the
period
of
Ur-Ningirsu's
reign.
Some of
tablets
mention
supplies
precious
the
and
give
lists
of
objects, "which
were son,"
destined
the king,"
" the
queen,"
the king's
or "forthe "king's
daughter,"
and
were received
onnone
theirbehalf
by tablets
the palace-chamAlthough
expressly
berlain.
of
these
mentionUr-Ningirsu,
one
of
the
same
group
ofdocuments
was
drawn
up
in
the
year
which
followed
his
accession as patesi, another is dated in a later year of
his
patesiate,
and
all maybe
assigned with
some
confidence
to
his
period.
The
references
to
a
"
king
" ina
the
official
account-lists
point
to
the
existence
of
royal dynasty, whose authority was recognized at this
time
in Lagash.
In viewweofmay
the evidence
afforded
by
Bau-ninam's
dedication
identify
the
dynasty
with that of Ur.
The acceptance of the synchronism carries with it
the
corollary
thatturning
with point
Ur-Ningirsu's
reign we
have
reached
another
in
the
history,
not
of Lagash, but of the whole of Sumer and Akkad.onlyIt
isin possible
thatGudea's
Ur-Engurmayhavefounded
dynasty
Ur before
death, but there is nohisevidence
that he succeededpatesiate;
in forcingand,hisinauthority
uponcomparaLagash
duringGudea's
view
of
the
tive shortness
his reign,
it is preferable
to assignmust
his
accession
to theof period
of Gudea's
son. Sumer
have
soonsouthern
acknowledged
authority,
and the
Lagash
and
the other
cities his
doubtless
formed
nucleus
of the kingdom
on whichThis
he based
claim toof the
hegemony
in Babylonia.
claim his
on behalf
Ur
1 One
SeeThureau-Dangin,
op.thecit.,group
p. 70,isand
"Rec.
dethetabl.
," p. v. of the
2
of
the
tablets
of
dated
by
construction
temple ofbutNingirsu;
this
need
not work
be referred
to temple,
Gudea'sorbuilding
ofa
E-ninnû,
rather
to
UrN
ingirsu's
upon
the
even
to
later reconstruction.
LATER RULERS OF LAGASH 277
was
fully substantiated
until theto reign
but not
in Sumer
Ur-Engur appears
have ofmetDungi,
with
little opposition. Of the circumstances which led to
Ur-Ningirsu'sthatdeposition
we know nothing,
we may
conjecture
his acknowledgment
of but
Ur-Engur's
authority
was not accompanied
bytheAsfullGudea's
measuresonof
support
demanded
by
his
suzerain.
and successor
he maywhich
well hishavecityresented
the lossandof
practical
autonomy
had
enjoyed,
Ur-Engur may in consequence have found it necessary
tosuccessors
removewere
him merely
from the
patesiate.
Ur-abbaof Ur,
and and
his
vassals
of the kings
Lagash
became
Sumer and
Akkad.a provincial city in the kingdom of
CHAPTER X
THE DYNASTY OF UR AND THE KINGDOM OF SUMER
AND AKKAD
HE more recent finds at Tello have enabled us to
the gapof Chaldean
which formerly
existedcivilization
in our
Tof☑Ur underbridge
knowledge
history and
Ur-Engur, the founder of the kingdom of
between the age of Narâm-Sin and the rise of the city
Sumer and Akkad. What we now know of Lagash
during
this
periodofmayprobably
be regarded
as typical
ofThethesystem
condition
the
other
great
Sumerian
cities.
government,
of
by
means
of
which
Gani-sharri and Narâm-Sin had exercised controlSharover
Sumerfrom
theircapitalinthe
north,
haddoubtless
been
maintained for a time by theirsuccessors ; but, from the
absence of any trace of their influence at Tello, we cannot
regard They,
their ororganization
as kings
havingofbeen
equally
effective.
the
Semitic
some
other
northern city, may have continued to exercise a general
over theshow
wholethatof Babylonia,
butmoredistant
the records
ofsuzerainty
Lagash seemto
thelarger and
cities wereTheleftmerein existence
the enjoyment
of practical
independence.
of a suzerain,
however,
who
had
inherited
the
throne
or
empire
of
Shar-Gani-sharri
and Narâm-Sin, must have actedas a deterrent influence
upon
any ambitious
princeaorcondition
patesi, andof would
thus
have
tended
to
maintain
equilibrium
between
the separateWestates
ofseen
whichthatthatLagash
empire took
had
been
composed.
have
advantageherofresources
this timealong
of comparative
inactivity
to
develop
peaceful
lines.
She
gladly
returned
to thethe
condition
ofacompact
city-state,
without dropping
intercourse
with distant
countries
278
THE DYNASTY OF UR
279
which had been established under the earlier Akkadian
kings.
During
thisa similar
period measure
we may suppose
that the city
of
Ur
enjoyed
of
independence,
which
increased
in the
proportion
toGudea's
the decline
of Semitic
authority
in
north.
campaign
againstof
Anshan affords some indication of the capability
independent
action,
tonotwhich
thethatsouthern
cities gradu-on
ally
attained.
It
is
likely
such
initiative
the
partwithin
of Lagash
was unaccompanied
bypowerful,
a like
activity
the
neighbouring,
and
more
stateandofErech
Ur. Inhadandominated
earlier agesouthernBabylonia,
the twin kingdomsandof
Ur
their rulers had established the kingdom of Sumer,
which
took
an active part in opposing
the advance
of
Semitic
influencesouthwards.
The
subjection
of
Sumer
bythoughts
the Dynasty
of Akkadonputtheanpart
endofforseparate
atime cities,
to all
of independence
althoughoccurred
the expedition
against ofErech
and Naksu,
which
in the patesiate
Lugal-ushumgal,
supports the tradition of a revolt of all the lands in the
latter part of Sargon's reign. Ur would doubtless have
been ready to lend assistance to such a movement, and
wemay
imagine
that weakening
she was notofslow
to take
advantage
of
the
gradual
Akkad
under
her
later rulers. At a time when Gudea was marching
across
the Elamite
border, or sending
his
supplies
to the Mediterranean
coast orunchecked
the islandsforof
the Persian Gulf, Ur was doubtless organizing her own
forces,
and may possibly have already made tentative
efforts
forminganaenergetic
coalitionleader,
of neighbouring
She onlyatneeded
and this she states.
found
inenergies
Ur-Engur,
who
succeeded
in
uniting
the
scattered
ofvictories
Sumer and
soson.
paved the way for the more
important
of
his
That Ur-Engur was the founder of his dynasty we
definitely
chronicle,atwhich
know
from
the dynasticexcavations
was
recovered
during
theAmerican
Nippur.¹
In
this document
is given
the first
of the
Dynasty
of Ur, thehetext
merelyasstating
thatking
he became
king and ruled for eighteen years. Unfortunately the
1 See Hilprecht, " Math., Met., and Chron. Tablets," p. 46 f.
280 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
preceding
columns
of thewastextset are
andwe
do
not know what
dynasty
downwanting,
in the list
as preceding
that of Ur,which
nor isledanyto indication
afforded
of
the
circumstances
Ur-Engur's
accession.
From
his building-inscriptions
that have been
recovered
on
different
sites
in
Southern
Babylonia¹
it
is
possible,
however,
to
gather
some
idea
of
his
achievements
and
theappears
extent ofto have
his authority.
After
securing
the throne
heaffairs
directed
his
attention
to
putting
the
of Ur in order. In two of his brick-inscriptions
from
bears thebesingle
titleto" king
of Ur,"Mukayyar,
and theseUr-Engur
may therefore
assigned
the
beginning
ofhis
reign,whenhiskingdomdidnot
extend
beyond
the limits
ofhistemple
nativeofcity.
Thesethetexts
record
the
rebuilding
of
the
Nannar,
Moon-god,
and work
the repair
and extension of the city-wall
of Ur.2
His
on
thetempleofthecity-god
nodoubtwon
for
him the support of the priesthood, and so strengthened
his
holdtoupon
the throne; ofwhile,
bysecured
rebuilding
and
adding
the
fortifications
Ur,he
his
city
against attack before he embarked upon a policy of
expansion.
first
that theErech.
assume
with somehisconfidence
Wemay
was
authority
he
extended
which
over
city
for by
his first objective,
been blocked
havehave
necessarily
It would
northward
any
it
would
position
itsadvance.
attachedinbytheUr-Engur
importance reflected
Theofthiscityis
"bricks
Lordto
title
the occupation
upon from a
his usualat titles
whichofprecedes
of Erech,"
Ur, dating
the Moon-god
the temple
from
ofwith
the title
his assumption
his reign;
periodthatofErech
later
Ur,
associated
closely
was
indicates
he
should
That
of
equality.
on
a
footing
not
though
the greattempleofNinni in Erech,
have
as werebuiltE-anna,
learn from bricks found at Warka, was a natural
he
by sohe doing
for But
of its acquisition,
consequence
honoured
as
suzerain.
his
privilege
exercised
by installing
he acquired,
whichpriest
cityabove
the own
Ninni,
of the goddess
as high
son thereothers
his
Königsinschriften,"
pp. 186 ff. in the date1 The
See Thureau-Dangin,
"wall
2
rebuilding
of
the
of
Urwas
also
commemorated
formula for one ofthe early years ofhis reign.
Nammu
BRICK OF UR- ENGUR, KING OF UR, RECORDING THE REBUILDING OF THE
TEMPLE OF THE GODDESS NINNI IN THE CITY OF ERECH .
From Warka ; Brit. Mus. , No. 90015 ; photo. by Messrs. Mansell & Co.
UorM
THE DYNASTY OF UR
281
an event which gave its official title to one of the years
of his reign. We have definite evidence that he also
held
city ofrecord
Larsa,hisforrebuilding
bricks haveof
been the
foundneighbouring
at Senkera,which
the
temple
of Babbar,
thedoubtless
Sun-god. strong
With the
acquisi-to
tion
of
Lagash,
he
was
enough
recognition of his authority throughout the
obtain oftheSumer.
whole
has
The only other city, inbuilding
which direct
evidence
activity,
is
Nippur.been
found
of
Ur-Engur's
From the American excavations on that site we learn
that
he rebuilt
E-kur,Enlil's
great temple,onthe
and also
that
strength
ofof Ninlil,
his
spouse.
It
wasdoubtless
the titlewasof--he assumed
Nippur that How
hisofholding
King
Sumer
andAkkad.
far
his
authority
to
say,
but
the
it
is
impossible
in
Akkad
recognized
Dungi's reign
ofUr-Engur's
Babylon insuzerainty
for totheimply
conquest
necessityseem
over
would
that
country was more or less nominal.
at least a part ofthe
patesi
of Museum,¹
Ishkun-Sin,waswhose
seal is now
Khashkhamer,
preserved
his
subject,
and
in
the
British
the Semitic character of the name of his city suggests
Babylonia.
certainin
that
lay inupNorthern
tabletsit drawn
in his reign
are datedMoreover,
in " the year
which
Kingcountry,"
Ur-Engura phrase
took that
hiswayfrom
the lowerto
imply a
may
possibly
upper
the
in
the
north.
Thus
some
portions
expedition
military
effectively held
by
Ur-Engur,
ofAkkad
may
have
been
of the
subjugation
that
the completeDungi's
but
it is certain
reign.
only
effectedduring
countrywas
In
Sumer,
on
the
other
hand,
Ur-Engur's
swaywas
His appointment
of Ur-abba
as patesi
characteristic
ofofunquestioned.
Lagash
was
probably
of
his
treatment
the southern cities: by the substitution of his own
adherents
in placesupport
of the inreigning
patesis, he would
administration
have
securedloyal
the
of his
his
dependent
states.
We
have
evidence
of
one
of
administrative acts,Tello
so farheas records
Lagash that,
is concerned.
On
a clay cone from
after he had
built
the templeNannar,
of Enlil,which
he dug
a canalNannar-gugal.
in honour of
the Moon-god,
henamed
1 See the plate opposite p. 246.
282 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
He describes
thethatcanal
as a aboundary-ditch,
and
we
may
conjecture
it
marked
revision
of
the
frontier
between Lagash
the territories
ofbelonging
two cities,
possibly
that
between
and
lands
to
the
city
of
Ur.
In
the
same
inscription
he
tells
us
that,
in
accordance
with thealaws
ofthat
the affords
Sun-god,some
he caused
justice
to
prevail,
claim
indication
of
the
spiritinwhich
he governed the cities he had incorporated
in hisInkingdom.
thethrone
reign and
of Dungi,
whofromsucceeded
hiskingdom
father
upon
the
inherited
him
the
of Sumer and Akkad, the whole of Northern Babylonia
was
brought
to
acknowledge
the
suzerainty
of
Ur.
Considerable
light
hasthat
beenthrownupon
Dungi's
policy,
and
indirectly
upon
of
the
whole
of
Ur-Engur's
dynasty,
by the recently
published
chroniclehas
concerning
early
Babylonian
kings,
to
which
reference
already
been made. The earlier sections of this document,
dealing
with the reigns of Sargon and Narâm-Sin, are
followed by a short account of Dungi's reign, from
which
we learn
twoisfacts
ofDungi
considerable
significance.¹
The
first
of
these
that
"cared
for
the city of Eridu, which was on the shore ofgreatly
the sea,"
and
the ofsecond
is that
"he
sought after
evil, andouttheas
treasure
E-sagila
and
of
Babylon
he
brought
spoil. " It will be noted that the writer of the chronicle,
who
was probably
atreatment
priest in theof Babylon,
temple ofinE-sagila,
disapproved
of
his
quence of which he states that Bêl (i.e. Marduk)consemade
an
end
of
him.
In
view
of
the
fact
that
Dungi
reigned
for no lessempire,
than fifty-eight
years
and consolidated
an
extensive
it
is
not
improbable
that
the
evil
fate ascribed to him in the chronicle was suggested
byingBabylonian
prejudice.
the the
Babylonian
of the narrative
does notButaffect
historicalcolourvalue
of the other traditions, but rather enhances them. For
it is obvious that the disaster to the city and to E-sagila
was not an invention, and must, on the contrary, have
been
of some
magnitude
its record
to have been
preserved
in Babylon
itself for
through
later generations.
pp. 160Seeff.;King,
Vol. "Chronicles
II., p. 11. concerning early Babylonian Kings," Vol. I.,
THE DYNASTY OF UR
283
Babylon,weandhave
in hisstriking
protreatmentof itsof city-god,
In Dungi's
of
the
temple
fanation
of
Ur
was
accomproof
that
the
rise
of
the
Dynasty
revolution.
asthewellmemory
as a political
panied
by a religious
buildretained
Sargon's
Late
tradition
of
activityofinAkkad
Babylon,
ing
and
under
his ofsuccessors
upon
throne
great
temple
may
the
the
E-sagila
wellhavebecome themost important shrineinNorthern
Babylonia
the centre
of Semitic
south
in theworship.
extremeEridu,
on the otherandhand,
was situated
of Sumer and contained the oldest and most venerated
temple of the Sumerians. Dungi's care for the latter
detriment
emphasized
bythatcon-he
city
toin the
of ofBabylon,
trast
the
late
records
his
reign,
suggests
of the conditions
aimed
at a complete
time
during reversal
the preceding
age. Thewhich
had prevailed
reaction,
Sumerian
and
Ur-Engur's
was
ripe
for
a
cities intomaya
the southern
initial successofinstates
welding
confederation
under
own
suzerainty
his
be traced to the beginning of this racial movement.
continued
extended
andmay
his befather's
policy,as and
Dungi
regarded
the
probably
Babylon
his
sack
of
decisive
struggle,
blow the
in the
which
had been
takingin
influence
against
centres
Semitic
last
of
place
the north.
Otherrevival,which
evidence is characterized
not lacking ofthe the
Sumerian
national
period
of the
kings
of
Sumer
and
Akkad.
Of
Ur-Engur's
inscriptions
one texts
is written
Sumerian,
strikingof
contrastevery
to the
whichindate
from thein time
Shar-Gani-sharri and Narâm-Sin. Of the still more
numerous
recordsare written
of Dungi's
reign, Babylonian,
only two short
votive formulæ
in Semitic
and
one of these is from the northern city of Cutha.
The predominant use of Sumerian also characterizes
the
textsandof the
the few
remaining
members
of Dynasty
Ur-Engur'sof
dynasty
inscriptions
of
the
Isin that have been recovered.¹ In fact, only one of
texts of
bySumer
the votive
were probablypresented
1 The
samewhocharacteristics
and
Akkad.
of
the
kings
contemporarywith
were
patesis,
local
Thus Khaladda, patesi of Shuruppak, and the son of Dadawhowas patesi
the god orin
building offound
thegreatdoor
Sumerianhis
beforehim,
records
at Fara andofpublished
cityin; see
his cone-inscription
goddess of that
1
284 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
these
is inandSemitic,
short brick-inscription
givingat
the name
titles ofaGimil-Sin,
which was found
Susa. It is true that the last three kings of the
Dynasty
of Urofapparently
bearofSemitic
names,
and
of the rulers
the Dynasty
Isin the
Semitic
character
of theprove
namesthatis not
But
this ofinthe
itselfmajority
does not
theirindoubt.
bearers
wereinSemites,
and a study
of thedocuments
proper names
occurring
the numerous
commercial
and tablets
of accounts,
which
were
drawnSumerian
up underinthecharacter.¹
kings of
Ur
and
Isin,
are
invariably
Ais afforded
more convincing
test
than
that
of
the
royal
names
the cylinder-seals
period. re-In
these both bysubject
and treatmentofaretheSumerian,
sembling
of Lagashwithatthose
the time
Gudea
and
havingthelittlesealsincommon
of theofDynasty
of Akkad.
Moreover,
thenotworshippers
engraved
upon
the
seals
are
Sumerians,
Semites.
Two
striking
examples are the seal of Khashkhamer, the contemporary and dependant
of ofUr-Engur,
anddedicated
that whichto
Kilulla-guzala,
the
son
Urbaga,
Meslamtaea
for that
the preservation
Dungi's
life. wor-It
will be noticed
on each of of
these
seals the
shipper
a shaven
fringed
Sumerianhastunic.
There head
can beandlittlewears
doubt,thetherefore,
that Ur-Engur and his descendants were Sumerians,
and
we may probably
regard themovement
Dynastywhich
of Isin
as
a continuation
of the sameracial
led to
the establishmentofthe kingdom ofSumer and Akkad.*
the
" Mitteil.
derSemiticinfluence
Deutsch. Orient-Gesellschaft,"
No.
16, 1902-3, p. 13. On
the
other
hand,
is
visible
in
the
inscriptionofItûr-Shamash
a high
official
(rabianu),
who built
atKisurraand
onan
inscribedbrickfound
atNo.
Abu
Hatab
styles
himself
the
son
of
Idin-ilu,
patesi
of Kisurra (op. cit.,
15,
1902,
p.
13).
von Ur
... aus der
Zeit derKönige
1 Nisin,"
See Huber,
"Langdon,
Die Personennamen
Gesellschaft,"
Morgenländ.
"Zeits.
der
Deutsch.
und
and
Bd.2 LXII.,
p. 399.
guzalû"
" Königsinschriften," p. 194f.
better,
" Kilulla,the
Or
246. ; cf.theirinscriptionsandthe
oppositep.
the plate
34 InSeespite
ofthe use ofSumerianfor
Dynasty of Isincontinuance
mayhave
the
suggests that
oforigin
Ur, Meyer
of theoftraditions
Bd.inI.,twoHft.of II.,
des
Altertums,"
(cf.
"Geschichte
Amorite
been
the
of
the
godDagan
the
name
p.royal501names
f.). Butthepresenceof
as
the
this
view,
especially
to
justify
sufficient
is
scarcely
and
has
beentoallintents
reign
AmoriteinvasioninLibit-Ishtar's
suggested
purposes disproved; seebelow, p. 315 f.
285
THE DYNASTY OF UR
to the
with regard
affording ofinformation
of Southern
characteristics
the inhabitants
racialBesides
documents
liststhrow
and commercial
Babylonia, the official
light
upon
indirectly
ofevents.
this period
found
In the first great collection of tabletshistorical
Sarzec
Tello,
majority
those
belongby
M.
de
at
the
of
dated
the laterduring
years
inrecovered
ing to reign
Dungi's period
tablets
amongwere
the
ofthehismore recent
; butdiggings
many dated
on the site areinscribed
upon
earlier years.in conjunction
The date-formulæ
inthesehisdocuments,
fragmentarydatewith
lists, have rendered it possible to arrange the titles of
greater
reign;
of his occurin order
the
years for
afterpartimportant
and,years
since the
werethenamedinauguration
of templesof
such ascities
the building
orsuccessful prosecution
and
the
inrences,
different
source
theytheformhistory
of
a valuable
foreign campaigns,
of
the
period.¹
information
concerning
gather
some
idea
of
the
steps
by
From
these
we
can
periods
empire,
increased
his
and
of
the
Dungi
which
principal
achieved
his
he
inconquests.
his reignDuring
during which
seemyearscomplete
it wouldcontrol
his inearlier
securing
occupied
that
he
was
withinnominally
of Northern
the districts
inherited
from his Babylonia,
father. Thewhich
sack heof
had
mayyear
well inhave
Babylon
whichbeenit commemorated
took place, and,inif the
title for the
so,
decade
reign,
within
of
his
musta gap
the
first
itwhere
be placed
occurs in our sequence ofthe date-formulæ.
Such of the earlier titles as have been recovered refer
for theinstallation
most partoftodeities
the building
their shrines, temples,
and the
within ofpalacesand
the
year
of
his
reign
like.
It
is
not
until
the
thirty-fourth
recorded.
conquest
explicitly
thatButa foreign
is
before this period there are indications that an
place.
takingthegodwas already
empire
of Dungi's
expansion
reignhe
installed
nineteenth
year
ofhis
Inthe
that
proves
at
Dêr,
an
act
which
dess Kadi in hertemple
borderyearwasheat
Elamite
frontier townonthe
the principal
following
In
the
this
time
in
hispossession.
1 See Thureau-Dangin, " Comptes rendus," 1902, pp. 77 ff., "Rev.
d'Assyr.," Vol. V., pp.67ff., and "Königsinschriften," pp. 229 ff.
286 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
installed
hismay
templethegod
NutugmushdaofKazallu,
insuzerainty
which inweover
see
evidence
that
he had imposed
his
this
country,
the
conquest
of
which,
according to the late tradition, had been a notable
Inhistwenty-sixthyear
heachievementofSargon'sreign.
appointed
his
daughter
to
be
" lady
" of the
Elamite
region
of
Markharshi,
arecord
that
throws
an
interesting Sumerians.
light upon theThese
position
enjoyed
by women
among
the
districts,
and others
of which
we
havenoknowledge,
maywellhavebeenwonbyconquest,
for it is obvious that the official date-formulæ could not
take
account
ofimportant
every military
expedition,
especially
in
years
when
an
religious
event
had
also
taken
place.
But,
in the case
oflittleopposition
the three countries
referredto
to,
it
is
also
possible
that
was
offered
their annexation, and for that reason the title of the
year
may
have
merely
recordedDungi's
performance
of
hishis representative
chief privilegeasasruler.
suzerain,Whichever
or the appointment
of
explanation
be
adopted, itofis régions
clear that
Dungi
was
already
gaining
possession
which
had
formed
part
of the
empire ofthe Semitic kings ofAkkad.
In toaddition
to acquiring
Dungi
also
seems
have borrowed
fromtheir
the territory,
Semites one
of their
mostreign
effective
weapons,
for thein which
twenty-eighth
yeartheof
his
was known
as that
he enrolled
sons
ofSumerians
Ur as archers.
Thespear,
principal
weapon
of the
earlier
was
the
and
they
delivered
formation, the spearmen being
their attackin inlineclose
protected
of
battle
byheavy
shields
carriedthey
by
shield-bearers.
For
other
purposes
of
offence
depended
chieflywere
on subsidiary
the battle-axe
and fitted
possiblyrather
the
dart,
but
these
weapons,
for the had
pursuit
of a flying enemywhenonce
theirtestify
main
attack
beendelivered.
Eannatum's
victories
to the phalanx
success against
achievedanbyenemy
the method
of attackarms.in
heavy
with
inferior
The bowandappears
tomayhavehavebeenowedintroduced
by thein
Semites,
they
their
success
battlelargely
employment:
haveranks
enabledof
them to breaktoupits and
demoralizeitwould
the serried
the Sumerians, before they could get to close quarters.
THE DYNASTY OF UR
287
Dungi doubtless recognized the advantage the weapon
would
give his where
own forces,
especially
fighting
a hilly country,
the heavy
spear when
and shield
wouldin
be of little service, and it would be difficult to retain a
close formation. We may conjecture that he found his
companies of bowmen of considerable assistance in the
series ofandsuccessful
campaigns,regions,during
which he carried
out
in
Elam
the
neighbouring
the
latter
halfOfthesecampaigns
ofhis reign.
of
weknowthatthefirstconquest
thirty-fourthyear,andthat
GankhartookplaceinDungi's
of Simuru in the yearthat followed. The latterdistrict
to necessary
annexation,to
tamely
does
nothisappear
tohaveyear
submitted
for
in
thirty-sixth
Dungi
found
it
send a fresh expeditionfor itsreconquest. Inthefollow-
by the
conquest
up these Gankhar
successesand
ingyear
he and
followed
were
Simuru
Khumurti.
of Kharshi
situated in the mountainous districts to the
probably
east of the Tigris, aroundthe upper course of the Diyala,
in the neighbourhood of Lulubu; for the four countries
Urbillu, Simuru, Lulubu, and Gankhar formed the
in
byDungi
undertaken
objectfifty-fifth
of a single
expedition
to
appears
or
Kharishi,
Kharshi,
his
year.¹
to the
the submission
east of theofTigris.2
have
lain indoubtless
the region
other
led to
Thesealso
victories
for in his fortieth year Dungi married one of
districts,
his daughters to the patesi of Anshan, among the most
of
states.
Thedifficulty
warlike character
of Elamite
important
exDungi
by
the
is
attested
the
Elamites
perienced in retaining control over these districts, after
inwashisobliged
empire.to For
in the
they
had been
incorporated
undertake
forty-first
year
of
his
reign
he
the reconquest of Gankhar, and to send a third expedi-
tionsubdued
there two
yearsforlater;
in thetime,forty-third
the third
while inyear
the
Simuru
he
Thureau-Dangin, " Orient. Lit.-Zeit., " 1898, col. 169, n. 2, and
1 Cf. rendus," 1902, p. 85.
" Comptes
Meyer,is "Geschichte
Khurshitu
(cf.
connected
with
It mayperhaps
by
indicated
ofwhich
site
Bd. palace
I.,beHft.
II.,
p.
498
f.),
the
des 2Altertums,"
found
was
which
of
Khurshitu,
of
Pukhia,King
the
from
brick
the
XVI.,
at Tuz-Khurmati on the river Adhem (cf. Scheil, " Rec. dewithtrav.,"
the earliest
p.rulers
186 ofAshur.
; XIX., p. 61). Pukhiawas probably contemporary
288 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
forty-fourth year Anshan itself revolted and had to be
regained by force of arms.
In the
coursetheofgreater
these ten
it is andplaced
probable that
Dungi
annexed
partyears
ofElam,
his
empire
upon
an
enduring
basis.
It
is
true
thatduring
the closing years ofhis reign he undertook a fresh series
of
expeditions,
conquering
Shashru
ininthe
fifty-second
year,
subduing
Simuru
and
Lulubu
the
fifty-fourth
year
"
for
the
ninth
time,"
and
Urbillu,
Kimash,
Khumurti and Kharshi in the course of his last four
years. Buthis the
victories,by
meansofSumer
of whichand
he
extended
swayearlier
far beyond
the borders
Akkad,
may
be held ofto mark
the principal
eraofprobably
expansion
in
the
growth
his
empire.
It
was
during
this period that he added to his other titles
the more comprehensive one of "king of the four
quartersbeen
(oftheadopted
world),"by thus
revivingataatitle
which
had
already
Narâm-Sin
time
when
the
empire of Akkad had reached its zenith. Another
innovation which Dungi introduced in the course of his
reign,
at ofa period
it would
seem
shortly
before hisof
adoption
Narâm-Sin's
title,
was
the
assumption
divine
indicatedby
thename.
addition Like
of theNarâm-Sin,
determinative forrank,
divinity
before his
who had claimed
theand
godheoffounded
Akkad,temples
he styledin
himselfthe
god of tohisbeland,
which
statue became
objectinofhisa own
publichonour,
cult.
He alsohisestablished
a nationalthefestival
and
renamed the seventh month of the year, during
which it was celebrated, as the Month of the Feast of
Dungi.
He appears
to have been
first heSumerian
ruler to claim
divine honours.
By sothedoing
doubt-
less challenged
comparison
withenabled
the kings
ofto rival.
Akkad,
whose
empire
his
conquests
had
him
administration
the ofElamite
provinces
his Dungi's
empire appears
to haveofbeen
a far more
perma-of
nent character
that established
by any ofearlier
conqueror
from than
Babylonia.
In the course
this
history we have frequently noted occasions on which
Elam has come into contact with the centres of civilization
in the
valley of theposition,she
Tigris and was
Euphrates.
In
fact,from
hergeographical
not only the
タ
DIORITE VOTIVE TABLETS OF DUNGI, KING OF UR, RIM- SIN, KING OF
LARSA, AND BUR-SIN, KING OF UR.
Brit. Mus. , Nos. 90897, 90898, and 91014.
LIMESTONE VOTIVE TABLETS OF THE TIME OF RIM-SIN, KING OF LARSA,
AND OF SIN-GAMIL, KING OF ERECH ; ON THE LEFT IS A NEO-BABY-
LONIAN COPY IN CLAY OF A VOTIVE INSCRIPTION OF SIN-GASHID,
KING OF ERECH.
Brit. Mus., Nos. 91081, 90899, and 91082.
THE DYNASTY OF UR
289
nearest foreign neighbour of Sumer and Akkad, but
she
themSumerian
and be influenced
by
themwasinbound
turn. toToinfluence
the earlier
rulers Elam
associated
was
daring races.
raids
acrossathename
Tigrisof onterror,
the part
of hardywithmountain
turned
The Semitic
kingsterritory,
of Kish had
the tablesand
by
invading
Elamite
conquests
and
their
those of the kings of Akkad had opened the way for
the establishment of close commercial relations between
countries.
Although
their
expeditions
may
the
two
undertaken
getting
have
been
with
the
object
of
spoil
territory, there
rather
thanresulted
of acquiring
is noimmigradoubt
considerable
Semitic
that
they
in
a
tioninto the country. Moreover, the Semitic conquerors
brought
civilization
they had themselves
acquired.with
Forthem
theirthememorial
and monumental
records
adoptedfromtheirconquerors
thenativeprinces
ofElam
the cuneiform system
ofwriting
and even their Semitic
language,
though
the
earlier
native
writing continued
toBasha-Shushinak,
be employed for
the
ordinary
purposes
of life.¹
patesi
of
Susa
andgovernor
ofElam,
who
may
probably ofbeUr,
placed
at a the
ratherSemitic
earlierBabyloperiod
than
the
Dynasty
employs
language
recording
offerings,uponandthehe
nian
fordown
his votive
not
only
calls
Shushinak's
vengeance
impious,asbutShamash,
adds invocations
toEnlil,
such Enki
purelyBabylonian
deities
Nergal,
or not
Ea, have
Sin,
Ninni
or
Ishtar,
and
Ninkharsag.
We
could
more
striking
evidence
of
the
growth
of
Semitic
influence
Elam during
which
followed
theClose
Elamiteincommercial
victories
ofrelations
the the
kingsperiod
of
Kish
and
Akkad.
were also maintained
between
Elam
and
Sumer,
and
Gudea's
conquesttheof
Anshan
may
be
regarded
as
the
first
step
towards
Sumerian
domination
of
the
country.
In
establishing
his
owndistricts,
authorityandin especially
Elam, Dungi
mustofhave
found
many
the
city
Susa,
influenced by Sumerian culture, though chiefly through
See below,
12 The
Chap.alsoXII.,
338. as Karibu-sha-Shushinak. He does not
beenp. read
name has
his patesiate, for in his inscriptions he assigns no
to have
appear
Shimbi-ishkhuk.
title to his
fatherinherited
U
1
290 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
the mediumHisof task
Semitic
immigrants from
Northern
Babylonia.
of
administering
the
conquered
provinces
thus rendered
That his was
expeditions
were notproportionately
merely raids,easier.
but
resulted
in
the
permanent
occupation
of
the
country,
isthrow
provedconsiderable
by a number
of upon
tabletsthefound
at Tello,
which
light
methods
by
which
he
administered
the
empire
from
his
capital
at
Ur.
Many
of
these
documents
contain
orders
for
supplies
allotted to officials in the king's service, who were
passing
Lagashdistricts
in thein course
between through
Ur and their
Elam. ofThejourneys
tablets
enumerate
quantities
of
grain,
strong
drink
and
oil,
which
had
been
assigned
to
them,
either
for
their
sustenance
duringafter
theirtheir
staydeparture.
in Lagash, or as provision
for Ittheiris interesting
journey
to note that the towns or countries,
from which they came, or to which they set out on
their return journey from Ur, are generally specified.
In addition to Susa, we meet with the names of
Anshan, Kharishi, Kimash and Markharshi, the conquest or annexation of which by Dungi, as we have
already
seen,officials
is recorded
in the date-formulæ.
Other
places,
the
of
which
are
mentioned,
were
Khukhnuri, Shimash, Sabu, Ulu, Urri, Zaula, Gisha,
Siri, Siu,districts,
Nekhune,
and
Sigiresh.
Likewhile
the preceding
these
were
all
in
Elam,
Az,
Shabara, Simashgi, Makhar and Adamdun, with which
other region.¹
officers From
were the
connected,
probably
layplaces,
in the
same
number
of
separate
the
names of which have already been recovered on the
tablets from Tello, it is clear that Dungi's authority
incities,
Elambutwaswasnoteffectively
confined established
to a few ofthroughout
the principal
greater part of the country. While much of the
his
administrative
workwas
directed
fromUr,
it inscriptions
is probable
that
Susa
formed
his
local
capital.
From
found during the French excavations on that site we
know that Dungi rebuilt there the temple of Shushinak
the national god, and it may be inferred that he made
12 SeeThureau-Dangin,,"Comptes
See Scheil, "Textes Elam.-Sémit.,"rendus,"
III., p.1902,
20 f. p. 88f.
THE DYNASTY OF UR
291
the
his headquarters during his periods of residence
in thecitycountry.
officials
difficult
functionsbutof some
many ofof thethe titles itthatis can be
to The
determine,
couriers
and royal Inmessengers,
includewith
explained
the casewhoof
despatches.
entrusted
were
mission
objectandof ittheir
of a indicated
higher grade
on thethetablet,
is seen
that
sometimes
isofficials
collection
and
distribusuperintended
the
the
majority
of public
buildingworksmaterials,
transport
tion
of provision
supplies, the
underfor
the
of
labour
and
the
ofthe
by
the
king.
Infact,
averylarge
number
taken
slaves
recruiting
public
employed
in
officers
were
royal and in transportingthemto Urand othercities,
inElam,
of
conin
course
and
palaces
upon temples
for
work
on themajority
highsituationis natural
of Lagash
struction.
From theSusa,it
betweenUrand
thatthe
road
of the officials mentioned on the tablets should be on
their way to or from Elam, but some whose business
lay
in other directions are occasionallymentioned. Thus
certain of them were from towns in the immediate
as Tig-abba,
while
neighbourhood
Lagash, tosuch
Others, again,
Nippur.
others journeyedofnorthward
were
on their way south to the coast, and even to the
island of Dilmun in the Persian Gulf.
Amongorthewhose
higherrepresentatives
officials whosepassed
stay inthrough
Lagashtheis
recorded,
city
on business,
a prefect,
a localand
governor,
andsource
even
from
this
mentioned,
aofpatesi
are
sometimes
information we learn the names of some of the
patesis who ruled in Susa under the suzerainty of
Dungi and his successors on the throne of Ur. Thus
several ofpatesi
the tablets
record
theway
supply
oftorations
for
Urkium,
of
Susa,
on
his
back
that
city
during Dungi's reign. Another tablet mentions a
servant ofwhile
Zarik,
patesipatesi
of Susa,
whowho
hadowed
comeallegifrom
Nippur,
a
third
of
Susa,
ance to one ofthe later kings of Ur, was Beli-arik.¹ It
of
patesi
"Rec. deoftrav.,"
Vol.whose
XXII.,sealp. in153.the Khunnini,
1 Cf. Scheil,
Madl
Hermitage
at
St.
Madka,
governor
Kimash
and
161),isprobably
(" Zeits.is tofürAssyr.,"VI.,p.
PetersburgispublishedbySayce
Madga,whence
identifiedwith
Madka
be
also
to
be
set
inthisperiod.
Gudea obtained bitumen; see above, p. 261 f.
292 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
noteworthy
that these names, like that of Lipum,
ispatesi
of Anshan, who is also mentioned, are not
while Ur-gigir
and
Babylonian,
but
Semitic
Elamite
this
during
of
Adamdun
who
were
patesis
Nagidda,
clear
that,
onand
his
It deposed
is therefore
period,
areofElam,
Sumerian.
rulers
the
native
Dungi
conquest
officials from
replaced them
on theBabylonia,
throne. Ina practice
this we
continued
by hisbysuccessors
and
of
the
permanent
evidence
may
see
conclusive
administration
of
the
country,
over
the
control
detailed
by theinlater
kingseffective
of Ur.system
Suchofa
which
was
securedresulted
a
very
no
doubt
policy
on
the
maintedepended
but
its
success
government,
any signs
force
to overawe
---nance
of a sufficient
resentedof
themselves
That
the
Elamites
opposition.
of
is were
clearrequired
from thetonumber
domination
the
foreign
stamp
out
which
expeditions,
military
in revolt. The
rebellions and reconquerbyprovinces
were rule
not
the
conquerors
adopted
harsh
methods
of
their
any
loyal
acceptance
to
secure
calculated
race,which
and toledthisnotcause
weto
on theprobably
part oftrace
the subject
only
the
events
may
the Elamite revival but to the downfall of the Dynasty
of Ur itself.
It is clear that Elam under Dungi's administration
formed ainrichthe source
of supply
for those
material
products,
lavish
display
of
which
the
later
rulers
offorests
Sumer
loved
to
indulge.
Her
quarries,
mines,
and
were laid under contribution, and her cities were
despoiled of their accumulated wealth in the course
of the numerous
militaryFrom
expeditions
byofwhich
her
provinces
were
overrun.
the
spoil
his
campaignsDungi was enabled to enrich the temples of his
own
land,he and
by appropriating
theof metal,
productsstoneof and
the
country
obtained
anabundance
wood for the construction and adornment of his buildings. Large bodies of public slaves supplied the necessary
rankstaken
were inconstantly
recruited
from labour,
amongand
thetheir
captives
battle, and
from
towns and villages which were suspected of participa-
tion in revolts. He was thus enabled to continue, on
an even more elaborate scale, the rebuilding of the
2
CLAY TABLETS INSCRIBED WITH SUMERIAN TEMPLE- ACCOUNTS CONCERN-
ING ASSES AND CATTLE, AND SHEEP AND LAMBS, DRAWN UP IN THE
REIGN OF DUNGI, KING OF UR.
Brit. Mus. , Nos. 19024 and 12231.
CLAY TABLETS INSCRIBED WITH SUMERIAN TEMPLE -ACCOUNTS CONCERN-
ING GRAIN AND LABOURERS, DRAWN UP IN THE REIGN OF DUNGI, KING
OF UR.
Brit. Mus., Nos. 18957 and 18344.
THE DYNASTY OF UR
293
ancient temples of his country, which had been inaugurated
father,of Akkad
Ur-Engur.
Amongbythehiscities
we know that at Cutha
hecity-god,
rebuiltbut
E-meslam,
the
great
temple
oftheNergal,
the
it
is
from
Sumer
that
principal
evidence of his building activity has come. The late
tradition
that
hea votive
greatlytext
favoured
theBritish
city ofMuseum,
Eridu is
supported
by
in
the
which
records hisunder
restoration
of Enki's
templeofinEridu
that
city;
moreover,
Dungi,
the
chief
priest
enjoyed city
a position
of great
favour
and influence.
Another
in
the
south,
in
which
he
undertook
large
building-operations,
wasErech
;
here
he
restoredE-anna,
the temple ofconnection
the goddess
Ninni,
and system
built agreat
wall,
probablyin
with
the
city's
ofdefence.
We
know
few wealth
details enjoyed
concerning
the temples
conditionofofLagash
these
cities,
but
the
by
the
may
be regarded
asduring
typicalDungi's
of the other
greatAmong
Sumerian
religious
centres
reign.
the
baked
clay
tablets
from
Tello
which
date
from
this
period
aretheextensive
lists
ofdetailed
cattle,tablets
sheep,ofandaccounts
asses,
owned
by
temples,
and
the administration
the documents,
rich temple which
lands.
Itconcerning
is interesting
to note that ofthese
from thearenature
of the
theirfinest
clay specimens
and the beauty
of their
writing
among
yet
recovered
inoriginal
Babylonia,¹
were foundin which
by M.theyde had
Sarzec
the
archive-chambers
beeninstored
by
thedisturbed
Sumerianatpriests.
Though
theythehadmajority
apparently
been
some
later
period,
were
still
arranged
in
layers,
placed
one
upon
the
other,
upon
benches
of earth
which ran along both sides of narrow
subterranean
galleries.²
In spite ofDungi's devotion to the ancient Sumerian
cult of Enki
in theto have
south,introduced
he did notsome
neglectNippur,
though
he
seems
novelties in
the relations he maintained with this central shrine of
Babylonia.
In the fifteenth
year ofhis
reignhebetween
appears
toNippur
haveandemphasized
the
political
connection
the capital, and six years later he dedicated
the plate"oppositep.
12 See
292. III., p. 66.
Cf. Heuzey,
Rev. d'Assyr.,"
294 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
a local sanctuary to the Moon-god at the former city,
inof which
he installed
statue ofNinlil
Nannar,the
Ur. Enlil
and hisaconsort
were not city-god
deposed
from their place at the head of the Sumerian pantheon ;
the
Moon-god,
as the patron
deity
ofcentre
the suzerain
city,
was
merely
provided
with
a
local
of
worship
beside Dungi's
E-kur, thesuccessors
great temple
ofenjoyed
his father.
Indeed,of
under
Enlil
a
position
enhancedtheimportance
; butof evolution
it is possible
with
Nannar
same process
was atthat
this time
beginning
whichofat Marduk,
a later period
characterized thetorisetakein place,
importance
the city-god
of Babylon. But the short duration of the Dynasty of
Urdid not give time for the development ofthe process
beyond
NippurDungi
also built
and
atempleitsininitial
honourstages.
of theAtgoddess
Damgalnunna,
we
possess dedicated
a cylinder-seal
whichEnlil's
Ur-nabbad,¹
a patesi
ofon Nippur,
to
Nusku,
chief
minister,
behalf of Dungi's life. Ur-nabbad describes himself
asthethe
sonofofpatesi
Lugal-ezendug,
toItwhom
he also that
assignsat
title
of
Nippur.
is
probable
Nippur the office of patesi continued to be hereditary,
inenjoyed
spite inofvirtue
political
changes,
a sacred
privilegecharacter.
it doubtless
ofits
peculiarly
In his capital at Ur it was but natural that Dungi
should
still further enlarge the great temple which UrEngur had erected in honour of the Moon-god, and it
was
probably
in whose
Ur alsocultthathe heparticularly
built a temple
in
favoured.
honour
Ninib,
of
He also erected two royal palaces
there,
onereign,
of them,
year
of
his
and
E-kharsag,
in
the
eighteenth
the other, E-khalbi, three years later. In Ur, too,
administrative
we
obtainby evidence
of anof three
important
reform,
the
recovery
weights
for half a
maneh,
two
manehs,
and
twelve
manehs
respectively.
one of these states that it had
The inscription upon
passed
sealingbeentested
and
as of Dungi,
full weight
in theintroduced
housededicated
to
Nannar.
in
fact,
a uniform standard of weights for use in at least the
Babylonian
portion ofwith
empire;toand
sought byto
his regard
heeffective,
enactments
them
render his
1 The reading ofthe lastsyllable ofthe name is uncertain.
THE DYNASTY OF UR
295
establishing
an offical
testing-house
at Moon-god
Ur, which was
probably
attached
to
the
temple
of
the
and
conducted under the direction ofthe centralpriesthood.
Here
the originalthatstandards
were preserved,
all
local standards
were intended
for use inandother
cities had no doubt to be attested by the official inscription
the king.of hisIt may
beperiod
addedthatthat,
in been
addition
tocovered,
theof weights
own
have
rea
copy
of
one
has
survived,
which
was
made
afterAhisconsiderable
standard inpart
the Neo-Babylonian
period.¹
of
our
knowledge
of atDungi's
reign
has
been
derived
from
the
tablets
found
Tello,
and from them we also obtain indirect evidence of the
uniform character of his system of administration. As
hethroughout
introducedBabylonia,
a fixed sostandard
of weight
forsystem
use
he
applied
a
single
of time-reckoning,
inuntilplacetheofreign
the oflocal
systemspre-of
dating,
which
had,
his
father,
different
vailed
in the The
of Akkad.
officialcities
titlesincethefall
for each yearofthe
wasDynasty_
fixed in
Ur,
and
was
then
published
in
each
city
of
his
where it was adopted as the correct formula.empire,
This
change
had
already
been
begun
by
Ur-Engur,
who
had
probably
introduced
the
central
system
into
each
city
over
which
hebecame
obtaineduniversal,
control ; not
withonly
Dungithroughout
we may
infer
that
it
Sumer
Akkad,Inbutthealsoprovincial
in the outlying
provinces
offrequently
his and
empire.
cities
the
scribes
added
to
the
date-formula
the
name
of
their
local patesi, who was in office at the time, and from
suchfournotes
uponoftheLagash
Tello tablets
we Dungi's
obtain thecontemnames
ofporaries
patesis
who
were
twenty
he occupied
the
throne. during
Similarlytheonlasttablets
foundyearsat Jôkha²
we learn
that patesi
in theofthe
forty-fourth
year of Dungi's
reign Ur-nesu
was
cityof
Umma;
while
a
seal-impression
on another tablet from Tello supplies the name of
Ur-Pasag,
was patesi
of Dungi-Babbar.
The sealingswhoupon
tabletsofofthethecityperiod
afford some
indication of1 Brit.theMus.decrease
in
influence
attaching
to the
No. 91,005 ; cf. "Guide," p. 193 f.
2 Cf. Scheil, "Rec. de trav.," XIX., p. 62 f.
296 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
officeofofauthority
patesi, which
resulted
from the
centralization
in
Ur.
Subordinate
officials
could
employ
Dungi's
name,
not
that
of
their
local
patesi,
upon
their
seals
oftheir
office,appointments
proving that,direct
like the
patesi
himself,
they
held
from
the
king.
Of theearlier
patesis
whotheheld
office
in Lagash
during
Dungi's
years,
name
of
only
one,
a
certain
Galu-kazal, has been recovered. He dedicated a vase
to Ningirsu
for the preservation ofa Dungi's
life, and
his
daughter
Khala-Lamapresented
remarkablefemale
statuette
to the goddess
the samewas
object.
Of
the
later patesis
we knowBauthatwith
Galu-andul
in office
during theI.thirty-ninth
year
ofsevenyearsfromhis
Dungi's reign, andfortythat
Ur-Lama
ruledfor
at
least
secondwasto his
forty-eighth
year.
The patesiate
ofAlla,
who
in
office
during
his
fiftieth
year,
was
very
short,
for
he
was
succeeded
in
the
following
year
Ur-Lama II., who survived Dungi and continued byto
rule
in Lagash
three,theandpublic
possibly
years of
Bûr-Sin's
reign: forAmong
worksfour,undertaken
1
2
byDungi
inLagash,
weknow
that hededicated
rebuiltE-ninnû,
Ningirsu's
temple,
the
great
temple
to the
goddess
Ninâ,
and
E-salgilsa,
the
shrine
of
the
goddess
Ninmar
Girsu.tracesExcavations
other which
sites willhe
doubtlessinreveal
of the otherupon
buildings,
erected Indeed,
in the course
of hisalready
long reign
of fifty-eight
years.
the
texts
recovered
contain
references
to
work
on
buildings,
the
sites
of
which
are
not yet identified, such as the restoration ofUbara, and
the
founding ofBad-mada, " The Wall (or Fortification)
of the Land." As the latter was constructed in his
forty-seventh
year, after the principal
epochfortified
of his
Elamite
campaigns,itmayhave
beenastrongly
garrison-town
upon
the over
frontier,
from which
he
could
exercise
control
his
recently
acquired
provinces.
In viewthatofBûr-Sin
Dungi'swas
exceptionally
long reign,
it is
probable
already advanced
in years
when he succeeded his father upon the throne of Ur.
d'Assyr.,"
1SeeHeuzey,
pl. 21, IV.,
Fig. 4.
2 Cf. "Déc. en"Rev.
Chaldée,"
THE DYNASTY OF UR
297
However
this may
be, he succeededhim,
reigned for onlyforonly
nine years,
and Gimil-Sin,
his sonwho
seven
years.
A
longer
reign
was
that
of
Ibi-Sin,
Gimil-Sin's
son and successor,who heldhis throne for a generation,
but
finally lostend.it andThesebrought
Ur-Engur's
dynasty toof
an inglorious
last rulers
ofthe Dynasty
Ur appearpolicy,
to have
maintained
the general
linesalongof
Dungi's
which
they
inherited
from
him
withhis
empire.by The
Elamite
provinces
required
to be
kept
in
check
the
sending
of
military
expeditions
thither,
but
in Babylonia
itselfherthekings
rulewere
of Urfreewasto
accepted
without
question,
and
devote themselves to the adornment of the great
temples in the land. It is of interest to note that
underBûr-Sin
andhisfullyrecognized,and
sonthe importance ofthe
central
shrine
ofNippurwas
emphasis
was
laid on Enlil's position at the head of the Babylonian
pantheon.
Evidence
of thistwomay
be seen
in thein additional
titles,
which
these
rulers
adopted
their
foundation-inscriptions
and
votive
texts
that
have
come
down to us. Bûr-Sin's regular titles of "King of Ur,
king
of"thewhose
fourname
quarters
" arehasgenerally
precededby
the
phrase
Enlil
pronounced
in
Nippur,
who
raisedhimself
the headasof"Enlil's
temple,"of while
describes
the beloved
Enlil,"Gimil-Sin
" whom
1
Enlil has chosen as his heart's beloved," or " whom
Enlil in his heart has chosen to be the shepherd of the
land
andofthe
four quarters."
Frominscriptions
at Nippur
we know
that Bûr-Sin
added to the found
great
temple ofofE-kur,
and
alsoandbuiltwine,a while
storehouse
for
offerings
honey,
butter
his
third
year washonour.
dated byGimil-Sin
the construction
ofhave
a great
throne
in
Enlil's
appears
to
been
equally
activereign
in hisderive
devotiontheirto titles
the shrine,
yearsupofofhisa
short
from for
the two
setting
great
steleofandEnlil
theand
construction
in honour
his consort.of a sacred boat, both
The peculiar
honour
Enlil does not
to have
affected the
cultpaid
of theto Moon-god,
the appear
patron
possibly son
reigned
for nineyears;
see Kugler,
" Sternkunde,"
II., 1p.Gimil-Sin
151 f. Another
of Bûr-Sin
was Ur-Bau,
whose name
occurs on
a seal-impression from Tello (cf. Scheil,"Rec. de trav.," XIX., p. 49).
298 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
deity of Ur, for both Bûr-Sin and Gimil-Sin rebuilt and
added
to They
the great
temple
ofDungi
Sin, orinNannar,
infortheir
capital.¹
also
followed
his
care
the
shrine of Enki at Eridu ; and there is evidencethat BûrSin rebuilt
the temple
ofNinni
at Erech, while the last
year
ofGimil-Sin's
reign
wassignalizedbytherebuilding
ofthemembers
city-templeof atUr-Engur's
Umma. Itdynasty
is thuscontinued
clear that the
the
later
rebuilding of the temples ofBabylonia,which characterized histheyreign
and that
oftheDungi.
Another
practice
which
inherited
was
deification
ofthe
reigning
king. before
Not only
they assume
the divine
native
theirdidnames,
but Bûr-Sin
styles determihimself
"thethesunrighteous
god
of
his
land,"
or
"
the
righteous
god,
of
his
land."
He
also
set
up
a
statue
ofhimself, which he named " Bûr-Sin, the beloved of Ur," and
placed it in the temple of the Moon-god under the
protection
ofNannar
and
Ningal.
Itthewould
seemking
that
itto became
the
custom
at
this
time
for
reigning
erectwhere
statues
of himself
in were
the great
temples
ofastheto
land,
regular
offerings
made
tothem
the statues ofthe gods themselves. Thus a tablet from
TelloNew
mentions
made atwhich
the Feast
the
Moon tocertain
statuesofferings
of Gimil-Sin,
stood inof
templesItofshould
Lagash,bethose
the
and two
the principal
goddess Bau.
addedofNingirsu
that the
tablet
is
dated
in
the
fifth
year
ofGimil-Sin's
reign.
In
view
of
Nannar's
rank
as
god
of
the
suzerain
city,
the
naturally regarded,even
Feasts
of the Newcities,
Moonaswere
insacred
the calendar.
provincial
ofpeculiar importance in the
thehekinginaugurated
rebuilt or there
addedatonewa temple
mayWhenever
assume that
centre weof
his cult,were
but itdevoted
is certainentirely
that temples
were
also erected
which
to
his
worship.
Thus
Dungi
dated a year ofhiscult,reign
by the appointment of
aonhigh-priestofhisown
anactwhichsuggeststhat
his assumption
rank he
founded
a temple
own honour.of divine
Moreover,
under
in his
his successors
1 Devotion to theMoon-god is also expressed by their names and that of
Ibi-Sin.
2 Cf. Thureau-Dangin, " Rec. detrav.," XIX., pp. 185 ff.
THE DYNASTY OF UR
299
high officialsshrines
soughtto the
thereigning
royal favour
byThis
building
and
dedicating
king.
is
proved
by
votive
inscriptionof oftheLugal-magurri,
patesithatof
commander
Ur aand
fortress, which the
records
he founded
a temple
in honour
ofnot
Gimil-Sin,
" his
god."
At
the
king's
death
his
cult
did
die
with
him,
but
heto him
continued
to
be
worshipped
and
offerings
were
made
at the Feast of the New Moon. Tablets from
Tello, dated during the later years of the Dynasty of
Ur,
the making
such offerings
to Dungi,
and
itwerealsohonouredinthe
is record
noteworthy
that theofsame
patesis
Ur-Lama
and
Gudea
way.
Wehaveseen
that
Gudeawasprobablynot
deifiedinhis
ownlifetime,
but atin
this
period
he
takes
his
place
beside
the
god
Dunpae
the rites of thebyNew
Moon.wereOfferings
in six
his honour,
accompanied
sacrifices,
repeated
times
a
year,
and
a
special
class
of
priests
was
attached
to
his
service.¹ An interesting
survival, or trace, of this
explanatory
practice
occurs
in
an
list of gods, drawn
upforAshur-bani-pal's
Library
at
Nineveh,where
Bûr-in
Sin's
name
is
explained
as
that
ofan
attendant
deity
the The
servicelater
ofthe
Moon-god.2
kings
of
Ur
appear
to
have
retained
possession
ofthe
empireacquired
byDungi,butwemay
assume
that,
like
him,
they
were
constantly obligedSusato
enforce their authority. Tabletshavebeenfoundat
datedby
officialformulæ
ofBûr-Sin,
proving
the
capital oftheElam
remained under
his control,
but,that
before
he
had tobeen
two years
upon theofUrbillu.
throne, heOther
was
obliged
undertake
the
reconquest
successfulyears,
expeditions
were made
in subjugation
his sixth andof
seventh
which
resulted
in
the
Shashru and Khukhunuri, or Khukhnuri. The dateformulæinofhisGimil-Sin's
reign
record
that he
conquered
Simanu
third
year,
and
four
years
laterthe
landof
ofwhichZabshali,
while
the
only
conquest
of
Ibi-Sin
we possess a record is that ofSimuru. A dateformula
of thisofZabshali
period alsotocommemorates
the marriage
of the patesi
Tukîn-khatti-migrisha,the
pp. 64 ff. Pt. XXV., p. 7.
"Rec. de trav.,"
XVIII.,Museum,"
12 See
Scheil,
in
theBritish
CuneiformTexts
See
"
3 Cf. Scheil, " Textes Élam.-Sémit.," IV., p. 73 f.
300 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
daughter
ofevent
the should
king, but
it is not certain
to ofwhich
reign
this
be
assigned.
Evidence
the
extent
of
Gimil-Sin's
authority
in
the
direction
of
the
Mediterranean may be seen in the date-formula for
his
which commemorates
building
the fourth
Wall, oryear,
Fortification,
of the West, his
entitled
Murîk-of
Tidnim. Since Tidnu was explained by the Assyrian
geographers
for Amurru¹
and mayfrombe
connected withas another
Tidanu, name
the mountain
in Amurru
which Gudea obtained his marble, we may infer that at
least
a portion
of Syria acknowledged the suzerainty of
Urduring
his
reign.
Of
the which
comparatively
long
reign of ofIbi-Sin,
and of
the
events
preceded
the
downfall
the
Dynasty
of Ur,
we knowitlittle,
but already
during the
reigns
of
his
predecessors
is
possible
to
tracesome
of
the
causes
which
led to the decline of the city's power. The
wealth obtainedfromthe Elamiteprovinces andthe large
increaseaninelement
the numberofpublic
slaves
must have
introduced
of
luxury
into
Sumerian
life,
which
would and
tendtheir
to undermine
the
militaryservice.
qualitiesThe
of the
people
inclination
for
foreign
incorporationof Sumer andAkkad intoasingleempirehad
brokendown
theoflast
traces
ofpoliticalitdivision
between
the
great
cities
the
land,
and,while
had
put
anplace
end
tothelocal
patriotism,
it
had
not
encouraged
in
its
growth
ofprovincial
any feelingtowns
of loyalty
todoubtless
thesuzeraincity.
All
the
great
were
required
topaigns
furnishof contingents
for
the
numerous
military
camthe
period,
and
they
could
have
had
little
satisfaction
in
seeing
the
fruits
of
their
conquests
diverted
aggrandizement
of a citybyother
thankings
their
own. Theto the
assumption
ofdivinerank
the later
ofspiritUrwhich
may governed
in itself betheirregarded
as a symptom
ofcase
the
administration.
In
the
of Dungi the innovation had followed the sudden expansion of his empire, and its adoption had beenbased
upon
as muchtheas upon
personalgrounds.
with hispolitical
descendants
practice
had been carriedButto
more extravagant
lengths, and it undoubtedly afforded
1 Cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Rec. de trav.," XIX., p. 185.
2 Seeabove, p. 261.
THE DYNASTY OF UR
301
opportunities
for royal
in thefavourities
state. to obtain by flattery
an
undue influence
We have
seenofthatpatesiLugal-magurri,
combined
the already
civil office
of Ur with who
the
military appointment of commander of the fortress,
founded
a such
templean for
the
worship
ofGimil-Sin,and
it is
clear
that
act
would
have
opened
an
easier
road
to the royal favour than the successful prosecution of a
probably
campaign. at Itthewas
by suchthemethods
that
ministers
secured
enjoyment
court
of
Ur
of a pluralitywith
of offices,
which efficiency
had previonsly
been
administered
far
greater
in
separate
hands. The
moststriking
example
ispatesi
afforded
byArad-is
Nannar,
whose
name
as
that
of
a
of
Lagash
frequentlymentionedupondatedtabletsfromTello.
He
was
" sukkal-makh," or chief minister, under the last
three kings of Ur, and appears to have succeeded his
father
heldwethisknow
postthat
in Dungi's
reign. Ur-Dunpae,who
From the Tello had
tablets
he also
heldthe patesiate
of Lagashtowards
duringthethisendperiod,
for he
received
the
appointment
of
Bûr-Sin's
reign¹ and continued to hold it under Ibi-Sin. Butthe
patesiate
of Lagash
one of many
he combined.
For was
two only
gate-sockets
have posts
been which
found
formedforthecult
temple
at Tello,inwhich
parts of aofGimilfounded
Girsu originally
byArad-Nannar
Sin,ofhis
and inappointments.2
the inscriptions upon them he has left us a
list
to holding the posts of chief minister
Inpatesi
addition
and
of
Lagash,
hegovernor
was alsoof priest
of patesi
Enki,
Babishue,
of
Uzargarshana,
governor
ofTimatofSabupatesi
and ofoftheAl-Gimil-Sin,
land of Gutebu,governor
of
Urbillu,
Enlil,
governor
and of Gankhar, governor of Ikhi,
patesi of Khamasi
andreignof oftheGimil-Sin
land of
of thetimeSu-people
and governor
At
some
during
the
Kardaka.
Arad-Nannar thus combined in his own person twelve
One other patesi, the reading
of whoseII.name is uncertain, appears to
fromUr-Lama
have21 separatedArad-Nannar
See Thureau-Dangin,"Rev. d'Assyr.," V., pp. 99ff.; VI., p. 67 f.; and
rendus,"reigning
1902, king
pp. 91ff
.
148ff.;cf.
also
"named
Comptesafterthe
"Königsinschriften,"pp.
and
3
"
The
City
ofGimil-Sin,"
i.e.,
a
town
probably foundedbyhim.
302 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
!
:
important
appointments,
involvingcities
the and
administration
ofThenoposition
less than
thirteen
separate
provinces.
of
some
of
the
places
enumerated
is
still
uncertain,butitis
from one another.clearthat
While severalwerewidelyseparated
Lagash, for instance, lay in
the south of Sumer, Sabu was in Elam and Urbillu and
Gankhar
more to the north in the region of the Zagros
mountains.
This centralization of authority under the later kings
of Urpatesiate
undoubtedly
destroyed
theseparate
power attaching
the
at a time
when the
cities of theto
land
had enjoyed
incidentally
explains athepractical
survival autonomy;
of the title,and
underit the
First
Dynasty
ofofofficials.
Babylon, asButthepolicyofcentralizathat of a comparatively
subordinate
class
tion must have had a more immediate effect on the
general administration of the empire. For it unlocalgovernors,
doubtedly
lessened
responsibilitiesof
and it placed
the the
central
authority, which
the king
himself
had
previously
enjoyed,
in
the
hands
of a few
officials of the court. The king's deification
undoubtedly tended to encourage his withdrawal from
the
active
control
of
affairs,
and,
so
long
as
his
divine
rites
were
duly question
celebrated,thehereports
was probably
contentpre-to
accept
without
his
courtiers
sented toto end
him.in national
Such a disaster,
system and
of government
was
bound
it is not surprising
that the
dynasty
was brought
to anmayendpostpone
within
Dungi's
forty-one
years
of
death.
We
until
thethe next
chapterin Babylonia
an accountpassed
of thefrommanner
in
which
hegemony
the
city
of Ur to Isin.
CHAPTER XI
THE EARLIER RULERS OF ELAM, THE DYNASTY OF
ISIN, AND THE RISE OF BABYLON
T
HEbeenkingdom
and Akkad,
foundedofbySumer
Ur-Engur,
survivedwhich
the fallhadof
merely
of authority
the centreThe
and
his dynasty,
changeofcapital
one
city
to
another.
from
passed
movement,
did
and the
had led oftoany
thenewracial
rise of Kish
that whichexistence
suchnotas implythe
probably
of Isin were and
Akkad. immediate
The kings predecessors,
Empire
of
Sumerians
theirthe same ideals and culture. they
No
shared withlikethem
Sumerian
between
the
great
rivalry,existed
doubt
a
readytoof
been
have
themhadwould
cities, andtheanypower
one ofof Ur
aprospect
been
there
contest
success. At first sight indeed it might appear that Isin
now emerged as the victor from such a struggle for the
the
chronicle
fromNippur
hegemony.
Inthe dynastic
briefly
Dynasty
of
Ur
and
the
riseof
Isin
is
ofthe
close
recorded in the words " the rule of Ur was overthrown,
it
alone
From thisthepassage
its kingdom."
Isin took
of
the
founder
Ishbi-Ura,
that
be
imagined
might
the rule
againstin Ibi-Sin's
a revoltagent
of Isin,
Dynasty
the direct
beenheaded
had had
ofdeposition.
Ur, and
ButDynasty
the fallofBabylon,
of the Dynasty
of Ur,
likeexternal
that ofcause
the
First
was
due
to
an
and
not toanymovementwithin
the limitsrecord
ofBabylonia
possess
contemporary
itself.
We
no
of the
catastrophe
which
overwhelmed
empire,
at
this
time
the
but an echo of it has been preserved in an omen-text,
inscribed upon an Assyrian303tablet from the Library of
304 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Ashur-bani-pal.
We havetraditions
already noted
instances
in
which
genuine
historical
have
been
incorporated
in the laterin accepting
augural literature,
and we
need
have
no
hesitation
the
historical
accuracy
of this reference to past events. The text in question
enumerates certain omens which it associates with the
fall of captive
" Ibi-Sin,tothe
King ofWeUr,"maywho,
states,thatwasit
carried
Anshan.
thusit infer
was an Elamite
invasion
that
put anonend
to the
Dynasty
of
Ur.
The
foreign
provinces,
the
possession four
of whichDungi
hadbased
his
claim
toproved
the ruletheof
the
quarters
of
the
world,
had
finally
causeWeofhis
haveempire's
few datadownfall.
on which to form an estimate of
the extent of the Elamite conquest of Babylonia, or of
the
countryThe
or adeportation
portion of ofit
was period
in the during
hands ofwhich
the the
invaders.
the
king ofraid,
Ur following
can hardlyonehaveofbeen
the
result ofpro-a
spasmodic
the
numerous
vincial revolts which had at last proved successful. It
is faritself,and
more likely
that
the capture argues
followedthetheexistence
fall of
Ur
such
an
achievement
of an organized
forceto inbuild
Elam,
which
it must have
required
some
years
therefore
up.
It
is
permissibleto
conjecture
that,
inthe
course
ofthe
twentyfive yearsupon
of histhereign,
Ibi-Sinportion
had gradually
beenlosing
hishold
Elamite
of
his
empire,
and
that an independent kingdom had been formed in Elam
under
a native
a timebut,Ibi-Sin
have
continuedto
holdruler.
certainFor
districts,
after themaysuccessful
invasion
ofBabylonia
Babylonia,itself,
the whole
ofElam,
andtoforthea
time
a
part
of
mayhave
fallen
lot ofthe conqueror.
It would be tempting to connect the fall of Ur with
the
sackking
of the
neighbouring city
Elamite
Kudur-Nankhundi,
whichof isErech
referredbytothein
an inscription
of Ashur-bani-pal.
When
he captured
Susa
in
650
B.с.,
the
Assyrian
king
relates
that
he
recovered
the
image
ofthe
goddess
Nana,which
KudurNankhundi had carried off from Erech sixteen hundred
1 See Boissier,
Choix de," textes
àla 114,
divination,"
Meissner,
" Orient."Lit.-Zeit.
March,relatifs
1907, col.
n. 1. II., p. 64, and
THE DYNASTY OF ISIN
305
and thirty-five
years before.¹
Byhasaccepting
these
figures
Kudur-Nankhundi's
invasion
been
assigned
tosupposed
an approximatedateof
2285 B.C.,and
it was formerly
that
it
was
an
episode
in
the
Elamite
wars ofof
consequence
the
First
Dynasty
of
Babylon.
But,
in
the
reduction
in ifdates
necessitated byfigures
recentbediscoveries,
itas correct,
follows
that,
Ashur-bani-pal's
accepted
Kudur-Nankhundi's
invasionmust
have
place before the rise of Babylon. It cannot taken
have
occurred at a time when the kings of Ur were allpowerful
in Babylonia,
and stillweassign
retainedtheaninvasion
effectiveto
hold
on Elam
; so that, unless
some period
of epoch
unrest presents
during theitselfDynasty
of Isin,
no
more
probable
than
that
of
the
Elamite invasionwhich put an end to the Dynasty of
Ur, and allowed Isin to secure the hegemony in
Babylonia.
or fixedandpoint
ofof
The between
want of thesomeearlier
synchronism,
contact,
history
ofElam
that
Sumer
and Akkad renders it difficult to settle the period
of those native Elamite rulers whose names occur in
during
Frencha
building-inscriptions,
Some of the
texts the
enumerate
excavations at Susa. recovered
succession of Elamite princes, who had in turn taken
part
in thewereconstructionof
although
are thus enabledbuildings
to arrangein that
theircity,
namesand,in
order, itofis Babylon
not untilthat
towards
the
relative
chronological
close
of
the
First
Dynasty
we
can
definitely fix the date of any one of them. Of earlier
rulers,
thereigned
members
of thesubsequent
dynasty ofto Khutran-tepti
thathimself,
of Bashaprobably
at
aperiod
Shushinak.
In
addition
to
Khutran-tepti
the
names of three of his descendants have been recovered,
Itaddu
I., andSince
his sonKal-Rukhuratir,
his grandson
Itaddu II.
these rulers bore theandtitle
patesi of
Susa,
it
is
possible
that,
like
Urkium,
Zarik
and
on tablets from Tello, Belithey
arik,
who
are
mentioned
owed allegiance to Babylonia, during the period of the
12 See
" Cun. "Inscr.
West.
Asia," Vol.
III.,
pl.20;38,"No.
1, Obv.,1.
16.
Cf.
Scheil,
Textes
Elam.-Anzan.
,
"
II.
,
p.
Textes
Elam.-Sémit.,"
III.,3 P.See
p. 29,above,
and IV.,
p. 289.p. 15.
4 See above, p. 291.
306 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Dynastytraced
of Ur.¹
A laterfromElamite
dynasty
washis that
which
its
descent
Ebarti,
or
from
son
Shilkhakha. Two of Shilkhakha's descendants were
Shirukdu'
ordivided
Shirukdukh,
and Simebalar-khuppak,
and
these
were
from
a
later
group
by
Kuk-Kirmesh,
the
son ofwhose
Lankuku.
The yet
laterbeengrouprecovered,
of his condescendants,
names have
sists of Adda-Pakshu, Temti-khalki and Kuk-Nashur,
or Kukka-Nasher, the descendant of Kal-Uli. What
intervals oftime separated the different members of the
dynasty from one anotheris still amatter for conjecture.
It
is
noteworthy
that
the
members
of Ebarti's
dynasty,
whose
inscriptions
have
been
recovered,
bear
differenttitles to thoseof theearlier dynasty of Khutrantepti. andWhile
the latter(shakkanakku)
styled themselves
patesistheirof
Susa
governors
of
Elam,
successors claim the title of sukkal of Elam, of Simash,
and of Susa.
It hascarried
beenwith
suggested
thatoftheindependtitle of
sukkallu
may
have
it
an
idea
ence from
control,ofwhich
that asof
patesi,
and foreign
the alteration
title ishasabsent
been from
regarded
reflecting
a corresponding
change
in the
political condition
of
Elam.
The
view
has
been
putforward
that
the
rulers
of
Elam,
who
styled
themselves
sukkallu,
reigned atexercised
a period suzerainty
when Elamover
was theindependent
and
possibly
neighbouring
districts
ofBabylonia.
The
worker
of
this
changewas
assumed
to
be
Kudur-Nankhundi,
and
in
support
of the
suggestion
it
was
pointed
out
that
a
certain
KutirNakhkhunte, whosename occurs in a votive inscription
3
1 The
patesis UrNingishzida,inIbalpel,
Belaku andofElam(cf.
[. . .]mashu,
who
ruled
in
Tupliash,
orAshnunnak,
theneighbourhood
ThureauDangin,
Königsinschriften,"
p. 174f.)probably
to the kingsis
of Ur or "Isin.
Ur-Ningirsu, who
was also said toowedallegiance
be a patesi ofTupliash,
merelya
misreading
Zeit.," 1909,
col. 161 f.of Ur-Ningishzida's name ; cf. Ungnad, "Orient. Lit.2 The phrase
"son of the sister
of,
" which
occurs
inofadescendant(cf.
the inscriptions, is
clearlynot
to
betakenliterally,
but
isused
inthe
sense
ThureauDangin,
"Königsinschriften,"
p. 183, the
n. 2);femalebranch
it does not necessarily
imply
that
the
throne
actually
passed
through
(as Meyer,
"Geschichte desAltertums," Bd. I., Hft. II.,p. 542,suggests),exceptpossibly
in the absence of direct descendants in the male line.
3 One of the native texts sets Kuk-Nashur before Temti-khalki, but this
was
obviouslyBd.dueVI.,to No.
a confusion
with Adda-Pakshu ; cf. Ungnad, " Beitr.
zur 4Assyr.,"
5,
p.
6.
Cf. Scheil, "TextesElam.-Anzan.," II., p. x.
THE DYNASTY OF ISIN
307
of the period,
should He
possibly
be identified
with the
conqueror
of
Erech.
is
mentioned
on
inscribed
bricks of Temti-agun, a sukkal of Susa and adescendant
oftheShirukdukh,
from a temple
by thisthoserulerof with
object of prolonging
his ownbuilt
life and
four
other
Elamites,
amongthatthem
Kutir-Nakhkhunte.¹
It
was
thought
possible
Temti-agun
might
have
been
thelocal ruler of Susa, at atime whenKutir-Nakhkhunte
exercised
control over the whole of Elam and a great
part of Babylonia.
would
synchronism,
if established,
Thebeensuggested
the
in
arranging
assistance
have
of
considerable
itcannot
ofhistory,but
obscureperiod
chronologyofan
after
beKutir-Nakhkhunte's
regarded asprobable.
is hardly
name,Temti-agun
an omissionsetsthatno title
thatcertain
he wasthat
his superior
with the theory
compatible
the titleandof
it is now
suzerain. Moreover,
indefrom implying a measure toofforeign
sukkallu, so fara distinctivemarkofsubjection
pendence,was
Kukka-by
of thewhich
sukkalis dated
an inscription
control. hasForrecently
been
published,
Nasher
the last king
but
one
ofthe
of Ammi-zaduga,
a formula
that
he
governed
proving
dynasty,
first
Babylonian
Susa in Ammi-zaduga's name. This synchronism is
the only certain one in the early history of the two
recently
of another
disposes and
it probably
countries,
Sumu-abu,
the
Adda-Pakshu
between
suggested for
A
contractmonarchy.
of
the
Babylonian
founder
of Adda-Pakshu is dated in "the
tablet of the epochwho
withfactSumuhas been
identified
year
ofShumu-abi,"
from
the
that
king.
Apart
abu,
the
Babylonian
name,
it
has
been
pointed
Shumu-abi's
noouttitle
follows
that a far shorter interval separatedAdda-Pakshu
from Kuk-Nashur. We are therefore reduced to the
conclusion that at any rate the later members of
4
12 Cf.See "Textes
Élam.-Sémit.,"
III., p. 23, pl.VII.,
7, Nos.p. 28,
1-3.No. 67, and cf.
"Vorderasiatische
Schriftdenkmäler,"
Ungnad,
"Beitr.
zur.
Assyr.,"
Bd. VI.,,"No.IV.,5, pp.
p. 318and
f. 20.
34 See
Scheil,
"
Textes
Elam.-Sémit.
The
titlesborne byandKuk-Kirmesh,whoreignedbeforeAddaPakshu,their
and
those
of
Temti-khalki
Kuk-Nashur
are
so
similar,
that
it
is
unlikely
periods were separated by the great political upheaval which took place in
Hammurabi's reign ; cf. Ungnad, "Beitr. zurAssyr.," Bd. VI., No. 5, p. 6 f.
308 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Ebarti's
dynasty
owed allegiance
to Babylon,
and
it also
is a
legitimate
assumption
that
the
earlier
rulers,
who
bore the title of sukkallu, acknowledged the suzerainty
of either
Babylon
or Isin.
The often
controlnominal,
exercised
byit
the
sovereign
state
was
doubtless
and
isoccurrence.
probable that
border warfare
not ofof affairs
infrequent
A reflection
of suchwas
a state
may
probablybeseen
intheshort
inscriptionof
Anu-mutabil,
agovernor
of
the
city
of
Dêr,
which
he
engraved
upon
an olive-shaped stone now in the British Museum.¹
This local
magnate,
whoof probably
lived
atheabout
the
period
of
the
Dynasty
Isin,
boasts
that
broke
the
heads of the men of Anshan, Elam and Simash, and
conquered
Barakhsu.
We thus obtain from native Elamite sources no
evidence that Elam exercised control over a portion of
Babylonia
for any considerable
period after
the fall
of
Ur.
The
invasion
ofthe
country,which
resulted
in
the
deportation
of control,
Ibi-Sin, and
no doubt
freedhave
Elamledfor toa time
from
foreign
may
well
the
establishment
of
a
number
of
independent
states
under
native Elamite rulers. In addition to Kudur-Nankhundi
we
mayprovisionally
assign
tohadthispreviously
period Kisâri,
king
ofby Gankhar,
a
district
which
been
the kings of Ur. But it would seem thatheld
the
Elamite
states,
afterstrong
their orlongunited
periodto offollow
subjection,
were
not
sufficiently
up the
success
achieved
by
Anshan.
The
dynastic
chronicle
fromweNippur
recordsthat
thatIshbi-Ura
Isin took was
the kingdom
and
may assume
not long ofin Ur,
reestablishing
the
kingdom
of
Sumer
and
Akkad
with
his
own city
its capital.
invasionmaywell
have
beenasconfined
to theTheElamite
south of Sumer,
and among
the
cities
that
had
been
left
unaffected
the
most
powerful
would
naturally
assert
itself.
Evidence
that
Ura soon freed himself from Elamite interferenceIshbimay
possibly be seen in a reference to him upon an Assyrian
1 Cf. "" Cun.
Texts
in the Brit. Mus.," Pt. XXI., pl. 1and " Königsinschriften,
p.
176
f.
2 His name occurs upon a cylinder-sealof Maşiam-Ishtar, an official in his
service ; see " Collection de Clercq," p. 83, pl. xiv., No. 121, and " Königsinschriften," p. 174 f.
309
THE DYNASTY OF ISIN
omen-tablet, which states that " he had no rivals." 1
The
is certainly vague, but it at leastsecured
bears
witnessphrase
to thereputationwhichhisachievements
for him in the traditions of a later age.
of Isin, and
We possess few records of the kingsconcerning
the
information
part
of
our
the
greater
list.
dynastic
by
the
Nippur
is
furnished
dynasty
From this document we know that it lasted for two
years and six months, into
and
hundred and twenty-five
kings.
These
fall
naturally
of
sixteen
consisted
the succeeded
family of
four groups.fourTheof whose
first group
Ishbi-Ura,
directcomprises
descendants
with
his
him
upon
the
throne,
their
reigns
together
a period
of ninety-four
years.
The second
occupying
ofUr-Ninib
and
three
ofhis
descendants,
group
consists
who reigned for sixty-one years. Then followed a
periodthanof five
thirty-six
and
a half
years,and,during
which
noof
less
kings
ruled
in
Isin,
since
none
them
wereArelated,
it wascondition
clearly a time
of greatappears
politicalto
of
things
unrest.
more
stable
during
the
closing
period ofandthirty-four
have prevailed
by
the
reigns
of
Sin-magir
his
son
years,
occupied
to
an
end.
Damik-ilishu,
under
whom
the
dynastycame
Anumber of tablets dated during the Dynasty of Isin
have been found at Niffer, and at least one at Abû
some
Habba,
whilethemselves
a few shorthavevotive
beeninscriptions
recovered onof these
of the kings
References
to
two
sites
andkings
alsoofatIsin
Ur inandlaterBabylon.
traditions
four
of
the
Babylonian
the
a knowledge
material from
completecanthebe obtained.
derivedoffrom
Thewhich
information
period
these rather scanty sources, combined with the succeslist,butenables
us to sketch
sion
of rulers
on the Nippur
leaves
ofevents,
it
naturally
inmany
outline
the
progress
of
which
we
for
the
solution
unsettled,
problems
mustTheawait
further
discoveries.
successful
reign
tradition
of
Ishbi-Ura's
late
for
thirty-two
he
ruled
by
the
fact
that
is supported
the
uponGimil
his ownbyfamily
established
firmly He
years
his son
was succeeded
throneandof Isin.
rel., "à1907,
la div.,"
1 See Boissier,
col. I.,114,p. n.30,1.K.3970, Rev. 1. 16, and
Lit.-Zeit.
Meissner,
" Orient."Doc.
310 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
ilishu,
who ofreigned
for ten years.
Aof very
fragmentary
inscription
Idin-Dagan,
the
son
Gimil-ilishu,
who
reigned
for
twenty-one
years,
has
been
found
at
Abû
Habba,¹
provingthatSippar
acknowledged
his authority.
Indeed,
it
is
probable
that
already
in
Ishbi-Ura's
reign
Akkad
as
well
as
Sumer
formed
part
of
the
kingdom
of Isin, and evidence that this was the normal state
of affairs may be seen in the fact that each king of
Isin, oftext,
whomlaysweclaim
possess
a building-inscription
or a
votive
to
the
title
of
King
of
Sumer
and Akkad. The earliest record of this character is
an
inscription
upon
bricks
found at Mukayyar
and
dating
from
the
reign
of
Ishme-Dagan,
the
son
and
successor of Idin-Dagan. In addition to his titles of
King of Lord
Isin and
King ofandSumer
andinAkkad,
styles
himself
of Erech
records
varioushephrases
the
favour
hewhile
has shown
to the activity
cities ofatNippur,
Ur,is
and
Eridu
;
his
building
Nippur
attested by numerous bricks bearing hisname and titles,
which have been found on that site. The same cities
are also mentioned in the titles borne by Libit-Ishtar,
Ishme-Dagan's
son, whoforsucceeded
to the throne
after
his
father
had
reigned
twenty
years.
Both
these
rulers
appear
to have
devoted
themselves
to t¹ Dagan
cult
ofNinni,
the
great
goddess
of
Erech,
and
Ishmeeventhestyles
himself
hergoddess
" belovedwasspouse."
Hisbadon
ciaim to
behis
consort
of
the
doubtless
assumption
of divine
rank,
a practice
which the
kingsLibit-Ishtar
of Isin inherited
from
the
Dynasty
of
Ur.²
was the last member of Ishbi-Ura's
family toyears,
occupy
thewiththrone
of Isin. HeUr-Ninib,
reigned the
for
eleven
and
his
successor,
throne passed
family. We
probably
to a different
withmay
the fact
that
connect
this change
in the succession
kingdom
makes
its
about
this
time
an
independent
appearance in Larsa and Ur. For another son of Ishmechiefleftpriest
Dagan,
namedof the
Enannatum,
the temple
Moon-godwhoat was
Ur, has
us anin
Scheil,
"Rec.
de trav.," Vol. XVI., pp. 187ff., and Radau, "Early
Hist.,"
Bab.12 See
p.
232
f.
inscriptions
owntheir
in their
by the factthat
This the
is proved
names. that have been
precedes
for divinity
determinative
recovered
12
SIN
BUR
BRICKS
A
UR
-D
ISHME
.,K
ISIN
OF
ING
AGAN
ND
From
Bo.
;p9,NMukayyar
90178
.Mband
CMessrs
&
0056
rit
hoto
yansell
os
us
THE DYNASTY OF ISIN
311
upon clay cones, in which he records that
inscription
he
rebuilt
the
temple of the Sun-god at Larsa for the
preservation
of
his ownhimself,upon
life and thataofbrick-inscription
Gungunu, the
king
ofUr.¹
Gungunu
commemorating his building of the great wall of Larsa,
claims
to beandking
of thatIt city
also of seem
the whole
that
of Sumer
Akkad.
wouldandtherefore
towards
the close ofestablished
Libit-Ishtar's
reign, or immediately
kingdom
independent
Gungunu
an
after
it,
with
its
capital
at
Larsa.
It
is
strange
that
in
city
of Ur, which was under his control, a son of the
IshmeDagan should continue to hold, or should be invested
with,
office
chief
priest, and
there
is something
that
Libit-Ishtar's
fall
tomaynot
bethesaidhavebeen
for ofthebrought
suggestion
about
by anyactive
hostility
by
aforeign
invasion
from
on
the
part
of
Gungunu,but
Elam.2
According
Isin was
the
invaders,
confusion
followed byLarsa
and toin this
the view
thatcaptured
secured
the hegemony
in Sumer.authority
Howeverwasthisof brief
may
Gungunu's
be,
it
is
probable
that
duration
; for Ur-Ninibimmediate
is represented
by theanddynastic
successor,
list as Libit-Ishtar's
in an
inscription
Nippur
of
his
own
upon
a
brick
from
he
claims
titles
King
King
not
only
the
of
of
Isin
and
of Sumerstyles
and Akkad,
but,like
the
earlierandking
IshmeDagan,
himself
Lord
of
Erech,
the
patron
therefore
ofthatNippur,
Ur,
and
Eridu.
We
may
assume
Ur-Ninib was successful in re-establishing the
power of Isin, and in uniting once more the whole of
4
ofthe cones,see
plateEnannatum's
opposite p. name
314. and
In a title,he
brick-inscription For
fromoneMukayyar,
inscribedthewith
calls
himself
the sonthat
of Ishme-Dagan,
King of Sumer
and Akkad;
and it is
quite possible
he received histheappointment
as priest
of theMoon-god
during
hisHilprecht,
father's life-timeor
inthe reignofhis
brotherp.Libit-Ishtar.
2
Cf.
"Math.,
Met.,andChron.
Tablets,"
54. Foranalternative3 suggestionthatthe
invasionwasfromAmurru,
seebelow,
p.and315scattering
f.
breaking
like
fate,
ifthe
mayhavesharedthe
Nippur,too,
deposited byearlierkings in the temple ofEnlil, is to be
objects,
ofvotiveto this
traced
invasion.
4Gungunu's
recorded
a date-formula
upon a tablet
Senkera
(Larsa),death
whichisreads
"thein year
in which Gungunu
died" from
(see
Scheil, "Rec. de trav.," Vol. XXI., p. 125. Since the death of aking from
natural
causeswasnevercommemorated
inthisfashion,wemayconclude that
hewas slain
in battle, probablybyUr-Ninib.
312 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Sumer and Akkad under its sway. After a reign of
twenty-eight
son BûrSin II., whoyears
bore hethewassamefollowed
titles asbyhishisfather
and
mentions the same list of cities as having enjoyed
his
special favour.
His
comparatively
longUr-Ninib's
reign of
twenty-one
years
is
a
further
indication
that
restoration of order had been effective. The last two
descendants
Ur-NinibOftoIter-kasha,
occupy thewhothrone
of Isin
were sons ofofBûr-Sin.
reigned
for
only five years, we know nothing, but the name of his
brother
Ura-imitti,
and
the strange
manner in whichbeenhe
met
his
death
after
appointing
his
successor,have
preserved
inchronicle
later Babylonian
tradition.
In
the
concerning
Sargon
ofreference
Akkad and
other
early
Babylonian
kings,
to
which
has
already been made,¹ a section is devoted to Ura-imitti,
fromupon
whichthethrone,
we gatherhethat,
having
no son togardener,
succeed
him
named
Enlil-bani,his
as his successor. The text relates that, after placing
the crown
sovereignty
uponpalace
Enlil-bani's
met
his ownofhisdeath
within his
either head,he
through
misadventure
or
by
poison.
With
him,
therefore,
Ur-Ninib's
familyofcame
to anand
end,theand,humble
in viewrank
of theof
strange
manner
his death
the successorclaim
he hadto appointed,
was butnotnatural
that
Enlil-bani's
the throneitshould
have been
at once,followed
nor universally,
recognized.
struggle4
that
Ur-imitti's
death a Duringthe
certain Sin-ikisha
2
3
established himself in Isin, and for six months retained
the throne. But at the end of this time Enlil-bani
f. ofAgathias (II., 25, ed. Dindorf,
282 history
225 ff.,inthe
pp. also
220, told
12 The
See above,
storywas
him
as earlyAssyrian
aredescribedby
who
p. 222)(seeofBeleous
Uraisnodoubtthat
there
I.,
p.
63
f.).
But
" andBeletaras,
Chronicles,"
King,
kings
traces
deciphered
has
since
Hilprecht
ofIsin,
since
king
the
ninth
imittiwas
andhas
also found it in 20adate-formula
ofhisnameinthe Nippurdynasticlist
ff.).eleventh
MorefürAssyr.,"pp.
"
Zeits.
Nippur(see
from
onanearlycontract
list
as
thatofthe
in
theNippur
occurs
ofEnlil-bani
over,the
name
ofIsin.meaning ofthe phrasesin the textisexceedingly obscure ; cf. King,
king3 The
" Chronicles,"
I., p. 64f., n. 1.is broken in the Nippur list, has been restored
4
Sin-ikisha'sname,which
from
a contract-tablet
preserved
in the
Pennsylvania
Museumin(see
Poebel,in
"which
Orient.
Lit.-Zeit.,"
1907,
col.
461ff.
)
.
The
contract
isdated
theyear
Sin-ikishamadean image ofgold and silver for the Sun-god.
THE DYNASTY OF ISIN
313
succeededsecured
in ousting
him himself,
from thathe position,
and,to
having
the
throne
continued
reign
for twenty-four
years. cannot
As hebehad
been
called into Isin
the throne
byUra-imitti,he
regarded
as a usurper,
but heZambia,
did notwho
succeed
in establishing
a
settled
dynasty.
followed
him,
was
a
usurper, andTwoafterother
onlyusurpers
three years
hethewasthrone
in turn
displaced.
held
for
five
and
four
years
respectively,
and
only
with
Sinmagir,
the established.
fifteenth king of Isin, was asettled dynasty
once more
During
this
periodofofIsinconfusion
itupon
is probable
that
the
internal
troubles
reacted
her
political
influence in Babylonia. It is also possible that the
quick changes in the succession mayhave, in part, been
brought
aboutof Sumer
by events
other cities
and which
Akkad.wereIthappening
has, indeed,in
been
suggested
that overlapped
the Dynastyeachof other,
Isin andas istheproved
First
Dynastyof
Babylon
tothehave
been theList
caseofwithKings.
the first
threewere
dynasties
of
Babylonian
If
that
so,
not
only theandearlier
kingspowerful
of Babylon,
also thewould
kings allof
Larsa
the less
kingsbut
of Erech,
have been
later
kings
of Isin.reigning
In fact,contemporaneously
we should picturewith
the the
kingdom
1For the recovery
ofhisZambia's
name,by
meansHilprecht,
of a contract-tablet
at
dated
in
accessiony
ear,
see
"Orient.
Lit.Constantinople
Zeit.," 1907, col. 385ff. Hommel and Hilprecht (cf. " Zeits. für Assyr.,"
XXI.,
p. 29) regard
Zambia
as anonabbreviatedformofthe
nameofSab-Dagan,
which
occurs
as
that
of
a
king
the
obverse
ofthe
NeoBabylonian
map
of
the
world
preservedintheBritishMuseum("Cun.Texts,"XXII.,
pl.
48,
Obv.,
1.is wanting,
10). Butand
theHilprecht's
name ofthesuggested
cityorland,which
followed
the title
ofthe king,
reading
of
the
name
preceding
SabDagan
asthat
ofUra-imitti
isnotsupportedby
the
traces
on
the
tablet.
The
god's2 ItisprobablethatSumuname is writtenclearly asShamash,
notUra.
ilu,anearlykingofUr,reignedinthis
period.
His
name
is
knownfrom
the
steatite
figure
of
a
dog,
which
the
priestAbbadugga,
theson
ofacertain
Urukagina,
dedicated on his"Rev.
behalfto
the goddess
Nin-Isin,
"the
Lady
of
Isin"
(cf.
Thureau-Dangin,
d'Assyr.,"
VI.,
p.advantage
69f.). ofHistroubles
date isinuncertain,
but,
like
Gungunu,
he
may
have
taken
Isin to establish an independentkingdom for a time
inUr.
3 Seementioned
Hilprecht,the" Math.,
Met.,in and
Chron. Tablets,"
pp. 43,n. 1,49 f.,andn.the5.
Iviewhas
also
possibility
"
Chronicles,"
I.,
p.
168,
been
adoptedDeutsch.
by Ranke,Morgenländ.
"Orient. Lit.-Zeit.,"
1907,Bd.col.LXI.,
109ff.,
and
p.
714,
Gesellschaft,"
Ungnad,
"
Zeits.der
and " Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1908, col. 66. Meyer also accepts the hypothesis ;
see " Geschichte des Altertums," Bd. I., Hft. II., pp. 344f., 504 f.
314 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
of Sumer and Akkad as divided into a number of
smaller for
principalities,
each vyingmaintaining
with the aother
in a
hegemony,and
comparacontest
the
tivelyindependent
rule within their own borders. Such
a condition of affairs would amply account for the confusion ofin the
the period
succession
at beIsin,supplemented
and our scanty
knowledge
could
from
our
sources
of
information
concerning
the
history
of
the
earlier
certainly attractive, but for that very
Thekings
viewofisBabylon.
the grounds
carefully
to For
examine
it is necessary
reason
the
inter-relations
it
is
based.
deciding
uponwhich
Kingofsynchronisms
the Babylonian
dynasties
ofList,thewefirst
three
established
definite
have
certain
But
dynasties.
of Babylon
the different
members
between
and
Isin
no
such
synof
between
the
kings
furnished
bypartly
the texts.
The theory
chronism
has
been
contemporaneous
were
that
the
two
dynasties
rests upon data which admit of more than one interprereasons adduced in its support
tation,since
whilebeenadditional
discredited.
have
accept
those
who
which
upon
principal
fact
The
of
Isin
city yearis
a captureforofthetheseventeenth
the theory relyisin that
the formula
commemorated
of the First Dynasty
kingof Hammurabi.
fifth
the
ofof Sin-muballit,
a
Now
father
the
and
Babylon
capture of the city of Isin by Rîm-Sin, King of Larsa,
1
found
upon contract-tablets
in formulæconsiderable
recorded
isat also
importance was
Tell Sifr, and that
fact
by the
isdating
attested
event
locally anto this
attached
in
that
tablets
for
epoch
it formed
that
The theory necessitates two assumptions, the
district.
first to the effect that the date-formulæ of Rîm-Sin and
the cityof; and,
refer to the same capture
Sin-muballit
Isin
the ofDynasty
secondly, that this event brought
hypotheses,
the
twentythese
tothirdanyear
end.of Granting
Damik-ilishu would have coincided with
3
1
1 See above, p. 62. ofHammurabi," III., p. 228 f.
2 See King, " Letters
of the pro-
is noin "Rec.
certaindeindication
3 Op.ofcit.,
p.tablet
228 referred
f., n. 39.to by
There
trav.,"TellXXI.,
p.is125
125,
Scheil
the
venance
Şifr
not
at
Senkera,fromwhich
that
it
was
found
he
implies
though
far distant. The evidence available seems to show that the Isin-era was
confined to Larsa and itsneighbourhood.
OF
E
-AND
NGUR
K
ING
.,UR
us
0089
0070
3NMBrit
0062
nd
p300go
hoto
b;a,. o.
yos
CMessrs.Mansell
&
SPECIMENS
BABYLONIAN
OF
CLAY
CONES
BEARING
VOTIVE
INSCRIPTIONS
GUDEA
SHIRPURLA
,PATESI
-REIGN
LARSA
OKNUR
ENANNATUM
FING
AIN
OFFICIAL
,OF
NDAD
DURING
UR
THE
GUNGUNU
THE DYNASTY OF ISIN
315
the seventeenth year of Sin-muballit, and the dynasties
of Isin ofandabout
of Babylon
wouldyears.
have Thus
overlapped
for a
period
ninety-nine
Sumu-abu,
the
founder
ofcontemporary
the first Babylonian
dynasty,
wouldof
have
been
the
of
Bûr-Sin
II.,
king
Isin,
in thethesixth
yearofofBabylon.
whose reign
hethewould
have
ascended
throne
By
acceptance
of the theory,
not only would
the relations
of the two
dynasties
be
definitely
fixed,
but
the
chronology
for
the
later
periods
of
Sumerian
history
would
be
put
on
aagecomparatively
settled
basis,
as
far
back
at
least
as
the
ofUr-Engur andGudea.
Additional
in support
the theory
have
been deduced grounds
from a tablet
in theofBritish
Museum,
which
in " the¹ year
in which
Amurru
drove outis dated
Libit-Ishtar."
We have
alreadytheseen,
from
information
supplied
by
the
Nippur
dynastic
list,
that
with
Libit-Ishtar,
the
fifth
king
of
the
Dynasty
of
Isin,
the
Ishbi-Ura,a new
its founder,
to an end,
and family
that withof Ur-Ninib
familywascameestablished
on
the
throne.
By
identifying
Libit-Ishtar,
the
king,
with
the personage mentioned in the date-formula, it would
follow
his throne
in consequence
an
invasionthatof he
Amurru,
the lost
or Western
Semites,ofwho
drove
himdislodged
from thebycity.
But presumably
they
were
atandonceestablished
Ur-Ninib,
who
retook
the
city
his
own
family
upon
the
throne.
According
this view,
supposed
invasionwas
but
an advancetowave
of thetheracial
movement
that was
eventuallyto
overwhelm
the
wholereign
of Babylonia.
Some
thirty-three
years
later,
in
the
of
Bûr-Sin,
Ur-as
Ninib's
son,
the
Western
Semites
are
represented
againdoinvading
the country,
and,
although
this
time
they
not
penetrate
to
Isin,
they
succeed
in
establishing a dynasty oftheir own at Babylon.
But there are difficulties in the way of accepting
this
further
the noticed
originalthat
theory.
In
the first
place,development
it will haveofbeen
no title
follows the name of Libit-Ishtar in the date-formula
1 See Ranke, “ Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1907, col. 109ff. The tablet in
question
12, 294). is published in " Cun. Texts," Pt. IV., pl. 22,No. 78,395(Bu. 88-5-
316 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
already
cited, and there is no particular reason why
this not uncommon name should be identified with the
king
Isin. inIt the
has British
further Museum,¹
been pointed
out that
anotherof tablet
of about
the
same period, contains a reference to a Libit-Ishtar who
was
certainly
not the kingpostofofIsin,
but appears
to have
occupied
the
important
governor
ofa
provincial
city,
probably
Sippar.
The writerandofhadthisappealed
tablet
recounts
how
he
had
been
imprisoned
towasLibit-Ishtar
to try his caseand set him free; but he
met with a refusal, and he afterwards made a similar
appeal to Amananu, to whom he ascribes the title of
governor.
In thisinpassage
Libit-Ishtar
no title,to
but since appeals
legal cases
could behasreferred
he may that
very ofprobably
haveof the
heldcity.
the same
office
ashim,
Amananu,
governor
In
certain
contract-tablets
reign aatLibit-Ishtar
mentioned
in theofApil-Sin's
place of honour
the head ofis also
the
lists
of
witnesses,
and
he
too
should
probably
be
identified with the same official. We may therefore conclude that the Libit-Ishtar in the date-formula served
asuntilthehewas
local governor
of Sippar
inAmurru.
the time Whether
ofApil-Sin,
driven
out
bythe
thea
Amurru
are
here
to
be
regarded
as
the
inhabitants
of
neighbouring town, or as a fresh wave of Western
Semites, does not affect the point at issue. Since the
Libit-Ishtar who was driven out was not the king of
Isin, the arguments deduced from the tablet for the
overlapping
longer apply.of the dynasties of Isin and of Babylonno
Thereforonlytheremain
to be that
discussed
the original
grounds
suggestion
Damik-ilishu
Sin-muballit's contemporary, and that the fall of was
the
Dynasty
of
Isin
is
to
be
set
in
the
seventeenth
year
ofconqueror
the latter's
this view
the
of Isinreign.
wouldAccording
have been toRîm-Sin,
assisted
byhis
Sin-muballit.
Buthave
a recent
has
shown vassal,
that Rîm-Sin
can hardly
beendiscovery
a contempo2
3
rary of Sin-muballit, or, at any rate, old enough in the
12 Cf.
Texts,"
Pt. VI.,Lit.-Zeit.,"
pl. 8, No.1907,
80,163
Meissner,
See "Cun.
" Orient.
col.(Bu.
113 ff.91-5-9, 279).
3 So Meissner, loc. cit.
1
THE DYNASTY OF ISIN
317
seventeenth
year ofFrom
the latter's
reign toconcerning
have captured
the city of Isin.
the chronicle
early
Babylonian
kingsinweHammurabi's
already knewthirty-first
that heyear,
was but
not
finally
defeated
livedapparently
on into thedefeated
reign ofor Samsu-iluna,
by
whom
he
slain.¹
was
It
is
true
that
the
passage is broken, and it has been suggested that the
record concerns the son of Rîm-Sin, and not Rîm-Sin
himself. But it has now been pointed out that two
contract-tablets
ofto the
which appear
record
the same actfound
of sale,at Tell
and Sifr,
are inscribed
with
the names of the same witnesses, are dated, the one
Samsu-iluna's
by Rîm-Sin,we the
However
explainin the
existence oftenth
mayother
theseyear.
two
nearly
identical
copies
of
the
same
document,
their
certainlyof Babylonia
dates
imply thatatRîm-Sin
was
inas possession
ofyeara ofSamsu-iluna's
portion
least
as
late
thecaptured
ninth
reign.
If,
therefore,
he
Isin in the seventeenth year of Sin-muballit, Samsuiluna's
must suppose
that hisofat
military
activitygrandfather,
Babyloniaweextended
period
in
over
a
least
fifty-six
years,
and
probably
longer.
Such
an
achievement
is within
the bounds of possibility, but it cannot
be regarded
as probable.
3
But, quite
objection, there
are small
grounds
for theapart
belieffromthatthisSin-muballit
was Rîm-Sin's
vassal,
thatperiod.
theycouldhave
taken indication
part in anyunited
action ator this
In fact, every
we have
points that
to theSin-muballit
conclusion captured
that it was
from
a king
of
Larsa
Isin
in
the
seventeenth year offorhishisreign.fourteenth
Three year
years commemorated
previously the
date-formula
5
his defeat of the army of Ur, and there are good
Chronicles,"" Orient.
12 Cf.
II., p. 18Lit.-Zeit.,"
f.
1907, col. 585 f., and Hrozný,
Cf. "Winckler,
in
Winckler" son"
and Hronzý
p.these
382.lateButchronicles
21 (1908),
Zeitschrift,"
Bd.fact
" Wiener
always
is
in
that
ignore
the
rendering
their
by a(aplu).
never
by TUR (maru),
expressed
34 See
Ungnad,
"
Zeits.
für
Assyr.,"
73 ff. I learn from M.
been pp.
obtained.
Confirmation of this view has nowXXIII.,
Thureau-Dangin
that henothasonly
found
avariant
date forandtheIsin
tenthbutyearofSamsuiluna,
which
mentions
the
cities
ofErech
also the land
of Iamutbal
(cf.
"Journal
asiatique,"
1909,
pp.
335
ff.
5 See Delitzsch, "Beitr. zurAssyr.," IV., p. 406f., and Thureau-Dangin,
" Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1907, col. 256 f.
318 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
groundstheforarmy
believing
thatkingUr ofwasLarsa.
acting atForthiscertain
time
with
of
the
tablets are dated in the year in which Sin-muballit
defeated
theregard
army this
of Larsa,
and we formula
may withforsome
confidence
as
a
variant
fourteenth year. Thus, three years after his defeattheof
the
king ofLarsa,
Sin-muballit
followed
up his success
by
capturing
the
city
of
Isin,
which
he
commemorated
in the formula for the seventeenth year. But he cannot
have
heldbyit Larsa,
for long,
for it must have been shortly
retaken
before
being
again
recaptured
in
Hammurabi's
seventh
year.
Thus,
in
less
than
eleven
years,
from
theofseventeenth
yeartheofcitySin-muballit
to the
seventh
year
Hammurabi,
of
Isin
changed
handsdate-formula
three times.for We
may therefore conclude that
the
Sin-muballit's
seventeenth
year,
and
those
found
upon
the
Tell
Sifr
tablets,
did
not
commemorate the fall ofthe Dynasty of Isin in Damikilishu's
reign,
but city,
were which
based upon two episodes in the
struggle
for
that
place at a later date,
between the kings ofLarsa andtookofBabylon.
In view
of the detail
importance
of the question,
have
treated
in some
the evidence
that haswe been
adduced
in favour
of the theory,withthatthetheearlier
later rulers
kings
of Isin were
contemporaneous
ofBabylon. It willhave been seen that the difficulties
involvedbythe
suggestedaresynchronism
betweenDamikilishu
and
Sin-muballit
too
grave
to admit
of its
acceptance,
while
they
entirely
disappear
on
referring
the disputed date-formulæ to their natural place in the
1
1 Seen.Thureau-Dangin,
op. cit., col. 256, andSin-muballit's
King, "Hammurabi,"
III.,be
p.the229,
41.
The
only
otherpossibleyearin
reignwould
twentieth, the formula forwhich isbroken onthe principaldate-list A ;
Ihave made afresh examination ofthe tablet,and the slight traces preserved
atpossible.
the beginning of the line do not suggest this restoration, though it is
III., p.that230thef., and
" Chronicles,"
I., records
p. 166.
2 traces
See King,
"Hammurabi,"
The
on
the
date-listD
suggest
formula
for
this
year
the destructionand not the building of the wall of Isin. This is now put
dated
beyond
a doubtby
the
formula
uponacontract
ofThureau-Dangin,
Hammurabi's reign" Orient.
inLit.-Zeit.,"
the year
of
his
capture
ofErech
and
Isin(see
1907,becol.
257,that
n. 2).the local system of datingtablets at Tell Şifr
3
It
should
added
was
not necessarily
continuous.
Ifdate-formulæ,aswe
the city ever changed
hands,
the done
conquerorwould
re-introduce
his
own
have
seenwas
by Samsu-iluna.
THE DYNASTY OF ISIN
319
struggle between
BabylonthatandtheLarsa.
Thismay
doeshave
not
preclude
the
possibility
dynasties
overlapped
ninety-nine
years.on
But
in viewforof atheshorter
total period
absencethan
of any
information
the point, itmonarchy
is preferable
tonotretain
the viewbefore
that the
Babylonian
was
established
the
close
of
the
Dynasty
of
Isin.¹
Whatever
troubles
may
have befallen İsin after Ur-Ninib's familyhad ceased to
reign,
thereinfluence
is no doubt
under her last
the city's
wasthat
re-established,
andtwo
thatkings
she
exercised
control
over
Babylon
itself.
In
the
course
of the German excavations, a clay cone has been found
ininscription
the templeof E-patutila
attheBabylon,
bearing
a votive
Sin-magir,
fifteenth
king
of
Isin;
and
this
was
evidently
dedicated
by
him
as
a
votive
offeringin inthishistext
character
of suzerain
ofthe
city.of Sumer
Moreover,
he
lays
claim
to
the
rule
and Akkad. Akkad, as well as Sumer, was also held
by
his sonForDamik-ilishu,
the
throne.
a tablet haswho
beensucceeded
found at him
Abuupon
Habba,
dated
indate
whichupon
Damik-ilishu
built
the
wall
ofcommemorates
Isin,in theandyear
the
a
tablet
from
Nippur
his building oftheprobably
temple ofin Babylon.*
Shamash,
named
E-ditar-kalama,whichwas
SippartheandlastBabylon
subject
the city
ofThusIsinbothunder
of herwere
rulers,
who,to like
his
father
before ofhim,
maintained
an effective hold upon
the kingdom
Sumer
and Akkad.
the beginning
Babylon
reach
the two
historyweoffinally
of aWith
new the
epochriseinofthe
to thecountries.
north,
nowcourse
passesof her troubled
The through
seat of power
history,
the long
and,
1 While
theearlier
laterkings
ofofBabylon
Isinwere controlled,
suzerains ofnotBabylon,
thereownis little
doubt
that
the
kings
only
their
city,
but
a
considerable
part
ofAkkad.
Thus
fromthedate-formule
of
Sumu-abu,
the
founderandofthe
FirstDynasty,
we gatherthat
his authoritywas recognized
atDilbat
atKish,
and
thathewas
strong
enoughtoundertaketheconquest ofisKazallu
his thirteenth
a contract,
Sippar,
dated inin his
reign (cf. year
King,; moreover
" Hammurabi,"
III., p.probably
212 f., from
and
Thureauangin,"Journaldes savants,"
1908, p.p. 1.200).
Miscellen,"
2 Cf. DWeissbach,"Babylonische
3 Cf. Scheil,
" Rec. de trav.," XXIII., p. 94, and "Une saison defouilles
à Sippar,"
p.
140.
4 See Hilprecht, " Math., Met., and Chron. Tablets," p. 49 f., n. 5.
•
1
320 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
the city of Babylon was never dislodged from her
position
capital. and
Foreign
invasions
might
result
infromtheother
fallas ofthe
dynasties,
her
kings
might
be
drawn
and lands,
Babylonafter
continued
to
be the centrecities
of their
rule. but
Moreover,
the fresh
wave
ofof immigration
which resulted
in thecharacter
establish-of
ment
her
First
Dynasty,
the
racial
Babylonia became dominantly Semitic. Before the
new invaders the Sumerians tended to withdraw south-
wards into the coastal districts of the Persian Gulf,
and fromof Sumerian
here, for origin,
a time,attempted
an independent
dynasty,
largely
to
contest
Babylon her supremacy. But with the fall of Isinwith
the
political
career
of
the
Sumerians
as
a
race
may
be
regarded
as
closed.
Their
cultural
influence,
however,
long
survived
them.
In the
spheres
ofa art,
literature,
religion,
and
law
they
left
behind
them
legacy,
was destined to mould the civilization of thewhich
later
inhabitants
anddistant
throughraces.
them to exert
an influence ofonthe
othercountry,
and more
CHAPTER XII
THE CULTURAL INFLUENCE OF SUMER IN EGYPT, ASIA
AND THE WEST
theits earliest
history
pages
we have followed
Nofthe
the preceding
of
race
fromthe
period
Sumerian
settlement in Babylonia until the time when its
political ofpower
was drawing
todescribed,
a close. from
The the
gradual
growth
the
state
has
been
first
rude settlements around a series of ancient cult-centres,
through city-states,
developed
the phase ofto highly
but
still independent
a
united
kingdom
of
Sumer
and
Akkad, based on ideals inherited from the Semitic
I
North. We have traced the inter-relations of North
and South, of Sumerians and Semites, and have watched
their varying fortunes in the racial conflict which bulks
so largely
in thenoted
history
of thetwo
have
also been
at which
contactcountries.
with otherPoints
lands
proved,
and ofit has
thus
been which
found
can
be historically
possible
to
estimate
the
limits
the
kingdoms
were established
in Sumer
Akkadcame
duringintothedirect
later
periods.
Of foreign
landsorwhich
with part.
Babylonia,
Elam
plays
bycity-states
far the
relationship
In
the
time
of
the
most
conspicuous
she invades the land of Sumer, and later on is in her
by Akkadian
turn
conquerednaturally
The question
arises, howandfarSumerian
this closekings.
poli-
of the
ticalcountries,
contact affected
the cultural
development
two
and
suggests
the
further
queryas
towhat
werefigures
ofcommon
origin.
extent
their civilizations
region
which
in
the
list of conAnother
quered countries is Amurru, or the " Western Land,"
and an attempt must be321made to trace the Ypaths of
322 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Babylonian
beyond
thethelimitsareaof ofSyria,
and
toculture.
ascertainTheinfluence
itslatereffects
within
Aegean
trade routes were doubtless already
inevidence
existence,of andarchaeological
research can often detect
cultural connection, at a time when there
isspiteno ofquestion
of anyofpolitical
contact.
Moreover,
in
the
absence
Neolithic
settlements
in
Babylonia, and
the comparatively
state ofsites,culture
which
characterizes
the earliestadvanced
of Sumerian
it is
possible
that contactprehistorictimes.
with other and distant
races
had
alreadytakenplacein
Oneof
the
most
fascinating
problems
connected with
Sumer
concerns
the relationship
whichtheherearlyhistory
culture boreof
to thatthrown
of Egypt.
On this
point
recent
excavations
have
considerable
light
;
and,
as
the
suggested
connection,
whether
direct
or
indirect,
must
admittedly
have taken place in a remote age, it will be well to
attack this
problem
beforecentres
discussing
the relationship
of
Sumer
to
the
other
great
of
ancient
civilization.
Although no direct contact between Babylonia and
Egypt
hasthe been
proved
duringverythegenerally
earlier held
historical
periods,
opinion
has
been
that
the
Egyptian
civilization
was
largely
influenced
in
its
first
stages
by
that
of
Babylonia.
The
use
of
the
stone
cylinder-seal
by the Egyptians
certainly
furnished
asome
veryearly
cogent
argument
in
favour
of
the
view
that
cultural
connection
must
have
taken
place;
and,
as the cylinder-seal
was peculiarly
characteristic
ofgradually
Babylonia
during
all
periods,
whereas
its useseemed
was
discontinued
inEgypt,
the
inference
obvious itthathadit reached
was an Egypt
originalinproduct
of Babylonia,or
whence
late
predynastic
early dynastic
times.
This
view appeared
to were
find
support
in
other
points
of
resemblance
which
noted
between the early art and culture of the two
countries. Mace-heads of bulbous or " egg-shaped "
form wereTheemployed
by slate
the early
inhabitants
ofboth
lands.
Egyptian
carvings
of
the
First
Dynasty
were
compared
with
the
early
basreliefs
and
engraved
seals
of
the
Sumerians,
and
resemblances
were
pointed
out bothofinsubject-matter
andemployment
in the symarrangement
metrical
the designs. The
CULTURAL INFLUENCE
323
of brick,
in place
ofto stone,
as a influence
building ; material,
was
regarded
as
due
Babylonian
andexisthe
crenelated
Egyptian
buildings,
walls
of
Early
the
tence
of whichonwasthe proved
not onlybutbyalsopictured
representations
slate
carvings,
by the
remains
of
actual
buildings
such
as
the
mastaba-tomb
of King Aha
and the
ancientwere
fortress
Abydos,
knownat asNakâda,
the Shunet
ez-Zebîb,
treatedof
as borrowed
from
Sumerian
originals.
That
irrigation
was
practised
onthe
banks
of
the
Nile
as
well
asininboth
the
Euphrates
valley,
and
that
wheat
was
grown
countries,were
cited asa additional
proofs thaton Babylonia
must
have
exercised
marked
influence
Egyptian
development.
culture
during
the
early
stages
ofits
Incultures
order toofexplain
such
resemblances
between
theto
early
Sumer
and
Egypt,
it
was
necessary
seek some channel by which the influence of the former
country
haveproblem
reachedwasthefound
valleyinofthe
Nile; ofanda
aSemitic
solutioncould
of
the
the
theory
invasionperiod.
of UpperThatEgypt
towards
the existed
end of
the
predynastic
aSemitic
element
inis established
the composition
ofdispute;
the ancient
Egyptian
language
beyond
and
this
fact
was
combined withcoast,
the Egyptian legends
of
their
origin
on
the
situationofthe
predynastic
Red
Sea
andwith
the
cemeteries
and early
dynastic
in tribes,
Upperalready
Egypt,imbued
in suptheorythat
Semitic
port
of
the
with Sumerian culture, had reached the Nile from the
shore of the Red Sea by way of the Wadi Hammamât.
According to this view the Neolithic and predynastic
populationEgyptians.
ofEgypt wasTheofadifferent
raceregarded
to theasearly
dynastic
former
were
indigenous
to
the
country,
speaking
a
language
possibly
akin to the Berber dialects of North Africa. With
knowledge
little
metal, theyresistance
were pictured
offeringor anostubborn
but ofunsuccessful
to theiras
Semitic conquerors. The latter were assumed to have
brought
with the
themSumerians
a copper ofageBabylonia.
culture, ultimately
derived
from
Crossing
from southern Arabia by the Straits of Bab el-Mandeb,
andmaking
theirwaynorthward
the western
of the Red Sea,
they would havealong
reachedthe
Nile inshore
the
324 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
neighbourhoodofKoptos.
Heretheywouldhaveformed
their
first
settlements,
and,
after subduing
the
oldertheir
inhabitants
of
UpperEgypt,
theywould
have
pushed
wayThere
northwards
along
thethatvalley
ofunion
the Nile.¹
is
no
doubt
the
oftraditionally
Upper and
Lower
Egypt
into
a
single
monarchy,
ascribed to Mena, the legendary founder of the first
Egyptianby the
dynasty,
did Mena
result himself
from a was
conquest
of theas
North
South.
regarded
sprung
from
aneighbourhood
line of local rulers
established atalsoThis,
or
Thinis,
in
the
ofAbydos,and
as
the
founder of Memphis at the head of the Delta, whither
he transferred his throne. Further traces of the conquest
the North
by the the
Southfollowers
have been
preserved
inpatron
theoflegends
concerning
of
Horus,
the
deity
of
the
first
kings
of
Upper
Egypt.
The
advance
the Sky-god
Mesniuafteror
" Smiths,"of2 who
are relatedof toEdfu
havewithwonhisbattle
battle
asearly
theydynastic
pressed monuments
northwards, that
is amply
confirmed
by
the
have
recovered by excavation. The slate carving of been
Narmer,
on whichofis theportrayed
thenear
victory
ofCanopic
Horus branch
over theof
kingdom
Harpoon
the
the
Nile,ofmaythewell
represent one ofasthetheylastextended
decisive
victories
Horus-worshippers,
their authority northwards to the sea. Ofthe historical
1 For discussions
offeatures
the merits
of civilizations
the theory, ofin Babylonia
view of theandadmitted
resemblance
of
certain
in
the
seeKing and ofHall,
and Inscriptions
Western Asia,"
32ff.,DeandMorgan,
Sayce,Egypt,
"The
Archaeology
the"Egypt
Cuneiform
; " cf.pp. also
"Les
premières
civilizations,"
pp.
170ff.
The
publication
of
the
results
obtained
byof Dr.
Reisner'satAbydos,has
prolongeddiggings,
supplemented
more recent
work
M. Naville
considerably
increasedbythethematerial
onwhich
amore
definitedecision
canbe based.manyImayadd
thattheory,
Mr. Hall
agrees with
me
as toadditional
the necessityofmodifying
points become
in the
in consequence
of the
information that has
recently
available
for use. It
should be noted that in his " Oldest Civilization of Greece," p. 179, n. 1, he
hadalreadyemphasized
the indigenous
origin
ofmuch of Egyptian culture ;
cf. also
"
Egypt
andWestern
Asia,"
p.
45
f.
2 Aswith
a subsidiary
meaning,
theword
possibly
conveys theEgyptologique,"
idea of soldiers
armed
daggerand
lance;
see
Maspero,
"Bibliothèque
II., pp. 313ff. On the walls of the temple of Edfu the Mesniu are repre-
sentedas
holding
inthe lefthandakind
of dagger,and
intherighta
light
dart
tipped
with
metal.
The
important
part
played
by
metal
in
their
armament
isemphasized
bytheseTheybore
laterepresentations,
as bythename
assigned
them
inas the
Legend
of
Edfu.
the
same
relation
to
their
patron
deity
the Shemsu-Hor, or "Followers of Horus," bore tohim inhisother aspect
as the son of Isis.
3 Cf. Newberry,"Annals ofArchaeology," pp. 17 ff.
325
CULTURAL INFLUENCE
of Lower
kings
ofthiswhich
conquest
character
in the Egypt
union ofbythe
the whole
of the South,
resulted
country under a single monarchy, there are now no two
point, theaboutracialwhich
some ofuncertainty
opinions.
the concharacter
still
exists,The
concerns
origin oftheir
higher culture, by virtue
querors
were obtained.
of whichand
theirthevictories
On theinhypothesis
ofculture
aSemiticof invasion,
the higher
elements
the
early
Egypt
are,
we
have seen, to be traced to a non-Egyptiansource. asThe
assumed
to have
introduced,of
Semitic
not
onlyimmigrants
the use ofaremetal,
but also
a knowledge
letters.
The
Sumerian
system
of writinghieroglyphic
has been
regarded
as
the
parent
of
the
Egyptian
characters ; and comparisons have been made between
the names of Sumerian and Egyptian gods. The suggestion has also been put forward that the fashion of
extended
burial, which ofin the
Egypt
gradually displaced
corpse, was also to be
the contracted position
influence.
traced
to Babylonian
It
must
be
admitted
that, untilexplanation
quite recently,
this
view
furnished
a
very
plausible
of
the
various
points
of
resemblance
noted
between
the
civilizations of the two countries. Moreover, the evidence
obtained
excavation
on between
early sitesthecertainly
appeared
toearly
showdynastic
abydistinct
break
predynastic
and
cultures
ofEgypt.
To
account
for
what
seemed
so suddenachange
ina the
character
of Egyptian
civilization,
the
theory
of
foreign
invasion
seemed
almost
inevitable.
But
the
publication
of
the
of Dr. Reisner's excavations at Naga-ed-Dêr andresults
other
early cemeteries in Upper Egypt, has rendered it
1 The most striking ofthese comparisons is that of Asari, a Sumerian god
1
who
wasForafterwards
identified
with
Marduk,
and Asar,but
thethere
Egyptian
goda
Osiris.
not
only
is
there
identity
of
name-sound,
is
also
resemblance
between the Egyptian
andCuneiform
SumerianInscriptions,"
sign-groups for
the names
(cf.
Sayce,
"
TheArchaeology
of
the
p.
119).
resemblance, however, is not quite so close as it is sometimes represented,The
for
the Sumerian
sign eritooras,the
uru is characterin
invariablyemployed
for "city,"half
a meaning
which
never
attaches
the
corresponding
of theit
Egyptian group. To regard the resemblance as other thanacoincidence,
is necessary
to and
assume
a very
close relationship
between
the
earlyreligious
ideas
of
Sumer
Egypt,
an
assumption
that
would
only
be
justified
by the
strongest
proofs
ofconnection
from
thearchaeological
side.
2 See Reisner,
Early"University
Dynastic Cemeteries
published
as Vol. II." The
of the
of CaliforniaofNaga-ed-Dêr,"
Publications," Part
1908.I.,
326 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
necessary
to revise
theNaville
theory;
while the
stillthatmore
recent
diggings
of
M.
atAbydos
prove
the
changes,
in
certain
districts,
were
even
more
gradual
thanhad
been supposed.
Put
briefly,
Dr. Reisner's conclusion is that there
wasno sudden break of continuity between the Neolithic
Egypt. Hisburials
extensive
and
early dynastic cultures of predynastic
and
laboriouscomparisonofthe
with
those
of
the
First
and
Second
Dynasties,
has
shown
change
placeor ininthethe Egyptian
that
no essential
tookdeath,
conception
of
the
life
after
ritesbody.
and
practices which accompanied the interment of the
In early
dynastic
as inNeolithic
timesposition
the bodyonitsof left
the
placed
dead
man
was
in
acontracted
side furnished
and with the
the south,
grave was
still
withhead
food,to arms,
tools,andandtheornaments.
Moreover,
changes
observable
theitself,
in theofconstruction
ofwithin
the grave
and
in
the
character
the objects
it, were not due to the sudden influence of any
alien race,
but ofmayimprovement
well have inbeen
the resultskillof ofa
gradual
process
the
technical
the Egyptians themselves.
beween
points and
of difference
striking
The
three most
periods
dynastic
predynastic
the
products
of
the
vessels
and
of
the
pottery
the
character
round
centre
and
tools
employed
for
household
use,
the
material
for
weapons, and the invention of writing. It would now
all gradually
wereanother
changes
the onevarious
appear thatand
withoutA
into
fades
period
introduced,
them.
between
line
of
division
marked
any
strongly
credited
to
the
been
always
copper
has
knowledge
of
to
possible
it
is
now
Egyptians,
and
predynastic
later
invention
of
a
which
the
steps
gradual
by
trace
the
Copper
attained.
it was
of working
method
practical
the
than
earlier
in
graves
found
ornaments
and
objects
smallandoflittlepractical
predynasticperiod
are
middle as compared with the beautifully flaked flint
utility,
retained
the
still
lances,
which
and
knives,
daggers,
times.copper
At
purelyNeolithic
enjoyedin
importance
predynastic
period
the
stage
in
rather latertheyand
adagger-blades
imitation toof
adzesandweretheseproduced
mark theintransition
flint and stone forms,
CULTURAL INFLUENCE
327
the
weapons
tools ofousted
copper,flintwhich
the
earlyheavy
dynastic
periodandlargely
and instone
implements
for practicaluse.
ofa
attainment
of skill
inEgyptians
the working
The
gradual
had
ore
on
the
part
of
the
early
copper
marked effect on the whole status of their culture.
conquestareato;
enabled
improved
weaponsfrom
Theirtheir
morebyextended
draw
afarthem
raw materials
blocks
tools
for quarrying
and
the adaptation
of copper
employment
increased
undoubtedly
led
to
its
ofas stone
substitute
for clay.
permanent
stronger
a use
and
morechisel
the
elaborate
also
explains
The
ofthe
copper
slates,
and
theinvention
carvingsupontheearlydynastic
displaceabout
the
gradual
theofstone
borer
brought
ofment
forhousehold
of
stone
vessels
in
favour
pottery
purposes. Thus, while metal-casting and stone-working
of
the expense ofthe older arts
improved, theydid so atmanufacture
hand,
of
potteryby
andthe
flint-knapping
which
tendedinferred
degenerate
andceremonial
die out. purDr.
both
of
to
that
for
had
already
Reisner
life,pottery
both
of everyday
poses,implements
as distinct from
the needsearlier
certain
types
of
and
flint
employed.
diggings
And
Naville's
continued
M.
to
be
during season
of 1909–10,
to prove
at Abydos,
than
uniform
slower
that
and lessseem
the process wastheeven
possible.
according
to thein
been thought
In fact,
had
districts
that
in
certain
appear
excavators,
itwould
culture,using
a modifiedform
ofthepredynasticsurvived
Egypt
asNubia
late
characteristic
redandblackpottery,
the
that
in
while
it
is
known
asa type
the Sixth
Dynasty;
of pottery, closely akin to the same prehistoric
ware,continuedinuseaslateastheEighteenthDynasty.¹
thebegin-to
are to be explained,
However such survivals
not
appear
inEgyptdoes
period
ning
ofthe
dynastic
present a break in either racial or cultural continuity.
be traced
developmentthatmayrepresented
parallel period,and
Indeed, aprecisely
the
early
dynastic
between
whenvessels
there ofis the
no
by the Third
ofanyandsuchFourth
break.Dynasties,
Asthe stone
question
Maciver and Woolley, " Areika," pp. 14ff. Mr. Maciver also cites
1 Cf.
red-ware
black-topped
of a similar
theoccurrence
(op. cit.on, p.sites16).in Egypt, dated
Dynasties
and Eighteenth
between the Twelfth
328 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
first two dynasties
had
proved
themselves
superior
toin
hand-made
pottery
for
practical
purposes,
so
they
turn
weremay
displaced
by wheel-made
pottery.¹
These
changes
be
traced
to
gradual
improvements
in manufacture ; arts such as mat-weaving and beadmaking, which were unaffected by the new inventions,
continuedastointhe
be practised
without
change in the early
predynastic
dynastic
periods.
Recentthearchaeological
researchculturewas
thus leaves
small
roomfor
theorythatEgyptian
subjected
to anyitsstrong
foreignoninfluence
in early
dynastic
times,
and
conclusions
this
point
are
confirmed
by
anatomical evidence. The systematic measurement
and comparisonhave
of skulls
from predynastic
anddynastic
burials,which
been
conducted
byDr.
Elliot Smith
of the Khedivial School of Medicine in collaboration
Expedition,has
demonstrated
with
theHearst
the lineal
predynastic
Egyptians.
descent
ofthe
dynastic
from
the
purposesthere
represent
The
two groups
toandallinintents
and period
the
same
people,
the
later
is noof
trace of any new racial element, or of the admixture
any foreign
strain. tribes
Thus towards
the theory
an invasion
Egypt
by Semitic
the ofclose
of the pre-of
dynastic
period
must
be given
up, and, although
this
does
not
in
itself
negative
the
possibility
of
Sumerian
influence
reacheditEgypt
througha more
channels
commercialhaving
intercourse,
necessitates
carefulof
scrutiny
of theof the
different
points of onresemblance
between
cultures
countries
original
the
two
which
the
theory
founded.
was
Onetheoryhave
of the subjects
on concerns
which thetheextreme
upholders
ofthe
invention
of the
insisted
system
of
writing,
which
is
alleged
by
Egyptian
But ittothem
must
from
Babylonia.
tobe have
been
borrowed
one
noted
that
those
signs
which
correspond
another in the two systems are such as would naturally
writing,
identicalindependently
systems
pictorialconditions.
bedeveloped
in any two but
ofsimilar
under
The sun all the world over would be represented by a
by a rough
circle,
peak, ana mountain
ox by a horned
head, outline
and so ofon. a mountain
To prove
1 See Reisner, " Naga-ed-Dêr," I., p. 133 f.
CULTURAL INFLUENCE
329
any
connection
between
the two
a resemblance
should
be established
between
thesystems
more conventionalized
signs, and here the comparison breaks down completely.
It should
the Egyptian
reachedfurther
primitive
has
us in be
a farnoted
morethat
state thansystem
that
of Babylonia. While the hieroglyphic signs are actual
pictures
of theofobjects
even the earliest
line-characters
Sumerrepresented,
are so conventionalized
that
theirnotoriginal
form wouldbeenscarcelyhave
been recognized,
had
their
meaning
alreadyknown.
Infact,
no
examplecould
of Sumerian
writingapattern
has yetforbeen
recovered
which
have
furnished
the
Egyptian
scribe.
appearance
writing
in Egypt The
was
notMoreover,
so sudden the
an event
as it isofoften
represented.
buff-coloured
pottery
ofthatpredynastic
times,hadwitha natural
its red
line
decoration,
proves
the
Eygptian
faculty
for drawing
men,In animals,
plants, boats andof
conventional
designs.
these
picture-drawings
the predynastic
period
we mayforseeinthe
basis
ofusetheof
hieroglyphic
system
of
writing,
them
the
symbolism
is already
developed.
The employment
of
fetish
emblems,
or
symbols,
to
represent
the
different
gods,¹
isdeveloped
in itself a rough
form
ofideographicexpression,
and,
if
along
its
own
lines,
would naturally
lead
to
the
invention
of
a
regular
ideographic
form
of
writing.
There
is
little
doubt
that
this
process
is
what
actuallybytook
place. The
first
impetus
mayhave
been
given
the
necessity
for
marks
of
private
ownership,
and by the need for conveying authority from the chief
subordinates
to his ofrulers
at a distance.
Symbols
the
names
and ofplaces
would thus
soon beforadded
to those for the gods, and when a need was felt to
commemorate some victory or great achievement of
the
king, suchThis
symbols
would
naturally
betheused
in
combination.
process
may
be
traced
on
earlier
monuments
of the First
Dynasty,inthecharacter.
records onAwhich
are still practically
ideographic
very
emblems with
gods30 f.,of
predynastic
of theGods
ofthe
identity"The
1dynastic
For discussions
I.,
p.
of
the
Egyptians,"
period,
see
Budge,
the
rendus,""1905,
262Bibl.ff. ,Arch.,"
and "Reisner,
Foucart,p. 125" Comptes
Dêr,"
; cf. alsoLegge,
Proc. pp.
Soc.262ff.,
XXXI., pp."Naga205 ff.ed-
330 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
similar
the
cuneiformprocess
system,doubtless
and thereledistonothe
needinvention
to assumeofthat
either Egypt
orknowledge
Babyloniaofwaswriting.
indebted to the other
country
for
her
We obtain a very similar result in the case of other
points
ofconnection
resemblance
whichthehave
been citedofthe
to prove
aclose
between
earlycultures
two
countries. Considerable stress has been laid on a certain
similarity, which the Egyptian slate carvings of the
dynastic
period
bear to examples
of early
Sumerian
sculpture
and
engraving.
It
is
true
that
composite
creatures are characteristic of the art of both countries,
and that their arrangement on the stone is often
" heraldic"
and symmetrical.
the human-headed
bull,
the favourite
monster of But
Sumerian
art, is never
found upon the Egyptian monuments, on which not
only the natural beasts but also thecomposite creatures
are
invariably
of an Egyptian
orhasAfrican
character.
The
general
resemblance
in
style
also
been
exaggerated.
To
take
a
single
instance,
a
comparison
has
frequently been madebetween theStele ofthe Vultures
and the
brokenOnslatethecarving
the British
No.
20791.
formerinvultures
are Museum,
depicted
carrying
off represented
the limbs ofas the
and on
latterto
captives are
castslain,
out into
thethe
desert
beof devoured
bymonuments
birds and beasts
ofprey.
But and
the style
different,
the
two
is
very
the
Egyptian
is
farmore
varied
in
character.
In
addition
to a single vulture, we see a number of ravens, a hawk,
an eagle, and aoflion,theallcomposition
attracted byand
the dead
; and the
arrangement
the
technique
1For a reproduction and description of the slate carving, see Legge,
vi; cf. alsoVol. XXXI., p. 204 f.
" Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.,oftheceremonial
" Vol. XXII., pl.purposeforwhichtheseslateswere
Whateverviewbetaken
in Egyptof
newdeparture
that the carving of slatewas nofrom
intended, it isclear
Nakada,onsome
ofthe
practicalslatepalettes
atwhich
this traces
period.haveMany
of malachite andhaematite for
found of the grindingp.43),arecarvedinanimalforms.
been NaqadaandBallas,"
(cf.
Petrie,"
face-paint
which have
for face
or body-paint,
thatarethequite
colour-dishes
It maybe
added
the
and
materialfrom
inform
both
distinct
at
Fâra,
found
been
for
separate
divisions
with
are
of
alabaster,
They
palettes.
slate
Egyptian
der Deutsch.
"Mitteil.
(cf.thusAndræ,
on p.four6) feet
and usually stand
paints,
the
acloserparallelto
form
No.
17,
;
they
Orient-Gesellschaft,"
been
have
which
paint,
of
clay
or
stone,
still
enclosing
vases
conical
small
inthe lowest stratum ofthe mound ofSusa andbelong to the period of
found
its first settlement (cf. De Morgan, " Rev. d'Assyr.," VI., p. 5).
CULTURAL INFLUENCE
331
itself are quite unlike Sumerian work. There is also no
need
toEgyptian
trace thecompositions
symmetricalto arrangement
of other
Babylonian
influence,
offor,thegiven
an oval plaque to decorate while leaving a
circularspace
would naturallyinthe
arise.¹centre, asymmetrical arrangement
Anotherinfluence,
Egyptianis characteristic,
also
ascribed
to
Babylonian
the
custom
of
extended
burial
with mummification,
which
onlyDynasties.
begins to beSince
met with
during
the
Third
and
Fourth
theas
dead
are
portrayed
on
the
Stele
of
the
Vultures
arranged itin was
the extended
position
beneath
thewasburialmound,
formerly
assumed
that
this
the
regular
Sumerian
practice;
and
the
contracted
forms
of burial, which had been found at Warka, Muķayyar,
Surghul,
Niffer
and
other
Babylonian
sites,wereusually
assigned
to
very
late
periods.
The
excavations
at Fara
and Abu Hatab have corrected this assumption,
and
have
proved
that
the
Sumerian
corpse
was
regularly
arranged
burial
intheexception
contractedto position,
lying theon
itsStele
side.of for
The
apparent
this
rule
upon
the Vultures
may probably
befieldregarded
as
characteristic
only
of
burial
upon
the
of
battle.
There it must often have been impossible to furnish
each corpse with a grave to itself, or to procure the
regular
and furniture
whichwereaccompanied
individualofferings
interment.
The bodies
therefore
arranged
side byofsideearth
in atocommon
grave,entrance
and covered
with
a tumulus
ensure their
into
the
under
world.
But
this
was
clearly
a
makeshift
form of burial, necessitated by exceptional circumstances,and
not the regular
practice
the period. wasWhatever
may haveSumerian
given rise
to theof
4
II.,pp.p. 107f.
des Altertums," Bd.3 I.,SeeHft.
"Geschichte
Cf. Meyer,
26 ff.corpses
above,
facingthatp. to138.
plate
241 See
the
represent the contracted position ofhis
It is alsopossible
theof employment
Moreover,
sculptor.
ofEannatum's
thegrave
powerbeneath
beyond
was
may
battle
field
the
upon
a
tumulus
of
a
common
its
retention
practice,
of
an
earlier
survival
a
modified
been
have
possibly
having been dictatedby convenience. Althoughno instanceofits occurrence
form
averysimilar
findsettlement.
in Babylonia,we
excavationsthe
hasbeennotedduring
Itwould
ofits
first
period
at
Susaduring
employed
ofburial
appear that the dead were there buried outside the earthern rampart which
notenclosed
or direction,and
orderwere
marked the city-wall,without
placed inacommonditch
Thebodies
pot, orsarcophagus.anyspecial
bymatting,
332 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Egyptian
inburialinfluence.
customs, the cause is not to
be sought change
in Babylonian
A further
point,on early
whichBabylonian
has been cleared
up by
recent
excavation
sites,
concerns
the
crenelated
form ofcharacteristic
building, which
was formerly
regarded
as
peculiarly
of
Sumerian
architecture
of
the
early
period
and
as
having
influenced
that of Egypt.
this form
external
decorationItisisnotnow
metknown
with inthat
Babylonia
beforeof
the period
of Gudea
and theit must
kingshave
of Ur.beenThus,
if
any
borrowing
took
place,
on
the
Babylonian
side. mayThealsoemployment
of brickin Egypt
as a
building
material
have
been
evolved
without
any
prompting
fromdistinct
Babylonia,
for the
forms
employed
ofThebrick
are
quite
in
both
countries.
peculiar plano-convex brick, which is characteristic
ofwhere
early
Sumerian
buildings,
isformneverwasfound
in Egypt,
the
rectangular
oblong
employed
from
the
earliest
period.
Thus
many
points
ofresemblance,
which
formerlybetween
regardedtheastwoindicating
culturalwere
connection
countries,a close
now
appear
to
be
far
less
striking
than
was
formerly
theto
case.
Others,
again,
may
be
explained
as
due
Egyptian
influence
Babylonian
rather than
as the result
of theonreverse
process.culture
For example,
the
1
and
covered
withsometimes
earth, others
being
added
fromof time
to timearebeside
orsuperabove
them,
so
that
four
or
five
layers
skeletons
found
imposed. That the corpses here were separately interred would seem to
follow
from theplaced
fact thateach
is accompanied
byits
ownfuneraryofferings
and
furniture
around
the
head;
see
De
Morgan,
"Rev. d'Assyr."
Vol.
VII.,
No.
1
(1909),
p.
4f.
Itmaybe
added
that
the
Sumerians,like
the
predynastic and earlydynastic Egyptians, did not embalm their dead. The
use
honeyofwhich
for thisispurpose
"Babylonianby Herodotus
Religion,'
p. 49off.)oil, theandlatter
ascribed(seeto King,
the Babylonians
(I.,
198), would
seem to have
been ofof comparatively
suggested
by theEgyptian
processes
mummification.lateItintroduction,
is interestingandto
note
that, according
tothe
thecontractedformofburial
evidence obtainedbyM. survived
Naville atAbydos
during
the
season
of1909-10,
inEgyptat
least
Dynasty.
as late
as
the
Sixth
chopped strawmay
1 The use of asun-driedbrick made of Nile mudand As
tothat
the traces
originalof
themselves.
by
the
Egyptians
well
have
been
evolved
itmay
be
noted
there
is
little
evidence,though
home
of
wheat
and barley were found in the earliest stratum at Anau in
cultivatedwheat
Russian
2 Turkestan; seePumpelly, "Explorations in Turkestan," p. 39 f.
the
For instance,
intheanddynastic
same direction.
* Negative
evidence also points
in
striking
Egyptiansis
predynastic
use
ofivorybythe
extensive
the factthethat
nota single object ofivorywasfoundbyM.
de Sarzec
contrast
taken by shell; see above,p.
78.
at Tello.to With
Sumeriansitsplacewas
CULTURAL INFLUENCE
333
resemblancein the
thatround
has been
Gudea's
sculpture
and pointed
that of out
the between
Fourth Dynasty
intained
Egypt
not be fortuitous.
closemay
commercial
relations withFortheGudea
Syrian maincoast,
where
Egyptian influence at that time had long been
effective.
There remains to be considered the use of the
bulbous
mace-head
and of characteristics
the stone cylindrical
seal,
both of which
are striking
of the early
Egyptian
andclasses
Sumerian
cultures.andItparticularly
is difficult theto
regard
these
of
objects,
latter,
asthehaving
been evolved
independently
in Egypt
and
by
Sumerians.
In
Babylonia
the
cylinder-seal
is already highly
developed
when
found
onthetheSumerian
earliest
Sumerian
sites,
and
it
would
appear
that
immigrants
broughtofitwriting
with theminto
with
their system
and the thecountry,
other elementsalongof
their
comparatively
advanced
state
of itcivilization.
Whether
they
themselves
had
evolved
in their
original
home,
or
had
obtained
it
from
some
other
with whom they came into contact before reachingrace
the
valley
of
the
Euphrates,
it
is
still
impossible
to
say.
The evidence from Susa has not yet thrown much light
upon
thishavepoint.
Whileinsome
stone seals
andofclay
sealings
been
found
the
lowest
stratum
the
mound, they are not cylindrical but in the form offlat
stamps. The cylindrical
sealacomparatively
appears, however,
toperiod,
have
beenintroduced
at
Susaat
early
for
examples
are said tothehave
been found
in atthea group
ofof strata
representing
"
Second
Period,"
depth
from fifteen to twenty metres below the surface.
The published
material with
does not
yettoadmit
of any
certain
pronouncement
regard
the
earliest
history of the cylinder-seal and its migrations. In
favour of the view that would regard it as an independentthatproduct
it may be
noted
wood of
andthenotearly
stoneEgyptians,
was the commonest
material for cylinders in the earliest period.¹ But if
1 Against
the viewsuggestive
may beofcited
the gradual
discontinuance
of few
the
cylinder
in
Egypt,
a
foreign
origin.
Comparatively
wooden
have been
recovered.
The fact
wood from
and
not stonecylinder-seals
was the favourite
material
has, however,
beenthat
deduced
many of the seal-impressions, in which a raised line runs from top to
334 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
the predynastic
cylinder
ofEgypt
isconnection
to be regarded
as
ultimately
derived
from
Asia,
the
is
to
be
set at a period anterior to the earliest Sumerian settlements
yet been
identified.
Thusthatthehave
results
of recent
excavation and research,
both
inthan
Egyptto and
Babylonia,
have tended
toclose
diminish
rather
increase
the
evidence
of
any
connection between the early cultures ofthe two countries.
Apart
influence,there
from
anyof Babylonian
is, however,
ample
proof
a
Semitic
element,
not
only
in the
language,
but
also
in
the
religion
of
ancient
Egypt.
The Egyptian
sun-worship,
which
forms soandstriking
a
contrast
to
the
indigenous
animal-cults
worship
of theeither
dead,havewasreached
probably
Semiticfromorigin,
and
may
UpperofEgypt
Southern
Arabia,¹
or have
entered
Lower
Egyptformed
by theaneastern
Delta.
region
always
The
latter
has
open
Egypt,
invasion
Hyksos
door
to
and
the
of
the
may
prototype
predynastic
wellhavehadits
in
times.
The
conquest
commemorated
enemies,
whose
is
on
several
of the; early
dynastic
slate-carvings,
are ofnon-Egyptian
type
they
may
possibly
have
beendescendants
ofsuch
immigrants,
Semitic
unless
they
were
Libyan
settlers
evidence
from
the
west.
In
the
historic
period
we
have
contact
betweenforSyria
ofdirect
and
EgyptStele
at therecords
time
Dynasty,
Palermo
of thearrival
Third
the
laden with
cedar-an
the in Sneferu's
in Egyptreign.
of forty
shipsevidently
formed
wood
These
expedition
sent
by seapredecessors
to the Lebanon,
andextended
we may
assume
that
Sneferu's
had
already
their
influence
alongsetthetheSyrian
is in Syria
contact Itbetween
that we
may also
first coast.
the
produced
bottom
across the signs.
This can composed;
only have cf.beenPetrie,
byTombs,"
a split
cylinderwas
inI., the
woodofwhich
the
"Royal
27,wellhavebeenapiece
and Newberry, "Scarabs,"
p. 48.reed.The earliest form of cylindersealp.1 may
ofnotched
it is;
Abyssiniainfluence
and Somaliland,
If the
land
of Punt
may becentre
set inofSemitic
in
this
region
possible
formed
that
it
asecondary
40. 155, 162, 393f.; and
cf. King
Hall,"Geschichte,"
"Egypt and Western
Bd. I., Asia,"
Hft. II.,p. pp.
Meyer,
2 See and
translato with
Schäfer's
I.,cedar-wood,not
p. 66. According
Records,"
"Ancient
cf.tion,Breasted,
it
(see
" Ein
loaded
of
made
were
ships
the
forty
thein
affect
not
does
this
"
p.
30).
But
Annalen,
altägyptischer
Bruchstück
obtained
been
musthave
passage,
for
the
cedar
inference
drawnfromthe
Lebanon,
and therecord
reign. in anycase provesaconnection between Egypt and
Syria in Sneferu's
CULTURAL INFLUENCE
335
civilizations
of Egyptruler
andLugal-zaggisi
Babylonia inhistoric
times.
The
early
Sumerian
boasts
that
he
reached
the
Mediterranean
coast,
and
his
expedition
merely
formed the prelude
to theItconquest
of Syria
by
Shar-Gani-sharri
of Akkad.
has indeed
been
suggested
that
evidence
of
Egyptian
influence,
following
the latter'sofSyrian
campaign, iskings.2
to be And
seen
inalthough
theon deification
early
Babylonian
thistopractice
may source,
now be traced
withbegreater
probability
a
Sumerian
there
can
little
doubt
that
from
Shar-Gani-sharri's
reign
onwards
Syria
between
formed ona connecting-link
the two great civilizations
the
Euphrates
and
the
Nile.
the
with the
Egypt
than herBabylonia
relations with
greatwerecentre
tiesFar
whichcloser
connected
of civilization which lay upon her eastern frontier. In
the course of this history reference has frequently been
taking
place
which was
continually
made
to theearliest
contacthistorical
Elam
and
period
between
from
the
the Sumerian and Semitic rulers of Sumer and Akkad.
accomwere naturally
relationshipsintercourse,
Such political
and
the
effects
paniedby
close
commercial
of Sumerian influence upon the native culture of Elam
bythe excavations conducted
have
beenbyfullyillustrated
at Susa
the "Délégation en Perse," Situated on
strategic
an important
the river atKerkha,
Susaofoccupied
routes
which
conthe
head
the
caravan
position
nected the Iranian plateau with the lower valley of the
1
Tigris and Euphrates and the shores of the Persian
Gulf. The river washed the foot of the low hills on
which the town was built, and formed a natural defence
of the
from ofthethewest.
attack
against
city on the
left bank
streamTheis ansituation
indication that
sought
tofrom
protect
period
its founders
even
in the earliest
raids
the
of
sudden
themselves
from
the
danger
direction of Sumer and Akkad. The earliest Sumerian
to Elam
hostility
also reflect
feelingsButoffrom
recordsanimated
theirthe
writers.
these scattered
which
See above,
pp. 197 f., 233 f. de travaux," XIX., p. 187.
213 See
Thureau-Dangin,"Recueil
See above,
p. 273 f."Recherches archéologiques," published as the first,
4
See
De
Morgan,
seventh, and eighth volumes ofthe "Mémoires de laDélégation en Perse."
336 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
references
itgenerally
would appear
that the Elamites
at they
this
time
were
the
aggressors,
and
that
succeeded
in keepingontheir
country
free
from
any
political
interference
the
part
of
the
more
powerful
among oftheSemitic
Sumerian
city-states. the
It was
notkingdom
until theof
period
expansion,under
later
Kishand
ofAkkad,that
dominatedthebyempire
Babylonian
influence. the countrybecame
Wetocould
haveatmore
evidence
of theto
extent
whichnotElam
this striking
time became
subject
Semitic culture
than in thebyadoption
of therulers
Babylonian
character
and
language
the
native
of theof
country. We are met with the strange picture
native
patesis
of Susa
and governors
of Elam
recording
their
votive
offerings
in
a
foreign
script
and
language,andmaking
invocations
to purelyBabylonian
deities.
The
Babylonian
script
was
also tongue,
adopted and
for
writing
inscriptions
in
the
native
Elamite
hadwe
evidence
available,
it might
urged
that thenouseother
of the
Semitic
language
for thebe votive
texts
was dictated
by purely
temporary
considerations
ofthata the
political
character.
There
is
no
doubt,
however,
Semitic
conquest
of
Elam
was
accompanied,
and
probably
preceded,
byofextensive
Semitic
immigration.
Even
at
the
time
the
Dynasty
of
Ur,
when
Elam
was
subject
to
direct
Sumerian
control,
the
Semitic
influence
of
Akkad
had
become
too
firmly
rootedthe
to belaterdisplaced,
and
itFirst
received
a fresh
impetus
under
rulers
of
the
Dynasty
of
Babylon.
The
clay dating
tabletsfrom
of the
a commercial
and agricultural
character,
period of Adda-Pakshu,
are
written
in
the
Babylonian
character
and
language,
like
those found at Mal-Amîr to the east of Susa. The
2
4
1The manner
inwhich
thetheSemitic
culture
ofis Babylonia
persisted
in
influencing
that
of
Elam
in
religious
sphere
well
illustrated
by
the
bronze votive plaque of Shilkhak-In-Shushinak, recently found at Susa ;
cf. Gautier,
" Rec.de
trav.,"aXXXI.,
pp.purification
41ff. It iswhich
termeda
"Sit-Shamshi,"
and
probably
represented
rite
of
was
sunrise. As its titlewould seem to imply, the rite had beenperformed
bodily takenat
over
the Elamites and incorporated along with its Semitic name into the
nativebyritual.
2 See above, p. 306 f.
Scheil,Élam-Sémit.,"
TextesÉlam-Sémit.,"
43 Cf." Textes
II., pp. 169IV.,
ff. pp. 14ff.
CULTURAL INFLUENCE
337
latter do not date from a period earlier than about
1000 B.c., and
they throw
an interesting
light inon the
permanent
character
of
Babylonian
influence
the
country.
The
modified
forms
of
the
Babylonian
characters, which were employed by the Achaemenian
kings
foraretheto Elamite
column
oftheir trilingual
inscriptions,
be
traced
to
a
comparatively
late
origin.
The
development
of
the
writing
exhibited
by
the
Neo-Anzanite
texts
maybe
connected
with
the
national
revival which characterized the later Elamite monarchy.
The and
evidence
furnished
by theis inscriptions
found
atarchaeological
Susa
other
sites
in
Elam
supported
by
the
discoveries inproving that,from the time
of the Semiticofkings
ofwasKishto and
Akkad,
themoulded
cultural
development
Elam
a
great
extent
by Babylonia. that
Buthave
the later
products
of native
Elamite
workmanship
been
recovered
are
no
slavish
copies
of
Babylonian
originals,
and
the
earlier
examples
of sculpture
andanything
engravingfoundare onof aBabylonian
character quite
distinct
from
soil.¹
Moreover,
in
the
casting
of
metal
and
in
the
jewellers'
art Elam certainlyin time excelled her neighbour, and,
even
in the
laterinfluenced
periods, herit isarttruepresents
itself
as of
vigorous
growth,
by
that
of
Babylonia, but
deriving
its impetus
andsignificant
inspirationthatfrom
purely
native
sources.
It
is
also
earlier the remains that have been recovered the lessthe
do
they betray any trace offoreign influence.
1theAgood
example
Elamite sculpture
of bytheDe
earlier
period
is furnished
1, "Recherches
aofbas-relief,
by
fragment
of
published
Morgan,
archéologiques,"
II., pl. i.,whoA;is inholding
the treatment
oftree,theitmythologicalbeing,
half-man
and
half-beast,
a
sacred
is quiteandAssyrian
unlike the
earlywork
of
Sumer
or
Akkad.
That,
inspite
of
Babylonian
influence,
Elamite
continued
to retainhis
individuality
clear
from
such the
awork
as thesculptor
well-known
" bas-relief
of a spinning
woman,"iswhich
probably
dates
from the time of the Sargonids (op. incit.,"Recherches,
I., pl. ix., p." I.,159pl.f.).xii
2
The
decoratedtableandbas-reliefpublished
and xiii are fine examples
ofboth
casting
in bronze
They datesurpass
from theperiod
of
Shutruk-Nakhkhunte,
and
in
design
and
technique
any
bronze
casting
yetfashioned
found ofin gold,
Babylonia.
The varied
ornaments,
jewellery,
andin
figurines,
silver,
copper,
and
precious
stones,
published
"Rech. ofarch.,"
II. , pp.at65Susa,
ff., pl.arexiibeautiful
ff. as "foundation
offerings"
from
theof
temple
Shushinak
specimens
of
the
finer
class
Elamite
; it iswere
difficult
to determine
theirthe
datetheory
accurately,but
the
disorder metalwork
in which they
found
tells against
of a single
foundation-deposit, anddifferentgroupsmaywellbelong todifferent
periods.
Z
338 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
A ofveryElamite
strikingculture
proofprior
of theto independent
development
the
Semitic
conquest
is now furnished by the texts inscribed in the so-called
" proto-Elamite
" system of writing.
The
majority
consist
ofsmall
roughly-formed
tablets
of
clay,and
the
signs
upon
them
are
either
figures
or
ideographs
for
various
objects.
Though
they
have
not
been
fully
deciphered,
it is clear
thatfewtheyofthe
are signs,
tabletssuch
of accounts
and
inventories.
Avery
as those
for
"tablet
"
and
"total,"
resemble
the
corresponding
Babylonian
characters,
greatonmajority
entirely different
and havebutbeentheevolved
a systemareof
their
own.
Lapidary forms
ofthe characters
havebeen
inscriptions
accompanying
found
in
Semitic
textsuponof
Basha-Shushinak;2
and,
from
the
position
ofeach
the stone, it was inferred that the Semitic text was
engraved
first
thecontemporary
proto-Elamite additions
section added
to
it.probable,
That andthis
theyandwere
seemed
has ofnowa stone
beenput
beyondseatedupon
adoubt bya
the discovery at Susa
statuette
throne,
which was dedicated to a goddess by BashaShushinak. On the front of the throne at each side of
the
figureandis that
an inscription
; thatinonproto-Elamite
the left side
ischaracters.
inseated
Semitic,
on
the
right
The one
is obviously
a translation
of the
other,
and
their
symmetrical
arrangement
leaves
no
doubt
that
they
were
inscribed
at
the
same
time.
It is therefore clear that at the time of BashaShushinakthetwolanguages and scripts were sometimes
employed
sideprove
by side
forthevotive
inscriptions,
while
the
clay
tablets
that
native
script
had
not
yet
beensupersededforthe
purposes
ofeverydaylife.
The
"isms
proto-Elamite
"
characters
present
very
few
parallelto Babylonian signs, and those that do occur are
clearly later accretions. Thus it would be natural
enough
to borrow the Babylonian sign for "tablet," at
a time when the clay tablet itself found its way across
1
1 See
See Scheil,
"Textes
Élam.-Sémit.,"
III.,
pp.of57theff. characters are more
2
above,
p.
289.
The
lapidary
forms
differences are
linearand
less ornate
thanarise
thosefromuponthethe
But thematerial,and
such
as would
naturally
usetablets.
of the harder
we
may3 probably
assign
bothclasses
to
about
the
same
period.
See Scheil, "Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. VI., p. 48.
CULTURAL INFLUENCE
339
the
border;
and, though
thediffer
signsandforare"total
" correspond,
the
Elamite
figures
based
on a
decimal,
not
on
a
sexigesimal
system
of
numeration.
It may therefore be inferred that the writing had no
connection in its origin with that of the Sumerians, and
was
invented
independently
of the systemIt mayhave
employed
during
the
earliest
periods
in
Babylonia.
beenthroughout
merely a local
form
of ofwriting
andbutnotitsingeneral
use
the
whole
Elam,
existence
makes
it
probable
that
the
district
in
which
Susa
was
situated was not subject to any strong influence from
Babylonia
in theis age
precedingbythea Semiticexpansion.
This
inference
strengthened
study ofthethedesigns
sealimpressions
upon
many
of
the
tablets;
consist of figured representations of animals and commonsters, and their treatment is totally different
toposite
that
found on early
Sumerian
cylinders.
Inoffers
the
total
disappearance
of
its
local
script
Cappadocia
an interesting
paralleloftopurely
Elam.native
Theorigin,
Hittitebuthieroobviously
glyphs
were
they
did
not
survive
the
introduction
of
the
clay
tablet
and
of cuneiform characters.
The earlier strata of the mounds at Susa, which date
from
thetoprehistoric
periods
in theascity's
history,byhave
proved
be
in
some
confusion
revealed
the
French
excavations;
but
an
explanation
has
recently
beenhave
forthcoming
of many
of the discrepancies
in level
that
previously
been noted.
It would seem
that
the northern and southern extremities of the Citadel
Tell were the most ancient sites of habitation, and that
from this cause two small hills were formed which persisted
duringof thetimeearlier
periods
ofbetween
the city'sthem
history.
In
course
the
ground
was
occupied
andwas
gradually
filled
in
so
that
the
earlier
contourremains
of theofmound
was lost.period
It thus
happensinthat
while
the
Kassite
are
found
the
centre of the tell at a depth of from fifteen to twenty
metres,
theytenoccur
at the
twotheextremities
strata
more than
metres
below
surface. inEven
so, not
the
later of the two prehistoric strata at the extremities of
archéologiques,"
12 Cf.
in "Recherches
See Jéquier,
DeMorgan,
" Rev. d'Assyr.,"
VI., p. 8. III., pp. 7 ff.
340 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
the
mound,representing
anepochanterior
to that
ofthe
"proto-Elamite"
inscriptions,
contains
only
scattered
objects,
and
it iswhich
stilldifficult
totrace
theand
gradual
evolution
of
culture
took
place
in
this
in
the
earlier period. It should also be noted that still
the
presence
of a single
stratum,
enclosing
remains
of a
purely
Neolithic
period,
has
not
yet
been
established
at Susa. There is little doubt, however, that such a
stratum at one time existed, for stone axes, arrow-heads,
knives
representing
a periodinoftheNeolithic
culture,and
are scrapers,
foundscattered
at everylevel
mound.
Itin isthethussame
possible
that,
in
spite
ofthe
presence
ofmetal
stratum, much of the earlier remains
discovered
at
Susa, and
particularly
thetoearlier
forms
ofsettlement
painted upon
pottery,¹
are
to
be
assigned
a
Neolithic
the site.
Fortunately for the study of the early ceramics of
Elam,we
not todepend
solely onthe
clusive datahavewhich
the excavations
at Susarather
have inconas yet
furnished.
Digging
has
also
beencarriedout
at
agroup
of mounds,
situated
about
ninety-three
miles onto the
west
of
Susa,
which
form
a
striking
feature
the
caravan route to Kermanshah. The central and most
important of the mounds is known as the Tepe Mussian,
and
its group.
name is often
employed asconducted
ageneral there
designation
for the
The excavations
in the
winter of 1902-3 have brought to light a series
of
painted
wares,
ranging
in
date
from
apurelyNeolithic
period
to an This
age inwhich
metal wasisalreadybeginning
toparison
appear.
wealth
ofmaterial
valuable
forcomwith
the
verysimilar
potteryfrom
Susa,
and has
furnished
additional
data
for
determining
the
cultural
connections
of the earlier
inhabitants
of theware,
country.
The
designs
uponthe
finer
classes
ofpainted
both
atbutSusaand
Mussian,
arenot
onlygeometric
in
character,
includebeen
vegetable
forms.
of the
latterhave
held toandbearanimal
a certain
likenessSome
to designs
which occur upon the later pottery of the predynastic
Susianwares,seeDeMorgan,
"Recherches
1 Forcolouredreproductionsof
I.,
pl.
xvii-xxii
;
cf.
also
pp.
183
ff.
archéologiques,"
2 SeeGautier and Lampre, "Fouilles de Moussian," in " Recherches
archéologiques," III., pp. 59ff.
CULTURAL INFLUENCE
341
age in Egypt,
and it isthat
mainly
on Morgan
the strength
of trace
such
points
of
resemblance
M.
de
would
acountries.¹
connection between the early cultures of the two
But quiteof apart
from objections
on thepottery
great
difference
technique,
the absencebased
of any
similar
to theit Egyptian
Babylonia
and Northern
Syria renders
difficult toinaccept
the suggestion
; and
ittraces
is inofother
quarters
that
we
may
possibly
recognize
a similar culture to that of the earlier age in
Elam. The resemblance between the more geometric
designs
upon the
Elamite pottery
and pointed
that discovered
atProfessor
Kara-Uyuk
in
Cappadocia
has
been
out by
Sayce; and Mr. Hall has recently compared
them
detail withExpedition
very similaratpotsherds
discovered
byTurkestan,
thein Pumpelly
Anau
in
Russian
and
by
Professor
Garstang
at
Sakjegeuzi
in Syria. It should be noted that, so far as Elam is
concerned, the resemblance applies only to one class of
the
designs the
uponanimal
the early
painted pottery,
and does
not
include
and
amajority
of
the
vegetable
motives.
It isinsufficiently
to point
the direction
which we striking,
may lookhowever,
for further
light
d'Anthropologie,"
1907, p.of 410
f.
1See
De Morgan,parallels
" Revuearedrawn
de l'Écolebetween
Still
less
convincing
theearlycultures
Crete
and2Elam
byTheLagrange
in " Laofthe
CrèteCuneiform
ancienne,"Inscriptions,"
pp. 80ff. p. 47.
Archaeology
See
"
section
Vol.
II., Schmidt's
3 See Pumpelly, "Explorations inTurkestan,"
on 4"TheArchaeologicalExcavations,
"
pp.
127ff.;
see
further,
p.
355.
Cf.
"Hall,
The Annals
ofArchaeology,"
I.,pp.
97, ff.pp. 311ff. He also cites a
5
See
"
Proc.
Soc.
Bibl.
Arch.,
"
XXXI.
general resemblance, which these three classes of pottery bear to the
geometric
designsofonwaresoftheNeolithic
periodfromBoeotia
andThessaly.
On
the
strength
this
resemblance
Mr.
Hall
suggests
that
inIran
and in
Northern
Greece
there
may
have
been
two
closely
related
stone-using
cultures,thanof which
the former
reached the ageregard
of metal
atpossible
a muchthatearlier
period
the
latter.
He
would,however,
it
as
the
Neolithic art of Northern Greece went back to 3000 в.c. or even earlier.
According to thisview, thegeometric and oftenpolychromeceramics found on
prehistoricsites
aswidelyseparatedasElam,Transcaspia,
Syria,Cappadocia,
andNorthern
Greece
would
Cyprus,
and
Northern
represent
a
development
quite
independent
from
that
of
the
Aegean
area,
with
which
the
early
art
of
Egypt
may possibly be connected. For a description of the pottery of Northern
Greece,
withofWace,Droop,
figured examplesandand
references
to the recent
literature, see
the
Reports
Thompson
in
"Annals
ofArchaeology,"
I.,
pp. 118ff. It must be admitted that the suggested resemblancebetween the
early
ceramicstheofseparatemembers
Northern Greeceofthe
and Western
Asia is not so striking as
that between
latter group.
342 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
upon
Futurewillexcavations
Susahowitself
and onthesitesproblem.
in Asia Minor
doubtless atshow
far
we
may press the suggested theory of an early cultural
connection.
Whilebesuch
are still
nebulousof state,
it would
rashsuggestions
to dogmatize
on thein arelation
these
prehistoric
peoples
to
the
Elamitesofhistory.
A
study
of thehowever,
designs that
uponthere
the was
Elamite
potsherds
clear,
no sudden
breakmakes
betweenit
the
theatwo
For manycharacter
of the
animalcultures
motivesof of
moreperiods.
conventionalized
are obviouslyderived
from thearepeculiarlyElamite
ofcomposite
monsters,which
reproduced intheforms
sealimpressions
upon
"proto-Elamite
"
tablets.¹
Moreover,
itsherds
is stated
thatdiscovered
among thein decorative
motives atonSusa
potrecently
the
lowest
stratum
representations
are
a numberIt ofis possible
of awill
purely
religious
character.
that
these
prove
to be
the ancestors of some of the sacred emblems which,
after being
developedperiod.
onElamite
soil,reached
Babylonia
during
the
Kassite
How
far
Babyloniaparticipated
in theno prehistoric
culture ofElam
is difficult
say, since
Neolithicsettlement
has yetitbeen
identifiedto
in Sumerdiscovered
or Akkad.at Tello,
Moreover,
the
earlyfromSumerian
pottery
which
dates
an age
when a knowledge of metal was already well advanced,
does
not appear
to composition
have resembled
the prehistoric
wares
ofElam,
either
in
or
indesign.
It
should
benoted,however, thatterra-cottafemale figurines, ofthe
well-knownBabylonian
type,occur
inElamandatAnau*;
and
it
is
possible
that
in
Babylonia
theyalluvial
were relics
of
aofthe
prehistoric
culture.
On
sites
in
the
portion
country it is probable that few Neolithic remains
Mussian
figured.
motives
pottery,
Compare, forarchéologiques,"
example, theanimal
from
with
thehalfIII.,
p.
134
f.,
Figs.
262-264,
inhuman
"1 Recherches
bull-monsters from "proto-Elamite" seal-impressions in Figs. 22-26,
p. 112 See
f. De Morgan, "Rev. d'Assyr.," VI., p. 5.
the "Greekcross,
" whichandisaalso
verycharacteristic
3 It isonnoteworthythat
emblem
Kassite
cylinder-seals
from
Babylonia,
occurs
on the
decorative
"proto-Elamite"
seal-impressions,
is
already
met
with
as
a
possible
symbol on the early painted pottery of Susa and Mussian. It is also
ofElamite
that
the
spear-headed
emblem
of
thegod
Mardukwas
ultimately
at the
time of the
origin ; kings
it might
well have been transferred to 4Marduk
p. 356.
See below,
Kassite
ofBabylon.
CULTURAL INFLUENCE
343
have
been ofpreserved.¹
But it have
shouldbeen
be noted
thatat
fragments
painted
pottery
found
Kuyunjik,
which bear aware;2
strikingandresemblance
to well
the
early
Syro-Cappadocian
these
may
belong
site of
Nineveh.3to aItNeolithic
is thus settlement
possible thatuponthe theprehistoric
culture, which had its seat in Elam, will be found to
have
extended
to
Southern
Assyria
also,
and
to
nonalluvial
sites onseem
the borders
Babylonianplain.
It would
that theofthe
influence
of Sumerian
culture
during
period first
felt beyond
the the
limitshistoric
of Babylonia
at thebegan
time toofthebe
Semitic expansion.
The had
conquest
of Syria
by SharGani-sharri
undoubtedly
important
results
upon
the
spread
of
Babylonian
culture.
The
record,
which
has been interpreted to mean that he went still further
westward
andto crossed
thedue
Mediterranean
to Cyprus, is
now
proved
have
been
to
the
misunderstanding
of a later scribe. It is true that some seals have been
found
in
Cyprus,
which
furnish
evidence
of
Babylonian
influence
in the island, butofthe
theyAkkadianempire.
belong to a period
considerablylaterthanthat
Of
these, the one said to have been found in the treasury
of the
the deified
temple Narâm-Sin,
at Curium bybutGeneral
di Cesnola
refers
tosition
the
style
of
its
compoand its technique
definitely
prove
that it from
is of
Syro-Cappadocian
workmanship,
and
does
notdate
amuch earlier period than that ofthe First Dynasty of
Babylon.
The most cursory
comparisonperiod,
of thewhich
seal
with the clay-sealings
of Narâm-Sin's
4
1 See
above,
p." The
2 f. EarlyPot-FabricsofAsia Minor" in "The Journal of
2
See
Myres,
the Anthropological Institute," Vol. XXXIII., p. 379. Prof. Myres would
regard
them
as periodhave
ofSargoniddate,
and it atis true
thatsomefragments
ofpainted
pottery
ofthat
beenfound
Kuyunjik.
Butthe
lattermaybe
subject and technique,from
thoseverymuch
which reproduce
distinguished,
of thebyCappadocianware
and are probably
earlier
characteristics both
(cf. 3Hall,
Bibl. Arch.,"atKuyunjik,
XXXI., p. when
313 f.,sinking
n. 137).shafts into the
In the" Proc.
courseSoc.
of excavations
lowest stratum
just
above
the levelindicating
of the the
plain,existence
I came ofacross
obsidian
implements
and
beds
of
ashes,
a
Neolithic
settlement.
+ For
See above,
p. 234 f. of the seal, see Sayce, "Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch.,"
5
a
reproduction
Vol. V., p. 442.
344 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
have been found at Tello,¹ will convince any one ofthis
fact. deposit
The other,
whichParaskevi
was found
initsanoriginal
early bronze
age
at
Agia
with
gold
mounting,
may
be
definitely
dated
in
the
period
of
the
First
Babylonian
Dynasty,
and
Nudubtum,
its
original
owner, who may
styleswell
himself
a servant
ofSyrian
the godor Martu
(Amurru),
have
been
of
West
Semitic
origin.
Beyond
such
isolated
cylinders,
therein
is,Cyprus.
however,Thisnoistrace
of
early
Babylonian
influence
hardly
compatible
with the suggested
Semitic
occupation
during
Shar-Gani-sharri's
reign
;
there
may
well
have
been
a
comparatively
early
trade
connection with the island, but nothing more.
Yethasthe supposed
conquest
by Shar-Ganisharri
led to the
wildestofCyprus
comparisons
between
Aegean
and
Babylonian
art.
Not
content
with
him in Cyprus, Professor Winckler has dreamed leaving
of still
3
further maritime expeditions on his part to Rhodes,
1 For the sealings, see Heuzey, " Rev. d'Assyr.," IV.,pp. 3ff. The points
ofcontrast
presented
bytheareCyprus
sealmaybe summarized:
not ofNarâm-Sin's
period, but of(1)Thesigns
the time of
employed inthe
inscription
the Firstof thereligious
Dynasty. (2)emblems,
The presence
of the Storm-god,
the number
and
of
the
design
dictated
by
nature
the
arrangement
the
horror
vacui,
and
the
engraving
of
the
seal
itself
with
its
undisguised
inrestrained
characterdesign
; they ofarethein
of thetodrill,
are
all Syro-Cappadocian
employment
and
striking
contrast
the
beauty
of
proportion
figures
arranged onaplain
fieldbythe
earlySemitic
seal-engravers
ofAkkad.
(3)
Thedeification
ofNarâm-Sin
is
of
course
no
proof
that
hewas
deadperiod,
(see
above,
p.
251).
But
it
should
benoted
that
on
seals
of
Narâm-Sin's
which
mention the reigning king or amember of his family, the royalname
is included in order to indicate a delegation of authority. The text is
always
in the second person,
in theform
of anaddress,and
name iscouched
invariablymentioned
first. Had
Mâr-Ishtar,
the owner ofthe
theroyal
seal,
on
the
seal
would
have
of
Narâm-Sin,the
inscription
been
a
contemporary
run : " O Narâm-Sin, God of Akkad (or King of Akkad), Mâr-Ishtar, the
(here
would followruns
the title
ofMâr-Ishtar,
his office), issonthyofservant."
Asservant
a matter
of fact,
:
"
Ilu-bani,
of
the
the
inscription
Narâm-Sin." Here Mâr-Ishtar'sname comes first,then that ofhis father, god
and
lastly
that
of
his
patron
deity.
Narâm-Sin
is
no
longer
the
living
God
of
Akkad,
but
is
just
an
ordinary
deity,
and
occupies
an
ordinary
deity's
place
upon
the Semites
seal. The
survival ofhisthename
as that ofagod
in theofperiod
ofthe
of the name
Bûr-Sin
I.,
Western
is
paralleledby
occurrence
King
ofUr,
as
that
of
a
deity
in
the
Moon-god's
suite,
on
a
god-list
of
the
seventh
century
B.с. ; seeofabove,
p. 299.see Bezold, " Zeits. für Keilschrift.,"
2 pp.For191
a reproduction
the and
seal,
II.,
ff.;
cf.
also
Myres
Ohnefalsch-Richter, " Catalogue of the
Cyprus
Museum,"
pp.
15,
134.
3 Of(ofthetheEnkomi
cylinder-seals,
forexample,onlytwo
are purelyBabylonian
First
Dynasty),
and
the
others,
with
the
exception
of a and
few
rude
specimens
of
native
Cypriote
workmanship,
are
Syro-Cappadocian
Hittite importations.
CULTURAL INFLUENCE
345
Crete, and even to the mainland of Greece itself.¹
There
is no must
warrant
for suchto follow
imaginings,
the
archaeologist
be content
and notandoutrun
his
evidence.
Babylonian
influence
would
naturallyhavebe
stronger
in
Cyprus
than
in
Crete,
but
with
neither
weevidence of strong ordirect contact. There are, however,
certain
features ofAegean
culturesome
whichof the
maysug-be
Babylonian
traced
to
a
source,
though
comparisons are hardly convincing. The houses
atgested
Fâra,
fordrainage,
instance,andaredrains
suppliedandwith
averyhave
elaborate
system
of
culverts
been
found
in
thepre-SargonicstratumatNippur,
atSurghul,
and at mostearlySumerian
sitesbeen
wherecompared
excavations
beencarried
out. These have
withhave
the
system of drainage and sanitation at Knossos. It is
true
thatinnoantiquity,
other parallel
toathe
Cretan
system
can
besystems
cited
but,
as
matter
of
fact,
the
two
aretrace
not very
like, and
insoanyearly
caseaitconnection
would be
difficult
to
apathby
which
could
have taken
place.andItCrete
has indeed
been
suggested
that
both
Babylonia
may
have
inherited
elements
of
some
prehistoric
culture
common
to theof
eastern world, and that what looks like an instance
influence may really be one of common origin. But,
parallels
between
asandinElamite
the case culture,
of a fewitis
early Egyptian
far
more
probable
that
suchto
isolated
points
of
resemblance
are
merely
due
coincidence.
is thatBabylonia.4
the clay
suggestion
A farandmore
probable
Crete
from
tablet
stilus
reached
the
Minoan
hieroglyphs,
to
its
introduction
Previous
on sealhad
been
merely
engraved
orstones,
pictographs,
for
but with the adoption of the new material
and
lists,linear.
inventories
writing
wereforms
employed
the like, they
and these
becameformore
The fact
und das Mittelmeer," in " Der Alte
1 See Winckler,
" Diep.Euphratländer
Orient,"
VII.,
2
(1905),
10.
"The Discoveries in Crete," p. 9.
23 See
Op. Burrows,
cit.,
134.
p.
Inscriptions,"
p. Bibl.
181,
Sayce, Discoveries
of thep.Cuneiform
"Archaeology
4 See "The
Proc.Soc.
Crete,"
Hall,
139,
and
in
Burrows,
Arch.,"
p. 225. of Minoan writing, see Evans, " Scripta Minoa," I.,
evolution
5 Forthe
ForXXXI.,
the evolu
pp. 19 ff., 28 ff.
346 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
that the cuneiform system of writing was notintroduced
along
withproofthethattablet,
as happenedbetween
in Anatolia,
is
sufficient
the
connection
Babylonia
and Cretethatwastheclay
indirect.tabletIt travelled
was doubtless
by way
Anatolia
to Crete,¹
for theof
discoveries at Kara-Uyuk
that, beforewriting
the agehadof
Hammurabi,
both tablet prove
and cuneiform
penetrated
westward
beyondthetheBabylonian
Taurus. Through
its
introduction
into
Crete
tablet
may
probably
regarded
the direct
ancestor of the wax
tablet andbestilus
oftheasGreeks
and Romans.3
Unlikea characteristic
the clay tablet,
cylinder-seal
became
of thetheAegean
cultural never
area,
where the seal continued to be of the stamp or buttonform. A cylinder-seal
has onindeed
in a;
larnax-burial
at Palaikastro,
the eastbeen
coastfound
of Crete
and it is a true cylinder, perforated from end to end,
and clay.
was intended
to beupon
rolledit and
not stamped
upon
the
The
designs
are
purely
Minoan,
but
the
arrangement
of
the
figures,
which
is
quite
unEgyptian
in character,In isspite
similar
that ofofthetheMesopotamian cylinder.
of theto rarity
type
2
1 Thebyclaydiskstamped
with
hieroglyphic
characters,which
has
beenview.
discovered
Prof.
Halbherr
at
Phaestos,
may
be
cited
in
support
of
this
From
a home
scrutiny
ofpeculiar
the characters
uponformofwriting
it, Dr. Evansisconcludes
thatinthe
the
original
ofits
non-Cretan
to
be
sought
South-West coastlands ofAsia Minor, or in an island in close contact with
the
mainland. The disk belongs to aperiod when the linear form ofscript
had
succeeded
the hieroglyphic in Crete itself (see "Scripta Minoa," I., pp.
22 ff.,
273
ff.
)
.
2 It is also through a Hittite medium thatwe maypossibly
traceartaconand
Minoan
;idea
see
nection
between
the
composite
monsters
of
Babylonian
Sayce,
op.
cit.,
p.
180.
It
should
be
noted,
however,
that,although
the
upontypes
the Zakro
sealings
maymonster
be of foreign
origin,purely
the
underlying thedesigns
of
the
variant
of
many
of
the
forms
was
development
local
andVol.
confined
top.a 91).
singleMoreover,the
period (cf. Hogarth,
"Journal" Minotaurs,"
of Hellenic
Studies,"
XXII.,
bull-monsters,or
ofAegean art were obviously derivedfrom thelocal cult of Knossos ; in the
influence
is more probable.
winged
andbird-like
types Cappadocian
3+ See
Burrows,
"
Discoveries
in
Crete,"
p.
149.
In thisdeposit
respectofHagios
it forms astriking
contrast
to the claycylinder
fromis unthe
sepulchral
Onuphrios
near
Phaestos.
The
latter
perforated and the designs are cutat each end of theseal; it is thus no true
cylinder,
but merely adouble-button seal(seeEvans, "Cretan Pictographs,"
pp.
105,
107).
5female
The figures
engraveduponthe
sealheads
consistof ofanimals
alion-headed
demon
and
two
figures,
possibly
with
the
;
they
are
arranged
across the field ofthecylinder from edge to edge. The seal is of soft, black
CULTURAL INFLUENCE
347
amongCretan seals,this single example from Palaikastro
the
through
influence,
suggestive of Babylonian
isSyro-Cappadocian
doubtless
the clay
channel by which
tablet reached Crete.
for the
subsidiary centre
formed a culture,which
Anatolia
hadreached
spreadthus
ofBabylonian
further
crossing
theTaurus.
Syria
ofNorthern
it byway
connection
district
inthis
latterbefore
the
importance
of
The
Every
Hogarth.¹
Mr.
by
emphasized
already
been
has
Khabûr
of
the
region
to
the
coast
the
traveller
from
mounds,
vast groupof
ofthecities,
will
the
which mark
deserted sites of ancient
the endorsehisdescription
exceptions
or
two
one
With
country.
of
the
surface
excavator,and,when
spadehaveof the
still await
these
their secrets, we
yielded
stratatheshall
their lowest
of
in already
the spread
stages
early
ofthe
more
far
know
shall
noted
westwards.
Wehave
culture
Babylonian
between
the
as a connecting-link
role ofofSyria
the
it
plays
and
Nile,
the
and
Euphrates
the
civilizations
them withIt
both of Minor.
linking inAsia
part inculture
important
an equally
Hittite
of
early
centre
the
the first Semitic
was bythe coastal regions ofSyria that
Euphrates,and
the
reached
south
fromthe
immigrants
influence,
Semitic
stream of culture,
to Syria thatwiththe Sumerian
itnowwasimpregnated
returned.
The sea formed a barrierto any further advance in that
southandandpassed
soSyro-Palestinian
the current parted,
direction,
and
northwards
region
the
into
wards
channels
by Hittite
whence
Gates,
the Cilician
through
Minor.
of
Asia
districts
western
to
the
itHere,
penetrated
progress
to
further
a
barrier
was
sea
the
again,
the Asiatic coast of the Aegean forms
westwards,
the westernandlimit of Asiatic influence. Until the
made
were
attempts
no
power,
Hittite
of
the
passing
mainthe
from
immigrants
sea-rovers
by
to settleoron the western coast of Asia
of Greece
landAegean
Minor, and it is not therefore surprising that Aegean
stone, much
worn
(see
Bosanquet, "The Annual of the British School at
Athens,"
No.
VIII.
,
p.
302).
12 See
" Ioniap.and334thef. East," p. 96 f.
See
above,
3 Cf. Hogarth, " Ioniaand the East," p. 47 f.
348 HISTORY OF SUMER AND AKKAD
culture
influence.should show such scanty traces of Babylonian
took
in
originating
Of the part the
whichcivilization
the Sumerians
it istheir
unoflength.
Babylonia,
and moulding
to
treat
at
greater
Perhaps
necessary
achievement was the invention of
most important
writing,
for this inthetime
wasandadopted
asthea
cuneiformscript
east,
became
throughout
common
parent
oflessotherimportant
systems were
of thetheir
samelegacies
character.in other
But
scarcely
and sealspheres of their
activity.
In the arts ofwere
sculpture
notableenough,
own
achievements
engraving
and they inspired the Semitic work of later times. The
great code of Hammurabi's laws, which is claimed to
have influenced western codes besides having moulded
isUrukagina's
now definitelyknown
much
ofthe
Mosaic origin,
legislation,
legislative
and
toeffortbe was
of Sumerian
more
the direct forerunner of Hammurabi's
of
appeal
to
past
tradition.
The
literature
successful
on
and
Assyria
is
based
almost
throughout
Babylon
originals,
and inthetheancient
ritual ofof both
the
Sumerian cults
later
temples
survived
Sumerian
countries. Already we see Gudea consulting the
of
to lay the foundations
omens before
proceeding
may
probably
E-ninnû,
and
the
practice
ofhepatoscopy
be set back into the period of the earliest Sumerian
source
of
patesis. Sumer,
in fact, and
was athestudy
principal
of
its
culture
civilization,
Babylonian
developments
supplies
a key toThemany
subsequent already
WesternAsia.
inscriptionshave
yieldedina
oftothean
picture
ofcommunityand
the political evolution
fairly complete
city-state
people,
from
the
village
empire which included the effective control of foreign
is not
socomplete,
The archaeologicalrecord
provinces.
look
forfurther
mayconfidently
but
in
this
directionwe
light from future excavation and research.
APPENDICES
I.-RECENT EXPLORATIONS IN TURKESTAN IN THEIR
RELATION TO THE SUMERIAN PROBLEM.
II.-A CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF THE KINGS AND
RULERS OF SUMER AND AKKAD.
APPENDIX I
RECENT EXPLORATIONS IN TURKESTAN IN THEIR RELATION ΤΟ
THE SUMERIAN PROBLEM.
In the second chapter of this volume theopinion was expressed
that, inspite of the unsoundness of certain arguments in favour
of the theory, the original home of the Sumerians was to be
sought beyond the mountains to the east of the Babylonian
plain. The arrival of the Sumerians on the banks of the
Euphrates would thus have been a single episode in a series of
similar migrations from the east, which, during the historical
period, are known to have made their appearance in that
quarter of Western Asia. Until recently it was only possible
to suggest that such migratorymovements were to be traced to
racia! unrest in more distant regions, and few data were available for supporting any detailed theory as to the causes of this
occasional pressure westwards. Important evidence, which has
both a direct and an indirect bearing on the problem,has, however,been obtainedas aresult of recent explorations inRussian
and Chinese Turkestan.
The two expeditions conducted by Mr. Raphael Pumpelly,
on behalf of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, in 1903
and 1904, the results of which have now been fully published,
were occupied mainly with work in the Transcaspian province
of Russian Turkestan. The physiographical observations
collected by the first Pumpelly Expedition were supplemented
during
the second
of themnearbyAskhabad,
archaeological
evidence,obtained
by
excavations
at
Anau
andin
Merv Oasis,
under the direction of Dr. Hubert Schmidt, oftheBerlin,
who
joined the staff of the expedition for that purpose. Both
classes of evidence have a direct bearing upon the problem
under discussion.
Of more remote
interest, in the
present
connection,
are thein
explorations
and
excavations
carried
out
by
Dr.
Stein
Chinese
Turkestan,
on behalf
of the Indian
Government,during
his
journeys
of
1900-1
and
1906-8.
Lying
in
Tarim
basinis
to the east of the Pamirs, the principal scene the
of his
labours
far removed from those regions of Western and Central Asia
from which direct light may be expected upon the Sumerian
problem. But the Khotan oases and the Taklamakan Desert
1 See above,351p. 53 f.
APPENDIX I
352
present
in many inrespects
an interesting
parallel
to the conditions
prevailing
the
southern
districts
of
the
Russian
province ; and they illustrate, during more recent historical
periods,
a climatic
and ingeological
process
of which
far earlier
traceshave
beennoted
the
latter
region.
The
investigation
of
thedemonstrated
archaeological remains,till lately buried inKhotan,has
also
the physical
comparatively
short
period
ofplace.
time
required
for
extensive
changes
to
have
taken
Finally, the who
physiographical
researches
of Mr. expedition,
Ellsworth
Huntington,
accompanied the
first Pumpelly
have been extended during 1905-7 into the region of Dr.
Stein's travels,
alongand
thehave
southern
andinobtaining
eastern borders
of the
Taklamakan
Desert,
resulted
corroborative evidence of theories already deduced from observations in
Russian Turkestan.
It has already
remarked
that the work
the hand,
Pumpelly
Expeditions
was ofbeen
a twofold
character.
On theofone
the
majority
of
the
members
devoted
themselves
to
the
collection
of material bearing on the physiography of the Central Asian
deserts and oases; and, as a result of their labours, they have
produced
a valuable series of monographs,illustrating climatic
and physical changes which have taken place in that region of
the world. On the other hand, the excavations conducted at
Anau by Dr. Schmidt have been followed by a careful presentment
archaeological
material,
including
a very
complete
ceramicof the
record.
The general
discussion
of the
results
was
undertaken
by
Mr.
Raphael
Pumpelly,
the
leader
of
the
expeditions, who has given an able and suggestive summary of
what he conceives to be their general bearing, not only from
the geological side, but also in their relation to the early
history of WesternAsiatic, and even of NorthAfrican culture.¹
At theoutset itshould be mentioned that,onthe archaeological
side,
several of Mr. Pumpelly's generalizations appear to be
too far reaching, and he seems to push some of his conclusions
beyond the limit of his evidence. But this does not detract in
any way from the value of the new data, which he has been
largely
instrumental
acquiring.with details of the earlier geoWe are
not here inconcerned
logical evidence, except in so far as they illustrate or explain
the physical changes in the character of the country during
more recent
times. Asia
It has
recognized
that theof
deserts
of Central
owe long
their been
existence
to a process
1.Accounts inofTurkestan,"
the first expedition
wereNo.published
under
the Instititle
"tution
Explorations
asPublication
26
of
the
Carnegie
ofexpedition
Washington
(1905). Thein various
monographs
on "Explorations
the results ofthein
second
arepublished
two
volumes,
entitled
Turkestan ; Expedition of 1904," as Publication No. 73 (1908) of the same
institution.
Both summarized
works were hiseditedconclusions
by Mr. inRaphaelPumpelly,
who in
1906
had
already
his
Presidential
Address
before
of America
(see "Bulletin
the Geol." Soc.
of Amer.the, " Geological
Vol. 17, pp.Society
637ff.).
In a separate
volume,of entitled
The
Pulse of Asia," Mr. Huntington has given an account of his more recent
journey.
I.
THE NORTH KURGAN AT ANAU AND THE CAMP OF THE PUMPELLY
EXPEDITION .
II. THE SOUTH KURGAN AT ANAU, SHOWING EXCAVATIONS IN PROGRESS.
[From Pumpelly, Expl. in Turk. I, p. 17, Figs. 5 and 6
10°
9
10 b
15
13
17
16
14
11
III . -TERRA- COTTA FIGURINES FROM THE SOUTH KURGAN AT ANAU.
[From Pumpelly, Expl. in Turk., 1, pl. 46, Figs. 9-17]
353
APPENDIX I
desiccation
that has taken place since the Glacial epoch,¹ and
recent investigationshave shownthat the contrast to present
conditionswasevenmoremarkedthanwaspreviously
supposed.
Themembers
of
the
first
Pumpelly
Expedition
have
noted
that
glaciers
existed
on
a
greatly
extended
scale
throughout
the
mountains bordering the great basins of Central Asia on the
south and
east,expansions,
and they have
proved
thenaturally
existencereacted
of several
great
glacial
each
of
which
on
the
climateof
the
centralregion.
During
the
sub-glacial
period
there was a general trend towards desolation, and the dried
silts
of seas
andground.
rivers were
carried
bymaterial
the windwasacross
the
surface
of
the
The
lightest
carried
farthest,
and, wherever
the" loess,"
scantythe
vegetation
could hold
it,andit
was
deposited
in
beds
of
extraordinarily
fine
fertile soil which covers a great part of Northern China and
Turkestan, and extends in a continuous zone from North of
the Caspian to Central Europe. The heavier silts inthe shape
of sands
slowly
underofthesand-dunes,
pressure ofheaped
the wind,in
and
theymoved
formedmoregreat
deserts
places
moreofthan
hundred feetinhigh.
It istimes
to thethatshifting
or
formation
sucha sand-deserts
historic
we owe
the burial of the cities in the Khotan region,which have been
so successfully excavated by Dr. Stein for the Indian Government.
8
1 Cf.3rdGeikie,
"The
Great
IceAge
andProf.itsRelation
to thehad
Antiquity
of
Man,"
ed.,
pp.
694,
698.
In
1894,
James
Geikie
noted
the
probability and
thattablelands
glacial phenomenawere
more
extensivelydeveloped
in thein
mountains
ofAsia
thanhe
felt
justified
in
representing
hisGlacialMap
oftheAsia.
In
itheemphasizing
incorporatedits only
the resultsunsatisfactory
of previous
observations,
at
same
time
"necessarily
character"been(op.remedied.
cit., p. 831, Pl. xiii.). This lack ofevidence has now in great
measure
2 Loess
was formerlyregarded
asitssimply
a deposit
of glacial or fluvial
Richthofen's
subsequent
distributionwaslargely
origin,
but
theory
that
due
to wind-transport
(cf. "foundheaped
China," Bd. upagainstthe
I., pp. 56 ff.)sides
is now
generally
accepted.
The
fact
thatitis
of
mountains
and contains land, andnot water, shells, is unanswerable evidence. For its
general
character
andI.,distribution,see
Sir
Archibald
Geikie'snoted
" Text-book
offormation
Geology,"
4th
ed.,
pp.
439
f.;
II.,
p.
1351.
It
maybe
of loess-beds and sand-deserts is a continuous processthat
at the
the
present
day, under
the when
strongthere
windsis little
whichwind
prevail
in iscertain
Central Asia;
and even
the air
often seasons
thick within
fine dust. The reverse ofthe process isvisible in theeffects of wind-erosion,
very
striking
instancesp. ofwhich
have
beendescribed
byDr.p. Stein
; cp. e.д.
"Ruins
of Khotan,"
"Ancient
3 It should
be noted 189f.,
that theandsubstance
of Khotan,"
the dunes I.,
around107.
Khotan is to
bedistinguishedfrom
the shown
truedrifting
sand of otherCentral
Asiandeserts.
For
Prof.
de
Lóczy
has
by
analysisthat
there
is
almost
uniformity in composition between the recently formed fertile complete
loess of
Yotkan(the
siteoftheancient
capitalofKhotan)and
themoving"sand"
now
surrounding
and f.,covering
the ancient
sites inthedesert;
cf. above
"Ancient
Khotan,"
I.,
pp.
127
199,
242.
The
thickness
of
pure
loess
the
culture stratumat Yotkanwas no less than from nine to eleven feet, a fact
which
led flood,had
earlier Europeanvisitors
suppose that
some catastrophe,
such ashad
agreat
overwhelmed thetooldtown.
It ismerelyastriking
2A
354
APPENDIX I
Although
it istowards
clear that
Glacial
thereofhas
been
a general
trend
the since
present
aridtimes
condition
Central
Asia, there is reason to believe that, as in the Glacial epoch,
the subsequent climatic changes have not been uniform.
Periods of extreme aridityhave occurred inwhich the condition
of certain regions may have been more desolate than it is to-
day. But these appear to have alternated with more humid
periods,
when the
tractsofwhich
were deserted
may again
have
been
rendered
capable
sustaining
life.
Already
in
the
prehistoric period, however, the sea of sand-dunes had encroached
upon the fertile plains of loess, and it is mainly in the deltaoases, formed by streams emerging from the mountains, or at
points
where
largeof rivers
lose themselves
in thediscovered.
plain, as at
Merv, that
traces
man's handiwork
have been
Throughout the region of the oases in Southern Turkestan,
to the north of the Kopet Dagh, the Pumpelly Expedition
constantly noted the sites of former habitations in regions
which
are now desolate. Not only are there traces of occupаtion where villages exist to-day,but there are also large areas
which must once have been densely peopled, although they are
now
deserted.
The present
supplyofwater
ininhabitants,
the regionand
couldit
support
but
a
small
proportionof
its
former
is necessary to suppose either that there was a greater rainfall,
or
that evaporation was less rapid owing to a lower temperature. Similar evidence has been collected with regard to the
former condition of Chinese Turkestan, and it is clear that
extensive tracts in Central Asia, which are now abandoned to
the desert, at one time supported a considerable population.
The evidence points to a change in climatic conditions, which
has reacted on the character of the country in such awayas to
cause racial migrations.²
In the hope of throwing light on the characterof the former
dwellers in the deserted regions of Russian Turkestan, the
second Pumpelly Expedition undertook excavations at selected
sites. At Ghiaur Kala in the Merv Oasis it was ascertained
that the earliest period of occupationwas not older than a few
centuries B.C., though it is probable that among the great
example
offloating
the manner
in which vegetation, under irrigation, catches and
retains
the
loess-dust.
1Afterto his
recent
journeyDr.
Steinwrites
ofatthepresent
Khotanregion
that
it
appears
him
certain
that
"the
water-supply
available
in
the
Yurung-kash
could
under
nolarge
system
whatever
be made totothe
suffice
for and
the
irrigation
of
the
whole
of
the
tracts
now
abandoned
desert,
for this broad fact desiccation alone supplies an adequate explanation " ; see
the 2"For
Geographical
Journal,"
vol.modern
xxxiv. theories
(1909), р.as17.to the laws governing
a
discussion
of
the
climatic
changes
possibility
see Huntington,
" The
Pulseandofthe
Asia,"
pp. 365offf.theirItcyclical
seems recurrence,
most probable
that the
changes
are
of
solar
origin,
the
variations
being
caused
by
varying
forms of
heat
and
otherenergy
received
from
the
sun.
Such
changeswouldbemore
intensely
felt in mid-continental
areas,is precipitated
where highwithout
mountains
tend toin
intercept
moisture
from
the
sea,which
hindrance
the peripheral orcoastal regions.
APPENDIX I
355
number of mounds in the oasis some are of a considerably
earlier date. Far more important were the results obtained by
excavations in the region below the northern slopes of the
Kopet Dagh. It was at one of the delta-oases, at Anau, near
Askhabad,
some three hundred miles east of the Caspian, that
the Pumpelly Expedition found traces of prehistoric cultures,
andNear
obtained
its principal material for archaeological study.
the middle of the Anau oasis, and about a mile apart,
are two hills with rounded contours,rising some forty and fifty
feet
plain, and
marking
sites oforlong-forgotten
cities.above
Thethe
structure
of the
North the
Kurgan,
tumulus, had
alreadyagobeen
exposedKomorof,
by a trench
cut in it stratified
some twenty-five
years
by General
whichshowed
remains,
includingItbones
of animals
of plain
painted
wares.
was this
trenchand
thatpotsherds
first directed
Mr.and
Pumpelly's
attention to the mound during his first expedition, and his
subsequent excavations, both here and in the South Kurgan,
exposed the same stratified structure.
71
69
68
67
72
724
70
73
FIG. 68.
Designs onpaintedpotsherds
period (CultureI.) from the
NorthoftheNeolithic
Kurgan at Anau.
[From Pumpelly, Expl. in Turk., I., p. 128, Nos. 67-73.]
The strata represented successive occupations of the site,
the hills gradually rose in height. Of the two hills, the North
Kurganwas of earliest formation, its earlier strata containing
the
remains of a stone-age culture, and its upper culture representing an aeneolithic stage of civilization. The third culture,
and, as its inhabitants lived in houses built of sun-dried bricks,
that of the lowest strata in the South Kurgan, dates from a
copper age. The archaeological part of the work was directed
by Dr. Schmidt, and to his admirable method of noting the
precise spot and level of every object recovered we owe the
possibility
tracing periods
the gradual
development
of culture
during
the ofsuccessive
of settlement.
Moreover,
the
Transcaspian railway passes little more than half a mile to the
north of the northern mound, or Kurgan. Hence there was no
356
APPENDIX I
difficulty and little risk involved in the conveyance to Europe
of all the archaeological material obtained. The collection of
animal bones from the North Kurgan weighed nearly half a
ton,but they were despatched without difficulty to Dr. Duerst
of Zurich, who contributed a report on them to the record of
the second expedition.
is,however,
most
ofpottery,
the threewhich
periodsexhibits
progress
The cultural
a
gradual
by
the
revealed
clearly
decoration. Although the
evolution in form, technique, and
are hand-made, and the wheel
vessels of the first two cultures
was not introduced until Culture III., yet the vessels of both
productions. Ithas already
earlier epochs are excellentceramic
been
noted that many of the geometric designs occurring on
100
108
107
103
111
113
110
112
FIG. 69.
Designs onpaintedpotsherds
NorthoftheAeneolithicperiod
Kurganat Anau. (Culture II.) from the
[FromPumpelly, Expl. in Turk., I., p. 133, Nos. 106-113.]
pottery of the earlier periods from the North Kurgan bear a
certain resemblance to similar pottery found by MM. Gautier
and Lampre at Mussian, and by M. de Morgan at Susa. This
maywell
point to some connection between the stone and early
metal-using cultures of Transcaspia and Elam; while the baked
clay figurines from the copper culture of the South Kurgan
may
be held to prove some early cultural contact with the
Sumerians.¹
pp. 340ff.see the
Forphotographicreproductions
from1 See
the above,
South Kurgan,
plate facing p. 352. It willofclayfigurines
be noted that
‫د‬
APPENDIX I
357
Mr. Pumpelly himself would regard the Central Asian oases
as the fountain-head of Western Asiatic culture. According
to his theory, they were isolated from Europe and Africa from
requirements
the
Glacial
period
onwards,
and their cultural
in climatic
independence.
Changes
were
evolved
in
complete
conditions, however, took place, under which the early
civilizaand
these
gave
rise
tions
in
these
regions
tended
to
disappear,
to extensive migrations, which reacted in turn on the outside
world. In support of his theory he would trace the early
appearance ofwheatand
barley both inEgypt and Babylonia,
of certain breeds of domestic animals, to their
and
presence in the Transcaspian oases. But, in addition
establishment
first the
in their ceramics,the
total
absence
ofanyanytheory
form
toof differences
at
Anau
tells
against
writing
in
the
mounds
necessitating a very close racial connection between the
of Babyearly
lonia. inhabitants of the oases and the Sumerians
placing
the
justify
us
in
does notat Anau, nor indeed in any
The evidence,
Sumerians
thefact,
home of in
original
or Iran that has yet been
Asia the region of the world in
Central
particular
to indicate
But itinserves
examined. spot
which we may expect that future excavations will reveal data
ruined sites
of a more conclusive character. It maybethat the
parallels
closer
will
exhibit
province
and
the
Kirman
of
Seistan
with the civilizations of Elam and Sumer. Meanwhile it is
have taken place between the
clear that some contact must
countries and the settlements to the
early peoples of the latter
north of the KopetDagh. We may thus picturethe Sumerians
before their arrival in Babylonia as inhabitants of some district
the
evolved
where they
valley,
toelements
the eastof oftheir
the culture,
Euphrates
in
a
comfound
is
already
which
paratively advanced stage of development on the earliest of
South Babylonian sites.
A further result of the recent explorations in Turkestan is
that an adequate explanation is afforded of the unrest in
Central Asia,which gave rise to the Sumerian immigration and
to similar racial movements westward. Itmaynow be regarded
as established that periods of desiccation and extreme aridity
have led to the abandonment of extensive tracts of country,
with the result that their former inhabitants have, from time
totime,been forced to seeksanctuary in morefavoured districts.
While nomad tribes in their search for fresh pasturage might
driftover the broad steppes to the north and west of Turkestan,
the agricultural peoples on its southern border would be forced
the
figurinesbycontrast
areclearlyofwiththetheBabylonian
type.
The ofresemblance
maybe
emphasized
terra-cotta
figurines
averymuch
later
date
discovered
byDr.
Stein
at
Yotkan
;
see
"Ruins
of
Khotan,
"
p.
261.
Moreover,lapis
lazuli
is
alreadyfound
in
the
second
culture
of
the
North
Kurgan.
Thispartpoints
toAnau
commercial
intercourse
withemployment
regions stilloffurther
east
on
the
of
the
settlements;
but
the
lapislazuli
by
the
Sumeriansmaybe
citedas
further
evidence
infavourof
some
early cultural connection ontheirpart withAnau.
358
APPENDIX I
to turn southof the Caspian. Thebleak uplands of the Iranian
plateau offer small attractions for permanent settlement, and
the
routes of the migrant tribes would naturally lead in the
direction of Asia Minor and the Mesopotamian plain. Such a
condition of unrest in Central Asia would naturally react on
peoples at a considerable distance, and this fact explains the
periodical
been subjected
from
the east. invasions
It may beto which
added Babyloniahas
that the immigration
of Semitic
tribes into
Syria and
Northern
Babylonia
should
possibly
be
traced
to
physical
causes
of
a
like
nature.
Periods
of
aridity
may have occurred in the central portions of the Arabian
continent,
and may have given rise to the Semitic invasions of
prehistoric andhistoric times.
Thus itofis Sumer
possibleandthat
the two
races,
find in
possession
Akkad
during
the which
earliestwehistorical
periods, though they arrived from opposite quarters, were
forced
into the region of the Euphrates by causes of a precisely
similar character. As the Semites, on their way northwards
from Arabia, colonized the Syrian coast-lands through which
they passed, so the Sumerian race may well have left permanent traces of its presence in the valleys and more fertile
oases of Iran. There are already indications that work on
Syrian and West Mesopotamian sites will throw a flood of light
upon
the problems of early Semitic history, and it mayperhaps
fall to the lot of a fortunate excavator, in some region east of
the Euphrates valley, to recover the cult-images of primitive
Sumerianfrom
gods, which
and to the
bringearly
to light
examplescharacters
of the picturewriting
cuneiform
were
derived.
APPENDIX II
A CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF THE KINGS AND
RULERS OF SUMER AND AKKAD
-Gi
k.Sharru
2750
2700
[see
ofAkkad
II.]Dynasty
Table
.
ofKish
Dynasty
AKKAD
OPIS
ND
.,AKISH
[or
]k.Urumush
Rimush
Manishtusu
k.
nbi
IE-(k.)shtar
2650
}
;a]k.oAl[..fnd
Zuzu
Opis
.kof Kish
k(.)-tLarsi
ugal
Uk.)(rzage
.Mesilim
k......
2800
2900
2850
3000
B.C.
Up.)( tug
Approximate
Eannatum
k.apnd
Engilsa
p.
Uru
.k kagina
......
Enannatum
.,pI.
,p... Enannatum
.Entemena
.pII
Eneta
rzi
.pEnlitarz
,.p Lug
.p-andaali
- inâ
Akurgal
.,pNk.,Ur
LAGASH
.
hag
esLugal
.p- ngur
Ek.)(nkhegal
Bk.)( adu
.....
..
Dates
.
.....
Ur
)
Ili
Ukush
.,p
,.pUrlumma
Ush
p. Enakalli
SUMER
AKKAD
AND
I.THE
OF
RULERS
EARLIEST
sp.oKur
- hesh
Umma
f
oErech
-zoErech
k.Lugal
ffidudu
Sumer
and
igub
ugal
k.-n(Laggisi
and
)k.o-k(Lisalsi
Ur
and
Erech
fugal
EofSumer
lord
)(nshagkushanna
EUMMA
,UR
.ARECH
ND
Approximate
ruled
aking
name
follow
which
he
ofyears
number
the
.represent
-aK)(zag
)-B(Gaalu
auula
)-G(alu
r
, )-N(Uinsun
Gudea
Patesis
.ofLagash
...
Table
.];see
III
reign
-Ningirsu
Ur
Ur
-Bau
uLugal
- shumgal
-E)(Ur
)-b(Lugal
ur
)-m(Basha
ama
U
m
)
r
ama
(
)-m(Uge
-Babbar
Ur
2450
Akkad
of
.Dynasty
.
LAGASH
-gar Nammakhni
Ur
-Sin
Narâm
s,)-Shar
Gharri
ani
AKKAD
.
2500
2550
2650
2600
В.С.
.
Dates
pinto
survived
[robably
Dungi's
IIDYNASTY
.THE
SUCCESSORS
ITS
AND
AKKAD
OF
ofUr
Dynasty
alu
BG).op-( fabbar
Umma
UMMA
AND
.UR
p.....
NOTE.-p.
atesi
ing
omma
ar;ck=EXPLANATORY
.Aafter
son
his
by
succeeded
was
he
that
indicates
uler's
otted
parentheses
.position
within
he
toisconjectural
;tdname
contemporaries
been
have
the
(are
)jline
who
ofrulers
names
oins
proved
Table
(sotherwise
)tp.3III
eeheon62nd
Infigures
aIII.Cnless
toKish
belong
rulers
IV
,uinCol.
IUmma
stated
ol.
1
..
2100
iUra
- mitti (7)
2150
-m,)1(agir
Sin
1Damik
)(2-ilishu
3
Dynasty
(117
or119
.)ofUr
yrs
1
Dynasty
(225
.)ofIsin
yrs
.
AKKAD
AND
SUMER
.](5)[(4)..............
Zambia (3)
2)(Enlil
-b4ani
iSin
- kisha (3)
shtar
1
)(1-ILibit
-Ninib
2(),Ur
8II.,Bûr
-SkItêr
in ))(21
- asha (5
2200
...
...
...
.
YEARS
SI.,Bûr
- in 9)(
-Srin
9),(7oGimil
)(25
SIbi
- in
UIshbi
,-()3ra
2),(1Gimil
-ilishu
0
D)(2,Idin
- 1agan
Ishme
),(2-D0agan
Ea
]-[......
Ur
),(1-E8ngur
2300
2250
2350
2400
Dungi
)(58
,
Approximate
Dates
.
-Lama
I.Ur
-Lama
.Ur
II
Arad
-Nannar
]-k{[......am
Alla
kGalu
- azal
-andul
Galu
r
Ur
-abba-N(Uingirsu
Patesis
Lagash
.of
LAGASII
.
SUMER
.THE
III
OF
KINGDOM
AKKAD
AND
)k.-i(lufumu
oSUr
Umma
-nfesu
p.oUr
Gungunu
k.of
Ur
and
Larsa
LUMMA
ARSA
E, TC.
INDEX
AA, gifts
to, 223
AgiaParaskevi,
344of, 323
313
Abbad
ugga,
Aha,
mastaba-tomb
'Akarķûf, 38
Abi-ishar,seal
Abû
Habba, siteof, 246
of Sippar, 8 f.; Akhush,
189 f.
excavations
at, 37,from,
223;204,objects
| Akkad,city,
site
of, 37; earlycentre
inscriptions
and
206,
of
Semitic
settlement,
53 ;f.,in228,
relation
to
Kish,
210
f.,
214
212,
218,
223,
235,
250,
309
f.
of Kisurra,
9 ; 29ex-; 231
Abûcavations
Hatab, at,site28ff.;
f.," 249;
inorrelation
toof,Elam,
226
;
sons,"
citizens,
208,
plan
of,
;
siege
of,
240
;
Dynasty
of,
inscribed brick from, 284 ; con- 211
216
ff.,
252
ff.,
350
f.;
in
relation
tractedburials
at,
331
toof the
Dynasty
of Ur, 253; kings
Abû Khuwâsîj, 31
Sumer
and, 362
site
ofEridu,
35
;
exAbûShahrain,
land,
limits17 ;of,inhabitants
6 f., 12 f.;of,
36 Akkad,
cavations at, 35 f.; plan of,diggings
name
of,
13ff.,
323
f.,
332
;
recent
Abydos,
at, 324, 326
f., 332
40
ff.;system
Semitic
immigration
into,
Abyssinia,
334
203;
ofland
tenure
in,
95re-;
influence
of
art
of,
66
;
early
Abzu-banda,
111,
189
f.
lations with
Elam, with
214, Elam,
244;
Abzu-ega, 190
cultural
connections
Accounts,
of,
169,
177,
284,
tablets
293
335ff.
Achaemenian
kings,
337
Akkadian,
the52 Semitic
speech of
excavaAdab,
site
of,
9,
97,
163;
Babylonia,
f.
tions at, 30 ; in relation to Akkadians, the Semitic inhabitants
11;Lagash,
its commercial
of Northern
Babylonia,
4; former
Euphrates,
238
;
deuse
of
the
term,
4
with
relations
struction of, 31 f.; see also Bis- Akkadû, 14
Akki, 232
mâya
Adamdun,
situation
of,
290;
patesis
Akurgal,
patesifigures
of Lagash,
117ff.; f.;in
of, 292
sculptured
of,
112
Adda-Pakshu,
sukkalofElam,
306 f.; chronologicaltable,360
tablets
from
period
of,
336
Al[...
], kingtable,
of Kish,
Addatur, 113
chronological
360 141 ; in
l-Batiba 8
Adhem,1.7.287
7,sites,
287 81; Asiatic coast of, Al-Batîha,
Al-Gimil-Sin,
Aegean,
Sin," 301 "the City of Gimil347 ; sea-rovers of, 347
Aegean
culture, stages
of, 1;341;its Aliakhu,
earlyconnection
withEgypt,
Alla, patesi208ofLagash, 296 ; in chro-
traces
of ff.;
Babylonian
influence bein, Alla,resident
nological table,
362 237
comparisons
322,
345
wild
inLagash,
tweenAegean
andBabylonian art, Alluvium,
Alloys, evidence
asBabylonian,
to use of, 737f.
344
f.
limit
of
Aenragin,
171 85 f.
Alu-usharshid,
a formerorreading
of
'Afej marshes,
the
name
Urumush
Rimush,
203
Agade, older name of Akkad, 14 ;
site of, 37 ; Sargon of, 216 ff.; see Amageshtin, temple of, 190
Akkad
Amal,
temple
of, 226,of232
Agathias, 312
Amananu,
governor
Sippar, 316
363
364
INDEX
Amanus, 261
Amat-Bau,
171 184
Amattar-sirsirra,
Ambar Su, 244
Amiaud,Arthur,
Ammi-zaduga, 30718, 20, 109
Archers,
inGudea
the army
ofUr, 286
Architect,
as,260f.,
Archive-chambers,at Tello,269
293
Ark,
ofbulrushes, 232
Armanu, 242
Art,andAkkadian,228
comparison of early
Sumerian
f.;
of
Kish and
in
reign
invasion,disproved
Amorite
Akkad, 230
of
Libit-Ishtar,
284
Amurru
Arua,Osiris,
149ff. 325
god, 344(Martu), a West Semitic Asar,
Amurru,
Asari,Sumeriangod,
325 ; under
Tupliash,306
originof,the55Western Semites, 55; Ashnunnak,or
Manishtusu,212; patesis of, 306
Sargon's
conquest
300,
321;
of,
Ashukhu-wood,261
225, 233 f.; its king deported, Ashur, 287
Amurru, the Western Land, 261,
12,
20459,f.;217,tablets
244; slaves
from,238;relation
from
Library
of,
4,
299,
kings
of Isin
to, 311, 315 f.;of Ashur-bani-pal,
303 f.
Babylonian
influence
in
and
beAsia
Minor, 342, 347, 358; Central,
yond,322
54, 351 ff.
Ana,
194,
196,
198
;
see
also
Anu
Anatolia, 346 f.
Askhabad, 351, 355
see also162
Bitumen
Anau,
excavations
at,
2,351,
355
f.
;
Asses, for261;
chariots,
; House of
potsherds from, 341,355 f.; terra- Asphalt,
the, 259
cotta andbarleyfound
figurines from, 342,
356 ; Assyria,
wheat
inearliest|
7kings, their policy of destratum at, 332, 357
Assyrian
Andrae, W.,11211, 22 ff. , 28 f.,78, 330 Assyrians,sculpture
portation, 240 of, 68ff.; omenAnikurra,
literature of, 206
Animal
cults,
Egyptian,
334treatment | Astrologicaltexts,
217149 f.
Animal
forms,
Sumerian
of, 80
Asukhur
Canal,
109,
Sumerian
form of, 137
Animal
motives,onElamite
painted | Axe,
pottery,
341
f.;
on
proto-Elamite
Az,
150
f.,
290
Azupirânu, 232
seal-impressions,
342
Anita,
112
ff.,
116
Anshan,its
conquestbyManishtusu,
BAB EL-MANDEB,
Straits129,of, 148,
323 194,
224,
231,
244;
itsalliance
conquest
by Babbar,
84,
124,
127,
Gudea,
279,
289;
of
Dun281
gi's daughter
withbyDungi,
the patesi288of,; Babishue,
301 38, 309; excavations
conquest
287;
its
Dungi,
Babylon,
13,
officials
for,
290;
apatesi
of,
292
;
captivity of Ibi-Sin in, 304 ; its at, 37; pot-burials and early resuccess against Ur, 308; its defeat mains at, 30, 37; Sargon's buildings ff.,
at, 226,
236;
Dungi's
sack
of,
byAnu-mutabil,
308
Antasurra,
146,
189
f.
281
285
;
in
relation
to
the
Antimony, 73 f.
Dynasty
of Isin, 63 f., 313 ff.;
Anu, 48, 104, 275; see also Ana
rise of, 319 ; in relation to the
Anu-banini,
kingof
Lulubu,
250308 Dynasty ofthe Sea-country, 62 f.;
Anum
utabil,
governor
of
Dêr,
her struggleinlaterhistory,
with Larsa, 318319f.;f.
Anunitu,
226,
232,
268
herposition
Anunpad,
113 206, 212 Babylonia,intheNeolithicperiod,2;
Anzanite
inscriptions,
relicsearlycultural
ofprehistoricculture
in,342;
Apirak, 241, 243
her
influence,321ff.;
Apil-Sin,
of, 316
inin relationto
ff., 334f.;
Arabesquecontracts
pattern,ofreign
on Sumerian
relation to Egypt,322
Elam,335ff.;
in the
sealing, 176
West,
322,
343
ff.
Arabia, 242, 251, 258, 261, 323, 358 BabylonianChronicle, 62
Arabiandesert,6
Babylonian
Monarchy,
foundation
of,
63
f.,
313
ff.
AradN
annar,patesiofLagash,301f.
;
inchronologicaltable,362
Bad-mada, 296
INDEX
365
Badu,
king of Lagash,
Birs, site ofBorsippa,
nologicaltable,
360 105 ; in chro- | Bismâya,
site of Adab,109; excava-
of
Baga, 189 f.
Baghdad,
3810f., 218
Bahr
Nejef,
Banar, 114
tions at, uncovered
30, 97 ; at,character
buildings
89
Bitumen,
76,
212,
262
"Black-headed ones," 40
Beadmaking,
Egyptianartof,
328
Bedouin
custom,
40
deification
of,298;
297;
statue298;
as a
survival
his his
and cult,
Banks,
E. J., 97308
Barakhsu,205,
Blaumonuments,18165
Boat-inspectors,
235, 261
Boats, for transport,
Baraz-sîrim,
Field262
of, 206
Barges,
forgrain,
27,
330
Body-paint,
Barkiba,357
160; in earliest stratum at Boeotia,
potsherds from,
341 Neolithic
Barley,
Anau, 332
Boissier, A.,10,205,
304,
309 at, 37
Barnamtarra,
wife
of
Lugal-anda,
excavations
13;
Borsippa,
170 f., 173 113 f.
Bosanquet,
Prof. R. C., 346
Barsagannudu,
Boundary-ditch,betweenLagashand
Barshib,
261
Umma,
126 ; of Ur-Engur, 282 ;
see also Frontier
Basalla, 261
Basar, 225
143
Boundary-stones,
Lagash,
254;
patesi
of
Basha-mama,
introduced
by the Semites,
Bow,
243 ;
Narâm-Sin,
247
286;
361
f.,
of
inchronologicaltable,
of
Susa,
287
patesi
Basha-Shushinak,
adoptedbyDungi,
proto- Breccia,
214, 289inscriptions
; period of,of,305;
Breasted,270Prof.f. J. H., 334
338
Elamite
Basime, 209
Bricks, of Sumer, 13 ; character of
Bas-reliefs,
Sumerian,
66ff.,
110
ff.,
plano-convex,
26,
Babylonian,
91;
ff.,
change
in
size
129
ff.;
early
Semitic,
220
35,
91,
94,
332;
228
of, 26798 ;;
of, 263 f.;withmanufacture
68 ff.,f.,82242 f., 247 ff.; Assyrian, stamped
Imgig,
figure
of
Battle-axe, Sumerianuseofthe, 286; 332
origin of the Egyptian brick, 323,
ofNarâm-Sin,
243
Battle-mace, 131, 156
Brick-stamps, 75, 219
Battle-scenes,
135ff.,
220,
230,
247
f
f.
evidence
withwork
regard
to,
in,
337
Bau, 108, 181, 185 f., 271, 275, 296; Bronze,
Elamite
72
ff.;
later
temples of, 259, 264, 267,269, 273, Budge, Dr. E. A. Wallis,37,160,329
to, 107ff.; Bulls,
298;
bowls dedicated
Bull-monsters,proto-Elamite,242
copper
129,140;
of,
135
as offerings,
representation
Bau-ninam,
official
of
Ur-Ningirsu,
humanh
eaded,
figures
of,
256;
275 f.
77, 330
Bavian, 63
of,
king of of,299
Ur, reign
I.,expeditions
Bûr-Sin
buildBaz, Field of, 206
;
296ff.;
Bazuzu, father of Utug, 103
ings of, 298; in relation to Enlil,
Bêl,282name of, 52; the god Marduk, deity in the Moon-god's table,
suite,
chronological
299,
344;
in
362
Belaku,
Beleous,patesi
312 ofAshnunnak, 306 Bûr-Sin II., king of Isin, 312 ; in
Beletaras, patesi
312 ofSusa,291, 305 Burial,
chronological
of the table,
dead, 362
21; different
Beli-arik,
Berber
dialects,
323
of,
26
f.,
30;
after battle,
forms
Berossus,
53,
59;
Dynasties
of,
63
Egyptian
andf.,
138
f.,
149,
331;
Berthelot, M. P. E., 73
fashions
of,
325
Babylonian
331 f.; earliest Susian form of,
Bezold, Prof. C., 344
331 f.
BiGani-sharri,246
Burial fees, 181 f.
Biladhurî,
8
4
Bilingualcompositions,
Burial-mounds,
Bin-Gani-sharri, son of Narâm-Sin, 162, 331 after battle, 125,
246
Bint el-Mderre, 31
Burrows,
Buwârîya,Prof.
33 R. M., 345
INDEX
366
a cause
changes,
185 324 Climatic
3, 107, 153ff.,
CANALS, branch,
f. of racial
354, 357
migrations,
Nile,
ofthe
Canopic
nandSemitic,41f.
339; prehistoric pottery Clothing,Sumeria
Cappadocia,
Sume184of; Gudea,
Hammurabi,
of
Code,
from, 341
348;
184,
of,
rian;origin
Iranian 272
the
from
Caravan-routes,
see also Laws
plateau, 335
CarnegieInstitution,ofWashington,
Codes,legal,347
Colour-dishes, for face or body351 f.
paint, 27, 330
Commercial
intercourse,
358
in Baby355,
353,
CASPIAN,
lonia,
237
f.;
with
foreign
counCasting, inmetal, 72ff.
tries, 238, 321 f.
Cattle,transport
of pillars237of, 93; Conch-shells, cylinders and plaques
Cedar, remains of,235,
from,votive,
78 258 ; of copper, 256 ;
Cones,
coloured, 34; historical, 164 f.,
178 ff.
Confiscation,
Sumerianlaws against,
182
218
royal, 115representation Constantinople,
Chambe ofwar,162;
Contract
tablets,
64Sumerian practice
Chariots,
Contracted
burial,
134
of
a,
of, 331
ChialyEffendi,
245
Convoys,
early serviceevidence
of, 237, 244
China,
353
Copper,
Babylonian
with
Chinese, 54
regard
to,
72
ff
.
;
objects
from
Chinese Turkestan, 351, 354
Fara, 3,of,26 229
f.; from
Kimash,
261
;
Chronicle,
theNarâm-Sin,
Babylonian,220,62;225,of lance
;
known
to
preand
Sargon
dynastic Egyptians,
326 ; its327
dis-;
233 ff., 240 f.; concerning early placement
of
flint
inEgypt,
312;
Babylonian
282,
kings,
effect ofEgyptian skillinworking,
Dynastic,
327
311 f., 31559, 63, Copper-mines,
308 f.,Nippur,
279 f., 303,from
in Elam, 261
Chronicles, Hebrew Books of, 240
from Mt. Amanus, 261
267 326
sacred,
Cedar-groves,
in
UpperEgypt,
Cemeteries,
Central
Asia, 54,358351 ff.
Central Arabia,
General di, 343
Cesnola,rlain,
tributeof,164;
fees of, 181f. ;
Chronological
table,andAkkad,
of kings360andff. Corn,
see also
Grain
rulers of Sumer
182
Chronology,
for de- ❘ Corvée,
classes
of; data
termining,
.
57
Babylonian,
ff
Couriers,291
ofthe,Egyptian
169 and
62 ff.; 315of the later Sumerian Court,expenses
Crenelated
buildings,
period,
Sumerian, 332
Fund of the Crenelation,
Exploration
Chicago,
inwalls
of early EgypUniversity
30
of,
tian
buildings,
323
f.
45
of,
meeting
Chieftains,
Crete,
ofparallels
Babylonian
culture
Charles,34766
Chipiez,
in. 345traces
f.;
between
culCilicianGates,
tures ofElam and, 341
Citadel Tell, at Susa, 339
ff.; origin Cros,
16 nbetween,
Cities,
Gaston, 17, 172,
189,Commandant
269
communicatio
of, 84inf.;Babylonia,
237
Cruciform monument, from Sippar,
223
development
and
origin
City-gods,
Cult-centres,
84, 321
;
268
a,
of
description
f.;
84
of,
in relation to Cult-images,
101f.;
of,181;
50,358
position
Cults,
survivalofSumerian,347
disputesbetween,
patesi,
the
Cuneiform
invention of, 65,
101, 121 f.
348 ; the writing,
Sumerianformtheparent
City-states,
development
of,
84
f.,
321; wars of the, 120ff.; weak- of othersystems, 348
Cupbearers,,112
f., 236184
eningProf.
anddecay
ofthe,
239 f., 252 Cug.Prof.
Édouard,
Clay,
A.
Т.,
9,
52,
228
Clay338 tablet,
343f., 13, 37 f., 283, 293;
borrowedintoby CappaElam, Curium,
f.;
introduced
Cutha,
8
centre
ofNergal's cult, 38
docia, 339 ; reached Crete, 345
INDEX
Cylinders,
ofGudea,
266f.
Dhorme,
PèrePaul,
228
Cylinder-seal,
early
migrations
of
Diarbekr,
244
f.
the,
introduced333;intopossible
Baby- Dilbat,
lonia333byf.;
Sumerians,
Dilmun,319235, 262, 291
367
Egyptianevolutionofthe,333f.;
Diorite,
earliest form of, 334
262, 26971;f. from Magan, 242, 258,
Cylinder-seals,
engraving
78 ; Disk,
fromPhaestos,
composite monsters
on,77;of,official
Divination,
by oil, 183346
use 174
of, ff.,236284f.;; Sumerian,
3, 27,or Diviners,
professional,
183
Divorce,
fees
for,
183
f.; abuse of,
48,
early
Semitic
184
Akkadian,
Egyp176,
229,
344
;
tian, 322, 334f.: Cypriote,343f.;
Dîwanîya,
287 85
Diyala,
Cyro-Cappadocian
and
Hittite,
344 ; Cretan, 346
Door-sockets, 219
Cyprus,
prehistoric
pottery
of, 341;of Doves,
Dorians,as50offerings, 128 f.
its
alleged
conquest
by
Sargon
Dragons,inSumerian
art, 77
Agade,
inadequate
systems of, 345
dence for234,the343;
theory,
343 f.; eviex- Drainage,
influence in, | Dreams,
tent
of Babylonian
dea, 266of Eannatum, 124; of Gu234, 343
ff.
Dress, in41ff.,
111 f. 78, 344
engraving,
DADA,
patesi
of
Shuruppak,
283
Drill,
Droop,
J.31P., 341
Dada,magician,237
Dagan, 284
Dubâ'i,
Daggers,
Sumerian,
Dudu,
official at Ur-Nina's
court,113
panels from
handles79of,; 81engraved
f.
Dudu,
chiefpriest
ofNingirsu
under
Damgalnunna,
temple
of,
294
Entemena,
perforated
166
ff.;
Damik-ilishu,
king of Isin, 309, Duerst,
block of, 100, 110, 166
Dr.Ningirsu,
J. Ulrich,190356
316ff.,
319
;
inchronologicaltable,
362
Dugru,
of
Date-formulæ, 225, 257 f., 285, 295 Dumuzi-abzu, 190
Date-lists, 58
Dun-...,
Dates, trade in, 237
dynasty, patrondeity
109, 177 of Ur-Nina's
Dâti-Enlil,
father
of Shar-Gani- Dungi,
kingof, of253,Ur,285policy
of, adop282 ;
sharri,
227,
232
empire
f.;
his
Dating,
methods of, 57 f., 168, 170, tion of the bow, 286 f.; Elamite
219, 318
campaigns
of,of,287288; provincial
adDe
Clercq
Collection,
158,
218,
308
ministration
ff
.
;
buildings
De170,la 173
Fuye,ff. Col. Allotte, 168 ff., of, 293 f.; copper cone of, 256 ;
deification
274, 288; cult of,
De
Lancy, Barré,
274,
298 f.; of,inchronologicaltable,
De Morgan,
J., 39,21866, 206, 212, 324, 362
332, 335, 337, 339ff., 356
De330,
Sarzec,
E., 258,
17 ff.,261,77 266,
f., 90,270,92f.,
Dunpae, 299 295
96, 130,169,
332 Dungi-Babbar,
109, 181, 267 ; temples
Dead,
treatment
of the,21,
26f.,
125, Dunshagga,
to, 185, 264
138
ff.,
149,
162,
331;
Egyptian
Dûr-ilu,
former reading of the name
worship ofthe,
334 art, 82
Decadence,
in Sumerian
of Dêr, 226
Deification,
of early Babylonian Dûr-Sharrukîn, 217
kings, 203, 222, 251, 273 f., 288, | Dûr-Sin, 206
298
f.,of,310273; f.,effect
of, 300 ff.; Dynastic
Chronicle,
from
Nippur,
origin
335
59,
63,
279
f.,
303,
308
f.,
311 f.,
315
Deir, 37
Deke, 31
Dynastic
Egyptians,
323
Delitzsch,Prof.
Friedrich,
5,
12,
317
Dynastic
lists,
59
Delta,Egyptian,
2, 324, 334
Dynasties, Babylonian, 62 f.
Demonology,
76
Deportation,
E-ABZU, king
of Umma,
97 196, 280
Dêr, 226, 285,policy
308 of, 239 f.
E-anna,
in Erech,
12, 33,
368
INDEX
293
; in Lagash,121, 161,190, 264, | El-Hibba,
excavations
at,20 f.; in269, 273
scriptions
from,
157ff.
E-bLarsa,
abbar,186;
in Sippar,
218,186,268189; in El-Ohêmir,
El-Katr, 8 site ofKish,8f., 38 f.
in
Lagash,
E-ditar-kalama,
319
Elam,
prehistoric
peoples
of,340342;
E-engur,
190
prehistoric
pottery
of,
ff.;
E-khalbi, 294
earlyculturalrelations
with
Babylonia, parallels
321, 335 with
ff.; suggested
cul-f.,
E-kharsag,
29488, 193, 198, 201, 235, tural
E-kur,
32,
86,
Egypt,
340
281, 297
345; with Crete, 341; frontier of,
E-meslam, 293
6148f.;ff.,defeated
byEannatum,
145,
E-meteursagga,
39
160
;
defeatedby
Lu-enna,
E-ninnû,
77,ff.,107269,f., 160,
168,
185, 172;
relations
of Manishtusuwith,
261,
265
272,
274,
276,
212
ff.
,
231
;
conquered
byof Uru296
;
earliest
mention
of,
95
;
remush,
205,
231;
relations
Sar-f.,
mains of, 19, 259
gon
and
Narâm-Sin
with,
225
E-pa, 108, 264
231
f., with,
243 f.;238,commercial
interE-patutila,
319
course
289
;
early
SeE-sagila, 282
mitic
immigration
into,
250,
289,
E-salgilsa, 296
336 ; Gudea's
campaign
in, 258 ;
E-silsirsir,
273
Dungi's
conquest
and
adminisE-ulmash, 217
tration of, 287ff., 292 ; under the
Ea,
246,
289
;
see
Enki
later
of Ur, 299 f.,308;
304 ;EladeEa-[chronological
...], kingtable,
of 362
Isin, 313; in mite
featedkings
by
Anu-mutabil,
invasions, 304 f., 308, 311 ;
Ea-bani,
figures
identified
with,
77,
copper
mines
in, 261;of,craftsmen
174 f.
from,
261
f.;
patesis
231,
243,
Eagle,
asemblem, 133; lion-headed, 305
;
governors
of,
306
;
sukkals
81 f.
of, 306 ; sculpture and metal-work
Eannatum,
patesi
of
Lagash,
42
f.,
of,
337titles, 306 ff.
Elamite
68,
104,
192,
229
f.;
reign
of,
120 ff.; conquests
of,f.; 144
ff.;
Elamites,
54
character
of,
152,
155
titles
of,
Embalming,ofthedead,
332Ningirsu,
152;
buildings
and
canals
of,
Emblems,
sacred,267
;
of
152
ff.; wellof, of,13693,ff., 155
repre-in 98 ; of a goddess, 133; of Lagash,
sentations
140; f.;
98,
131, 134,origin
167; ofof certain
a city,
150100,
; Elamite
chronological
table,
360
Ebarti,Elamitedynasty
of,306, 308 Enakalli,
Babylonian,
342ofUmma, 126 ; sucEclipse,
62
patesi
cessor 360
of, 158 f.; in chronological
Edfu, 324;
legend of, and
324 Neolithic table,
Egypt,
Palaeolithic
remains
in, 2in,; recent
excavations
Enannatum
I., of,patesi
ofin Lagash,
157
ff.;
titles
160
;
chronoonearlysites
324ff.;
earlycultural
connections
with
Babylonia,
logical
table,360
78,
322 ff., 332
f., 328,with
334 f.,Elam,
346; Enannatum
II.,ofpatesi
of inLagash,
suggested
relations
168
ff.;
raid
Elamites
reign
340
f.,
345
;
early
influence
in
of,
172
;
in
chronological
table,
360
Syria, 334f.,
346 ; 346;
connection
Hittite
culture,
with with
the Enannatum,chiefpriestoftheMoonAegean,invasion
341; ofhypothetical
Segod at Ur, 310 f.
mitic
Upper,
323
f
f.,
Enbiking of,of 53;Kish,in chrono202 f.;
328 ; granaries of, 92
racialIshtar,
character
culture,
326323;ff.; religion,
legends, Enbu-ilum,
logical table,
360
Egyptian
203
323
f.;
language,
patesi
of; inLagash,
169 ff.;
Semitic
element
in, 334; writing, Enetarzi,
letter
to,
172
chronological
origin
of,
329
f.
table, 360
Egyptians,
Neolithicearly
anddynastic,
predy- Engilsa,
nastic,
1,
323,332;
patesiofLagash,176,
209f.;
323, 332
inchronological
table,360
Engraving, of stone, shell, etc.,
Ekikala, 189
369
INDEX
78
ff., 347 ; of metal, 78, 167,
229
at, at,3,
24 ff.;65, plan
of,
excavations
25
; discoveries
89, 331,
345; objects from, 73, 78, 283,
Eniggal,
royal
steward, 170; seal- 330
ings
of,
173
Enkhegal,
king of Lagash,
106; in Fees,
priestly,
181 f.;vizir
of diviners,
183
;
of
the
grand
chronologicaltable,
360
Enki, 48, 84 f., 107, 128 f., 148, 167, tesi, 183 ; for divorce, 183and pa194, 246,35275,
301;293,
his temple
in Fetish
emblems,329
Eridu,
f.,
108,
298
;
his
Figurines,
of metals,
terra-cotta,
342, 356 ;
temple
in
Girsu,
259
inprecious
337
Enkigal,
Fire-necropoles,
Enkomi, 158
344
Fish,
as offerings,so-called,
129 21
Enlil,
85,196,
101,198103f.,f.,201,128,289,165294,f., Fisher,
C.inspectors,
S., 8, 86ff.181
193
f.,
Fishery
297; his temple at Nippur, 87f., Fish-men, 53
219,
templeshrine
in Laponds,182;327sacred, 268
gash,244,
185, 281;
189; his
frontier
to, FishFlint-knapping,
127;
Flints, Egyptian,
2, 326f. 268
toNingirsu,
name of,canal
52 dedicated to, 107; Flute-player,
Enlil-bani,
kingtable,
of Isin,
312 ; in Forced
Slaveslabour, 164, 182; see also
chronological
362
Enlitarzi, patesi of Lagash, 168 ff.; Fossey, Prof. Charles,6, 17
Foucart, G., 329 72 ff.
Foundation-figures,
Enshagkushanna,lordofSumer,2013;
Foundation-offerings,
Fresnel,
F., 218 337
in
chronological
table,
360
Ensignun,
259,
268of Lagash,52, 90, Frontier-ditches,
162, 164 f. 126ff., 153 f., 159,
Entemena,
patesi
125 ; reign of, 161 ff.; silver vase Frontier-shrines, 127 f., 159
inchronological
Enlulim,
268 table, 360
of, 78,122,167126f.;f., cone
of, 100
ff.,ff., Funeral rites, 140 f.
117,
143,
154,
157
164 f.;84, in128chronologicaltable,
360 GALALIM, 185, 264, 267
Enzu,
f.,
148,
194
Galu-andul,
patesi table,
of Lagash,
296 ;
EponymLists,
62
in
chronological
362
Galu-Babbar,
patesiogicaltable,
of table,361
Umma, 23,
Erech,
9 f., 194
12 f.,f., 84,
104,
147,
152,
163,
186,
198
ff.,
214,
238,
258;
inchronological
240,
279
f., 293,
298, 304,at,32
310 ff.;f., | Galu-Bau,
patesi of Lagash,361255,
257
;
in
chronologicaltable,
313,
317
f.;
excavations
see also Warka
Galu-Gula,
patesi of Lagash, 255,
Eridu,
6,
13,84
f.,
148,
152,
167,
197,
257;
inchronologicaltable,361
282,
f.; Shahrain
excavations Galu-kazal,
patesi table,
of Lagash,
at, 35293,
f.; 298,
see also310Abû
in chronological
362 296 ;
Gankhar, 287, 301 f., 308
Garments,
41in, ff237
. , 111Sumerian
f.; as fees,and181Semitic,
; trade
Esar,
king
ofAdab,
97
f.
Estates,
purchase
of,
206ff.
Euphrates,names
of,contrasted
9 ; changeswithin Garstang,Prof.
J.,152,341168, 190, 264,
course
of,
7
ff.;
Gatumdug,
108,
266, 269,J.-E.,
271 220, 336, 340, 356
Tigris,
11 f.;
period ofhigh
water Gautier,
in,
11
f.;
at
Nippur,
88
f.
Geikie, Sir Archibald, 353
Evans, Dr. Arthur, 345 f.
Geikie,Prof.
James,
353 116, 162,
Excavations,
in
Sumer
and
Akkad,
Genouillac,
H.
de,
112,
16
ff.;
in
Egypt,
324
ff.;
in
169 ff.,273 173, 176, 179, 184, 190,
Persia, 335, 339 f.; in Turkestan, 193,
351 f., 355 f.
Geometricdesigns,
on pottery, 341
Eyes, of statues, 76, 212 f.
Geshtin-anna,
259
Ghiaur Kala, 354
FACE-PAINT, 330
Falûja,
10,
38
Gifts,accompanying
the sale ofland,
Fâra, site of Shuruppak, 9, 28, 84 ; 95, 207
Erinda, 246Sea, 53
Erythraean
2B
370
Gigunû,
Gikana, 274
ofNinmakh, 189
INDEX
272 ff.; cult of, 274, 299 ; in
chronologicaltable,
361
Gilding,
of
carved
stone
objects,
270
Gula,
113
f.
Gilgamesh,
figures
identified
with, ❘ Gungunu,
king of 362
Ur, 311; in
chronologicaltable,
75
ff.,
174
f.;
epic
of,
9
father ofUr-Ninâ, 106
Gimdunpae,
wife
ofGudea,
272309 f.; Gunidu,
Gimil-ilishu,
king
of
Isin,
Gursar,grandfather
ofUr-Ninâ, 106
Gutebu, 301
inchronological table, 362
Gimil-Sin,
kingcultof of,Ur,298,
284;301reign
Gutiu, 55, 238; slaves from, 238
of,
297
ff.;
;
in
chronologicaltable,362
HADADNADINAKHE,palace
of, 18
Ginarbaniru,
190
for
face-paint,330
Haematite,
346 40ff., 72, 97,
Hagiostreatment
Onuphrios,ofthe,
Girnun, 268
Girsu,
a
division
of
Lagash,
108,
Hair,
112
152, 264,
163,296,
190,301;
193;House
temples
in, Halbherr, Prof., 346
259,
of,
91,
108 ;290
wall of, 186;canal of, 185 Halévy,
Hall, H.J.,R.,4 ff.,
12, 52266, 324, 334, 341,
Gisha,
343, 345
Gishkhu,
Gishukh,
former21 readings Hammam,
of the name
of Umma,
9, 23
Hammurabi,
9,34843, 162, 184, 307,
Gladstone, Dr. J. H., 73
317
f.,
345,
Gods,
racial
character
of
Sumerian,
47ff.; earliest Babylonian, 84f.; Harp, Sumerianform of, 69
Sumerian
Egyptian,
324 Egyptiankingdom of the,
symbols for and
Egyptian,
329 325; Harpoon,
Gold,
despatch of, 237
Gold-dust, 261
Harran, 197
Head-dresses,forms
ofdivine,51, 133
Grain,
as
tribute,
127;
fees
of,
182;
HearstExpedition,328
Hebrews,132
13273
trade in,in,237207; value of land Hebrews,
Helm,
Otto,
reckoned
Helmets,
Grain-barges, 235, 262181
Narâm-Sin,Sumerian,
243 137 f.; of
Granary-inspectors,
Grand vizir, seal of, 236
Hepatoscopy, Sumerian origin of,
348
Graves,
at Fara, 2621f.;f.;at atSurghul
Herodotus,
and
El-Hibba,
Abû
Hêtime, 30 40,
f. 332
Hatab,
30;
at
Mukayyar,
30,
35
;
Heuzey,
Léon,
18, 48,99f.,66,107,68, 111,
70,
atat Susa,
Warka,33134;f.;atBabylon,30,37;
72
f.,
77,
92,
95ff.,
at
Mussian,
2
;
in
Egypt,341,
2, 326
see also Burial
151, 263,
166, 265,
219,269
229,f.,241,
247,
Greece,
345,; 347
255,
293, 244,
296, 344
Greek
civilization, 1
Greek cross, 342
Hittite,
Egyptian,325;
Hieroglyphs,
Phaestos
345;
on
339
;
Minoan,
Greeks,sacred,
346 189
disk,38346
Grove,
Hilla,
Gu-edin,
49,
117, 121sacred
f., 126,land162of; Ningirsu,
its free- Hilprecht,
59 f., 64,73Prof.f., 86,H. 98,V.,1029, f.,17,163,
dom from taxation, 271; divisions 165, 168, 170, 193, 197, 205, 219,
of, 127
Hît,226,7 244, 279, 311 f.,
Gubi,
262; Stele of, 154
Gubin, 261
Gudea, patesi of Lagash, 42 f., 47, Hittite culture, 347; cylinder-seals,
344 ; script,
339346; power,
347
Hogarth,
D.
G.,
f.
54,
242,
255,
279,
300,
348
;
reign
Hommel,Prof.
Fritz, 9,332
14, 313
of, 259ff.;
dateof,of,1861,f.,64,90256,
Honey,
forembalming,
buildings
276
;
f.,
Horse,introduction
ofthe, 162
264
ff.,f., 332270;; monuments
of,7047 f.,f., Horus,
324
f.
of,
259
statutes
Hoschander,
J.,21,206206, 211, 317
260 ff., 269 ; seal of, 48, 270 ; Hrozný,
F.,
14,
of,
260,266
f.;
sculpture
cylinders
of the period of, 66, 253, 333 ; Huber, E., 284
character of, 271 f.; deification of, ❘ Hulvan, 250
INDEX
371
Iter-kasha, king of Isin, 312; in
Human-headed
bulls, 77, 330
Hunger,
J.,
183
chronologicaltable,
Itûr-Shamash,
284 362
Huntington,
Ellsworth,
352,354
insuite ofSemiticprince, Ivory,
Huntsman,
78,seal332of, 246
246
Izinum,
Hyksos, 334
JASTROW,Prof.
Prof.P.,Morris,
54 205109, 211
Jensen,
39,
54f.,
IAMUTBAL, 317
Jéquier, G.,Elamite,
339 337
Ibalpel,
patesi
ofAshnunnak,
306
Jewellery,
Jidr, 31
Ibalum, 209
Ibi-Sin,
king
of
Ur,
297,
299
f.,
304,
of Umma,
plan
308; in chronologicaltable, 362 Jôkha,
of, 22site; cones
from,9,2321f.;
; tablets
IbnRusta,
Serapion,8 8
from, 295
Ili-Urumush,
203f.f.
Ilishma,
231,
243
Ilsu-rabi, patesi ofBasime,209
Kalki, seal of, 246
Kanizi,
early official of Shuruppak,
95
Ibla, 261
Ibn sharru, seal of, 217, 251
KA-AZAG,
patesiof Lagash,255,
257 ;
Ibniinchronological
table,
361
Idin-D
IdinDagan, king of 362
Isin, 310; in Kadi,
Ka-azag,fatherofNinkagina,
255
chronologicaltable,
101
;
temple
of,
285
Kagalad,
261 patesi ofSusa, 305
Idin-ilu,
Ikhi, 301patesi ofKisurra, 284
Kal-Rukhuratir,
Ili,chronological
patesi of Umma,
Uli, ancestor of Kuk-Nashur,
306
table, 360163 f.; in KalIlu-bani, 344
Kara-Uyuk,
pottery
from, 341 ;
tablets
from,
346
301
Imagery,
in Sumerian
art, 77eagle of Kardaka,
Imgig,
the
lion-headed
Karkar,
164
Kashtubila,
ofKazallu,
227 62 f.;
Ningirsu,
98
Impae,
185
Kassite
Dynasty,
of
Babylon,
Imprecations,
143
period, 162
38, 89, 339, 342
Kassites,
Indian
Ocean,
78
Indo-Europeans, 54
Kazallu,
227, 286, 319
Inlaying,74ff.
Kengi,
14
Inspectors, Sumerian, 179 ff.
KerPorter, Sir R., 39
Iluma-ilu, 32
Invocations,128f.,
Iran, 341, 357 f.
Kerkha, 335
Kermanshah, 340
Iranianplateau,335,
358
Kesh, 13,347
128, 152
Iron, 50
Khabûr,
Irrigation,
in Babylonia
andoxen
Egypt,
Khakhu, 261 daughter of Galu323;
methods
of,154
f.;
for,
Khala-Lama,
271
khazal, 296
Ishbi-Ura,
king ofIsin, 303, 308ff.; Khaladda,
patesi of Shuruppak, 28,
283
inchronologicaltable,362
281
Ishkun-Sin,
IsakunKhamazi, 103
Ishme-Dagan, king of Isin, 310f.; Khamasi,301
in chronologicaltable,362
Kharakene,
kingdom287f.,
of, 18290
the
of
form
Anzanite
Ishnunuk,
Kharshi,Kharishi,
212259, 289
nameAshnunnak,
Khashkhamer,
patesi of Ishkun-Sin,
Ishtar,
33,
226
f.,
250,
281,
284
Isin,63 f.in, Sumer,
13;racialthe character
Dynasty of,of Khenda,
Khegir, 185
309
ff.;
190 ff.
the
kings
of,
283
f.,
303
;
relation
|
Khotan,
351
of313ff.
its dynasty to that of Babylon, Khuluppu-trees,
290, 299
Khukhnuri, Khukhunuri,
Khul
261
Isis, 324
Khummatur,possible
reading of the
name
Lummadur,
161
Itaddu
I.,
patesi
ofSusa,
305
Itaddu II,, patesi of Susa, 305
Khumurti, 287 f.
INDEX
11, 13; name
of,
Khunnini,
patesi
ofKimash,291 LAGASH,
17 ; excavations
at, 17andff.;sitedesKhurshitu,
site
of,287
of,20,
31f.;
earlyhistory
Khutran-tepti,
Elamite dynasty of, truction
305f.
of,
84,
98
ff.;
under
Eannatum
and
his
successors,
120ff.;
sack
Kib
abbar,
147
of,
186
ff.;
under
Erech
and
Ur,
Ki-uri, 14
197,
200;
under
Semitic
dominaKi-urra, 14
tion,
205,ff.244,
247ff.;
laterrulersof
Kiab, 190
of,
252
;
in
the
kingdom
Kianki,
195f.
SumerDynasty
and Akkad,
277;
under
Kids,
the
of
Ur,
290f.,
296,
284
Kilulla,feessealof,of,181f.
298
of, 78, 98,see 100,
Kimash, 261, 288, 290 f..131, f.;160,emblem
167, 174f.;
also
372
King,
Tello
106 earlysignificationofthe title,
Lagrange,
Pèrefallof
M. J.,Lagash,
341 188ff.,
Kingi,14
Lamentonthe
Kings,
deification
of,
203,
222,
251,
193
273 f., 288, 298f., 300ff. ,310, 335 ; Lampre, G., 340, 356
Babylonianlist
Lance, votive, 229
Kinunir,190 of, 61f.
Lance-bearers,
Sumerian,
137
Land,
system
of
tenure,
95 ; purchase of, 206 ff.
Kish,
site
of,
8
f.,.
38
f.;
earliest
kings
of, 53, 99over,
ff., 202
f.; 152,
Su- Lankuku,
Langdon, S.,30651, 54, 57, 159
merianvictories
144ff.,
201
kingdom
53,228,
65, Lapis-lazuli,
270, 357 74 f., 104, 158, 266,
198, f.;
203later
ff., 210f.,
214f.,of,226,
230ff:, 249,252; deificationofkings| Larsa,
sitecult-centre,
of, 9 f.; excavations
at,
34;
as
84
f.;
history
of,
251;
purchase
ofland
at,
206
;
of, 147,
281, 310 f.,
commercial
313,
317 f.;152,see195
alsof.,Senkera
238 ; under relations
Sumu-abu,with319Lagash, 313,317f.;
Lasirab,king
ofGutiu,
250
Kisurra,site
of,9 f.; of,excavations
at, Laws,
Sumerian,
184
;
ofUrukagina,
28from,
ff.;284;
destruction
31f.;
brick
182 ff.; of Hammurabi, 184 ; of
seefromhandles
also AbuHatab
Ninâ
and282Ningirsu,
Knives,
panels
of,
81
Sun-god,
; see also272;
Codeof the
Knossos, 345 f.
Koldewey,
Dr. Robert,20f., 24, 37, Lebanon,
Le Strange,225,G.,3348
157,
160
Legends,
Sumerian,
175 ;of Semitic,
Komorof,
Gen., 355
Lomoror,Gen.,
77
;
Egyptian,
323f.;
Sargon,
Kopet
Dagh,
354
f.
,
357
217, 226, 232
Koptos,
324
Legge,
F., 329 f. Prof. C. F., 61, 63
Kubadh I., 8
Kudur-Nankhundi,
king
of
Elam,
Lehmann-Haupt,
304 ff.
Letters,
royal,172238 ; earliest example
ofa,
Kudurru-inscriptions,143
Libations, 48f.,7668,f. 140, 198
Kûfa, 8, 10
Libation-vase,
Kugler,
F.
X.,
297
Libation-water, 68ofIsin, 284, 310f.;
Kuk-Kirmesh,
sukkal
ofElam, 306 f. Libit-Ishtar,king
KukN
ashur,
or
Kukka-Nasher,
sukkal of Elam, 306 f.
in chronological table, 362
Kur-shesh,
patesi
ofUmma,209;
in
Libitgovernor of Sippar,
315Ishtar,
f.
chronologicaltable,
360
Libyan
settlers,of inUr-Ninâ,
Egypt, 334
Kurdistan,
86, 251 2, 355 f.
Lidda,
child
112; sex
Kurgans,
atAnau,
of,
115
ff.
Kurna, 8
Likhatcheff, M. 173
Kût el-'Amâra, 8
Limestone,
inlaying
Kutir-Nakhkhunte,
306f.
Line-characters,
329 with, 212
Kutû, 232, 244
Kirman,
357 ofGankhar, 308
Kisari, king
Kuyunjik,
paintedsettlement
pottery Lion,229,indecoration,
70, 79 f., 99f. ,
270 f.
from, 343217;
; Neolithic
at, 343
Lion-headedeagle,ofNingirsu, 98 f.
373
INDEX
MACE-HEADS,inBabyloniaandEgypt,
Lipum, patesi ofAnshan, 292
; of Mesilim, 80, 99 ; of
Lipush-Iau,
246
Literature, influence of Sumerian, 322,
Shar-333
Gani-sharri,218;
ofLasirab,
250;ceremonial,
of Gudea,111270 f.; supports
for
Liver-omens, 235
Maciver, Prof. D. Randall, 327
Loan-words,
Loaves,fees of,52 181 f.; as offerings, Madga,
261, 291
347
198
Madka,
291218, 238, 241 f., 258, 262
Magan,
14,
Lóczy,
Prof.
de,
353
Ma'er, Mari,
97 f., 146
Loess,
353
f.K., 5, 9, 17, 28, 32ff., 73 Magician,
Loftus,
W.
royal,236
Loin-cloth, Semitic,42
Makhar, 290
Makkan,
14336
Lower
Egypt,
325,
334
Lower
Sea,
the
Persian
Gulf,
194,
Mal-Amir,
197, 262
Malachite,
forface-paint,
330
Lower
World,
274
;
see
also
UnderManagers,
ofestates,
207
f.
world
Manishdussu,
Manishduzzu,Anzanite
forms ofthename Manishtusu, 206
Lu-enna,
priest of Ninmar, letter Manishtusu,
from, 172
king
of Kish,
206231ff.;;
campaigns
of,
211
f.,
224,
Lugunutur,
wife
ofEnlitarzi,
170
obelisk
of,statuesof,
95, 176, 212
203,f.;206cruciff.,
Lugal-anda,patesi
of173Lagash,169
ff., 222,
238
;
273;
sealings
of,
ff.;
fullname
monument
probably
to 53,
be
of, 169 ; in chronological table, form
360
assigned
to,
223
f.;
date
of,
65, 210 f.; in chronological table,
Lugal-andanushuga;
seeLugal-anda
360
Lugal-bur,
patesi
of
Lagash,
254
f.;
in chronological
table,361
Mannu-dannu,princeof
Magan,227,
241
Lugal-ezen,
112
f.,
115
Lugal-ezendug,patesi
ofNippur,294
Mantle,Babylonian,
Sumerian,oftheworld,313
42
Lugalk
igub-nidudu,
king
of
Erech
Map,
and Ur,360199 ff.; in chronological | Marad,
Mâr-Ishtar,seal
206 of, 344
table,
Lugal-kisalsi,
king
ofErech and Ur, Marduk,240,294;
Mardin, 244 origin ofemblem
199
f.
,
268
;
inchronologicaltable,
360
of, 342
Mari
; see Ma'er
Lugal-kurdub,
267
Lugal-magurri,
patesi
of
Ur
and
Markharshi,
286, 290 206
commander of the fortress, 299, Martu(Amurru),a
Marsh, ofNinkharsag,
301
WestSemiticgod,
344
Lugal-me,
272
Lugal-shag-engur,
patesi
of Lagash, Masiam-Ishtar,308
Lugals
hagengur
99
f.,
209
f.;
in
chronological
Maspero,Prof. G., early
324 official of
Mas
table, 360
Mash-Shuruppak,
Shuruppak,95ofAha, 323
Lugal-sisa,
267
Mastaba-tomb,
Lugal-tarsi,
king
of
Kish,
104;
in
Mat-burials, 3, 26 f.
chronological table, 360
n, 328
Lugal-uru,109, 168;
temple
of, 190 Mat-weaving,Egyptia
38
Wall,
Lugal-ushumgal,
patesi
of
Lagash,
Median
n, culture,to,2;197Lugal236
f.;
logicalf., 241,
table,253361ff., 279 ; in chrono- Mediterranea
expedition
zaggisi's
251,
233ff.,
225,
the,
and
Sargon
Lugal-zaggisi,king
ofErech,52,
163,
214; his sack of Lagash, 188 ff., 343 ff.; Gudea's supplies from,
; Gimil-Sinandthe, 300
262, 279Prof.
expedition,
197
f.,
233,
335;
in
|
Meissner,
Melukhkha, 238,B.,26117,f. 304, 309, 316
chronological
table,
360
Lulubu, 55, 242, 250, 287
Mena, 324324
LummadimdugCanal,
153,f.161, 168 Memphis,
210 ; reign of, 193 ff.; his western
LummagirnuntaCanal,
154, 162 Menêdir,
Ménant, J.,
31 217 f., 246
Lupad,
96
f.
Lyre-player, to the Moon-god 246 Menua, 261
2 B2
INDEX
374
Nana,
12,Moon-god
84, 146 f.,of304Ur,f. 84, 280,
Menudgid,
113
Nannar,
Minoanhieroglyphs,345
294 f., 298
Merv,194f.
354; oasis of, 351, 354
Mes,
Nannar-gugalCanal,281f.
Mesalim,son of Manishtusu, 209 f. Narâm-Sin,kingofAkkad, reign of,
Mesandu,king
slavesdedicated
to,65,18480,
Mesilim,
of
Kish,
53,
99 ff., 159, 209; in chronological
241
235, ff.;
244buildings
f.; date of,of,37,88
60ff., 65,f., 219,
203,
7 291
Mesopotamia,royal,
Messengers,
Hussein Stele, 244 ff.; Omens of,
217,
of, 242,
deification241;of,titles
251, 343
f.; in251;
chrono-
244, 284, 306, 313, 334
Migrations,
causes of, 354
Minotaurs,
346
Mishime,31150 f.
Mjelli,
Mongols, 54
252E., 324, 326 f., 332
sculpture,
Naville,
Prof.
Nebuchadnezzar II., 37 f.
Nekhune,
290 texts, 337
Neo-Anzanite
table, 360
Meslamtaea,284;
Mesniu, 324 temple to, 264
216, 218, 253; successors of, 246,
278;
42; 251;
his Stele
Victory,dress
228 of,f., 243,
the Pirof
logical table, 361
Messerschmidt,
L.,21,
52,15772 ff.; Narmer,
Sumerian,
Metal
casting,
324f.
Naruti, 212
Egyptian,
Elamite,337
327;
245 in Sumerian
Effendi,treatment,
Metal-work, engraved, 78, 167, 229 Natik
Naturalistic
Meyer,
Prof.
Edouard,
40,
47ff.,
50 ff., 62, 66, 73, 97, 110, 178, 184, design, 80 f.; in early Semitic
Neolithicperiod,
inBabylonia,
2 f.,
322,342
f.;
remains
of,atNineveh,
Monsters, in Sumerian art, 76
343; atat Susa,
340;
at Mussian,
2,
Moon-god,
45;Nannar,
dress ofSinthe, 48 ; see 340;
Anau,
2,
341;
in
Egypt,
also
Enzu,
Moon-cult, 84 f.
1 f., 323;areas,
in Aegeanand
Mediterranean
1
f.;
in
Northern
Mosaic
legislation,
348
Mother-of-pearl, 74f., 81f.
Greece, 341; wares ofthe, 340 ff.
Nergal,of38,the289,
293128ff., 165, 220,
Moulds,
N
264 for casting, 74; for bricks, Nets,
gods,
229
Mukayyar,
sitef.;of plan
Ur, 34;
excavaNew Moon, Feast of the, 298 f.
tions
at,
34
of,
34;
conE.,194,325,196,334266
tracted burials at, 30, 331; in- Newberry,P.
Nidaba,
190
f.,
scriptions
from,217,
280,
310
f.
Mummification, 331f.
Niebuhr,siteCarl,
219 8 f., 85 ; exMummincati
Muninnikurta,
112,
115
Niffer,
of
Nippur,
cavations
at, 86 ; votive
inscripMurîk-Tidnim,theWallofthe
West, tions
300
from,204,206;
dated
tablets
from,
309
;
contracted
burials
at,
Musayyib,
10
331 ; see also Nippur
Mussian,
excavations
at,
2,
340
;
Nin-azag-nun,
259
paintedpottery
340f., 356 Nin-Isin,
313
Mycenaean
epoch,from,
1
f.
Myres, Prof. J. L., 343174f.
Ninâ,
goddess,108,111, 152 f., 164 f.,
168, 185, 190, 206, 254 f., 264, 266,
Mythologicalbeings,
271 f., 275, 296
NABATAEANS, 40 216 ff., 268
Nina,division
ofreading
Lagash,of108the name
ff.,
60
Nabonidus,
Ninab,
possible
Ninni-esh, 163194f.
Naga-ed-Dêr, 326ofAdamdun,292 Ninabukhadu,
Nagidda,patesi
Ninagal, 259
10
Nahr Hindîya,
Nindar, 190,
330
323,
Nakâda,
Nindub,
266 259, 264
278
240,
Naksu,
Nineveh,
4 ; Neolithic settlement at,
Nalua-stone, 261
343
115
Namazua,
f. 255, Ningal,
272
298 ofNammakhni, 255
Names, symbolical,
Nammakhni,
patesi
ofLagash,
Ningandu,wife
258; in chronologicaltable, 361 Ningirsu, 43, 84, 127, 156, 164 ff.,
INDEX
375
206 ff.; namesfrom,
168, 172, 177,180f., 184 f., 190 f., descriptionof,
222, 238
259,
271
;
temple
of,89
f.,
95,
99f.,
Obsidian implements, from Kuyun108 f.laws
, 111,of,113,
155, 266ff.,
298;
272;123,emblem
of, 98, jik, 343
100,
140 f. votive, 199 ; funerary,
130 f.,175156; representations of, 67, Offerings,
Ningirsu-ushumgal Canal, 271
Officials,
for, 290179ff.;
f. orders for supplies
Ningishzida,
Gudea's
patron
deity,
Ohnefalsch-Richter, M. H., 344
47, 108, 264, 266; monsters of, Oil,
by, 183; for embalm76representationof,
f.; temple of, 47264, 269, 273 ; ing,divination
332
Omen-texts, historical traditions in,
Ninib,294
206, 219, 304, 309
255
Ninkagina,
Ninkharsag,13,
121,
127
f.,
148,
168,
Omens,
of Sargon
and233Narâm-Sin,
217,
219
f.,
224
f.,
ff.,
240 f.,
194,
289
;
temple
of,
259,
264,
269,
consultation
of
the,
266,
348
273
;
Marsh
of,
206
Ninki,
128
f. 281
Opis,
site
of, 11,202,13,22638 f.; history of,
Ninlil,
104,
145
f.,
152,
Ninmakh, 168, 189
Oppert, Jules,
4, 217 f.
Overseers,
oflandedproperty,207
f.,
Ninmar,
108,
172,
259,
296
210 f.
Ninni,
84,
104,
145,
194,
310
;
her
templetemples
atErech,
33,196, 280,
298
; PAINTING,ofthe body, 27
her
at
Lagash,
161,
190,
Palace-chamberlain,276
259,
264;
hertemple atof,Ninni-esh,
Palace
Tell, at Tello, 18, 90 f.
244
;
representations
135,
250
Palaeoliths,
Ninni-esh,
163,
195
f.,
238,
244
Ninsar, 185
Palaikastro, 2346 f.
Ninshakh,
Palermo Stele,
334 27, 330
177 Urukagina's patrondeity, Palettes,
early
Egyptian,
Nintud,
273
Pamirs, 351
Nin
Niphates, 11
Parthian
fortress,89;ofthe
palace,
18--- ;
Nippur,
site
of,
8
f.;
excavations
at,
Patesi,signification
title,106
in relation
to the city-god,
101 of,f.,
Babylonian
plan
32,
85; ff.;
early
181,
268
;
decrease
in
influence
of,
87
plan
of
the
inner
city
at,
173, 295 f., 302
of, Patron
86,
88 f.,; character
and107,history
deities,
47, 108f.,344177, 264,
13,
51
85
ff
.
,
98,
185,
198,
266;
on
cylinder-seals,
at,
238,
293
f.,
310
f.;
buildings
68, 98, 110180ff.
f.
86 ff., and
219,inscriptions
235, 244, from,
281, 48f.,
345 ; ❘ Perforatedplaques,
objects
Perquisites,ofthepriesthood,
201
73,
Perrot, 1,G.,39,6655, 245
311 102
; see f.,also193,
Niffer199, 201, 279 f., Persia,
Noeldeke, A., 24 f., 28 f.
Persian
Gulf,
6 f.,262,53,279,62320
f., 211,
NorthAfrica,
323,
352
234
f.,
242,
251,
Petrie,
Prof. W. M. Flinders, 330,
Northern
Babylonia,
Semitic
immi334
gration
into,
214,
230,
250f.,
358
;
see also Akkad
Petticoat, Sumerian, 42 f.
Northern China, 353
Phaestos,
346Minoan,
; disk from,
346
NorthernGreece,prehistoric
pottery
Pictographs,
345
from, 341
Pictorial
writing, systems
of, 328 f.
3
Picture
characters,
Northern
Syria,
347
Pilasters, 264
Nubia, 327
Pinches,
T. G.,42,218
Nudubtum,
seal
of,
344
Nuffar, 85 ; see Niffer
Pir
Hussein,
Plaid, Semitic, 42244 f.
Numeration,
systems
of,
339
Nusku, 294
Plans,
Babylonian, 87f., 260, 265
Plane-trees, 261
Nutugmushda, 286
Plano-convex
bricks, 26, 35, 91, 94,
332
OANNES, 53
CANNES,
262
Oaths, ratification of, 128
Obelisk, of Manishtusu, 95,176, 203; | Plaster,
Plating, withcopper, 74
376
INDEX
Poebel, A., 63,transference
312
Turkestan, 332, 341, 351 f.,
354
Population,
of, 208, Russian
238 ff.
-
Post-Sargonic,
use34, of37term,216, 228 Sabu,
SAB-DAGAN,313
Pot-burials,
30,
inElam,
290, 301 f.
Sumerian,3,
342;
Elamite,
Pottery,
140
Sacrifice,
340 f.;326ff.Cappadocian, 341; Egyp- Sagantug,
113,11628
tian,
Sa'id
Muhammad,
Prayer, ofdedication, 198
Sakjegeuzi,
Sakli,
226 potsherds from, 341
323
ff.
PredynasticEgyptians,
Prehistoricperiod,inBabylonia,
deeds of, 95 f., 160, 170 f.,
206 ff.
339 Sale,
84 ff., 322, 343; in Elam, 2, 2f.,
f.,S342;
in Egypt, 1 f., 322 ff.228 Samawa,
Samarra, 107, 39
argonic,useofterm,216,
PrePresents,
a sale of Samsu-iluna,
207
land, 95,accompanying
Samsun, 245 9, 31 f., 89, 162, 317
Ira M.,of,266
Price, Prof.
182
regulation
Prices,
Sand-dunes,
origin of, of,35351
Sandals,
introduction
Priesthood,power
of theSumerian,
Sangupriest,163 3, 26 f., 34 f.
Sarcophagus-burials,
167
f.,
172
f.;
exactions
of
the,
180 f.
of Agade,
216ff.;
historical
Proto-Elamite,
system of writing, Sargon
character
of,
216,
219,
224 ff.;
338 f.
his identification with Shar-GaniPtolemaic Canon, 62
sharri, 216ff., 220 ff., 227 f.; age
Pukhia,
king
287
ofKhurshitu,
of,
60ff.;
Legend
of,219217,
226,f.,
Pumpelly,
Raphael,
2,
332,
341,
351
232
;
Omens
of,
217,
f.,
224
f., 357334; expeditions of, 351 ff.
233 ff., 240; Chronicle of, 220,
Punt,
225;
" sons of the palace" of,
239
Pûr-Sagale,62
Pûr-Sin ; see Bûr-Sin
Sargonids,
337 8, 31
Purification, rites of, 266 f.
Sassanian
period,
Satuni,Prof.
king A.of Lulubu,
242291,f. 324 f.,
types,
41
f.,
44
f.
RACIAL
Sayce,
H.,
4,
73,
341, 345Heinrich, 334
Radau,
31.0 Hugo, 61, 109, 112, 115, 151, Schäfer,
Ranke, H.,H., 313,
Scheil,
Père
V.,228,21, 241,
37, 206,
209,
Rassam,
37 315
211
ff.,
220
ff.,
244,
272,
Rawlinson,
290 f.,319,295,336,338
297, 299,9.305
305ff., 310 f.,
Red Sea, 323Sirf. H. C.,4, 6, 217
314,
Reed, of Enki, 108
of, 84;
roofs324,of,326
94 ff.
Reeds,
Reisner,huts
G. A.,
14, 17,
Schmidt, Dr.
Schnabel,
P. ,Hubert,
63 341,351 f., 355
Schrader, Eberhard,4,
10928, 66 ff.,
Reservoirs,
154
f.
,
168,
185
Sculpture,
Sumerian,
3,
Revenue,
the, 181 224, 129 ff. , 252, 269 f., 333, 348 ;
farming ofManishtusu,
Revolts, against
earlySemitic,
66,213.220f.,
228 f.,
251
f.; Elamite,
337 ; Egyptian,
227, 231; against Sargon, 227, 333
240
Rhodes, 344
Sea, of the West, 234
Richthofen,
Ferdinand
Baron
von,
Sea-country,
32, 53,
353
Seal-cutting, 175
f. 62 f., 235
Rim-Sin,
Seal-impressions,proto-Elamite,
316 ff. king of Larsa, 31, 314, Seal-stones,
Cretan,345f. 339
probable203reading of the Sealings,
Rimush,
344 3, 27, 170, 173 ff. , 236 f.,
name Urumush,
77 241
staff,king
as emblem,
Ringed
Sebene Su, 245
Rîsh-Adad,
ofApirak,
Seistan,357
3938
Sumerian,265
Ritual,
f., 268, 348 Seleucia,
Semiramis,
Rogers,
Prof.
R.
W.,
17
Romans, 346
Semites,
racialf.; characteristics
of,
Rule, architect's, 265
40 ff., 246
immigrations of,
INDEX
377
47250ff.f.,, 53,336,55,347;
203,cause
214, 230
f., 238, | Shid-tab,
206 137 f., 286
of
Semitic
Shields, Sumerian,
migrations,
358;247,domination
of, Shilkhak-In-Shushinak,
336 306
Shilkhakha,
sukkal
ofElam,
203
ff.,
216
ff.,
249,
263,
320;
Shimash,
290 289
influence
of, 66220
f., 214,
334;f.,sculpture
of,
213,
f.,
228
243,
Shimbi-ishkhuķ,
251,
253 of,; hypothetical
Egyptian Ships,
262,Lagash,
334 17 ; see Lagash
invasion
323ff.,
328
Shirpurla,
Semitisms, 52
Shirukdu', Shirukdukh, sukkal of
Senkera, site of Larsa, 9 ; excava- Elam, 306 f.
tions
at, 314
34; inscriptions from, ❘ Shumerû,
Shrines, local,
84 f.
14
281, 311,
Sennacherib,
37, 217,
Shumu-abi, 307
Ser-i-Pul-i-Zohab,
250235
Shunet ez-Zebîb,
323
Serpents,
in
Sumerian
art,
76
Shurippak,
9
Shabara, 290
Shuruppak,
9 f.; excavaShad-Bitkim, Field of, 206
tions at, 24siteff.of,; destruction
of,
inscriptions
ShagaraktiB
uriash,
268
31
f.;
god
of,
84
;
Shagpada, 190
from, 95, 283 ; see also Fâra
Shagshag,
wife
of
Urukagina,
170,
Shushinak,
290, 337 212, 243, 337
176, 273
Shutruk-Nakhkhunte,
Shakanshabar,
267of,f.150
Sigbirra, 155
Shakh,
conquest
Sigiresh,engraving
290 upon, 78, 167 ; as
Shakh,
royal
steward,
170
Silver,
Shakh-Bau, 171
standard
of exchange,
207 ; from
Shamash, 212, 218, 223, 231, 244, 289 the
mountains,
262
Shar-Gani-sharri,
of Akkad, Simanu,
299 308
Simash, 306,
reign of, 216 ff.;king
his identification
with
Sargon, 225ff.,
216 ff., 220ff.,
290
conquestsof,
233, 240,227f.;
335, Simashgi,
Simebalar-khuppak,sukkal
ofElam,
306
343;
in relation
to Cyprus,
234 of,
f., Simuru,
343
f.;
administrative
system
287
f.,; see299also Nannar
236
ff.;
empire
of,
197
f.,
203,
Sin,
244,
289
215, 235
252;f.;buildings
of, 199,
219, Sin-idinnam, 9
226,
mace-head
of,
218;
of Isin, 309, 312
f.,
stele of victorypossiblyhis, 248f.; Sin-ikisha,king
362
319
;
in
chronologicaltable,
name
of, 218,
228;indeification
of, Sin-magir,
king oftable,
Isin,362309, 319 ;
251
;
date
of,
65;
chronological
in
chronological
table, 361
Sin-muballit,
Sharlak, king of Kutû, 232
Sinai, 40 63 f., 314, 316 ff.
SharruGStele
i, king
of Kish,
221ff.,
Sinaitic
peninsula,
24213 ; excavations
248;
of,
132,
220
f.,
228ff.;
Sippar,
site
of,
8
f.,
name of, 221 f., 224, 227 f.; son at, 37 ; history of, 85
85, 203, 205,
of, 223; datetable,360
of, 53, 65, 222 ; in 212,
218,Abu223,Habba
244, 250, 310, 319 ;
see also
chronological
Sharru-Gi-ili,
222
Siri, 290
290
Sharru-ukîn, 217, 221, 228
Siu,
Shashru,112288, 299
Skins,
clothing
of, 42,of,138328
Shatra,
Skulls,
measurement
Shatt el-'
'Ateshan,
10
Slate-carvings,
Egyptian, 322, 324,
Shatt
A
rab,
18
330,
334.
Shatt el-Farakhna, 11
Slavery, 184
Shatt
el-Hai,
8,
11,
21,
31,
101
300 ; sacred,
Shatt el-Kâr, 8f., 11, 21, 23f., 28, 31 Slaves,
of, 291184f. ;
foreign,public,
238; recruiting
Shatt-en-Nîl, 8 f., 86, 89
Smith, Dr. Elliot, 328
Shaving,
39, 217 f.
97 Sumerianpractice of, 40ff., Smith,George,
Sneferu,
334
Shekh Bedr, 11
Somaliland, 334
Shell,Sumerianuseof,41,76,78ff.,332
Sorcerers,
267 323, 334
Shemsu-Hor, 324
Southern Arabia,
INDEX
378
331f.; from,
"second
Spear,
or lance, Sumerian use of, burial
286
at, 333at,; objects
211period"
ff., 216,
Spoutingforvase,reliefs,
220, 241,of, 231,
243, 243
330,; 333
; early
symbol
ofthe, 48
patesis
native
Stamps,
166
Standards, carried in battle, 243 ; mite rulers of, 305 ff.; historyElaof,
of a goddess, 133
243,
261
f.,
284,
290
f.,
299,
304
Statues,
inwriting,
329255f. f., 276,
Sumerian,
71
f.;
earlySe- Symbolism,
Manishtusu,
mitic,
212
f.;
of
Synchronisms,
57,
62
ff.,
f.; 260
of Ur-Bau,
70;; symbolical
of Gudea, 307
70212
f.,
ff.,
269
Syria,
55,334225,
234, 261
f.,347270,; coast
300,
names
for,
272
f.;
offerings
to,
322,
f.,
341,
343,
272 f.;M. significance
of, 357
273
of, 198,
Stein,
Aurel,
351ff.,
ern,
347233, 258, 333, 358 ; NorthStelae,
ofdelimitation,
122,
126ff.,
Syro-A- rabian
desert,7cylinder- seals,
164
;
of
victory,
143,
228,
243,
Syro
Cappadocian
247 ff., 251
343 f.; pottery, 343
Stewards,
170,
246
Stilus, 265, 345
TABLETS, 3, 28, 37, 309; from Tello,
20, 171, 219,Desert,
254, 256
Stone,
rare
in
Sumer,
202
;
EgypTaklamakan
351f.,f. 293
tian vessels of, 327
Storehouses, 91 ff., 185, 297
Stormod, West
Stronggdrink,
feesSemitic,
of, 181 344
Tarim basin,
Taurus,
11, 86,351244, 347
Tax-gatherers,
180E., 5, 17, 30, 34 ff.,
Taylor,
Col.
J.
Su-people,
301
217
Subartu, 227
Tell,
of the
Tablets, 2020; " de la
Sûk
el-'Afej,
9,
85
Maison
desFruits,"
Sukkal-makh,title,301
Sukkallu, significance oftitle, 306ff. Tell37 Ibrâhîm,
site of Cutha, 8 f.,
f.
Sumer,
limits
of,
6
f.,
12f.;
names
Id, 23 36
for,13ff
.; inhabitantsin,95
of, 40ff.; Tell
Tell Lahm,
system
oflandtenure
Tell Manjur,39
Sumerian
civilization,age
of,56ff.;
34 314, 317 f.
Tell
Medina,
achievements
of,
66
ff.;
influence
Tell
Sifr,
34,
73,
of,under321theff.;kings
Sumerian
reaction,
siteat, of17 ff.;
Lagash,
17of,; excavaofcontroversy,"
Ur, 48, 253, Tello,
tions
plan
1989 ;ff.;
re283
f.;
"
Sumerian
4 ff.
buildings
mains
of
at,
Sumerians,
racialaffinity
characteristics
of, objects from, 20, 41 f., 44 f., 47ff.,
40female
ff.; types
racial
of,
54
f.;
171,
204,
219, 254, 256 f., 293,
of, 71f.; position of 73,
299,
342,
344
womenamong,
116, 286; original|
Temple-accounts,
293
home
of,
53
f.,
351,357f.;
earliest
Temple-towers,
53
f. 89; buildTemples,
earlySumerian,
settlements
of,
3,
84
ff.,
90ff.;
their
weapons
and286
methodoffightings attached
closure
of a, 265to, 90 ff., 268; ening,
50,
136
f.,
f.;
close
of
political career
of, 320
Temti-agun,
sukkalof
Susa, 307306 f.
Sumu-abu,
307,
319
Temti-khalki,
sukkal
ofElam,
Sumu-ilu,
king of Ur, 313; in TepeMussian;
seeMussian
chronologicaltable,
Terra-cotta,stamped
figures of,75 f.
Sun-god,
temples
of,
37,
186,
189,
Testing-house,forweights,294f.
311; lawsShamash
of, 184, 282 ; see also Theft,lawsagainst,
182
Thessaly,
341
Babbar,
Sun-worship,
Babylonian
centres of, Thinis,
324
84
f.;
Egyptian,
334
This,
324
Sunanam,150
Thompson, R.M. Campbell,
Surghul, 89, 331, 345; excavations Thompson,
S., 341 38
at, 20 f.
Throwing-stick,
79 26, 91, 94
Susa,
excavations
at,
2,
39
f.,
206,
Thumb-marks,
onbricks,
305, 335, 339 f., 356 ; first settle- Thureau-Dangin, F., researches of,
ment at, 330 f.; earliest form of
54, 57, 266 ; referred to, 9, 12, 14,
379
INDEX
274, 288, 298 f.; downfall of the
18,
65, 95158,
f., Dynasty
98, 39,101,52,10358,ff.,61,109,63, 120,
of, 300 ff.; later history
162
178, 232,
188, 193
193,
203 f.f.,, 165,
219, 169ff.,
222, 225,
237,
of, 309 ff., 313, 317 f.; see also
Mukayyar
240 f.,285,246287,
f., 290,
254 f.,298,259,300f.,306,
274ff., Ur-abba,
patesi
of Lagash, 275 ff.,
chronologicaltable,362
281;
in
280,
317 ff., 335
Ur-inchronological
Babbar, patesitable,
of Lagash,
254;
Tidanu,
261,
300
361
UrbBaga,
284
Tidnu, 300
Ur-254
au,patesiofLagash,19,70,
90f.,
Tig-abba, 291
f.,
258
f.,351;
in
chronological
Tigris,
6
;
changes
inchannel
of,
8
;
361
contrasted
with Euphrates,
11 f.; Ur-table,
period
ofhighwaterin,
11;upper
B
au,
son 301
ofBûr-SinI., 297
Ur-Dunpae,
reaches
of,
246
Timat-Enlil, 301
Ur-E,
patesi oftable,361
Lagash, 254 f.; in
Time-reckoning,
295;
seealso
Dating
chronological
Tin,
as an
alloy,
73189
Ur-reign
Engur,of,king
offf.;Ur,buildings
64, 253, 276of,;
Tirash,
109,
185,
278
Tithes,
180P., 266
219, 280 f.;
architectural
deToscanne,
velopment
under,
263
f.;
deifiTrade-routes, 322
cation
of, 274; in chronological
table,
362
Transcaspia,341,356
Treaties,101, 126
Ur-Enlil,patesi
patesiofofNippur,
98 258 ;
Ur-gar,
Lagash,
255,
Tribute,
in
grain,
127
in chronological table, 361
Tukîn-khatti-migrisha, 299
Ur-gigir,patesi
patesiofofAdamdun,
Ur-ilim,
Susa, 231 292
Ur-Khumma,
possible
name Urlumma,
158reading of the
Tuz-Khurmati, 287
Ur-Lama
I.,274,patesi
ofin Lagash,
296 ;
UBARA,
296
cult
of,
299
;
chronological
Ubil-Ishtar,
an Akkadian prince, table, 362
246
Tupliash ; seeAshnunnak
Turkestan, 1, 332, 341, 351 ff.
Tutu, 246
Ur-Lama
II.,
patesi of Lagash,
296,
chronological
Ug-edin
Canal,
154
301;
in
table,
362
Ug-me,
patesi oftable,
Lagash,
254; in Ur-mama,
patesitable,
of Lagash,
254 ; in
chronological
361
chronological
361
Ugigga, battle of, 159
Ur-nabbad,
patesiofofNippur,
294; in
Ukush,patesi
ofUmma,
188,
194
f.;
|
Ur-nesu,
patesi
Umma,
295
chronological table, 362
in chronological
table, 360
Ullu,
290
Ur-Nina,
king of Lagash, reign of,
ff.; date of, 65; store-house
Umanu,
261 of, 9,11, 13, 21 f., read- 106
Umma, site
of, 20, 90 ff.; bas-reliefs of, 41,
ingf.,of100
namef., 120ff.,
of, 21; 144
history
of, 98,
110
ff.; closetoofstatue
dynasty
of,
96
f., 152,
168
f.;
offerings
of,
169,
158 ff., 186 ff.,of,195,31238,
273 ; in chronologicaltable,
360
destruction
f.; 258,
see 298
also; Ur-Ningirsu,
patesi
of
Lagash,
reign
Jôkha
of,
274
ff.;
his
relations
to
the
Underworld,149
Dynasty
of Ur,
64, 255 ; engraved
Ungnad,
Prof.
A.,
14,
52
f.,
63,
162,
shell
of,81;
inchronologicaltable,
361
306f.,313,317
Upper
Egypt,
323
ff.
UrNingirsu,
priest
of Ninâ,
proUpper
Sea,
the
Mediterranean,
194,
bably
to
be
identified
with
the
197,262
patesi, 255, 274 ff.
Ur,at,site34 of,f.;, 9f.,
patesi of Ashnun13, 34; excavations
9f.as ,cult-centre,35,
Ur,siteof
nak, 306
84 f.; Ur-Ningishzida,
king table,
of Isin,
309ff. , in
earlierhistory
of,; 147,
152, 195
f., Ur-Ninib,
chronological
362
199
f.,
238,
263
Dynasty
of,
64,
Ur-Ninpa,
95patesi of Lagash, 255 ;
253,
256, under
276 f., kings
278 ff.;of,Sumerian
Ur-Ninsun,
reaction
48,
238,
283 f.; deification ofkings of, 251, in chronological table, 361
380
INDEX
Ur-295
Pasag, patesi of Dungi-Babbar, 331
from, 280 ; contracted burials at,
Ura-imitti,
king of Isin,
312; in Waxwriting-tablet,
Water,forlibation, 198origin of, 346
chronologicaltable,
362
chronologicaltable,
Urbillu,109,
287255,
f., 299,
301 f.
Weapons,73;
Sumerian,
50, 136 f.,
Uri-zi,
268
Semitic,
286
286
247,
f.;
Urkarinnu-wood,
261
Weights, 294Prof.
f. F. H., 6, 38, 319
Urkium,
patesi
of
Susa,
291,
305
Weissbach,
Urlumma,
patesi
of Umma, 158ff.,
93,Wall
155 of the,
Well,
ofSeaEannatum,
chronologicaltable,
160ff.;
in
360
West,
of
the,
234;
Urmi, Lake, 197
inof234Babylonian
300
; extent
Urnuntaea,
185
in
the,
f.,
343
ff.
fluence
Urri,
290
of,
Western
341 Asia,3; early ceramics
Ursu, 261
Urtar,adivision
170 ofLagash, 108, 259 Western
the, 55 ;
Semites, originof ofSumerian
their destruction
Uru,
towns, 32; invasions of, 315 f.
Uru-azagga,
a division
of264Lagash,
of, ; 323,
357 ;
108
;
temples
in,
259,
;
forti|
Wheat,
cultivation
fication of, 153
original
home
of,
332
in
earliest
Urukagina,
kingdateofof,Lagash,
reign
stratum
at Anau,43,332
of,
176
ff.;
65,
209
f.;
Wigs,
Sumerian,
reforms of, 177ff., 348; buildings | Wine, fees of, 181 f. 46, 138
of184;, 185fffate.; of,familyof,
170f., 176, Winckler,
Prof.Hugo,14,
61, 103,
193
;
predecessors
219,
235,
275,
317,
344
f.
of, 169 ff.;
records
from
inscribed
effects of, 353
Wind-erosion,
Wizards,
267
plaque
of,
158
f.,
178,
186
;
in
chronologicaltable, 360
of, 116,
Women,position
and rights
Urukagina,sonofEngilsa,176,209f.
clothing
of,
42;
Su184,
286
;
statuettes
of,
71
f.
Urukagina,fatherofAbba-dugga,313
merian
Urumush,
or203Rimush,
kingof,of205Kish,f., | Woolley,
C.scenes
L., 327
reign
of,
ff.;
fate
Worship,
of, of44 cuneiform, 3,
240;
period
of,
53,
210
f.;
in
Writing,
invention
chronological
table,
360103 f.; in 329
Elamite
formssystemof,
f., 347;
Urzage,
king
of
Kish,
origin
337
ff.;
ofEgyptian
360 124, 126, noan,
of, 325,345328 f.; Hittite, 339 ; MiUsh,chronologicaltable,
patesi
of
Umma,
122,
158f.; in261
chronological table,360 Wuswas, 33
Ushû-wood,
8353, 357
Ut-napishtim,
9of Kish, 102 f.; in | ҮÂĶÛT,
Utug,
patesi
Yotkan,
chronologicaltable, 360
Yurung-kash, 354
Uzargarshana,
301
ZAB,
Lower, 232
VAN,
Lake,
197
Zabalu-wood,
261
Zabshali,
299
Vases,
votive,
193,
199ff.,
204;
for
libations, 76motives,
f.;forbody-paint,330
mountains,55,302;
pass, 250
Vegetable
on Elamite Zagros
Zakhara,
225
f.
paintedpottery,
Zakro,
sealings
from, 346of, 39
Visions
; see Dreams341
Zamama,
103;
temple
Vultures,
Stelereferred
of the,to,description
Isin,313;inchronoof, 129 ff.;
42 f.,142
48, | Zambia,kingof
logical
table,
362
105, 117
f.f.,, 120330ff.;
ff., 127, origin
136, 142,of Zarik,
patesi
ofSusa, 291, 305
220,
228
Zarzari,
185
Zaula, 290
popularname of, 125
Ziggurat, institution of the, 53 f.;
WACE,
A.
J.
B.,
341
at Nippur,
89 ;of,of206
Gudea, 264 f.
WadiHammamât, 323
Zimanak,
Field
f.
Prof.Heinrich,54
Zimmern,
Ward, W.siteHayes,
65, 78
Warka,
ofErech,9;excavations
Zuzu,
kingof
Opis,146;
inchronoat, 32 ff.; plan of, 33 ; bricks | logical table,360
DEC 14 1915
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ERIDU
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Showing the Sites ofAncient Cities.
20
THE
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URO
1
30
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(Persian Gulf)
Scale 4,0of English
60 Miles 80
PERSIA M
100
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Ancient Names thus
Modern Names thus
Tello
Kuwait
Modern Boundary ofTurkey & Persia thus -
1
46
48
1
46
47
48
40
[To face page 880.