LOMONOSOV MOSCOW STATE UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF
FOREIGN LANGUAGES
English Language Department for the Humanities Faculties
ENGLISH READER FOR
SOCIOLOGY STUDENTS
PART I & II
Compiled and Adapted by N.D. Starkova and A.L. Burak
Moscow 2005
LOMONOSOV MOSCOW STATE UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF
FOREIGN LANGUAGES
English Language Department for the Humanities Faculties
ENGLISH READER FOR
SOCIOLOGY STUDENTS
PARTI
Compiled and Adopted by N.D. Starkova and A.L. Burak
Moscow 2005
FOREWARD
The Reader includes extracts from original British and American sources on
sociology. The second edition also includes an English-Russian dictionary of
sociological terms. The texts have been extensively tested on sociology students
in the classroom. Most of the materials have been substantially shortened and
slightly adopted to suit the local teaching needs. To a greater or lesser extent the
Reader is geared to the areas of specialization and specialist courses taught in
the Sociology Faculty at Moscow University. Each thematic section of the
Reader is supplied with questions and project assig- mcnts aimed at developing
the speaking and writing skills of sociology students in the areas of their
specialisation. The compilers of the Reader hope that it will be conducive to a
more effective teaching of English for specific purposes to sociology students.
In the course of compiling the Reader the following sources were used:
1. Anthony Giddens. SOCIOLOGY. A brief but critical introduction.
Second edition. Macmillan Education. Houndmills, Basingstoke and
London. 1986
2.
Gerald R. Lesilie, Richard F. Larson and Benjamin L. Gorman.
ORDER AND CHANGE. Introductory sociology. Oxford University
Press. New York, London, Toronto. 1973.
3.
The Economist. April 23. 1988.
I. SOCIOLOGY: ISSUES AND PROBLEMS1
N.D. Starkova, A.L.Burak
The Context of Sociology
The development of sociology, and its current concerns, have to be grasped
in the context of changes that have created the modern world. We live in an age
of massive social transformation. In the space of only something like two
centimes a sweeping set of social changes, which have hastened rather than
lessened their pace today, have occurred. These changes, emanating originally
from Western Europe, are now global in their impact. They have all but totally
dissolved the forms of social organisation in which humankind had lived for
thousands of years of its previous history. Their core is to be found in what
some have described as the "two great revolutions" of eighteenth- and.
nineteenth-century Europe. The first is2 the French revolution of 1789, both a
specific set of events and a symbol of political transformations in our era. For
the 1789 revolution was quite different from rebellions of previous times.
Peasants had sometimes rebelled against their feudal masters, for example, but
generally in an attempt to remove specific individuals from power, or to secure
reductions in prices or taxes. In the French revolution (to which we can bracket,
with some reservations, the anti-colonial revolution in North America in 1776)
for the first time in history there took place the overall dissolution of a social
order by a movement guided by purely secular ideals — universal liberty and
equality. If the ideals of the revolutionaries have scarcely been fully realised
even now, they created a climate of political change that has proved one of the
1
См. ж-л "Социологические исследования", № 2, 1994, с. 129-138 (Перевод).
dynamic forces of contemporary history. There are few states in the world today
that are not proclaimed by their rulers to be "democracies", whatever their actual
political complexion may be. This is something altogether novel in human
histoiy. It is true that there have been other republics, most especially those of
Classical Grcecc and Rome. But these
3
were themselves rare instances; and in each case those who formed the
"citizens" were a minority of the population, the majority of whom were slaves
or others without the prerogatives of the select groups of citizenry.
The second "great revolution" was the so-called industrial revolution",
usually traced to Britain in the late eighteenth century, and spreading in the
nineteenth century throughout Western Europe and the United States. The
industrial revolution is sometimes presented merely as a set of technical
innovations: especially the harnessing of steam power to manufacturing
production and the introduction of novel forms of machinery activated by such
sources of power. But these technical inventions were only part of a very much
broader set of social and economic changes. The most important of these was
the migration of the mass of the labour force from the land into the constantly
expanding sectors of industrial work, a process which also eventually led -to the
widespread mechanisation of agrarian production. This same process promoted
an expansion of cities upon a scale again previously unwitnessed in history. It
has been calculated that prior to the nineteenth century, even in the most highly
urbanised societies, no more than 10 per cent of the population lived in towns or
cities — usually considerably less in most agrarian states and empires. By
modem standards, virtually all cities in pre-industrial societies, even the most
famed cosmopolitan centres, were relatively small. The population of London in
the fourteenth century, for example, has been calculated at 30,000; that of
Florence during the same period has been put at 90,000. By the turn of the
nineteenth century, the population of London already outstripped that of any
previous city in history, standing at some 900,000 souls. But in 1800, even with
such a large metropolitan centre, only a small minority of the population of
England and Wales lived in cities of any size. A century later, somewhere near
40 per cent of the population were inhabitants of cities of 100,000 or more, and
nearly 60 per cent were living in cities of 20,000 or more.
Percentage of world's population living in cities
Cities of 20, 000 or more
Cities of 100,000 or more
1800
2.4
1.7
1850
4.3
1900
9.2
5.5
1950
20.9
13.1
1970
31.2
16.7
1982
34.6
18.1
4
2.3
Source: Kingsley Davis, "The origin and growth of urbanisation in the world",
American Journal of Sociology, vol. 61, 1955 (updated).
Table 1.1 shows that urbanisation has expanded dramatically upon a world
scale, and continues to do so. All the industrialised countries are highly
urbanised, by whatever indices one chooses to distinguish the "town" or "city"
from smaller population aggregates. But there are rapidly expanding urban areas
in most of the Third World countries as well. The largest urban areas in the
contemporary world are quite enormous when contrasted to cities in societies
before the nineteenth century.
If industrialism and urbanism are at the heart of the transformations that
have irretrievably dissolved most traditional forms of society, there is a third
phenomenon associated with them which must be given mention. This is the
quite staggering increase in the number of people in the world today, compared
with yesteryear. It has been estimated that, at the time of the birth of Christ, the
world probably contained something less than 300 million inhabitants. The total
number seems to have grown at a fairly steady, but slow, rate up to the
Table this
1.1
eighteenth century; world population probably just about doubled over
period. Since then there has occurred the 'population explosion' of which
everyone has heard, however little they may know about the details. Today there
arc nearly 4,800 million people living in the world, this number expanding at
such a rate that, if it continues, world population will double each forty years.
While the consequences of such population growth for the future of humankind are fearful, and
subject to considerable debate, the factors lying behind the origins of recent
population growth are less controversial than those of industrialisation or
urbanism. For most of human history, there has been a general balance between
birth and death rates. While this in some respects is a complex matter, there are
two main phenomena that dominate others. One is that, prior to the last two
centuries, the average life span from birth was rarely more than thirty-five years,
and often less. The second factor was the size of the mortality rate of children; it
was not uncommon, in mediaeval Europe and elsewhere, for up to half of the
children bom annually to die before reaching adulthood. The rise in life
expectancy, and dramatic decreases in child mortality rates — brought about by
improved sanitation, general conditions of hygiene, and the medical conquest of
some of the major infectious diseases — have unleashed this prodigious
population growth.
Sociology: A Definition and Some Preliminary Considerations
Sociology came into being as those caught up in the initial series of changes
brought about by the 'two great revolutions' in Europe sought to understand the
conditions of their emergence, and their likely consequences. Of course, no field
of study can be exactly pinpointed in terms of its origins. We can quite readily
trace direct continuities from writers in the middle of the eighteenth century
through to later periods of social thought. The climate of ideas involved in the
formation of sociology in some part, in fact^helped give rise to the twin processes
of revolution.
How should 'sociology' be defined? Let me begin with a banality. Sociology
is concerned with the study of human societies. Now the notion of society can be
5
formulated in only a very general way. For under the general category of
'societies' we want to include not only the industrialised countries, but large
agrarian imperial states (such as the Roman Empire, or
traditional China), and, at the other end of the scale, small tribal communities
that may comprise only a tiny number of individuals.
A society is a cluster, or system, of institutionalised, modes of conduct. To
speak of 'institutionalised' forms of social conduct is to refer to modes of belief
and behaviour that occur and recur — or, as the terminology of modern social
theory would have it, are socially reproduced — across long spans of time and
space. Language is an example of such a form of institutionalised activity, or
institution, since it is so fundamental to social life. All of us speak languages
which none of us, as individuals, created, although we all use language creatively.
But many other aspects of social life may be institutionalised: that is, bccomc
commonly adopted practices which persist in recognisably similar form across the
generations. Hence we can speak of economic institutions, political institutions,
and so on. Such a use of the concept 'institution', it should be pointed out, differs
from the way in which the term is often employed in ordinary language, as a loose
synonym for 'group' or 'collectivity' — as when, say, a prison or
л
hospital is referred to as an 'institution'.
These considerations help to indicate how 'society' should be understood, but
we cannot leave matters there. As an object of study, 'society' is shared by
sociology and the other social sciences. The distinctive feature of sociology lies in
its overriding concern with those forms of society that have emerged in the wake
of the 'two great revolutions' . Such forms of society include those that are
industrially advanced — the economically developed countries of the West, Japan
and Eastern Europe — but also in the twentieth century a range of other societies
stretched across the world. For no social order in modern times remains
untouched by the forces unleashed by the 'two great revolutions'. I want to
emphasise very strongly that the 'advanced' societies cannot be treated as though
they were isolated from the rest of the world, or from societies that have preceded
them in time — although a good deal of sociology is written as though such were
the case.
In the light of these remarks, a definition can be offered of the subject as follows.
Sociology is a social science, having as its main focus the
study of the social institutions brought into being by the industrial
transformations of the past two or three centuries. It is important to stress that
there are no precisely defined divisions between sociology and other fields of
intellectual endeavour in the social sciences. Neither is it desirable that there
should be. Some questions of social theory, to do with how human behaviour and
institutions should be conceptualised, arc the shared concern of the social
sciences as a whole. The different 'areas' of human behaviour that are covered by
the various social sciences form an intellectual division of labour which can be
justified in only a very general way. Anthropology, for example, is concerned
nominally with the 'simpler' societies: tribal, chiefdoms, and agrarian states. But
these either have been dissolved altogether by the profound social changes that
have swept through the world, or they are in the process of becoming
incorporated within modem industrial states. The subject-matter of economics, to
take another instance, is the production and distribution of material goods.
However, economic institutions are plainly always connected with other
institutions in social systems, which both influence and are influenced by them.
Finally, history, as the study of the continual distancing of past and present,
• is the source material of the whole of the social sciences.
Many of the prominent thinkers associated with the development of
sociology were impressed with the importance of science and technolegy in
contributing to the changes they witnessed. In setting out the aims of sociology,
therefore, they sought to duplicate, in the study of human social affairs, the
successes of the natural sciences in explaining the material world. Sociology was
to be a "natural science of society". Auguste Comte, who lived from 1798 to
1857, and who coined the term "sociology", gave this view its clearest and most
comprehensive formulation. All the sciences, he claimed, including sociology,
share an overall framework of logic and method; all seek to uncover universal
laws governing the particular phenomena with which they deal. If we discover
the laws governing human society, Comte believed, we will be able to shape our
own destiny in much the same way as science has allowed us to control events in
the natural world. His famous formula, Prevoir pour pouvoir (to be able to
predict is to be able to control), expresses this idea.
Since Comte's time, the notion that sociology should be fashioned upon the
natural sciences has been the dominant view of the subject — although it has
certainly not gone unchallenged, and has also been expressed in various differing
ways. Emile Durkheim (1858-1917), one of the most influential figures in the
development of sociology in the twentieth century, continued some of Comte's
emphases. Sociology, he declared, is concerned with "social facts", which can be
approached in the same objective way as the facts with which the natural sciences
deal. In his short, but very influential book The Rules of Sociological Method
(1895), Durkheim proposed that social phenomena should be treated like things:
we should regard ourselves as though we were objects in nature. Thereby he
accentuated the similarities between sociology and natural science.
As I have mentioned earlier, although this type of standpoint has been very
pervasive in sociology, it is one I reject. To speak of sociology, and of other
subjects like anthropology or economics, as "social sciences", is to stress that they
involve the systematic study of an empirical subject-matter. The terminology is
not confusing so long as we see that sociology and other social sciences differ
from the natural sciences in two essential respects.
(1) We cannot approach society, or "social facts", as we do objects or events
in the natural world, because societies only exist in so far as they are created
and re-created in our own actions as human beings. In social theory, we cannot
treat activities as though they were determined by causes in the same way as
natural events are. We have to grasp what I would call the double Involvement
of individuals and institutions: we create society at the same time as we are
created by it. Institutions, I have said, are patterns of social activity
reproduced across time and space. It is worthwhile reflecting for a moment
upon what this involves. To speak of the "reproduction" of social conduct or
social systems is to speak of the repetition of similar patterns of activity by
actors separated from each other in time and space.
It is very important indeed to stress this point, because much social theory —
including that of Durkheim — is pervaded by a tendency to think in terms of
7
physical imagery, a tendency which can have damaging consequences. Social
systems involve patterns of relationships among individuals and groups. Many
sociologists picture these patterns as rather like the walls of a building, or the
skeleton of a body. This is misleading because it implies too static or unchanging
an image of what societies are like: because it does not indicate that the patterning
of social systems only exists in so far as individuals actively repeat particular
forms of conduct from one time and place to another. If we were to use this sort of
imagery at all, we should have to say that social systems are like buildings that are
at every moment constantly being reconstructed, by the very bricks that compose
them.
(2) It follows from this that the practical implications of sociology arc not
directly parallel to the technological uses of science, and cannot be. Atoms
cannot get to know what scientists say about them, or change their behaviour
in the light of that knowledge. Human beings can do so. Thus the relation
between sociology and its "subject-matter" is necessarily different from that
involved in the natural sciences. If we regard social activity as a mechanical
set of events, determined by natural laws, we both misunderstand the past and
fail to grasp how sociological analysis-can help influence our possible future.
As human beings, wc do not just live in history; our understanding of history
is an integral part of what that history is, and what it may become. This is why
we cannot be content with Comte's idea of Prevoir pour pouvoir, seen as social
technology. In the social sciences, we are addressing other human beings, not
an inert world of objects. It is often precisely by showing that what may appear
to those involved as inevitable, as unchallengeable — as resembling a law of
nature
— is, in fact, a historical product, that sociological analysis can play an
emancipatory role in human society. At the same time, sociological analysis
teaches sobriety. For although knowledge may be an important adjunct to
power, it is not the same as power. And our knowledge of history is always
tentative and incomplete.
The Sociological Imagination: Sociology as Critique
The practice of sociology, I argue in this book, demands invoking what C.
Wright Mills has aptly called the 'Sociological imagination' (C. Wright Mills, The
Sociological Imagination, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1970). The term has been so
oft-quoted that it is in danger of being trivial- ised, and Mills himself used it in a
rather vague sense. I mean by it several related forms of sensibility indispensable
to Sociological analysis as I conceive of it. An understanding of the social world
initiated by the contemporary industrialised societies — present-day society as
first formed in the West — can only be achieved by virtue of a threefold exercise
of the imagination. These forms of the Sociological imagination involve a
historical, an anthropological, and a critical sensitivity.
Human beings, genetically identical to us, have probably existed for
something like 100,000 years. So far as we know from archaeological remains,
'civilisations', based upon settled agriculture, have been in existence at the most
for only the past 8,000 years. But this seems a very large period of time compared
with the tiny sliver of recent histoiy dominated by the rise of industrial capitalism.
Historians are not agreed about dating the origins of Western capitalism as a
prevailing mode of economic enterprise; but it is difficult to make a case for
placing it further back than the fifteenth or sixteenth centuries in Europe.
Industrial capitalism, the conjunction of capitalistic enterprise with machine
production in the factory, has its origins no earlier than the latter part of the
eighteenth century, and then was to be found only in parts of Britain. The past
hundred years, the century or so which has seen the world-wide expansion of
industrial capitalism, have none the less brought about social changes more
shattering in their consequences than any other period in the whole previous
histoiy of humankind. Those of us in the West live in societies that have absorbed
8
the first impact of these changes. The contemporary generation is familiar
with societies geared to rapid technological innovation, in which most of the
population live in towns or cities, work in industrial labour, and are 'citizens' of
nation-states. But this now familiar social world, created so rapidly and
dramatically in such a brief time span, is quite unique in human history.
The first effort of sociological imagination that has to be exercised by the
analyst of the industrialised societies today is that of recovering our own
immediate past — the 'world we have lost'. Only by such an effort of the
imagination, which of course involves an awareness of history, can we grasp just
how differently those in the industrialised societies live today from the way people
lived in the relatively recent past. Brute facts help, such as those I mentioned in
г
connection with urbanism. But what is really demanded is an attempt at the
imaginative reconstruction of the texture of forms of social life that have now
been very largely eradicated. Here there is no distinction between the craft of the
sociologist and the art of the historian. Eighteenth-century Britain, the society in
which the impact of the industrial revolution was first experienced, was still a
society in which the customs of the local community held sway, knit together by
the pervading influence of religion. It was a society in which we can see
recognisable continuities with Britain in the twentieth century, but where the
contrasts are quite remarkable. The organisations which are so commonplace
today existed in no more than rudimentary- form: not just factories and offices, but
schools, colleges, hospitals, and prisons only came to be widespread in the
nineteenth century.
These changes in the texture of social life are of course in some part of a
material sort. As one historian describing the industrial revolution has written:
Modern technology produces not only more, faster; it turns out objects that
could not have been produced under any circumstances by the craft methods of
yesterday. The best Indian hand spinner could not turn out yarn so fine and regular
as that of the mule; all the forges in eighteenth-century Christendom could not
have produced steel sheets so large, smooth, and homogeneous as those of a
modem strip mill. Most important, modern
9
technology has created things that could scarcely have been conceived in the
pre-industrial era: the camera, motor car, the aeroplane, the whole array of
electronic devices from the radio to the high-speed computer, the nuclear power
plant, and so on almost ad infinitum... The result has been an enormous increase in
the output and variety of goods and services, and this alone has changed man's
way of life more than anything since the discovery of fire: the Englishman of 1750
was closer in material things to Caesar's legionnaires than to his own great-grandchildren. (David S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus, Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press, 1969, p. 5.)
The sheer scale and pervasive character of technological innovation is
undeniably one of the distinctive features of the industrialised societies today.
Closely connected to it is the decline of tradition, the foundation of day-to-day life
in the local village community and important even in urban life in the precapitalist era. Tradition encapsulated the present in the past, and implied an
experience of time distinct from that which predominates in contemporary
Western societies. The individual's day was not demarcated into 'work time' and
'free time' as tends to be the case today; and 'work' was not cleanly separated from
other activities, either in time or in space.
I referred earlier to the intersection of two great revolutions that lie at the
origin of the transformation of the societies of Western Europe. The second was
political revolution, which connects to the rise of the nationstate, as significant a
phenomenon as the rise of industrialism in creating the modern world. Those
living in the West tend to take it for granted that they are all 'citizens' of a
particular nation, and no one could fail to be aware of the extensive part which the
state (centralised government and local administration) plays in their lives. But
the development of rights of citizenship, in particular the universal franchise, is
also relatively recent. So is nationalism, the feeling of belonging to a distinctive
national community, separate from others. These have become characteristic
features of the 'internal' organisation of nation-states, but it is equally important to
draw attention to the relations among nation-states as fundamentally distinctive of
the modern era.
We live today in a world system that has no parallel in previous ages. The
'two great revolutions' have each proved to have ramifications on a world scale.
Industrial capitalism is predicated upon an enormously complicated specialisation
of production, a division of labour in which exchange relationships are world10 the room in which you arc sitting, or
wide. Consider the clothes you are wearing,
the food you will eat at your next mealtime. It is unlikely that you yourself will
have made your own clothing, constructed your own dwelling, or grown the food
you consume. In the industrialised countries we are quite accustomed to such a
situation, but before the advent of industrial capitalism the division of labour was
veiy much less complex. The majority of the population catered directly for most
of their own needs, and where they did not they drew upon the services of others
in their local community. But today products are manufactured and exchanged
world-wide, in a truly global division of labour. Not only are many of the goods
consumed in the West produced on the other side of the world, and to some extent
vice versa, but there may be intricate connections among productive processes
carried on in widely separated places. Some parts of a TV set, for example, might
be made in one country, other parts elsewhere; the set might then be assembled
somewhere else, and be sold in yet another place altogether.
But it is not only the expansion of economic relationships that has given rise
to a novel and unique world system. The spread of capitalism has been
accompanied by the general prevalence of the nation-state. I have mentioned some
of the 'internal' characteristics of the nation-state. In an important sense, however,
it is misleading to speak of'the' nation-state, because from their early origins in
Europe there have always been nationstates, existing in mixed relations of
harmony and conflict with one another. Today the whole world is divided into a
patchwork of nation-states. Both the emergence of nation-states in Europe, and
especially their development in other parts of the world are, once more, relatively
recent phenomena. For most of its history, humankind has been thinly scattered
throughout the world, living in very small societies, and existing by hunting
animals and gathering edible plants — so-called 'hunting and gathering' societies.
Over most of the past ten or so millennia, the world was still only sparsely
populated, compared with today, by people living either in hunting and gathering
societies, small agricultural communities, city- states, or empires. Some empires,
most notably that of China, have been very large. But they were quite different in
form from contemporary nation-states. The central Chinese government in
traditional China, for example, never managed to achieve much direct control over
its various provinces, especially the more far-flung ones. Most of those subject to
the rule of the Chinese state lived lives utterly different from those of their rulers,
with whom they had little in common with respect to cither culture or language.
Moreover, although the various types of society just mentioned existed in
various sorts of relationship with one another, those connections certainly did not
span the globe as they do today. The observation 'East is East and West is West,
and ne'er the twain shall meet', prior to the present century, expressed a very real
circumstance. There were sporadic contacts, and a certain amount of intermittent
trade, between China and Europe from the eleventh century onwards; but for
centuries afterwards China and the West to all intents and purposes inhabited
separate universes from one another. Today all this has changed, whatever cultural
differences might still separate East and West. China is no longer an empire but a
nation-state, albeit one of massive dimensions in terms of both territory and
population. It is, of course, also a self-professedly socialist state; although nationstates now span the world, they have by no means all followed the 'liberaldemocratic' model that has been most firmly established in Western Europe.
If the first dimension of the sociological imagination involves the
development of a historical sensibility, the second entails the cultivation of
anthropological insight. To say this is again to emphasise the tenuous na
11
2
ture of the conventionally recognised boundaries among the various social
sciences. The fostering of an historical sense of how recent and how dramatic are
the social transformations of the past two centuries is difficult. But it is perhaps
even more challenging to break away from the belief, explicit or implicit, that the
modes of life which have developed in the West are somehow superior to those of
other cultures. Such a belief is encouraged by the very spread of Western
capitalism itself, which has set in motion a train of events that has corroded or
destroyed most other cultures with which it has come into contact. Moreover,
many social thinkers have given concrete form to this notion in attempting to
squeeze human history into schemes of social evolution, in which Aevolution' is
understood in terms of the capability of varying types of society to control or
master their material environments. Western industrialism inevitably appears at
the apex of these schemes, since it has undeniably unleashed a material
productivity vastly greater than that of any other societies which have preceded it
in history.
Such evolutionary schemes, however, express an cthnocentrism which it is the
task of the sociological imagination to dispell. An ethnocentric conception is one
that takes the standpoint of one's own society or culture as a measure to judge all
others. There is no doubt that such an attitude has been deeply entrenched in
Western culture. It has also been characteristic of many other societies. However,
in the West a conviction of superiority has been in some part an expression and a
justification, of the greedy engulfing of other modes of life by industrial
capitalism. But we must not confuse the economic and military power of the
Western societies, which has allowed them to assume a pre-eminent position in the
world, with the highpoint of an evolutionary scheme. The valuation of material
productivity that is so pronounced in the modem West is itself a specifically
anomalous attitude, when compared with other cultures.
The anthropological dimension of the sociological imagination is important
because it allows us to appreciate the diversity of modes of human existence
which have been followed on this earth. It is one of the ironies of the modern era
that the systematic study of the diversity of human cultures — 'field-work
anthropology'- came into being at the very time when the voracious expansion of
industrial capitalism and Western military power was accelerating their
destruction. But the anthropological aspect of the sociological imagination has
featured in the social sciences from their inception, vying with evolutionary
12 Rousseau's Discourse on the
thought of an ethnocentric character. In Jean-Jacques
Origin and Foundation of Inequality (1755)2 we find an illuminating insistence
upon the idea that, through becoming aware of the dazzling variety of human
societies, we can learn better to understand ourselves. 'The whole world,'
Rousseau remarked, is covered with societies 'of which we know only the names,
yet we dabble in judging the human race!' Imagine, he continued, that we were
able to send out an intrepid band of observers sensitive to the diversity of human
experience to describe the multifarious societies which exist, but about which we
know little. 'Let us suppose,' he wrote, 'that these new Hercules, back from these
Рассуждение о происхождении и основаниях неравенства между людьми.
memorable expeditions, then wrote at leisure the natural, moral, and political
history of what they would have seen; we ourselves would see a new world come
from their pens, and we would thus learn to know our own.'
In the century and a half that followed the publication of Rousseau's
Discourse, travellers, missionaries, traders, and others did make many of these
journeys. But the reports they rendered were frequently unreliable or partial, or
embodied the veiy ethnocentrism which Rousseau wanted to attack.
Anthropological field-work of a systematic and detailed kind only began at about
the turn of the twentieth century. Since that time, within a rapidly diminishing
universe of study, anthropologists have accumulated a large body of information
about different cultures. This information does, on the one hand, confirm the unity
of the human race; there are no grounds for holding that people living in small,
'primitive' societies are in any way genetically inferior to or different from those
living in supposedly more advanced 'civilisations'. There are no known human
societies without developed forms of language, and there seems to be no
correlation between types of society and linguistic complexity. On the other hand,
modern anthropological research also underlines the wide spectrum of institutions
whereby human beings may order their lives.
Often, the contemporary anthropologist is a chronicler of disaster, or culture
laid waste by military destruction, ravaged by illness introduced by contact with
the West, or undermined by the dissolution of traditional customs. The
anthropologist is, as Claude Levi-Strauss, perhaps the most distinguished
practitioner of the subject in the world today, has put it, the 'pupil and the witness'
of these disappearing peoples. There are urgent and very practical issues involved
in the fight to block the continuing despoiling of the rights of such peoples, or at
least to smooth their adjustment to new modes of life where their own have
already crumbled. But the significance of such struggles should not lead us to
ignore the importance of the anthropological work that has been produced over the
past half-century or so; from such work we can keep alive in our thinking forms of
social life that may be on the verge of being eradicated for ever.
Combining this second sense with the first, the exercise of the sociological
imagination makes it possible to break free from the straitjacket of thinking only
in terms of the type of society we know in the here and now. Each is thus directly
relevant to the third form of the sociological imagination that I want to point to.
This concerns the possibilities for the future. In criticising the idea that sociology
is like a natural science, I have insisted that no social processes are governed by
unalterable laws. As human beings, we are not condemned to be swept along by
forces that have the inevitability of laws of nature. But this means we must be
conscious of the alternative futures that are potentially open to us. In its third
sense, the sociological imagination fuses with the task of sociology in contributing
to the critique of existing forms of society.
QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS:
1. In what way was the French revolution of 1789 different from rebellions
of previous times?
2. How did it affect the development of sociology?
3. What major social processes were triggered off by the 'industrial revo- .
lution' of the late eighteenth century?
13 sense of the word?
4. What is 'an institution' in the sociological
5. Compare the definition of sociology on pages 7-8 with the definition/s of
sociology given in your own sociology classes.
6. What place does sociology occupy among the other social sciences? Is the
range of disciplines viewed as social sciences in this country the same as
in the West?
7. What was Auguste Compte's perspective on sociology? •
8. How did Emile Durkheim's sociological views differ from those of Auguste
Compte?
9. In what two essential respects does sociology differ from the natural ■
sciences?
10.What special forms of sensibility are indispensable for sociological analysis?
11. Make presentations on the historical, anthropological and critical aspects of
the sociological imagination.
12.Project work: Do some library research into the life and work of a) Auguste
Compte, b) Emile Durkheim and c) Charles Wright Mills. Make a
presentation on one of them.
II. SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH
GOALS OF SOCIOLOGY
Sociology analyzes empirical data about human society and social behavior
through the use of rational models. Technically, a field of study does not have
goals or aims. It is the practitioners of that field — in this case sociologists — who
define the purposes of their study. What they perceive the goals of their study to
be is closely related to how they define their discipline.
Although their specific word preferences may vary slightly, virtually all
sociologists would readily accept our definition of sociology as being
fundamentally concerned with human society and social behavior. Researchoriented sociologists are more likely to emphasize the systematic and empirical
aspects of the discipline. Most research sociologists, too, agree upon two purposes
of their study: the achievement of understanding and prediction. Some would stop
there. Others — a growing number — would add a third goal: the achievement of
control of social change.
Understanding
The first goal of sociological inquiry is the organization and classification of
knowledge upon the basis of explanatory principles. Before this can be done, of
course, basic factual information must be assembled. Sociologists constantly seek
to add to their store of facts about society.
Ultimately, the hope is that by thus collecting facts and systematically
analyzing and classifying them, we might arrive at a general explanation of the
relationship between classes of variables. The achievement of such general
explanatory statements is what sociologists mean by the goal of understanding
society. The general explanatory statements themselves, or groups of related
statements, are referred to as sociological theory.
14
Prediction
Knowledge about social behavior cumulates gradually. A rapid increase in
urbanization accompanying industrialization, for example, may be observed first
in one or two or three countries. When one man observes such a relationship and
publishes his findings, other researchers are led to test the relationship in still
other countries. If it holds up in subsequent investigations, the likelihood grows
that a general relationship may have been discovered, and people begin to
formulate general statements of the relationship. Testing of the relationship
continues. There is always the possibility that some of the earlier facts were not
correctly evaluated, or that the relationship observed in the countries studied so far
will not hold for the next one. Knowledge about human society always is tentative
and subject to revision in the light of further evidence.
This being so, how are we to know when the store of existing knowledge is
adequate and when sociologists might profitably cease to explore one line of
investigation and move on to the study of other relationships? This is where
prediction comes in. One of the critical tests of the adequacy of knowledge in an
area comes when the researcher thinks he has learned enough from past
investigations to be able to predict the results of the next investigation before the
evidence is collected. If his predictions are correct, the adequacy of his knowledge
in the area is confirmed. If his predictions are not borne out, it indicates that either
his theory or his research techniques must yet undergo modification.
Control
In science, as in other areas of life, there are things upon which reasonable
men can agree and there are areas where they differ. Reasonable men generally
agree upon understanding and prediction as goals of sociological inquiry. Some
sociologists would add a third goal - control - while other scholars believe that the
problem of control is not a scientific one and that it must be left in the hands of
policy makers - administrators, governors, politicians, and the like.
It probably is safe to say that before World War II most sociologists believed
that their search for objective knowledge of human relationships demanded
absolute neutrality on social issues. It was during this period that the stereotype of
the ivory-tower scientist, safely locked away from contamination by the problems
of the real world, became popular.
Such a period in the development of15social science may have been necessary
because science was still trying to separate itself from its roots in social
philosophy. There was a strong tendency to moralize on questions ranging from
divorce to crime to war. Scientists, if their studies were to be unbiased and their
findings trustworthy, had to assume the position that their task was to collect and
analyze facts, regardless of whether those facts supported or subverted established
beliefs. The task of using research findings to alter the society — to improve it —
was to be left strictly to others.
In sociology, the trend toward the position that scientists should assume
responsibility for control of how their findings are used was foreshadowed in an
article by Alvin Gouldner who argued that value-free sociology was a myth, and
that value assumptions are inherent in the process of doing research. Much more
explicit statements of the necessity for sociologists to take value positions have
been published since and, ironically, one of Gouldner's most recent publications
finds him arguing against the extreme commitments to value positions of some of
his younger colleagues.
Here the argument stands. Virtually all sociologists agree that the intrusion of
values into research poses a serious threat to the integrity of the research. They
agree further that bias must be constantly guarded against. It is on the question of
how this may be done that they part company. One group argues that the only way
in which bias may be eliminated from research is for researchers completely to
disclaim responsibility for how their findings are used. This group denies that
control, or directed social change, is a legitimate goal of sociological inquiry.
Another group maintains that bias is inherent in all thought and action; that
the very choice of topics upon which to do research reflects the biases of the
researcher. They argue, further, that sociologists, as scientists and as citizens, have
as much right and as much responsibility as anyone else to say how the
knowledge that they accumulate shall be used. Indeed they believe that
sociologists, by virtue of their special expertise in the analysis of social problems,
often are better qualified than diplomats and administrators to help the society
move toward fuller realization of its goals. These sociologists add control to
understanding and prediction, as proper goals of their science.
STEPS IN THE SOCIOLOGICAL METHOD
There are many large textbooks for more advanced courses that deal solely
with elaboration of the steps involved in the sociological method. We cannot go
into such detail here, but we can list and discuss six basic steps routinely followed
by sociologists in the conduct of research. These steps include: the formulation of
hypotheses; data collection; classification of data; analysis of data; generalization;
and verification.
Formulation of hypotheses
A hypothesis is a kind of educated guess about the relationship that may exist
between two or more variables. It may be based upon common sense, tradition, or
idle curiosity. Ideally, it derives from existing sociological theory and prior
research. Before undertaking research, one formulates the statement of
relationship, predicting the direction of the relationship between the variables. A
research project is then designed to test the hypothesis. Before we could consider
the hypothesis fully tested, several projects would be necessary.
16
Data collection
In order to test an hypothesis, a research plan or research design must be
developed. This includes specifying the appropriate populations from whom the
data are to be collected, developing an instrument with which to gather the data,
and making plans to ensure that all of the necessary data are secured. The whole
data collection process (observation) would likely take several months.
Classification of data
One of the things that beginning researchers have to learn is that one does not
have a test of his hypothesis as soon as the data are collected. What one would
г
have, in this case, is a huge stack of questionnaires. Plans would have been made
in the research design to assign numerical weights to each answer to each item on
the questionnaire. After the data are collected, those item weights would typically
be processed through computer. This process of readying the data for analysis
generally takes much longer than does the analysis itself when a computer is
used.
The computer can only sort the data according to instructions provided by the
researcher; it cannot make the basic decisions concerning how the data should be
sorted in order to provide the best test of the hypothesis.
Analysis of data
The analysis of the data involves the actual placing of the data in the various
cells of a table that the researcher might construct and the computation of various
statistics to see whether the differences that are obtained are trustworthy
differences or whether they are so small that they might be due to chance. The
process again is far from automatic. The researcher must decide which of the
many analytic tools available is most appropriate to his problem and his data.
17
Generalization
Once the hypothesis has been subjected to test, the researcher is faced with
still another decision. He must decide how firm and how broad a conclusion is
warranted about the relation between the variables stated in the hypothesis.
Assuming that error appears to be at a minimum, there still is the problem of
deciding how broadly the findings may be generalized. The researcher must judge
whether the sample was large enough and whether the sample was drawn with
sufficient care. He must also decide whether the findings may be legitimately
generalized to other populations. Only when all of these factors are taken into
account, and decisions made on all of them, can the researcher decide how far the
findings should be generalized beyond the specific groups studied.
Findings should be neither undergeneralized nor overgeneralized.
Undergeneralization occurs when the researcher is too cautious and declines,
perhaps, to generalize his results to any population other than that studied. While
there is some safety in this, and undergeneralization may be preferable to
overgeneralization, undergeneralization denies to the scientist and to others the
full benefits of his research. Undergeneralization requires the needless repetition
of the same research upon a potentially endless succession of populations.
Overgeneralization occurs when the researcher is not cautious enough and
extends .his findings to populations that differ significantly from the one studied.
The progress of science is impeded seriously when this happens, for all sorts of
false hypotheses may be generated upon the basis of the erroneous conclusions.
Verification
Ideally, the steps in the sociological method conclude with generalization.
When everything is strictly in order that is, indeed, the case, The problem is that
virtually never is everything strictly in order. There are known sources of error in
the project and some that can only be guessed at. Consequently, many scholars
prefer to include another step in the method: that of verification.
Verification means essentially replication. The study is done over again by the
same researcher or by someone else, with special attention being paid to known
and suspected sources of error. Verification may not involve strictly replication
for, in order to get at those sources of error, the researcher may vary slightly either
the population studied or the research techniques used. The goal is to provide
enough continuity so that the evidence cumulates
from one project to the next and
18
enough variation so that sources of error are gradually eliminated.
POPULATIONS AND SAMPLES
Modern sociology is very much a research enterprise. Most sociologists,
whether they teach in a university, college or junior college — or whether they
work in government agencies, corporations, labor unions, hospitals, or slum
clearance programs — are at least somewhat involved in collecting data and
seeking the answers to questions.
Most sociological research begins with questions about the empirical world.
Do lower-class people vote Democratic? Are College Entrance Examinations
predictive of future academic success? Are the life styles of marijuana users
different from those of people who use opiates or from those of people in the
straight world? The questions are restated as hypotheses, and testing of the
hypotheses is undertaken.
Whatever the hypothesis, the concepts or variables that compose it define the
groups among whom the research must be conducted. The respondents may be
lower-class people, or they may be voters; they may be high school seniors or
college students/they may be drug users; and so on. The total possible group of
subjects upon whom any given research project may be based is called the
population, or universe, for that study.
Typically, populations are large and heterogeneous. In a study of life styles
and marijuana use, for example, the appropriate population might be all of the
adolescents and adults in the United. States. Since study of all U.S. adolescents
and adults would not be technically nor financially feasible, the population might
be redefined to include, say, all of those persons in a single state. Or it might be
restricted, further, to include only persons from 16-44 years of age in just one
state.
Populations are defined, somewhat arbitrarily, in terms of the purposes of a
given research project. No matter how defined, however, the appropriate
populations for most sociological research are still too large to permit reasonably
efficient study. A study of adolescents and adults in a state like New York or
California, for example, might include eight or ten million people.
Consequently, most sociological research is based not upon whole
populations, but upon samples of those populations. A carefully drawn sample of
1500 or 2500 adolescents and adults should yield findings from which
generalizations might confidently be made to the population of 8 or 10 million
from whom the sample was drawn. Two things are crucial: the size of the sample,
and how the sample is selected.
The selection of samples
Full discussion of how samples are selected goes beyond the scope of an
introductory course. If you continue to take courses in sociology, you will deal
with this in a course on methods of social research.
A basic principle underlying virtually all sampling procedures, however, is the
concept of probability. Simply stated, the concept of probability ensures that the
chance that any given unit of a population will be selected for inclusion in a
sample is known. In the best known form of probability sampling - random
sampling - each unit in the population has an equal chance of being selected for
inclusion in the sample.
Although random sampling, giving each population unit an equal chance for
selection, is widely known and admired, the requirements of probability sampling
are met whenever the chances of inclusion of each population unit in the sample
are known. The chances need not be equal. They might be one chance out of five,
one out of one hundred, or any other number. In practice, other types of
probability sampling are used more often than random sampling because of the
costs in time and money involved in drawing random samples.
19
The big advantages in using probability techniques in selecting samples are
that such samples permit the use of statistics in analyzing data, and that the
researcher can estimate the error in his data, which is a function of the size of the
sample used. These advantages are not inconsiderable. Social research depends
heavily upon statistics, and the adequacy of the sample is very important in the
evaluation of any research.
The size of samples
The use of probability techniques in selecting a sample increases the
likelihood that the sample will become more representative of the universe or
population as it is made larger. Or, in other words, it guards against the
introduction of bias in selecting units for inclusion in the sample. Unless this
precaution is taken, it is by no means certain that a large sample will be more
representative of the universe than a smaller one. Whatever error is introduced in
the selection of the first units for inclusion in the sample may simply be continued,
or even increased, as the sample is enlarged.
Large
Small
Small
Large
Size of sample
Figure 1. The relationship between sample size and sampling error
In probability sampling, however, samples become more representative as
they become larger. Simple formulas are available to show how much the size of a
sample must be increased in order for the researcher to keep the known error in his
data to a level that is acceptable in his project.
The general relationship between the size of a probability sample and the
amount of error that is a function of the size of the sample is shown in Figure 1.
The sample size is shown on the horizontal axis and the sampling error is shown
on the vertical axis. The sampling error is large when the sample is small, and
decreases as the size of the sample is increased.
If researchers had unlimited resources, they would not resort to sampling in
the first place; they would study entire universes. But scientists always face
practical problems including how much time, money, and manpower may wisely
be invested in a given research project. These considerations of available
resources enter into the decision concerning the type and size of sample to be
used. After the project is completed, and the findings are being evaluated, the
wisdom of the researcher in making these decisions has much to do with how
much the data are worth.
MEASUREMENT
Sociology assumes that probably everything in the universe exists in amounts
that arc measurable. Just as we are accustomed to measuring physical objects
through the use of rulers, balances, and other devices, so one aim of sociological
research is to develop and use measuring instruments on social phenomena and
upon social interaction. At any given point in time, the limits of sociological
knowledge are set by the level of measurement that is possible.
Basic to the idea of measurement is the concept of 'variable.' As in ordinary
speech, the concept of a variable implies that things exist in amounts of more or
less, or occur with greater or lesser frequency. A formal definition of a variable is
that it is an object or event xvnicn can change over time, or it refers to two objects
of the same class which can differ.
Whether all phenomena in the world exist in20amounts that are measurable,
there appear to be, at any one time, some variables that defy quantification. Such
variables are called 'qualitative' variables to distinguish them from the
'quantitative' variables that may be measured in a fashion analogous to that which
is used in the physical sciences. Quantitative variables differ in degree while
qualitative variables differ in kind. Current examples of variables that appear to be
qualitative variables might include sex, religion, and marital status. Unable to
measure these variables, we simply classify people as males, Protestants, married,
and so on. Among the many possible quantitative variables, we might include
income, population size, birth rate, and so on. These variables can be measured
and can be expressed in terms of numbers.
The distinction between qualitative and quantitative variables is important.
The researcher must determine which kind of variables he is dealing with because
the statistical techniques available for use depend upon the nature of the variables
under study. He must use the most powerful techniques appropriate for his
particular problem.
Social scientists attempt to put the foregoing material concerning
measurement and quantitative and qualitative variables into perspective by
distinguishing among four levels of measurement, ranging from the crudest and
least quantitative to the most rigorous and most completely quantitative. The four
levels of measurement are called: nominal, ordinal, interval, and ratio
measurement.
Nominal measurement
Only the lowest level of quantification is achieved in this case. Nominal
measurement involves the classification of qualitative objects into categories and
the assignment of identifying symbols to each of the categories. The only level of
measurement possible in dealing with religious affiliation, for example, is
nominal.
The categories might be labeled as follows: A. Catholic, B. Protestant, C.
Jewish, D. no affiliation, and E. other. Or, with the variable being sex, the
categories and symbols might be: A. male, and B. female. The letters assigned to
the separate categories merely lump individual cases together on the basis of
certain relevant characteristics.
Ordinal measurement
Ordinal measurement involves a slightly higher level of quantification. It
permits ranking a series of cases in terms of their having more or less of the thing
in question, but it does not permit estimation of the degree of difference among
them. It is as though the social scientist, at this level, works with an intelligence
test that enables him to rank people in terms of mental ability. The test, however,
only makes possible the ordering of people from genius, at one extreme, to
profoundly retarded at the other. For example, a child whose performance on the
test corresponds to the mildly retarded level is more intelligent than the child who
scores at the moderately retarded level. The moderately retarded child, in turn, is
more intelligent than the child who scores at the severely retarded level. The
social scientist is not able to say whether the difference between the mildly
retarded and the moderately retarded child is greater or less than the difference
between the moderately retarded and severely retarded child.
Interval measurement
Interval measurement represents a significant step forward in quantification.
The units, in addition to being ordered categories, possess the property of equality,
or are equal-appearing. To continue the analogy of the intelligence test, let us
assume that three people score, respectively, 40, 80, and 120 on the test. We can
now say that the difference in magnitude between the first and the second score is
21
the same as that between the second score and the third score. Until this
quantification is achieved, the intelligence test scale is only an ordinal one.
What interval scales lack is a generally agreed upon zero point. Because our
intelligence test clearly has no meaningful zero point, that is, a total absence of
intelligence, it cannot be said that a person with an I.Q. of 120 is three times as
intelligent as a person with an I.Q. of 40.
A more familiar example of an interval scale is the thermometer. The intervals
on the thermometer are equal. The difference between 10° and 20° is the same as
between 40° and 50° . Again, there is no zero point, and one cannot say that 10°
above zero is twice as cold as 20° above zero.
Ratio measurement
Ratio measurement involves the veiy highest level of quantification. Not only
are the various intervals along the scale equal to one another, but the zero point is
known. Scales for determining height and weight are of this sort. It can be said
that a person who is six feet tall is twice as tall as a person who is three feet tall.
Our example of the intelligence test does not lend itself to ratio measurement.
While the test itself may go from zero to some maximum number, the zero on the
scale does not indicate a total lack bf the variable, in this case, intelligence.
Unfortunately, the social sciences have not yet been able to achieve ratio
measurement in very many areas. One of the few exceptions is found in some
devices for handling demographic data. As we learn more about the measurement
of social phenomena, other ratio measuring instruments presumably will be
developed.
STATISTICS
All of the above forms of measurement involve the assignment of numbers to
categories or events so that they may be more systematically and efficiently
interpreted. The statistical method refers to the application of mathematical
principles to those numbers to further facilitate the analysis of data.
Some students in sociology are inclined to shy away from statistics because of
the aura surrounding mathematics. Obviously, there is a certain amount of
mathematics involved, but the mathematics is secondary. No math beyond high
school algebra is required to gain a basic competence in using and understanding
statistics.
The term, statistics, is used in several ways. Sociology is interested primarily
in two branches of mathematical statistics. These22are called descriptive statistics
and inferential statistics.
Descriptive statistics
Descriptive statistics have as their function the summarizing of information or
data in such a manner as to make it more usable. Large quantities of data are
condensed into categories so that they may be manipulated and interpreted more
easily. Virtually everyone knows something, for example, of the use of measures
of central tendency: the arithmetic mean, the median, and the mode. The
arithmetic mean is simply the sum of all the scores in a group, divided by the total
3
number of cases. If we take these same scores and arrange them from high to low,
the median is the score which divides the distribution exactly in half. The third
measure of central tendency, the mode, is the most frequent score in the group.
The three measures of central tendency are measures of how data cluster
around some mid point. In the same way, measures of dispersion such as the
average deviation and the standard deviation, are measures of the spread of data
away from a mid point. Other elementary descriptive statistics include frequency
distributions and correlation. These simple statistics are used repeatedly in the
sociological literature. Almost any basic textbook in statistics will provide the
interested reader with a thorough discussion of these elementary ideas.
Because of the frequency with which it is reported in the literature, some brief
discussion of correlation might be helpful at this point. Actually, there are several
different measures of correlation but, unless another is specified, the statistic
involved usually is the Pearson Product Moment Correlation Coefficient. The
coefficient is usually designated simply by the letter 'r'.
Pearsonian r generally is used to determine if two variables are related to one
another and, if so, how closely they are related. To calculate it, one needs two sets
of scores for the same group of respondents. They might be, for example, average
monthly income and the average amount of money spent each month for
entertainment. Obviously, these two characteristics are variables. One might
hypothesize that there is a direct relationship between the two; that higher income
is associated with more money spent for entertainment. In other cases, as in the
relationship between income and family size, one might hypothesize a negative or
inverse relationship. Higher incomes are widely believed to be associated with
having fewer children.
Positive correlation
No correlation
Negative correlation
Score on the x variable
Figure 2. Hypothetical scattergrams illustrating positive correlation, no correlation,
and negative correlation
Pearson's r is so constructed that when there is a perfect positive correlation
(see Figure 2.), r = +1.00. When there is a perfect negative correlation, r = -1.00. If
there is no relationship, r = 0.00. In actual practice, perfect correlations are
virtually never found. High correlations generally range from 0.60 or 0.70 to about
0.95. Correlations under 0.50 are generally considered to be low. The direction of
the relationship is indicated by whether the sign before the coefficient3 is + or -.
Many such correlations will be reported in later chapters of this book.
23
Coefficient - (technical) the number by which something that varies is multiplied. In 8pq the coefficient ofpq is 8.
Inferential statistics
Inferential statistics, which are also called inductive statistics, have as their
function the making of generalizations about a population or universe on the basis
of data drawn from a sample. You will remember that sociological data are more
often drawn from samples than from complete populations. When the size and
representativeness of a sample are assured, inferential statistics permit the
researcher to state the specific probability that his findings, based on the sample,
are true for the whole population.
If he finds, for example, that 40 per cent of his sample behave in a particular
way, he may use inferential statistics to determine that the chances are 99 out of
100 (or 95 out of 100, or any other probability) that the percentage of the total
population that engage in that same behavior is, say, between 38 per cent and 42
per cent. The probability that the figure for the whole population is very close to
that for the sample (or very far away from it) helps the researcher to know how
much confidence to place in his data.
SUMMARY
For more than a century sociologists have generally agreed that their inquiries
have two different goals: understanding and prediction. The process of
understanding generally involves the accumulation of facts and the arrangement of
those facts into the systematic explanations that are called scientific theory.
Prediction provides a crucial test of theory by requiring the sociologist to predict
the outcome of future research on the basis of past experience. Doing this
successfully confirms the theory/failure to do it requires either revision of the
theory or improvement of the research procedures.
Although some men argued to the contrary, the general position of
sociologists until after World War II was that they did not have and should not
have any responsibility for how their findings were used. Objectivity required
aloofness from such policy matters.
Principally in response to the threat posed by the development of atomic and
hydrogen weapons, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, in
1956, endorsed the idea that scientists should also assume responsibility for
determining how the results of their studies were employed. This shift reflected
growing acceptance in the scientific community, including the sociological
community, of a third goal of science: that
24 of control.
The matter continues to be debated. Some sociologists still argue that the
integrity of research requires isolation from questions of the uses to which their
findings will be put. Other sociologists — a growing number
— claim that, both as scientists and as citizens, they must seek to guide the
process of social change.
The research procedures employed by sociologists involve six general steps.
First, the researcher formulates a hypothesis for testing. A hypothesis is a kind of
educated guess about the probable relationship between two variables. Second, he
develops a research plan, constructs his instruments, and collects the data with
which to test -the hypothesis. Third, the data must be classified in such fashion
that they may be analyzed carefully. The analysis, itself, is the fourth step. Fifth
comes the problem of deciding what generalizations are possible on the basis of
the data collected. The researcher seeks to avoid either undergeneralization or
overgeneralization. The final step is that of verification: going through the whole
process again to make sure that the findings hold up with other populations and
samples.
The groups, or populations, upon whom sociological hypotheses must be
tested are so large and heterogeneous that usually we are forced to base our
findings upon samples of those populations. The trustworthiness of findings based
upon samples depends upon the representativeness and adequacy, or size, of the
samples. The concept of probability is used to ensure representativeness, and
statistics are used to determine the error that is a function of sample size.
Measurement also plays a major role in sociological research. Roughly,
measurement involves the increasing quantification of variables. There are four
general levels of measurement recognized in social science. First, nominal
measurement simply involves the classification of qualitative objects into
categories and assigning numbers to the categories. One step up, ordinal
measurement permits ranking a series of eases along a scale, but without the
distance between the cases being known. Third, interval measurement is the same
as ordinal measurement except that the distances among the various cases can be
determined. Ratio measurement goes one step further in that the scale now has a
known zero point and distances along the scale can be multiplied and divided.
The uses of measurement and statistics are closely interrelated. Descriptive
statistics are used to summarize information and to make it susceptible to efficient
handling. Inferential statistics, or inductive statistics, make it possible to
generalize from samples to the whole populations from which the samples are
drawn.
QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS:
1. What are the two traditional goals of sociology upon which virtually all
sociologists agree? Describe each of them.
2. What is meant by 'control' as a goal of sociology? How do you think most
sociologists stand on this issue?
3. List and describe, briefly, each of the steps in the sociological method.
4. What is a hypothesis? How do hypotheses differ from theory?
5. What is meant by the term 'overgeneralization'? 'Undergeneralization'? Why is
each inimical to the development of science?
6. What is the difference between a population and a sample? What role does
sampling play in sociological research?
7. Define the term 'variable'. What is the difference between qualitative and
quantitative variables?
8. Give one example of each of the four levels of measurement: nominal, ordinal,
interval, and ratio.
9. Distinguish between descriptive statistics and inferential statistics. To what
uses are inferential statistics put?
10. Make a brief presentation upon the issue of control as a goal of
25
sociological inquiry. Are you more interested
in affecting the development
of sociology or the society you live in? State your position clcarly.
11. Get the last issue of any sociological journal from your libraiy. Choose a
research article in the journal. Read the article carefully and see if you can
detect each of the steps in the sociological method. Can you identify the
population and sample involved? The descriptive and inferential statistics
used?
III. COMMUNICATION AND SOCIAL INTERACTION
SYSTEMS
A system is simply a set of related units. The word, set, implies that the units
have common properties. Each unit is constrained by, conditioned by, or
dependent upon other units. The system is always more than the sum of its parts.
All living things are systems, from one-celled animals to the world's largest
societies. These systems may be classified, hierarchically, into at least seven
levels. Of the seven levels, the first three are presocial and the last four are social.
The seven system-levels may be described as follows:
Level 1 .Cells, composed of atoms, molecules, and multi-molecular
organelles.
Level 2.Organs, composed of cells aggregated into tissues.
Level 3.Organisms, composed of organs.
Level 4. Groups and Gatherings, composed of organisms.
Level 5.Organizations, composed of groups and gatherings.
Level 6.Societies, composed of organizations, groups, and organisms.
Level 1 .Supranational Systems, composed of societies and organizations.
The analysis of levels one through three is the province of the biological and
psychological sciences. Sociology enters at level four and analyzes levels four
through seven. The rudiments of social behavior are to be found at level four, the
level of groups and gatherings.
ANIMAL SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
Organized social life, involving groups and gatherings, exists among many
animal species. At a level far removed from the human, for example, ants have
been found to have a very elaborate social system. Ant colonies often consist of
thousands of members and have a complex division of labor. Some ants are
warriors, some are 'engineers,' some are breeders, and so forth.
Unlike human social organization, that of ants appears to remain relatively
26
unchanged from generation to generation. Some entomologists believe that the
social organization of ants has stayed relatively stable for the last 60 million
years.
This stability is believed to be due to the fact that most ant behavior is strictly
biologically determined. To put it simply, ant behavior is of three classes: (1)
reflexive behavior; (2) instinctive behavior (a series of integrated reflexes); and
(3) learned behavior. The reflexive and instinctive behaviors dominate. What little
learning does occur appears not to be passed on from generation to generation.
Learned behavior dies with the individual organism, and each generation must
learn all over again.
If we move far up the evolutionary ladder, we find that the anthropoids
— monkey and chimpanzees — also are social animals. Studies of rhesus
monkeys in India have shown that they live in groups of up to 70 members and
have a rigid hierarchy of dominance. The males compete for feeding and
sexual privileges, and all of the adults assume responsibility for the protection
of the young.
Most instructive are the differences between the social life of groups of
monkeys who live in urban areas in India and those who live in the forest.
Although they are of the same species, the urban-dwelling monkeys prefer cooked
and roasted foods while the forest monkeys prefer leaves and fresh fruit. The
urban monkeys establish quasi-permanent housing and sleeping arrangements
while the forest monkeys wander a great deal. The urban monkeys are less
aggressive at feeding time, but more aggressive under experimental conditions
involving encounters with strangers. Urban
27
monkeys score higher, initially, on monkey I.Q. tests for complex tasks until
the forest monkeys have opportunity to learn the tasks.
The social life of the anthropoids shows more change from generation to
generation than that of the insects and less change than that of man. This is
because the apes are in an intermediate position; part of their behaviour is
instinctive and part is learned. Many of the apes show considerable capacity for
learning and they learn from one another.
The role of instincts
The question of the respective roles of biological influences and of learning in
social behaviour is a continuing one. This question includes the issue of how
much of a role instincts play in causing behavior. Technically, the term, instinct,
refers to inherited. mechanisms which are fixed, for the species and which
produce complex patterns of behavior that cannot be modified significantly
through learning. Scientists who accept this definition seek to discover how much
of each species' behavior is instinctive.
Many scientists believe that the concept of instinct is not very useful in the
explanation of human behavior. They recognize that man has reflexes, of course,
such as the knee-jerk reflex and the eye-blink reflex. He also experiences
powerful urges, such as those involved with food and sex. Virtually never,
however, is his behavior an automatic response to biological urges. Human social
behavior is not only complex; it is also variable and changing. Instincts promote
uniformity rather than variability, and stability rather than change.
HUMAN LEARNING
Learning plays a large part in human behavior. Human beings teach one
another as no other species does and, in the process, they create quite diverse
solutions to the common human problems of living. Systems of government range
from dictatorships through republics to rare democracies. Economic systems
range from feudalism through capitalism to socialism. Family systems are large or
small and marriage may be monogamous or polygamous. And so on and on.
These complex systems of social organization which arc the subject matter of
sociology are the products of learned behavior and not simply of biological
structure.
28
People have no instincts, relying, instead, upon other biological
characteristics that facilitate the learning process. These other characteristics
permit a sophisticated process of communication.
COMMUNICATION
The simplest kind of social behavior occurs when one organism responds to
another in some fashion. The organisms may be insects, approaching one another
instinctively, or they may be people assessing one another in terms of their
occupations, religions, aspirations, hopes, and so on. The essence of the
interaction in either case is the process of communication; the exchange of
messages.
All social organisms communicate with one another to some degree. It may
be very rudimentary communication, but survival depends upon some exchange
of messages. For instance, females must communicate their readiness to mate if
there is to be a next generation. As with the amount of learned behavior,
communication varies with the evolutionary level of the species.
29
4
Man's nonverbal communication
Communication within most prehuman species is nonverbal. Man also,
communicates nonverbally, chiefly through the use of gestures. The study of
human communication through gestures and expressions is the province of a
relatively new academic discipline called ethology. Ethology4 generally is defined
as the study of the biology of behavior.
A team of British ethologists has isolated and cataloged 135 distinct bodily
gestures and expressions. These gestures and expressions involve the face, the
head, and the body. As among other species, this means of human communication
apparently expresses feelings and emotions that operate at a lower level of
consciousness than those which involve the use of speech.
Nonverbal communication is observed most easily in young children who are
less inhibited than most adults. Young children, who obviously have limited
vocabularies, express their feelings of pleasure, dislike, contempt, and so forth,
by hand movements, positioning of the body, and facial expressions.
Subtle traces of this vivid posturing are still evident in later adulthood. Like
the angered child, grownups often turn an open palm toward those who happen to
pose a verbal threat, although the gesture may be quite inconspicuous and
unconscious. Women, for example, tend to make a rapid hand-to-neck movement
when they are agitated disguising it as a hair- grooming gesture. Men also exhibit
similar signs of stress. Embarrassed by such a driving miscue as accidentally
cutting off another motorist, they will frequently make a seemingly irrelevant
sweep of their hair. Actually the gesture represents a very real surge of inner
tension and conflict.
Usually, two or more gestures or bodily movements occur as a single unit of
behavior. For example, the meaning of a smile or a к frown often can be
understood only in conjunction with other facial movements involving the eyes
and the forehead. Thus, a 'smile' may communicate friendliness, hostility,
seductiveness4, tolerance, contempt, and many other messages. Other gestures
and postures are equally complex.
There are instances, as in cases of accident or when a person is psychotic,
where verbal communication is impossible and complete reliance must be placed
upon nonverbal communication. More commonly, nonverbal communication
30
accompanies and enriches verbal communication.
The point may be made by
comparing verbal communication over the telephone with that which occurs in
face-to-face interaction. Since words can be used over the telephone as efficiently
as in face-to-face situations, the countless telephone conversations that end with
statements like, 'Oh, I will have to explain it when I see you,' attests to the
importance of nonverbal communication among adults.
Sign behavior
In addition to, and at a more abstract level than that of gestures, human
communication typically involves the use of signs. A sign is simply any object or
Ethology - the scientific study of animal behaviour, esp. in relation to habitat.
thing that leads to knowledge of something other than itself Sign behavior has
three basic components: the sign itself; what the sign signifies or stands for; and
the observer or interpreter of the sign. All three components are necessary for
communication through signs.
Signs may be cither natural or conventional signs. It is useful to make a sharp
distinction between the two. And it is the use of a type of conventional signs —
verbal signs — which makes human communication different from the
communication systems of insects and of primates.
Natural signs and conventional signs. In the case of natural signs, there is an
inductive relationship between the sign itself and what the sign signifies, that can
be discovered through observation, and without the aid of dictionaries or advice
from other people. This is possible because the sign and what the sign signifies
occur in the same time-space framework. Several examples should clarify the
relationship between the natural sign and its referent: smoke signifies combustion;
a watch signifies a watchmaker; and clouds signify moisture.
Conventional signs, by contrast, are related to their referents as a result of
convention or common usage. The letters, b-o-x, in that sequence stand for a
particular material object and do so arbitrarily because people agree upon that
particular usage. The letters, b-o-x, theoretically could be used to stand for any
other object if people generally agreed to such usage. Similarly, any other
combination of letters could have been used to refer to what we refer to as a box.
Symbols. What we have described as conventional signs are also called
symbols. The two terms are synonymous.
Symbols are man's most versatile signs. They can signify imaginary objects
and events as well as real ones. They may refer to objects and to quite intangible
ideas. Symbols standing for concrete objects would include 'dog,' 'pencil,' and
'house.' Symbols standing for ideas would include 'marriage,' 'loyalty,' and 'race.'
Symbols standing for imaginary objects would include 'witches,' 'unicorns,' and
'racial superiority.'
From the standpoint of social behavior, man's most important symbols are
words. The use of words distinguishes his communication from that of all other
species, enriching it so greatly that human communication seems almost a thing
apart. Man's humanity is very much tied up with the possession of language.
Language
The term, language, refers to man's symbolic communication. A noted
biologist, J. Biercns de Haan, has suggested that language has six characteristics:
...the sounds used in it are vocal, articulate and have some conventional
meaning, they Indicate something, are uttered with the intention of
communicating something to somebody else, and are joined together to form new
combinations, so that phrases of various and different content are formed.
These six characteristics — vocalization, articulation, conventional meaning,
indication, intention, and elements joined in new combinations
— distinguish language from other means of communication. Of the six
characteristics, perhaps the only one that requires clarification is the
description of language as vocal. Human beings have written languages, sign
31
languages, and other special languages
that are symbolic and include
indication, intention, and elements joined in new combinations. But written
languages, sign languages, and other special languages have evolved from
spoken (vocal) language and can be transformed into spoken language.
The uniqueness of language as a form of communication is further
emphasized by Lindesmith and Strauss who have pointed out three characteristics
of language symbols that distinguish them from other symbols or signs. First,
language symbols are patterned so that each symbol has meaning only when
understood within the system. The symbol, teacher, for example, is intelligible
only in terms of other symbols such as, student, learning, education, and so on.
Second, language symbols are inherently social; that is, their meanings must
be shared if effective communication is to take place. Without the social aspect of
symbols, men would vocalize, but conversation would never take place.
Third, language symbols are learned through the process of personality
development and are used throughout life. They can be used at will, and they can
be used to refer to objects that are present, to objects that are absent both in time
and space, and to things that do not exist. This ability of man to talk about things
very remote in time and space is unique. In getting at the essence of language,
Lindesmith and Strauss observe further:
We should not, however, make the mistake of thinking of language as a
system of words, as a combination of phonemes, or as the contents of a
dictionary. Language is, first of all, a form of behavior. It is not merely a system
of symbols, but is the activity of using and interpreting symbols. Speech is often
said to be the most primitive and ancient form of language behavior, but speech is
meaningless unless it is addressed to an understanding listener. Hence, we may
say that conversation is the essential and
32
original form of language, noting not only that language behavior originates
in cooperative social action but that it is such action. This is why parrots are not
given credit for language behavior, even though they may produce words.
Language, however, is not simply a means of communication and a type of
behavior. It is vital to a group's very existence and has a profound influence upon
the development and maintenance of the human personality. In a later chapter on
socialization, this additional function of language will be developed more fully.
Concepts
Much of what has already been said about words and language refers to
concepts. Technically, concepts simply are abstractions that are formed by
generalizing from particular cases. This process is so common that we are not
usually conscious of it when wc do it. It is also essential for communication for,
without it, communication would be exceedingly complex and inefficient.
To use a simple illustration, take the word, university. There is no such thing
as university. There are hundreds of universities throughout the world, such as
Uppsala University, the University of Toronto, the University of Leiden, the
University of Illinois, the University of New Mexico, and so on and on. If every
time we wished to speak of several universities we had to describe each of them
individually, we would not get much accomplished. So, we abstract the essential
characteristics that universities have in common and refer to these characteristics
through the concept, university. By university, then, we connote a general
academic structure involving students, professors, research, library, and so on. We
ignore, for the moment, the differences among individual universities in these
same qualities. From the context in which we use the conccpt, university, the
listener knows, through convention, generally which set of university
characteristics is being assumed.
Whether we speak of men, tables, societies, cultures, or systems, the
process is the same. We use abstract symbols to group things together, to
distinguish one type of object from another and, ultimately, to see the world as
orderly. Concepts enable man to classify, sub-classify, and cross- c/assify the
objects in his environment. They provide him with the flexibility to see
connections among things in ways that otherwise would be impossible. In brief,
they make sophisticated thought possible. And they are intimately involved in
33
social interaction.
SOCIAL INTERACTION
The concept of interaction is implicit boin in the concept or social life and in
that of communication. For although it is possible for simple reactive situations
to exist — for an organism to react to another organism without further
stimulating that organism in turn — that is not the usual situation. Instead, social
life tends to be characterized by continuing influences of two or more organisms
upon one another. That is what we mean by social interaction.
Technically, social interaction refers to the reciprocal influences exerted by
two or more organisms upon one another's behavior. It involves a give and take.
When a young child attempts to gain his mother's attention, for example, he
influences her. She may ignore his cues, reasoning that he has misbehaved and
should be ignored. The mother's ignoring causes the child to modify his behavior,
either by turning his attention to something else or by repeating and intensifying
his attempts to gain her attention. And so it goes. The behavior of each organism
involved in the situation continues to be modified by the other's behavior.
While we are emphasizing human social interaction, it must be remembered
that all social animals engage in interaction. What makes human interaction so
different is man's capacity to use language. Because of the frequency with which
language symbols are used, sociologists often describe human interaction as
symbolic interaction.
Interactive situations are as variable as human behavior itself. They may be
one-to-one, face-to-face situations such as a mother nursing her baby or two preadolescent boys having a fight. They include non-face-to- face situations such as a
soldier writing a letter to a girl in response to the letter that he received from her
that morning. Students reading this book and responding to the ideas presented by
the authors, and the authors trying to anticipate the readers' concerns provide
another illustration.
Interaction may also occur between groups. Labor unions may demand
increased pay and improved working conditions. Management groups respond
with threats, pleas, and proposals for compromise. The union members, in turn,
are moved to strike, to return to work, or to look for other jobs.
Another way to conceptualize the give and take of social interaction is to
look upon it as a process of exchange. As in other exchanges, social interaction
involves one's giving something and getting something in return.
Exchange
The basic idea behind exchange theory is really very simple. It is that each
person involved in social interaction metes out rewards or punishments to the
other participants and he receives rewards or punishments from them in turn.
Thus, people exchange rewards or punishments or both. To illustrate, consider a
kind of interaction that occurs frequently between professor and student. The
student may initiate the interaction by seeking out the professor, either for basic
information or for clarification of some point discussed in class. The professor
reacts to the student's behavior by providing the desired- information. The
professor and the student have interacted, leading to an exchange of rewards. The
student is rewarded by receiving the needed assistance, and the professor is
rewarded by having his superior knowledge acknowledged. They have exchanged
help and approval.
Some interaction involves punishments rather than rewards. The most
obvious situation where punishment is involved is in conflict situations.
One individual strikes, verbally or physically, at another. The other strikes back.
Each tries to inflict greater hurt than he receives. The interaction comes to a halt
when one has clearly defeated the other.
Such obviously punishing interaction is usually of short duration because the
pain that cach participant experiences is likely to be more of a deterrent than the
backhanded satisfaction of inflicting greater pain upon one's adversary is to be a
34
sufficient reward. The punishing is likely to persist only when neither participant
has any meaningful options or when both participants believe that they have the
opportunity to achieve victory.
Many situations involve combinations of rewards and punishments, or the
exchange of rewards for punishments. One individual, for example, may threaten
the other with punishment if the second individual does not prefer help to the
first. To return to the professor-student illustration, the student may indicate to the
professor that he will not major in the professor's field unless the professor helps
him to perform at a satisfactoiy level.
SUMMARY
Organized social life exists throughout the animal kingdom. At lower
evolutionary levels, such as the insect level, most social behavior is either
reflexive or instinctual, deriving directly from biological structure. The farther up
the evolutionary ladder we go, the more learning occurs and the larger looms the
role of communication in social interaction.
Human communication is both nonverbal and verbal. Nonverbal
communication occurs chiefly through gestures, and verbal communication
makes use of both natural and conventional signs. Conventional signs, also called
symbols, form the basis of language, and the use of language in human social
interaction clearly differentiates it from that which exists among all other species.
Language symbols are so important in human interaction that the whole
process often is referred to as one of symbolic interaction. Interactive situations
are as variable as behavior itself, and range from simple
35
two-person interactions to the interaction of groups, organizations, and even
nations. Principles of human social interaction need to be broad enough to cover
the whole range of human experience.
Sociologists have sought to develop such principles by conceptualizing social
interaction as a process of exchange.
Exchange theoiy emphasizes that interaction involves the meting out of
rewards and punishments. It also holds that interactions are continued or
discontinued on the basis of costs and profits, and that there is a general striving
for equity in interpersonal relationships.
Some sociologists have concentrated upon the development of the formal
propositions that would constitute a general theory of exchange. Others have
worked to develop methodologies for the empirical investigation of social
interaction under laboratory conditions. The marriage of theory and research in
this area is a veiy new one and is just beginning to produce results that will
strengthen both the theory and the research.
Exchange theory also appears applicable to the analysis of social interaction
outside the laboratory. It permits the objective analysis of interaction in veiy
emotionally laden areas such as those of dating and courtship. Future research in
sociology is likely to involve much wider use of exchange theory.
QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS:
1. What is meant by the concept of system? Defend the idea that all living things
are systems. With what systems, particularly, do sociologists deal?
2. Social scientists show continuing interest in the differences between
human social behavior and subhuman social behavior. Why do you think
this is the case?
3. What is the role of instincts in human behavior? What is the human equivalent
of instinctive behavior among lower animal species?
4. What are signs? Why is sign behavior so important to the sociologist?
5. What is the relationship between a concept and a word? How do concepts
enable one to be more flexible in his behavior?
6. How does symbolic interaction relate to the general topic of social
36
interaction? Is this distinction useful? Why or why not?
7. What is meant by the phrase, exchange theoiy? Show how the concepts of
reward and punishment arc intrinsic to the theory?
8. Observe two individuals engaged in deep conversation. Describe the role
of nonverbal communication and indicate what nonverbal cues seem
more important than the words actually used.
IV. Social Processes
Groups in different parts of the world differ drastically in the forms that their
behavior takes, but sociologists have discovered that social interaction the world
over tends to assume certain common forms. In spite of the differences between
Western and Eastern societies, and between advanced and preliterate societies,
certain common kinds of social interaction may be observed. These common forms
of social interaction that sociologists call social processes are so nearly universal
that one suspects that they are deeply rooted in the biological, psychological, and
social nature of man. Worldwide, five of these basic forms of social interaction
have great import. They are cooperation, competition, conflict, accommodation,
and assimilation.
COOPERATION
Even today, one still hears the age-old argument over whether cooperation or
competition is the more basic form of social interaction. Those who view social life
in terms of sharing and mutual helpfulness tend to see cooperation as primary in
human experience. And those who emphasize acquisitiveness and aggression
among human beings see competition as more basic.
Actually, all such arguments reflect both oversimplification and
misunderstanding of the true complexity of social life. In reality, cooperation and
competition always exist as reciprocal aspects of the same general experiences.
They are, at bottom, not completely distinguishable from one another and they do
not exist apart from one another. The argument over which is more basic, the
question of which came first, is irrelevant; neither can exist without the other.
Like the question 'Which is more basic, heredity or environment?' the
cooperation-competition argument is inappropriate because no organism can
function in the absence of either. A more appropriate question is 'What are the
respective roles of cooperation and competition in the human experience?'
37
Levels of cooperation
Cooperation, of course, involves individuals or groups working together
toward the achievement of their individual or collective goals. In their simplest
form, levels of cooperation are represented in Fig.3.
Goals
shared
congruent
antagonistic
shared
solidary
symbioti
c
accomm
odative
s
Cooperating parlies
1.
two
or more
people
2.
two
or more
people 3 .two or
antagonistic accommodative
more people
4.
groups or
Fig.3. Levels of cooperation
organizations
congruent
solidary
5.
groups or
Relations
symbioti
organizations
6.
groups or
hip of
c
organizations
Rewards
partie
joint
individual
individual
joint
individual
individual
Approval and disapproval of cooperation
Another important point is that notions of social approval and social
disapproval also attach to various forms of cooperation in various
circumstances. In general, American society appears to value cooperation.
When one writes a letter of recommendation for another person, that person's
cooperativeness often is mentioned as a virtue. The image that each of us
conjures up when the word, cooperation, is spoken probably is a pleasant one.
Yet, not all forms of cooperation receive such approval. The cooperation of
students to cheat on an exam, of street gangs to control access to a
neighborhood, of corporations to fix prices, and of business and labor to combat
other labor unions are all subject to some degree of social disapproval.
COMPETITION
Just as cooperation exists as a universal form of patterned social
38
interaction so, also, is competition found in all societies. Competition grows out
of the fact that human needs and desires appear to be insatiable and the goods,
prestige, and perquisites that are the rewards for successful
competition always are in short supply. People everywhere compete for
dwelling space, for mates, for elaborate clothing and other bodily ornaments,
and for wealth whether defined in terms of land, animals, money, or even cockle
shells.
Just as all societies differentially distribute material goods, awarding more
to some persons and groups than to others, so, also, do all societies accord more
prestige/ more power, and more privileges to some than to others. Whatever the
specific categories recognized in any given society, there are always the ruling
and the governed, the bosses and the workers, the elite and the common people,
the well-to-do and the have-nots. Competition is the mechanism through which
people and groups are sorted into such categories.
Competition as an ideal type
An ideal type is a form of concept that is constructed by taking one or more
characteristics of a phenomenon and accentuating those characteristics to their
logical maximum or reducing them to their logical minimum. The type thus
constructed does not represent realty, of course, because the very process of its
construction involves exaggeration. Ideal types, nevertheless, are very useful as
logical standards against which reality can be measured. This often is done by
taking a pair of ideal types and letting them represent the ends of a continuum
or scale. Because the ends of the scale are defined in terms of logical extremes,
no existing case falls at either end of the continuum, but all cases may be
ranged somewhere along the continuum between the two end points.
To return directly now to our discussion of competition as a social process
and the relative emphases that different societies place upon competition and
cooperation, the situation may be clarified somewhat by the use of ideal types
as illustrated in Figure 4.
The first continuum in Figure 4. simply shows the continuum with the end
points defined as logically pure competition and logically pure cooperation. We
have already said that no actual society would fall at either end point but that all
societies would fall somewhere between.
The question arises, where would they fall in between? Would most
societies be placed near the center of the continuum, indicating that they show
no clear preference for either competition or cooperation, and having many
mixed types? Or would some societies fall closer to the competition end of the
continuum while others fall closer to the cooperation end? The earlier
comparison of American values with those of the Zuni Indians would suggest
this latter situation. These two possibilities — of a uni- modal and a bimodal
distribution of societies — are shown on the second and third continua in Figure
4.
The unfortunate truth of the matter is that we do not know which pattern is
more common in the world. The basic processes of competition and cooperation
have been defined with considerable clarity and it is a simple matter to illustrate
them with data from different societies. But few efforts have been made to
assess the respective roles of competition and cooperation in entire societies. In
part, this is because the task would be so overwhelming. Imagine trying to
catalog all of the instances of competition and cooperation in a society as large
and complex as the United States. 39
In part, too, it is because there are so many
situations of mixed competition and cooperation that such a classificatory effort
would be doomed to failure before it began. The fact that competition and
cooperation are reciprocal to one another would suggest that this would be the
case.
Pure exclusive
Pure exclusive
competition
cooperation
Competition
Cooperation
Hypothetical normal distribution illustrating situation
where most societies are neither basically competitive nor
cooperative, but have many mixed types
40
Competition
Cooperation
Hypothetical bimodal distribution illustrating situation where
some societies are basically competitive and others are basically
cooperative
Figure 4. The use of ideal types to illustrate different societal emphases upon
competition and cooperation
Instead of engaging in what likely would be endless and not veiy
productive efforts to classify whole societies as basically competitive or
cooperative, sociologists have turned their energies to assessing the conditions
and the effects of these social processes in more limited group settings.
Consumer cooperatives and marketing cooperatives, for example, have been
studied both here and abroad. Research has also been reported on the effects of
competition upon efficiency, productivity, and attitudes.
One area in which special attention has been paid to the roles of
cooperation and competition in social interaction lies in that of the family.
Approval and disapproval of competition
There is some common sense evidence that competition often may cause
people to work harder and to achieve more. The competition of students for
grades and of two production lines for output are examples. The National
Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) has also used the competitive
awarding of contracts effectively in achieving technological advances and
reduced risks in the United States' space program.
But, at the same time that societies widely value competition and
competition appears to stimulate productivity, there is evidence that it also has
negative effects that cause its role in the society to be increasingly
circumscribed.
Negative effects of competition
Even as competition is widely valued over the world so, also, are efforts to
limit the scope of its operation extremely widespread. Specific negative effects
of competition that are thus minimized include at least the following. First,
competition sometimes has undesirable personal and social consequences for
those who are unsuccessful in the competition. Second, competition engenders
attitudes and feelings of hostility. And, third, the rules governing the operation
of competition tend to break down and to result in open conflict.
CONFLICT
Conflict is goal-oriented, just as cooperation and competition are, but there
is a difference. In conflict, one seeks to deliberately harm and/or destroy one's
antagonists. The rules of competition always include restrictions upon the
injuiy that may be done to a foe, and in conflict those rules break down. In
conflict, one seeks to win at any cost.
Probably the most striking thing about conflict is its destructive potential.
The word itself often conjures up images of heads being busted, of buildings
burning, and of death and destruction. Moreover, the destructiveness that
accompanies conflict quickly cumulates. In a confrontation between police and
students, for example, things may be quite orderly until the first blow is stmck.
Once that happens, however, a frenzy of skull- cracking, shooting, burning, and
destroying may follow.
Because the immediate results of conflict often are so terrible, there is a
tendency to see it, not as a normal and universal process of social interaction,
but as pathological. It is very difficult for the unsophisticated not to imply value
judgements in discussing these social processes because our society as a whole
tends to do so. Cooperation and competition are more often perceived to be
socially useful, and conflict to be harmful.
The situation is not that simple, however. Few would defend the
cooperation of a group of men in the rape of a woman. And the school drop-out
problem is hardly a beneficial effect of competition. Competition and co-
58
operation, which otherwise receive a good deal of social approval, also have
untoward effects.
So it is, also, with conflict. Conflict is as normal and universal a form of
social interaction as are any of the others. Analysis of conflict needs to describe
both the ways in which it is harmful and destructive and the ways in which it is
useful and socially integrative.
Harmful effects of conflict
The harmful effects probably are easier to see. We have already indicated
that conflict tends to cumulate rapidly. This snowballing tendency may lead to
complete breakdown before the self-limiting features of most interpersonal
exchanges have a chance to operate. Before people can decide that the pain is
not worth it, other people may have been killed and property destroyed.
Establishments may be closed or they may find themselves in chaos. Similarly, a
company of soldiers may shoot down women and children in an orgy of
destruction.
A second negative feature of conflict, closely related to the first, is that it is
often extremely costly. War probably provides the best example, for 'nothing
else in human experience exacts such a toll.
The third negative feature has to do with social costs. Conflict is inherently
divisive. It sets man against man and group against group in ways that threaten
to destroy organized social life. The late 1960's and early 1970's in the United
States have seen conflict so widespread as to raise questions whether anarchy
might prevail. Youth against 'the establishment,' blacks against whites, the poor
against the affluent, and Jews against Arabs represent something of the range of
conflicts.
In such situations, the question becomes not simply how many people will
be killed, how much property destroyed, or who will win; it becomes one of
societal survival. Can race wars be avoided? Can the police maintain order? Can
universities operate? And can presidents keep the support of the populace?
Whatever else they are, these are real questions. And the answers are by no
means obvious. Conflict threatens the very existence of the society itself.
Useful functions of conflict
The explosiveness, the outward costs, and the divisiveness of conflict are so
great that it is often difficult to see the ways in which conflict fulfills socially
59 the following three things. First, it promotes
useful functions. Yet it does at least
loyalty within the group. Second, it signals the need for and helps promote
short-run social change. And third, it appears intimately involved in moving
societies toward new levels of social integration.
If conflict pits groups and organizations against one another, it also tends to
promote unity within each of the conflicting groups. The necessity to work
together against a common foe tends to submerge rivalries within the group and
people who otherwise are competitors work together in harmony. Competing
football halfbacks block for one another, rival student leaders work together to
win concessions from the administration, and union leaders join forces against
management. Nations that are torn by dissent in peacetime rally together when
they are attacked by other countries.
Thus, conflict is not simply divisive, but works to unify groups. This is not
to say that the price of such unity may not be high, or that it might not be
possible to have unity that is not based upon conflict with outsiders, but it is to
say that conflict does have such a group unifying function and that this function
often is overlooked.
A second positive function of conflict is that it serves to notify the society
that serious problems exist that are not being handled by the traditional social
organization. It forces the recognition of those problems and encourages the
development of new solutions to them.
The third general positive function of conflict is closely related to the
second. And it is much more problematic. One view of human history tends to
focus upon conflict — particularly upon war — as a primary mechanism
through which nations have developed.
August Comte, writing in the early 1800's, gave support to this view. He
saw a fundamental opposition between the 'spirit of conquest" and the 'spirit of
industry,' with the former characterizing ancient societies and the latter
characterizing modern ones. In ancient times work, he said, was the duty of
slaves while free men were available for war. The great mission of war was the
consolidation of societies.
There was no other means, in the early stages, to bring about the
indispensable expansion of human society, and to restrain within society, a
sterile warlike ardour incompatible with an adequate growth of productive
work, except the gradual incorporation of civilised populations into one
conquering nation.
In other words, war was the mechanism that permitted the consolidation of
scattered, weak societies into large, powerful ones. Similar arguments have been
advanced that war was necessary during the early modem period in Europe to
permit the formation of nations as we now know them. Presumably, the process
still is going on in other areas of the world where societies have not yet
achieved the stability and strength associated with modem nationhood.
Unfortunately, there is no way that the truth or falsity of such arguments
can be proved. We cannot reconstruct history fully to determine what causal
relationships existed in the past. Nor can we set up controlled experiments to
see whether the process is operating today. What is apparent about modern
warfare is its extreme destructiveness, and that destructiveness leads growing
numbers of scholars and laymen alike to the position that, even if it might have
served socially useful functions in the past, warfare can no longer be tolerated in
the modern world.
ACCOMMODATION
Because of the pain that they inflict upon the competing or conflicting
parties, rivalrous situations tend to be unstable. The parties seek, and generally
find, ways to restrict the rivalry and to replace it with some degree of
cooperation. The ways of ending rivalry also are forms of patterned social
interaction; that is, social processes. The first of these is labeled
accommodation.
The term, accommodation, refers to several sorts of working agreements
between rivalrous groups that permit at least limited, cooperation between them
60
even though the issues dividing them remain unsettled. It does not technically
end the conflict, but it holds it in abeyance. The accommodation may last for
only a very short time and may be for the purpose of allowing the conflicting
parties to consolidate their positions and to prepare for further conflict. Or, as
is more often the case, the initial accommodation agreed upon by the parties
may be part of the process of seeking solutions to the issues that divide them. If
those solutions are not found, the accommodation itself may become permanent.
Of the many forms that accommodation may take, six have been selected
for brief discussion here. They are: the truce, the compromise, arbitration,
superordination arrangements, and toleration.
The term, truce, is so commonly used in ordinary speech that its meaning
probably is clear. It is simply an agreement to terminate the conflict for a
definite or indefinite period without any of the issues being settled.
The truce points toward some sort of compromise which is a total or partial
solution to the issues that involves both parties making some concessions and
receiving some in return.
Compromises are not always readily achieved, particularly if the rivals are
of approximately equal strength and if each thinks he still has a chance to win.
In the event that negotiations to find a compromise appear likely to break down,
and open conflict to begin again, the parties may call in a mediator to assist
them. The mediator is a disinterested third parly who presumably can be
objective about the issues and who usually has some recognized expertise in the
area. His role is to help the parties agree upon a compromise. Mediators
frequently are used in labor-management negotiations where concessions can be
made to a third party without the same 'loss of face’ that would be involved if
they were made directly to the adversary.
Mediation provides assistance toward achieving a compromise and is not a
form of accommodation itself. There is some question whether even arbitration
is a form of accommodation or whether it merely results in the achievement of
other forms of accommodation. In arbitration, the rival- rous parties agree to
invite the outside party to assess the issues and to decide upon a solution that
will be regarded as binding upon the conflicting parties. The arbitrator
becomes, in effect, a judge. Like that of judges everywhere, the role of the
arbitrator is more often to find viable compromises than to rule upon matters of
principle.
The compromises that arbitrators impose may involve the making of
approximately equal concessions by both sides, as implied above, or most of the
advantage may go to one of the parties. That is, there may be elements of victory
and defeat involved. Where one party clearly gains the advantage, the form of
accommodation is superordination. Wars traditionally have ended in
superordination arrangements, with the losers being placed in a position of
disadvantage and having their ability to carry on the conflict curtailed.
Superordination agreements may be a form of unequal compromise and may be
achieved either with or without the assistance of an arbitrator.
The final form of accommodation to be described here is that of toleration.
As the word implies, the issues remain unsettled but the parties agree, at least
implicitly, that neither can or should defeat the other and they must endure
coexistence.
Toleration, as a social process, is used frequently to accommodate national,
racial, ethnic, and religious differences. It can work well, in considerable
amicability, as witness Roman Catholic-Protestant relations in the United States,
or it can occasionally be accompanied by bitter strife as witness relations
between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland.
ASSIMILATION
The one way in which given conflicts between particular groups may be
eliminated permanently is through the process of assimilation. Formally,
assimilation is the process whereby
group differences gradually disappear.
61
Issues are based upon differences. When the differences disappear, so do the
issues and the conflict.
The term, assimilation, again is in somewhat general use, being applied
most often to the process whereby large numbers of migrants from Europe were
absorbed into the American population during the latter part of the nineteenth
and the early part of the twentieth centuries. Among the immigrants were large
numbers of Irish, Scandinavians, Germans, Poles, Italians, Greeks, and so on.
The history of each of these peoples in the United States was unique but
most of them settled, for a while, in ethnic enclaves in American cities. While
they thus held on to their old ways of life, conflict between the migrants and the
older residents was frequent and bitter. Stereotypes — of the drunken
superstitious Irishman, of the ignorant obtuse Pole, and the voluble criminally
inclined Italian, for example — grew up to rationalize and support the conflict.
Gradually, however, as the second and third generations of these migrant
families grew to adulthood, they moved out of the ethnic neighborhoods, spoke
only English, and ceased to be different from their countrymen. This was the
process of assimilation. Even today the process is not wholly complete and a
few superficial differences remain. But, by and large, the differences have
disappeared and so has the conflict that was based upon those differences. Such
ethnic epithets as Dago, Wop, Polack, and Shanty Irish have virtually lost the
affect that a generation or two ago accompanied their use.
The assimilation of European immigrants in the United States was a
dramatic and highly visible set of events and illustrates the process well. There
are other types of assimilation, however, and there are aspects of the
assimilation of European migrants that require some further explanation. These
several points might be put in prepositional form. First, assimilation is a twoway process. Second, assimilation of groups as well as individuals takes place.
Third, some assimilation probably occurs in all lasting interpersonal situations.
Fourth, assimilation is often incomplete and creates adjustment problems for
individuals. And fifth, assimilation does not proceed equally rapidly and equally
effectively in all intergroup situations.
62
The illustration
of the assimilation
Assimilation
is a two-way
process of European migrants might make it
appear that the migrants were simply absorbed by the host population until all
traces of them were lost. This is not the way that assimilation works. In
actuality, the host population and its way of life always change also. The
dominant group may not change as much, or as noticeably, but it does change.
To return to the illustration of the assimilation of European migrants, Irish
stews, smorgasbords, sauerkraut, kielbasa, spaghetti, and ouzo suggest just a few
'American' patterns of food and drink that were contributed by the Europeans.
Careful analysis would show similar contributions to the American way of life
in areas as diverse as political attitudes, agricultural techniques, and ways of
family life.
Assimilation is a group process
Second, the experience of the European migrants suggests that assimilation
takes place on an individual or family basis. The situation in which some
members of the same family assimilate more rapidly than others (and thereby
precipitate new conflicts within the family) is a familiar one. Ultimately, of
course, assimilation is an individual experience. This should not be permitted to
obscure the fact, however, that assimilation also is a group process and that
group differences, as well as individual differences, diminish over time. The
European migrant experience illustrates both ways of perceiving assimilation,
depending upon whether one focuses upon the adjustment of certain people and
certain families or upon the gradual assimilation of groups such as the Italians
and the Germans.
Assimilation at the group level also is illustrated by the gradual
disappearance of differences between the rural and urban populations in the
United States. At one time, city and farm ways of life were quite distinct.
Clothes, manner, speech, attitudes, and values differentiated 'city slickers' from
'rubes' or 'hayseeds.' Gradually, however, the urban and rural ways of life have
become less distinctive and an extensive common style of life, shared in by both
urban and rural residents, has come to exist.
Assimilation occurs in all lasting relationships
63 assimilation probably also occurs in
As a process of reducing differences,
continuing interpersonal relationships where the persons involved share a
generally common way of life to begin with. Perhaps the best illustration of this
kind of assimilation is to be found in marriage. Even young persons from very
similar backgrounds find differences between them when they first marry. Not
surprisingly, conflict also is associated with the early years of marriage. As the
couple live together, however, they tend toward common values, attitudes,
behaviors, and sometimes even personal appearance. By the time some couples
reach old age, other people marvel at how much alike they are, and wonder how
it happened. The answer is very simple. The process of assimilation has been
more effective between them than between other couples.
Assimilation often is incomplete
If studies of the matter were done, they would likely show that most couples
do not achieve such a complete merging of themselves in marriage. And studies
of other forms of assimilation such as the assimilation of immigrants in a new
country would show the same thing. Assimilation within any one generation,
tends to be partial rather than complete. The persons being assimilated tend to
take on many of the features of the way of life into which they are being
assimilated without completely giving up the way of life that they have left. This
situation produces what an early sociologist described as the condition of the
marginal man.
The marginal man is a participant in two distinct ways of life without being
a full participant in either. He exists on the margin, as it were, of both groups.
Contemporary migrants to the United States’ mainland from Puerto Rico
provide a good example. Most of the migrants have grown up in the rural, Latin
way of life of the island. Most of them migrate to the completely urban
environment of New York City. In New York, they rapidly learn to function in
very impersonal relationships, but not as effectively as many of the people who
were born there. They also try to interact as they would have back home and
only succeed in confusing both themselves and those with whom they must deal.
Social scientists perceive the condition of the marginal man both as a curse
and a blessing. The curse derives from the fact that the marginal person cannot
participate enthusiastically and without reservation in his new way of life.
Because he is not fully assimilated, his fellows may be somewhat prejudiced
against him, as they are toward the immigrant whose speech betrays his origins
or the executive whose behavior is not always sufficiently polished. And the
marginal person himself judges his new way of life not only by its own
standards but also by those of his former group. The immigrant may be
dismayed at the transparent chauvinism of his new countrymen and the rising
executive may be especially sensitive to crudities in the behavior of other
executives.
The lot of the marginal man is, thus, a lonely one. Unable to share fully in
the way of life of any group, he may lack deep friendships and otherwise feel
cut off from his fellows. One might suspect that other people may find him to be
either abrasive or withdrawn. In extreme cases, these symptoms may be defined
as those of incipient mental illness.
The very same isolation that is reflected in adjustment problems for
marginal persons tends, on the other hand, to make them exceptionally astute
and perceptive observers of the societies in which they live. Having two sets of
standards from which to judge situations, they are less likely than other persons
to accept, uncritically, platitudes and cliches. They are more likely to fathom the
issues that divide societies and are more likely to see how those issues may be
resolved. Their very marginality to a society may make them potentially more
useful to it.
64
Assimilation proceeds unevenly
The last proposition with regard to assimilation is that assimilation does not
proceed equally rapidly and equally effectively in all intergroup situations. The
point is important both in understanding the historical role of assimilation in the
United States and in understanding the more general role of assimilation as a
means of terminating conflict.
In an earlier and more optimistic period in American life, there existed a
concept of the United States as a giant melting pot in which all of the
differences of immigrant groups soon melted away and a homogeneous
American way of life was forged. According to a model which proved
subsequently to have been based upon the experience of northwestern
Europeans of Protestant background, assimilation was supposed to be complete
in three generations. The first generation, the immigrants themselves, began the
process but generally were not able to give up the old ways. Their children
however, the second generation, growing up in the United States and wanting to
be like everyone else, explicitly rejected the foreign language, distinctive modes
of dress, and so on. When they married, they frequently moved away from the
traditional ethnic areas and sometimes even Anglicized their names. The
children of the second generation then grew up virtually without a sense of their
old-world heritage and the process of assimilation was complete.
This three-generation assimilation model appears to have described the
experience of migrants like the Scandinavians and Germans fairly accurately,
but it was not accurate for many other groups such as the Poles, Russians,
Italians, Jews, and Negroes. It was discovered early that assimilation tended to
proceed within the three major religious groups — Protestant, Catholic, and
Jewish — rather than across them. People tended to marry within their own
religious group and thus to perpetuate religious differences beyond the specified
three generations. The greatest barrier of all to rapid assimilation proved to be
color differences; and, in general, the period required for assimilation was found
to increase in proportion to a combination of language differences, religious
differences, and racial differences.
By the 1970's, ' the problem of language differences had virtually
disappeared, although traces of it remained among some American Indians,
Japanese and Chinese Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and Mexican
Americans. Where language differences
65 remained, they tended both to reflect
and to give support to religious differences. The most striking instances of
nonassimilation are to be found where skin color differences exist. Although
some black Americans have family experience in this country going back three
hundred and fifty years, white racist traditions have prevented many blacks from
becoming fully integrated into the American way of life. The civil unrest of the
1960's and 1970's testifies eloquently to the conflict potential in that situation.
Thus, the American experience indicates that assimilation is not a simple or
inevitable solution to the problem of conflict.
Some differences appear much more reconcilable by this means than others
do. As a formal matter then, assimilation, where it is possible, provides the
ultimate solution to the problem of conflict. And some movement toward
assimilation probably characterizes most lasting interpersonal interactions. But
the progress of assimilation in some intergroup situations may be slow indeed.
SUMMARY
Certain common forms of social interaction — what sociologist call social
processes — exist all over the world. Cooperation and competition are the best
known of these. Included also, however, are conflict, accommodation, and
assimilation.
Cooperation and competition are reciprocal aspects of the same general
process and, although some societies value one more highly than other, neither
can really be said to be more basic. Cooperation may be said, arbitrarily, to occur
at several different levels. These levels are defined in terms of the number of
people involved, how personal or impersonal their relationships, the nature of the
goals they seek, and whether the rewards of the cooperation arc individual or
shared.
American society generally values cooperative activity, but some types of
cooperation toward socially proscribed goals are specifically disapproved.
Probably all societies approve of cooperation in some instances and disapprove
of it in others.
Competition also can be described in terms of the relationships between the
competing parties and in terms of whether it occurs on personal, group, or
organizational levels. And, like cooperation, it receives general social approval
in some instances and disapproval in others. American society supports the
principle that competition produces worthwhile results.
The concept of the ideal type is a useful device in describing the operation
of cooperation and competition in human societies. It enables us to see that
societies cannot be classified as purely competitive or cooperative but, instead,
range along a continuum reflecting varying emphases upon the two processes.
Competition is widely valued in human societies because it appears to
increase effort and achievement. At the same time, however, negative effects of
competition have caused most societies to limit and regulate it. Those negative
effects include the fact of undesirable consequences for people who are
unsuccessful in the competition, the fact that competition encourages feelings
of hostility, and the fact that competition tends to degenerate into conflict.
Competition shades off into conflict as the harming of one's opponent
becomes a conscious goal. Conflict also ranges from the intensely personal to
the quite impersonal, and may be conducted by individuals, groups, or
organizations.
Conflict is inherently destructive and costly; so much so that its
continuance may threaten the very existence of the social order. Conflict also
serves useful functions, however, in that it promotes loyalty within the group,
and it gives a sign of the need for social change. In longer range perspective,
some scholars argue that conflict in the form of war was essential in the
establishment of major societies.
A series of ways of terminating conflict are subsumed under the label of
accommodation. The forms of accommodation include the truce, the
compromise, and superordination arrangements. Mediation and arbitration
sometimes are used as means to the attainment of the latter two forms of
66
accommodation. Toleration, as a form of accommodation, may be becoming the
preferred way of terminating wars.
The ultimate way of ending conflict is through the reduction of the
differences that produced it in the first place. Most people are somewhat familiar
with the process of assimilation because of the large role that it has played in
American history. They do not always realize, however, that assimilation is a
two-way process, that it is a group process, that it occurs in all lasting
interpersonal relationships, that it is seldom complete, and that it proceeds
unevenly in different intergroup situations.
QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS:
1. How would you answer the argument that either cooperation or competition
is the basic social process? Instead of trying to establish that one is more
basic than the other, what kinds of question should properly be raised about
them?
2. Specify the six different levels at which cooperation may operate. For
each level, indicate the nature of cooperating parties, the type of
relationship between them, the goals to be sought, and the rewards to be
secured.
3. Indicate how social approval and disapproval attach to the processes of
cooperation and competition. Is it a simple matter of one being approved
over the others? Is either one approved in all situations?
4. What do sociologists mean by the concept of "ideal type"? Are ideal types
directly descriptive of reality situations? If not, of what use are they, then,
in social science?
5. Use pairs of ideal types to show how different societies over the world may
give different emphasis to cooperation and competition. Has empirical
research been of much help to us here? Why or why not?
6. What negative effects of competition generally lead societies to limit the
scope of its operation? How are competition and conflict interrelated?
7. Assess both the positive functions and the negative functions of conflict in
society. Prepare a presentation for a class debate on the proposition that war
serves socially useful/ destructive functions. Is war a continuation of politics
by different means?
8. Define the term "accommodation". List and define as many different forms
of accommodation as you can. Have you included mediation or arbitration?
Why or why not?
9. How is assimilation the ultimate solution to conflict? Is assimilation an
individual process, group process, or both? Explain your answer.
10. What is meant by the concept of the "marginal man"? Give examples of
situations that are likely to produce marginal men. With what problems are
marginal persons plagued? What special advantages do they posses?
11. Evaluate the proposition that the former Soviet Union has served as a
melting pot for persons of diverse racial, religious, and nationality
backgrounds. Can you talk about assimilation experiences of members of
your own family? What do the assimilation experiences of members of
your class tell you about the homogeneity or heterogeneity of your group?
Try to relate this last feature to the climate of feeling that prevails within
the class. How much hostility or good feeling is there?
V. CULTURE
CULTURE GROWTH
Any one date that might be established as the beginning of human culture
would be extremely arbitrary. Unmistakably,
tools existed half a million years
67
ago and they might be considerably older than that. If, for purposes of
convenience, we say that culnire is 500,000 years old, it still is difficult to
appreciate the length of the period during which it has grown and how much of
what we customarily think of as culture today has appeared in the very recent
past.
One dramatic way of representing the growth of culture over time is to
select an arbitrary starting date and to divide man's experience from that point
into "lifetimes". Alvin Toffler, for example, has divided the last 50,000 years of
experience into 62-year lifetimes, placing man currently in his 800th lifetime.
According to this chronology, 650 lifetimes were spent in caves. Written
language has existed only for the last 70 lifetimes, and the printed word has been
widely available only for the last 6. The electric motor has existed for only 2
lifetimes. Television, airplanes, automobiles, and nuclear weapons all developed
within the 800th lifetime. Ninety per cent of all of the scientists who have ever
existed are alive during this lifetime.
All of modern technology has developed in less than l/2500th of the total
time it has taken for human culture to reach its present level of development.
This means, of course, that, in the beginning, the growth of culture was
exceedingly slow and only recently has culture begun to change rapidly. The
explanation for this situation is to be found in the fact that culture grows in two
ways; through invention of new traits within the culture, or through diffusion of
new traits from outside the culture.
Invention
When laymen use the term, invention, they usually refer to new mechanical
things of one sort or another. These would be inventions in the sociological use
of the term, too, but sociologists attach a far broader meaning to the term. To
sociologists, an invention is any recombination of existing cultural elements in
such a fashion as to produce something new.
Using this definition, it is easy to see that the number of new combinations
of culture elements that are possible depends upon the number of elements
already existing in the culture. Half a million years ago when man possessed
only almond-shaped rocks as tools, the possibilities of change in those tools
were exceedingly limited. Gradually and slowly, man learned to flake pieces off
those stones to make them easier to handle and more efficient to use. He also
learned to fashion the flakes into smaller, sharper tools. Eventually, he learned to
set the flakes into crude handles, and rudimentary knives, axes and spears came
into being. A very simple process from the modem perspective, these
developments took about 400,000 years.
Major advances became possible when Neanderthal man discovered that
bones could also be used to fashion tools. With both stones and bones as
materials, and with some knowledge of how to affix handles, the rate of
invention of new tools began to speed up. About 6000 years ago, man
discovered that copper could be used to fashion superior tools, and then bronze
and iron came into use.
With each new invention, the culture base was enlarged and the potential
number of new combinations of existing cultural elements multiplied. Culture
began to grow according to an observable exponential principle.
For hundreds of thousands of years, the growth of culture occurred chiefly
through the process of invention within given societies and it was, by modem
standards, almost incomprehensibly slow. Over the past few centuries the rate
has speeded up to the point where rapid change is normal and expected.
Although writers have been predicting for a long time now that the rate of
change might soon exceed man's ability to adjust to it, the warning has taken on
new urgency in the latter part of the twentieth century.
Diffusion
In spite of the fact that invention occupied a dominant place in the process
of culture growth over such a long68period of time, most of the content of modern
cultures appears to have been gained through the process of diffusion. The term,
diffusion, refers to the borrowing of cultural elements from another society in
contrast to their independent invention within the host society.
In order for diffusion to operate on a substantial scale, there must be
separate societies that have existed long enough to have elaborated distinctive
ways of life. Moreover, those societies must be in sufficient contact with one
another so that substantial borrowing is possible. These conditions probably
developed rather late in the evolutionary process. Once begun, however, the
process of culture borrowing became so pervasive that most of the elements of
most modern cultures, including our own, originated with other peoples. The
anthropologist, Ralph Linton, has provided a classic illustration of this point by
caricaturing the beginning of the day for a typical American.
Our solid American citizen awakens in a bed built on a pattern which
originated in the Near East but which was modified in Northern Europe before it
was transmitted to America. He throws back the covers made from cotton,
domesticated in India, or linen domesticated in the Near East, or silk, the use of
which was discovered in China. All of these materials have been spun and
woven by processes invented in the Near East. He slips into his moccasins,
invented by the Indians of the Eastern woodlands, and goes to the bathroom,
whose fixtures are a mixture of European and American inventions, both of
recent date. He takes off his pajamas, a garment invented in India, and washes
with soap, invented by the ancient Gauls. He then shaves, a masochistic rite
which seems to have been derived from either Sumer or ancient Egypt.
Returning to the bedroom, he removes his clothes from a chair of southern
European type and proceeds to dress. He puts on garments whose form
originally derived from the skin clothing of the nomads of the Asiatic steppes,
puts on shoes made from skins tanned by a process invented in ancient Egypt
and cut to a pattern derived from the classical civilization of the Mediterranean,
and ties around his neck a strip of bright-colored cloth which is a vestigial
survival of the shoulder shawls worn by the seventeenth century Croatians.
Before going out for breakfast he glances through the window, made of glass
invented in Egypt, and if it is raining, puts on overshoes made of rubber
discovered by the Central American Indians and takes an umbrella, invented in
southeastern Asia. Upon his head he puts a hat made of felt, a material invented
in the Asiatic Steppes.
On his way to breakfast he stops to buy a paper, paying for it with coins, an
ancient Lydian invention. At the restaurant a whole new series of borrowed
elements confronts him. His plate is made of a form of pottery invented in
China. His knife is of steel, an alloy first made in southern India, his fork a
medieval Italian invention, and his spoon a derivative of a Roman original. He
begins breakfast with an orange, from the eastern Mediterranean, a cantaloupe
from Persia, or perhaps a piece of African watermelon. With this he has coffee,
an Abyssinian plant, with cream and sugar. Both the domestication of cows and
the idea of milking them originated in the Near East, while sugar was first made
in India. After his fruit and first coffee, he goes on to waffles, cakes made by a
Scandinavian technique from wheat domesticated in Asia Minor. Over these he
pours maple syrup, invented by the Indians of the Eastern woodlands. As a side
dish he may have the eggs of a species of bird domesticated in Indo-China, or
thin strips of the flesh of an animal domesticated in Eastern Asia which have
been salted and smoked by a process developed in northern Europe.
When our friend has finished eating, he settles back to smoke, an American
Indian habit, consuming a plant domesticated in Brazil in either a pipe, derived
from the Indians of Virginia, or a cigarette, derived from Mexico. If he is hardy
enough he may even attempt a cigar, transmitted to us from the Antilles by way
of Spain. While smoking he reads the news of the day, imprinted in characters
invented in Germany. As he absorbs the accounts of foreign troubles he will, if
he is a good conservative citizen,69thank a Hebrew deity in an Indo-European
Language that he is 100 per cent American.
Culture has grown, then, through a combination of the processes of
invention and diffusion. It grew very slowly at first, mostly as the result of
invention. As the culture base expanded and as societies became differentiated,
the large-scale diffusion of traits became possible and particularly in the Western
world, the rate of culture growth has become overwhelming.
The selective addition of culture traits
Culture accumulates with the passage of time. And its growth tends to
increase exponentially. There is danger, however, in the possible assumption that
cultures grow randomly and unselectively. It is not true that culture is like a
huge sponge, simply absorbing anything that happens to come its way.
Instead, it appears that the existing culture base largely determines what
new traits will be added. Although large and complex cultures are not totally
integrated and, indeed, may embrace many internal conflicts, there is a tendency
toward such integration, and that tendency toward integration influences
whether potential new elements in the culture will become firmly incorporated
into it or whether they will soon be discarded.
As this is being written, for example, various groups of young adults around
the country are experimenting with communal living arrangements and are
espousing an ideology of selflessness and sharing. These young people perceive
themselves as being the forerunners of a whole new way of life in America.
While the ideology that they espouse is anything but new, and has been
promoted off and on for over 100 years in the United States, it is an ideology
that has never secured widespread support. The basic values of
American society have been acquisitive, emphasizing the possession of power
and prestige by those who have 'made it, ' and awarding to them a variety of
material goods and services.
If communal living and equal sharing on any scale are to become part of the
American way of life, it will represent a radical break with the past and will
require re-organization of much of the remainder of American life. This is not to
say that it will not happen. It does say that it is not likely to happen. It simply
reflects the fact that cultures tend to grow selectively in directions determined by
their pasts.
DEFINITION OF CULTURE
By now it probably is apparent that sociologists do not use the term, culture,
as it often is used in ordinary speech. Culture, as we conceive of it, does not
refer to just the cultivated prestigious patterns of upper-class groups in a society;
our use of the term does not focus upon art or music or mamiers. Culture,
viewed sociologically, originated at least a half million years ago and refers to
the vast store of learned behavior that has been passed down through the
generations and which, increasingly, has differentiated the human way of life
from that of other animal species.
The concept of culture is so all-embracing that it is difficult to convey its
full complexity in any synoptic definition. Without such a definition, however,
the concept is likely to remain too vague and imprecise. A formal definition will
help to sharpen our usage of the term, and can be expanded to encourage fuller
understanding.
For purposes of this book we will define culture as the total learned
behavior — including values, norms, and language — and the resulting
material artifacts that compose the way of life of the members of society. The
terms, society and culture, thus go together. Societies are composed of people —
typically, those people who possess a distinctive culture. In turn, culture is
usually the distinctive way of life of the members of a given society.
Anthropologists estimate that, in the past and the present, there have been some
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4000 different human societies. Most of those societies gradually developed
their own distinctive collection of values and norms, their own language and
customs, and their own array of material goods; in short, their own culture.
MATERIAL CULTURE AND NONMATERIAL CULTURE
Social scientists generally agree that the essence of culture lies in what we
are here calling nonmaterial culture: in the system of values, norms, attitudes
and beliefs; and in the interrelated habit systems of the members of a society.
These are all learned behavior patterns and, as such, they are widely shared
among the society's members. They also are taught to the young by their
parents; they are transmitted from generation to generation.
In a very strict sense, material objects such as a dish, a building, or a rocket
perhaps should not be included within the definition of culture. For they are not
learned behavior. Neither can they be shared among the members of a society in
quite the same way as learned behavior can. One loses nothing when he teaches
something to another person. But although material objects can be shared to
some degree, there is always the problem of ownership and control; individuals
or groups frequently have rights in material objects that exclude other people
from their possession and use.
A society's store of learned behavior may accumulate indefinitely and be
transmitted to future generations without loss. Material objects, on the other
hand, may be passed on from an individual or a group to persons in the next
generation, but the problem of ownership remains, and, sooner or later, the
object itself loses its usefulness and must be discarded.
The social scientists who argue that material objects should not be
considered as part of culture do so on grounds similar to the above. We have no
quarrel with them. Indeed, we agree with them. Nevertheless, it seems to us that
material objects which, technically, are products of culture rather than culhire
itself may be usefully included within the definition and may be referred to by
the term, material culture.
We take this position because the invention and refinement of material
artifacts in a society are not clearly separable from the development of
nonmaterial culture. Learning makes possible the development of tools,
instruments, and so on. And so it has been since the dawn of culture. Up until the
development of written language, only some four to six thousand years ago, we
can trace the development of culture only through the material objects that have
survived. Since that time, the role played by technology in human experience
has grown steadily larger, and technology and social institutions have become
more difficult to disentwine.
Societies differ not only in language, customs, and rules of behavior. They
differ, also, in the level of their technological development and in the specific
kinds of material goods that they produce. Not strangely, the level of
technological development in societies is related to the possession of a written
language. Literate societies generally have a much higher level of technological
development and in some societies, such as the United States, the level of
technological development is so high as to have itself become a major causal
factor in the process of social change.
The problem of cultural lag
The role played by material inventions, that is by technology, in the process
of social change probably received most emphasis in the work of the American
sociologist, William F. Ogbum. It was Ogburn, also, who was chiefly
responsible for the idea that the rate of invention within a society is a function of
the size of the existing culture base. He saw the rate of material invention as
increasing with the passage of time.
71
Ogburn believed, too, that material
culture and nonmaterial culture change
in different ways. Change in material culture is believed to have a marked
directional or progressive character. This is because there are generally agreedupon standards of efficiency that are used to evaluate material inventions. To use
airplanes as an example, we keep working to develop planes that will fly higher
and faster, and carry more payload at a lower unit cost. And because airplanes
can be measured against these standards, inventions in this area appear both
rapidly and predictably.
In the area of nonmatcrial culture, on the other hand, there often are no such
generally accepted standards. Whether one prefers a Warhol, a Picasso, or a
Gainsborough, for example, is a matter of taste, and styles of painting fluctuate
unevenly. Similarly, in institutions such as government and the economic system
there are competing forms or styles. Governments may be dictatorships,
oligarchies, republics, or democracies. Economic systems include communist,
socialist, fascist, and capitalist ones. As far as can be told, there is no regular
progression from one form of government or economic system to another. The
obvious directional character of change in material culture is lacking in many
areas of nonmaterial culture.
In addition to the difference in the directional character of change, Og- burn
and others believe that material culture tends to change faster than nonmaterial
culture. Certainly one of the most impressive aspects of modern American life is
the tremendous development of technology. Within this century, life has been
transformed by invention of the radio, TV, automobiles, airplanes, rockets,
transistors, computers, and so on. While all of this has been happening in the
area of material culture, change in government, in the economic system, in
family life, in education, and in religion seems to have been much slower.
This difference in rates of culture change led Ogbum to formulate the
concept of "culture lag". Material inventions, he believed, bring changes that
require adjustments to be made in various areas of nonmaterial culture.
Invention of the automobile, for instance, freed young unmarried men and
women from direct parental observation, made it possible for men to work at
great distances from their homes, and, among other things, facilitated crime by
making escape easier. Half a century later, families still were structured much as
they had been in the era of the family farm when young people were under
continuous observation and men worked right on the homestead. Countless other
examples could be given.
The period of culture lag was defined as the time between the appearance of
a new material invention and the making of appropriate adjustment in
corresponding areas of nonmaterial culture. This time is often long. It was over
fifty years, for example, after the typewriter was invented before it was used
systematically in office work. Even today, we may have a family system that is
better adapted to a farm economy than to an urban industrial one, and nuclear
weapons exist in a diplomatic atmosphere attuned to the requirements of the
nineteenth century.
As the discussion implies, the concept of culture lag is associated with the
definition of social problems. Those who use the concept generally envision some
kind of balance or adjustment existing between material and nonmaterial culture.
That balance is upset by the appearance of new material objects. The resulting
imbalance is defined as a social problem until once again nonmaterial culture
changes in adjustment to the new technology.
Not all sociologists, it should be pointed out, accept the premises upon which
the concept of culture lag is based, or believe it to be a very useful idea. Some
question, for example, the assumption that change in material culture comes first
and that change in nonmaterial culture follows. They argue, instead, that material
inventions stem from the general state of knowledge in a society, and that
knowledge and science belong to the realm of nonmaterial culture. Thus, the
relationship between material and nonmaterial culture should at least be seen as a
reciprocal one.
72
A second point of dispute exists on whether change in material culture is
simply accumulative in the manner suggested and whether material culture
always changes faster than nonmaterial culture. There is abundant evidence of
resistance to change in material culture and of very rapid change occurring in
nonmaterial culture.
Some elements of nonmaterial culture change exceedingly rapidly. The
whole area of fads and fashions provides examples. The slang speech of
teenagers, to take one illustration, changes so rapidly that not only can adults not
keep current with it, but young people in different sections of the country also
struggle to keep up with the latest changes. Similarly, styles of dress for both men
and women, trends in popular music, and even patterns of infant care change
quite rapidly. While there is no way to compare directly the rate of change in such
areas of nonmaterial culture with that in various areas of material culture, the
allegedly more rapid material culture change appears at least to be an
oversimplification.
In summary, the concept of culture lag is problematic in modern sociology.
We cannot resolve the issue here and our intent has not been to try to do so. It
simply seems to us that understanding of the concept of culture is facilitated by
introducing the subordinate concepts of material culture and nonmaterial culture
and of some of the issues related to how culture changes. For culture is, at one
and the same time, one of the major determinants both of social order and of
social change.
THE CONTENT OF CULTURE
Culture consists of the totality of the learned behaviors among the members
of a society. And, as we have defined it, it also includes the material inventions
that are some of the products of learned behavior.
Most social scientists, somewhat unlike William Ogburn, believe the essence
of culture to lie in its nonmaterial aspects. They include under the rubric of
learned behavior — in addition to values, norms, and language — the whole store
of human knowledge and creativity. Thus, science, history, philosophy and
theology are all parts of culture; they represent the systematization of knowledge
that has been acquired in different ways. Similarly, the essence of art, sculpture,
and music is conceived to lie not in statues, paintings, and musical scores, but in
knowledge of the use of form, color, function, tone, and so on.
Also included within culture are the habits and customs of a people. Going to
bed at 10:00 P.M. or 1:00 A.M. — in fact, using a bed at all — is an element of
culture. So, also, are wearing mini dresses, going to church or sleeping late on
Sunday, observing Christmas or placating evil spirits, hating fascists or student
protestors, loving one's enemies, and so on. Culture is, in brief, the total way of
life of the members of a society.
For analytic purposes, the content of a culture often is broken down in
different ways from the ways in which we have done it so far. In addition to
dividing culture into material and nonmaterial, and into language, norms, habits,
and so on, cultural elements are classified into traits, complexes, and patterns.
Traits, complexes, and patterns
Quite arbitrarily, the smallest units of culture are defined as being culture
traits. A knife or a kiss provide examples. Thousands of other illustrations could
be given. Whenever the item under consideration cannot be divided into
meaningful parts, we are dealing with culture traits. Traits are the basic building
blocks of culturc.
Culture traits seldom, if ever, exist in isolation. Instead, they exist in relation
to other traits, with which they form what are called culture complexes. The
knife, for example, is likely to exists
73 in varieties that may range from scaples, to
switchblades.
What minimum of related culture traits are necessary before we are justified
in speaking of complex culture? The concept is not defined that precisely. And, at
the other extreme, there is no maximum number of traits in a culture complex
refers to a somewhat interminate middle range in the organization of culture traits
into larger wholes.
At some point in this process where the number of related traits has become
very large and has come to permate many aspects of life, we generally stop
referring to them as culture complexes and begin to call them culture patterns.
The culture complex of cutting and stabbing, for instance, may be seen as part of
the larger culture patterns of medical care and of crime and violence.
The three terms: traits, complex and pattern, are useful in communicating abort
culture. The aim is not to dessect culture into its component parts
and to neatly classify each cultural element into various categories, but to permit
the quick identification of the level of abstraction or generality of a discussion.
Universals, alternative and specialties.
Culture traits and culture complexes may also be classified according to the
degree to which they are shared by all or by only certain segments of a society.
One type of culture trait, that is, social norms, has been classified into universals,
alternatives, and specialities.
The term, universals. refers to those norms that, avvlv to all of members of a
society, with no one beitw excluded or excevted. The best illustration that may be
offered is that of the incest taboo. All persons are forbidden to have sexual
intercourse with other persons who arc defined as close relatives. The use of the
English language whould also come close to being a cultural universal in the
United Sates.
True universals are rare in most societies. Even the prohibition of murder, for
example, has certain possible exceptions to it. United States' norms are not quite
clear about how freely soldiers may kill under conditions of guerilla warfare, or
how much persecution blacks must stand from the police before striking back.
Social change may also convert former universals into cultural alternatives. To
illustrate: the capitalist cthic may have been a universal in the United States only
a generation or so ago but appears not to be accepted by growing numbers of
young people.
Cultural alternatives are norms that offer to individuals a choice of
behaviors, with the various possibilities being almost equally acceptable. If the
requirement to wear clothes is a universal in our society, then several styles and
colors of clothing constitute alternatives. Alternatives tend to be much more
numerous than universals.
The concept of specialties takes us one step further to norms that are neither
universal nor are they equally available to all of the members of society.
Specialties are norms that are appropriate only for certain indivictuals or groups
by virtue of certain characteristics that they possess. Generally, specialties are
products of the division of labor in societies. They vary by age, sex, and
occupation.
The best examples of specialties probably come from the occupational
sphere. Lawyers, physicians, teachers, bricklayers, truck drivers, and so on, all
have areas of knowledge and expectcd modes of behavior that are not shared by
other occupational groups.
Through its normative system, culture promotes order in a society. Some
norms, universals, apply to all members of the society without exception. Most
norms, however, are not completely binding upon all members of the society and
a range of alternative behaviors is permitted. Finally, there is always some
specialization within the society, and certain norms are learned and observed only
by individuals and groups for whom they are defined as appropriate.
74
Real and ideal patterns
One final distinction to be made concerning the content of culture has to do
with the relationship between ideal culture patterns and real culture patterns. The
distinction is necessary so that the idea of culture may not be oversimplified.
Ideal culture patterns consist of the society's formal norms concerning
proper behavior. Thus, in our society, people are supposed to be equal under the
law, and our political leaders are supposed to work for peace. These are some of
the ideal patterns which are trumpeted through the press, are advocated from the
pulpit, and are taught in the classroom. Outwardly, people pretend that these
goals are vigorously sought.
In practice, however, merchants give short weight, taxpayers conceal income
from the Internal Revenue Service, manufacturers distribute goods that they
know to be defective, blacks and ethnic group members are discriminated against,
nonconformists are abused by the police and the general public, Congressmen
support the expansion of military facilities in their districts, and high officials
deliberately follow policies that are likely to cause war. And these are only a few
examples of ways in which the actual behavior of people conflicts with the
society's official norms.
The extent to which the real behavior of people differs from the ideal patterns
probably varies from one culture to another. The discrepancies may be fewer and
less glaring in smaller, less complex societies, although there is no systematic
empirical evidence that has been collected to support that belief. Certainly, our
own complex culture is permeated with inconsistencies. Only in such a society
would one recognize the avuncular admonition to 'do as I say, and not as I do.'
One could simply make a moral judgement of this situation and say that the
real culturc patterns reflcct the depravity of man/that they are bad and ought to be
corrected. To do this, however, would be to miss the point. The point is that the
real patterns are as legitimate a part of the culture as the ideal patterns are.
We might ask, instead, what functions the concurrent existence of real and
ideal culture patterns serve in the society. At least two such functions may be
stated.
First, the ideal patterns probably serve as constraints or checks upon the real
patterns. The idea of the regulation of behavior — what sociologists call social
control — is inherent in the concept of culture. Many real culture patterns
probably represent concessions to the fact that human behavior cannot be
controlled perfectly to promote the stability and welfare of the total society.
Thus, our ideal patterns require monogamy and sexual fidelity in marriage.
The real patterns, however, take cognizance of the fact that sexual urges are
somewhat indiscriminate and not easily contained. Consequently, we at least
partly close our eyes to the existence of extramarital affairs and we tolerate the
existence of both professional and amateur prostitution. The real culture pattern,
widespread semitolerated extramarital sex behavior, helps to preserve families
intact by not automatically causing a marital break every time a violation occurs.
On the other hand, extramarital affairs involve the risk of emotional involvement
between the parties that might cause them to disrupt their marriages in order to
continue the relationship. The ideal pattern of marital fidelity causes people to be
reluctant to enter extramarital affairs and causes them to feel guilty when they do
so. Without the ideal norm to hold behavior in check, extramarital involvements
and divorces might be even more common than they are. One function, then, of
the ideal culture patterns is to serve75as a check upon behaviors that might threaten
the stability of the society.
A second function is almost the obverse of the first. It is to open the way to
social change. To some extent, the ideal culture patterns represent standards
based upon the society's past experience. As such, they are better attuned to past
than to present conditions.
To take another illustration from the area of the family, consider the real and
ideal patterns relating to divorce. The ideal norms have traditionally provided that
a divorce could be secured only when one partner committed an offence that was
legal ground for divorce. That partner was then judged to be guilty and was
penalized in the terms of the divorce. In accord with what has just been said
about ideal norms serving as checks upon behavior, these ideal norms helped to
hold down the divorce rate.
Over a long period of time, however, the conditions of marriage changed, and
judges came to realize that among most of the couples who sought divorce both
the husband and wife were agreed that the marriage should be ended. Moreover,
what responsibility there was for disrupting the marriage generally was shared by
both spouses. Consequently, judges began to grant divorces on some kind of
vague concept of the welfare of the partners and their children. The real patterns
of divorce came to be quite different from the ideal patterns that were embedded
within the law.
SPECIFIC CULTURES, SUBCULTURES, AND CONTRACULTURES
Up to this point, we have made passing reference to the fact that each society
has a culture, but we have not considered, systematically, the different ways in
which the term, culture, is used. The word, "culture", may refer to the entire
social heritage of mankind or it may refer to the culture enacted by a specific
people.
Specific cultures
Ordinarily, one can tell from the context which usage of the term is intended.
Culture, used without any modifiers, generally refers to culture in its most
abstract and general form: to the learned behavior of men in contrast to the more
detailed biological regulation of behavior in other species. When modifiers are
used -as in American culture, Arab culture. South African culture, and so on —
the reference is to the specific ways of life of the members of individual societies.
The difficulties do not end there, however. Suppose we use American culture
as an example. There are certain aspects of American culture, that were earlier
referred to as universals, which presumably are shared by all Americans. Beliefs
in freedom and democracy, monogamous marriage, and the use of automobiles
would seem to approximate universals in American society. But do they?
One exception involves monogamous marriage, There still exist small
enclaves of people in the niral southwest who believe in and practice polygyny.
And over the past decade or so the idea of communal living, often without any
form of marriage or any concept of sexual exclusiveness, has become part of a
total way of life for a growing number of people.
But surely the use of automobiles is shared by all of the members of
American society. Not quite. There are Amish communities where the use of
automobiles is taboo. Horse-drawn carriages driven by fully bearded men
wearing plain black clothes and broad-brimmed black hats symbolize a way of
life that seems to set the Amish apart from the mainstream of American society.
Subcultures
A subculture really consists of a culture within a culture. It represents an
elaboration of the concept of cultural specialties where certain groups within the
society share interrelated sets of 76
behavior patterns that are not shared with the
larger society.
The term, specialties, is often used to refer to the fairly distinct ways of life of
occupational groups such as barbers, college professors, and so on. The
distinctiveness of the ways of life of barbers and college professors is far from
complete, however, and one does not grow up as a barber or a college professor.
To the degree that occupations are transmitted from father to son and the special
way of life is perpetuated over the generations, the rudiments of a subculture may
be formed.
There is no precise boundary that sets off cultural specialties from
subcultures. Nor is there any completely satisfactory way to separate many
subcultures from the larger cultures of which they are a part. Yet the concept of
subculture is a useful one, especially when the term is used carefully and with full
awareness of its inherent ambiguities.
The most legitimate use of the concept of subculture is to apply it to those
cases where groups maintain either physical or social isolation, or both, from
other groups within the society and where they have developed a distinctive way
of life that sets them off from the rest of the society. In contrast to the situation
involving what are called cultural specialties, one typically is bom into a group
having a distinctive subculture, he grows up in it, he may marry within it, and live
out his life in it.
Contracultures
The concept of contra culture came into sociology approximately a decade
ago to identify subcultural patterns that are directly in conflict with the values,
'norms, and attitudes of the larger society. Large, complex societies such as our
own are believed to be particularly prone to the development of contracultures
and the best illustration from American society is usually agreed to be that of the
delinquent gang. Other examples — assuming that they become permanent parts
of the American scene would include hippies, some communal living groups who
reject the basic values of American society, the Black Panthers, some drug users,
and others.
The exact means whereby contracultures come into existence is unknown,
but it is believed that they are a response to the continued and serious frustration
encountered by some groups in their attempts to share in the values of the larger
society. Delinquent youth, for example, are presumed to be exposed to values of
occupational success and the acquisition of material goods just as other
Americans are. They soon learn, however, that their best efforts will not permit
them to share significantly in these values. They find solace, then, in the norms of
the street gang that define the larger society as hypocritical and explorative.
In time, the gang develops an integrated normative pattern in which loyalty
to the gang and its standards comes to replace loyalty to the larger society. The
gang members know that stealing is disapproved of by the larger society but,
within the gang, successful stealing becomes a route to prestige and the
acquisition of material possessions analogous to that afforded through formal
education and conformity to middle-class youth.
As in the case of subcultures where the dominant values do not stand in
direct opposition to those of the larger society, contracultures are not completely
separated from the larger culture. Delinquent youth share much of their argot with
other teenagers, they smoke the same cigarettes, watch the same TV shows,
admire the same musical groups, and so on.
True contraeultures, like true subcultures, probably must cover the whole life
cycle and must be transmitted from generation to generation. The delinquent
contraculture appears to come close to meeting this criterion. Many people are
bom into families where there is systematic rejection of the standards of the larger
society and where the adults earn their livings through illegal or quasi-legal
activities. When the youth are grown, they too adopt criminal life styles and
77
transmit them to their children. It probably is too early to tell whether some of the
newer apparent contracul- tures such as those of the communal living groups and
the Black Panthers will become lasting parts of the American scene.
CULTURAL VARIABILITY
The concepts of subculture and contraculture, along with those of cultural
alternatives and specialties, indicate that there may be wide variability in values
and norms even within a single society such as the United States. When we
compare different societies with one another, the variability in their cultural
patterns becomes correspondingly larger. When all 4000 human societies are
brought into the picture, almost every belief or trait that one can think of is found
to exist somewhere in the world.
Cultural relativity
The concept of cultural relativity simply extends the idea that different
cultural patterns constitute different solutions to problems to state that specific
cultural patterns can be properly interpreted only in terms of the total context in
which they appear. To illustrate, take the use of the igloo for housing among the
American Eskimos. At first glance, the igloo appears to be a primitive,
uncomfortable, inferior type of dwelling. The anthropologist who understands the
concept of cultural relativity, however, interprets it this way: the igloo is a firstrate shield against icy winds and a nearly ideal container for men and for heat
energy.
Whether one is evaluating shelter among the Eskimos, the functions of the
Red Guard in China, the use of open fireplaces in England, or the role of guerilla
organizations in the Arab East, the principle of cultural relativity should be
remembered.
Cultural practices can be properly understood only in their total culftir- al
setting.
Ethnocentrism
Closely related to the concept of cultural relativity is the concept of
ethnocentrism. The root, ethno, comes from the Greek and refers to a people,
nation, or cultural grouping, while centric comes from the Latin and refers, of
course, to the center. The term ethnocentrism, then, refers to the tendency for each
society -со place its own culture patterns at the center of things. Ethnocentrism is
the practice of comparing other cultural practices with those of one's own group
and automatically finding those other cultural practices to be inferior.
Ethnocentrism appears to be a natural and universal human tendency. Nationstates are notoriously ethnocentric (chauvinistic), and most religions seem to
teach that theirs is 'the chosen people.' White attiftides of racial superiority now
are matched by the defiant 'black is beautiful'; haute cuisine must compete with
soul food; and blacks and whites compete for credit for each new popular music
style.
Everyone leams ethnocentrism in the process of growing up. The
possessiveness of the small child quickly translates into 'my toys are better than
your toys.' Parents, unless they are quite crude, outwardly discourage their
children from verbalizing such beliefs. But, in private, they may reassure their
offspring that his possessions are indeed very nice. Much of the learning of
ethnocentrism is indirect and unintended, but much of it is quite deliberate.
History, for example, is often taught to glorify the achievements of one's own
nation, and religious, civic, and other groups disparage their competitors quite
openly. Among adults, ethnocentrism is simply a fact of life.
Once one becomes conscious of the phenomenon of ethnocentrism, the
temptation is strong to evaluate it in moral terms; to label it with epithets such as
bigoted, chauvinistic, and so on, and to imply that one who has not discovered
and compensated for his ethnocentric
biases is not worthy of serious
78
consideration. This, incidentally, is another form of ethnocentrism. The important
point, however, is that ethnocentrism is a feature of culture and, like the rest of
culture, it needs to be evaluated in terms of its contribution to the maintenance of
social order and the promotion of social change.
The functions of ethnocentrism in maintaining social order are much more
apparent than those which promote social change. First of all, ethnocentrism
encourages the solidarity of the group. Believing that one’s own ways are the best
encourages a "we" feeling with one's associates and strengthens the idea that
loyalty to comrades and the preservation of the basis for one's superiority are
important values. Positively, ethnocentrism promotes continuance of the status
quo; negatively, it discourages change.
Second, ethnocentrism hinders the understanding of and cooperation with
other groups. If the ways of one's own group are the best ways, then there is little
incentive to interact with inferior groups. In fact, attitudes of suspicion, disdain,
and hostility are likely to be engendered. Extreme ethnocentrism is likely to
promote conflict, as the records of past wars, and religious and racial conflicts
make very clear.
Conflict, of course, often leads to social change, and in that sense
ethnocentrism does become a vehicle for the promotion of social change. It does
so, however, through disruption of the social order rather than through
encouragement of its peaceful evolution.
There seems to be little doubt that most social scientists are biased in favor
of peaceful social change and are opposed to conflict. Consequently, they tend,
even if subtly, to denigrate ethnocentrism and to imply that students must rid
themselves of ethnocentrism if they are to learn effectively. In so doing,
sociologists operate implicitly from a combination of evolutionary and
functionalist models.
SUMMARY
Culture develops through invention and diffusion, invention, which is a new
combination of existing cultural elements, is dependent upon the size of the
culture base. Initially, the rate of invention was very slow, but, as the exponential
principle began to operate, the rate speeded up enormously. Diffusion, which is
the process of cultural borrowing, may have appeared somewhat later in the
evolutionary process but has been a major force in the shaping of modern
cultures.
Cultures do not accumulate new elements randomly, and do not grow in
uncontrolled fashion. Instead, new elements are added selectively according to
how well they fit in with the existing culture.
Culture is the totality of learned behavior — including values, norms, and
language — and the resulting material artifacts that compose the way of life of
the members of a society. Not all sociologists agree that material objects should
be considered as a part of culture, but we see technology as inseparably linked
with the knowledge from which it derives. In modern societies, technology has
become an important factor in the causation of social change.
There is some indication that material culture and nonmaterial culture change
in different ways and at different rates of speed. The tendency for material culture
to change faster, and for nonmaterial culture to adapt haltingly, led to formulation
of the concept of culture lag. Some sociologists do not accept this thesis, but
present contrary arguments to the effect that material culture plays a much
smaller role in helping us to understand human behavior.
The smallest units of culture are called culture traits. Traits do not exist in
isolation but as parts of combinations of traits that are called culture complexes.
Complexes, in turn, are combined into culture patterns, the largest and most
pervasive organizations of traits.
Culture traits also are classified into universals, alternatives, and specialties.
Universals generally are few in number, alternatives reflect the diversity of
culture, and specialties are involved with the division of labor.
Ideal culture patterns consist of
79the society's formal, explicit norms, while the
real patterns describe behavior that often deviates from the formal norms. The
ideal norms serve to put constraints upon deviant behavior, and the real norms
open up the way to social change.
The term, subculture, refers to the fairly distinct way of life of a subgroup
within a larger society. This distinct way of life is more embracing than is usually
connoted by the term, cultural specialty, and often is predicated upon some
physical and social isolation from the larger society. The term, contraculture,
refers to subcultures whose norms are in direct conflict with those of the larger
society.
The wide range of variability from one culture to another, while fascinating
in its own right, should be seen as reflecting man's ingenuity in inventing
different solutions to the common human problems of living. Acknowledgment of
the concept of cultural variability leads to understanding the concept of cultural
relativity; according to this concept, cultural patterns can be adequately
interpreted only in terms of the total context in which they are found.
Ethnocentrism is the practice of judging different cultural practices according
to the standards of judgement that derive from one's own culture. It is a universal
human tendency and appears to be taught, both intentionally and indirectly, in all
societies. Ethnocentrism serves functions both in the maintenance of social order
and in the promotion of social change. It promotes loyalty within the group and
provides rationalizations for the perpetuation of the status quo. On the other hand,
ethnocentrism hinders cooperation with outgroups and promotes conflict. The
resulting conflict often is a factor in social change.
QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS:
1. Sociologically, what is meant by the term invention? What determines the
rate at which invention may occur in a society? Define the concept of cultural
diffusion. What are the respective roles of invention and diffusion in the
development of modem cultures?
2. Explain the statement 'cultures grow selectively.' How is this fact related to
the integration of culture?
3. Define the concept of culture. Approximately how many cultures are there, or
have there been, in the world? Differentiate, carefully, between the concept
of culture and the concept of society.
4. Evaluate the argument that material culture changes more rapidly than
nonmaterial culture. How useful, do you think, is the concept of culture lag?
Defend your position.
5. Define the terms: culture trait, cultural complex and cultural pattern.
Illustrate each and show the relationships among them. What ambiguities
exist in these concepts?
6. What are cultural universals? alternatives? specialties? Of what utility are
these concepts in understanding social behaviour?
7. Distinguish between 'real' and 'ideal' culture patterns. How are both social
order and social change facilitated by having discrepancies between the real
and ideal patterns?
8. Define the concepts of subculture and contraculture, distinguishing as
carefully as possible between them. Give illustrations of each from
contemporary American culture.
9. What is meant by the concept of cultural relativity? What are the implications
of this concept for making cross-cultural comparisons?
10. Define the concept of ethnocentrism. Show how ethnocentrism helps to
maintain social order. Show how it is involved in social change.
11. What does the chapter have to say about the way in which culture is
transmitted from generation to generation? What is its thesis concerning the
nature of cultural change?
12. Give a summary of the chapter.
VI.BUREAUCRACY
Complex organizations are not
80a modem invention, they have been with us
for a long time. The conditions of modern life differ dramatically, however, from
those of any earlier period, and the nature and role of complex organizations have
changed accordingly. Growing sociological interest in organizations reflects their
increasing importance in all of our lives.
THE UBIQUITY OF ORGANIZATION IN THE MODERN WORLD
Modem society is an organizational society. It is many other things too, of
course, but no other factor so directly influences the form of the social system or
the quality of individual life.
Let us examine a typical person in a modern society. Much of his
socialization takes place in schools, churches, the Boy Scouts, and other formal
organizations. Additional socialization occurs through the mass media that
disseminate the products of other vast, complex organizations. He is subject to the
laws of nation, state, and municipality. These laws were created through a
complex political apparatus, enforced by ranks and cohorts of police, and
adjudicated by an organized court system.
As an adult, he works for a corporation or other large organization. Or, if he
is an 'independent' businessman, he depends upon such organizations as suppliers,
customers, and so on. His marriage is recorded by state and religious
organizations. Virtually all of the goods that sustain life and lend character to it
are created and delivered through one organization or another. Waste disposal is
accomplished by agencies similar in form if not in function. His death will be
attended by representatives of several establishments: medical, mortuary,
religious, and insurance.
These are only some of the ways in which his life is touched directly by
organizations. In addition, there are many indirect influences.
At some time in his life, the individual may receive a raise in pay. This
increase may result from his performance on the job; that is, from factors strictly
between him and the organization that employs him. But it may also be due to
factors beyond his control, or even beyond his recognition.
A change in the Federal Reserve Board's rediscount rate, a revolution
affecting the production of copper in Africa, altered procurement policies in the
Department of Defense, a machinist's strike in Tokyo, new import tariffs in
England, or hundreds of comparable events in thousands of other organizations
all may be involved. Individuals are powerless to influence these events and often
are unaware of them.
Organizations are pervasive in virtually all areas of society; in politics,
education, religion, the mass media, and so on. People live out their lives in a
network of such organizations. The situation is paradoxical. On the dne hand,
men find themselves helpless to confront the vast bureaucracies that control their
lives, and the resulting anguish and frustration is a major theme in modern
society. On the other hand, organizations are essential to the accomplishment of
many large-scale, complex tasks. Modern society could not exist without them.
CHARACTERISTICS OF BUREAUCRACIES
All organizations have much in common. To assert that life is influenced by
corporations, schools, welfare agencies, governments, churches, and television
networks implies that these have a common effect; that, in being organized, they
become as one. This section will focus upon the common features of large
organizations. Sociologists refer to these common features, and to the
organizations that possess them, by the term 'bureaucracy.'
Bureaucracy as an ideal type
No two actual organizations, no two social systems, are exactly alike. They
share some features to a greater or lesser degree. By ignoring the differences and
81 we may construct a bureaucratic ideal type
emphasizing the common features,
that is useful for analyzing specific organizations and organizations in general.
The following are some of the elements of such an ideal type of bureaucracy.
Large size. The number of people involved is so great that they cannot all
know each other personally. They cannot interact regularly on a face- to-face
basis.
Clear-cut membership and system boundaries. Corporation boundaries are
defined according to those who get paid. Membership in other types of
organizations may be defined by membership cards, a roll, initiation, expulsion,
leave-taking ceremonies, and other devices. Relationships within the system are
easily separable from those between the organization and its environment. Special
rules apply to those who are members.
Elaborate division of labor. Different people within the organization are
regularly and specifically charged with the performance of specialized tasks.
Taken out of context, some of these tasks would seem nonsensical. Their
accretion and organization under the umbrella of the system makes them add up
to something more than the sum of the parts.
A system of rides. There are rules for the accomplishment of each individual
task. There also are rules governing the ways in which the individual tasks are
integrated. These rules are formal, unvarying, specific, and usually are written.
They serve as a highly specialized, formal culture that underlies the organization
as a working social system.
Hierarchical authority. Each position in the organization is defined in terms
of other positions. The rights and responsibilities of superiors and subordinates
are circumscribed by their positions in the system and by the rules. There is
mutual recognition of the legitimacy of these special relationships.
Multiple levels of supervision. There are at least two levels of hierarchical
supervision, and usually more. For most of the membership, the boss has a boss.
Communication, responsibility, and discipline move up and down the chain of
command. Everything goes 'through channels'.
Immortality. Members come and go. Upon their departure, their places are
taken by others who are functional equivalents. The life span of the bureaucracy
may be hundreds or thousands of years. Individuals plan for an organizational
future that they will not survive to enjoy. The character of the system is not that of
its members.
Mission. Large systems do act. And their actions are oriented toward some
goal. This is especially evident in the case of bureaucracies. Whether it be
'maximizing profits," 'educating youth,' 'abolishing poverty,' 'manufacturing
refrigerators,' 'saving souls,' 'establishing domestic tranquility,' 'curing the sick,' or
'keeping the peace,' complex organizations have stated missions and orient many
of their actions to the accomplishment of those goals.
Organizational goals usually cannot be accomplished by individuals or by
simple groups. Bureaucracy is a social invention specifically designed to
accomplish tasks of great complexity and magnitude. An additional, implicit goal
of bureaucracies is the survival of the bureaucracy itself.
Rationality. By 'rationality', we refer to modes of action and decisionmaking
that give priority to ends over means. Each act is judged on the basis of its
efficiency in the achievement of a particular goal. Efficiency becomes morality.
Propriety is judged by outcome. Organizations develop elaborate devices for
monitoring and assessing performance. Positions within the organization are
awarded, ideally, to those persons whose qualifications and past performances
lead to reasonable expectation of success in accomplishment of the tasks
associated with those positions. In contrast with tradition, revelation, whim, or
chance — rationality is the epitome of organizational behavior.
These are the central features of bureaucracies. Later, we will analyze how
diverse systems develop these characteristics. We will also inquire into the
tendency for these features to cluster together. Why, for example, are large
organizations usually hierarchical? Why are organizations with missions rational?
82 to the theme of the opening page of this
Before doing that, however, we return
chapter, which was, indeed, introduced in the first chapter of this book.
The origin and development of bureaucracy
The decisive reason for the development of bureaucratic organization is its
purely technical superiority oyer all other forms of organization. By itself, this is
not a sufficient explanation, however. Before they will develop bureaucracy,
people must be faced with tasks of a type and magnitude where this superiority
will be effective. They must be in a position to recognize and compare the
advantages of various forms of organization. Their value system must find worth
in technical superiority rather than in moral or other types of superiority. Finally,
they must have the resources and skills that permit the institution and elaboration
of bureaucratic systems. Many societies of the past, and some societies today, fail
to fulfill these conditions.
To start with, bureaucracy requires a large complement of personnel and
must be placed in a societal context larger than itself. Very small societies do not
have enough people to man a bureaucracy effectively. Only when man began to
induce and control food production, rather than to take his food as nature
provided it, did any society's population reach substantial numbers. The
agricultural revolution and the gathering of surplus population in cities, then,
heralded the possibility of bureaucratic organization.
In contrast to hunting and gathering, fanning results in the production of
more food by less labor. In turn, this allows a more elaborate division of labor
and specialization in crafts, governance, and religion. These several components
of the more complex division of labor accommodate one another through trade.
These developments occurred within the period from 10,000 years to 1500
years ago. By prior standards, social change was rapid and profound. One of the
developments of this age was the appearance of bureaucracy. The chain of cause
and effect was complex, and much of it can be reconstructed only through
archaeological evidence and shrewd guesswork.
The first social systems that possessed all of the characteristics of
bureaucracy may well have been armies. Priority does not really matter.
Government, as an extension and elaboration of military control, soon showed the
same organizational features. Successful principles of organization were adopted
by other social agencies. Church, state, and business all learned from one another.
Taken together, these principles of organization became the blueprint for
bureaucracy.
Over much of the period, and in many societies, the several institutions were
not organizationally separable. State religion, governmentally supported
economic monopolies, church-sanctioned business practices, and similar
intertwinings, were the rule rather than the exception. Out of this conflux grew
bureaucracy as the standardized pattern for handling much of the social operation.
For many reasons, this system had peaked by 1500 years ago. In some parts
of the world, it continued almost unchanged from that point. In other places,
actual regression occurred in terms of such criteria as city size, organizational
complexity, and institutional elaboration.
Later historical development of bureaucracy
The next major movement toward bureaucratization came with the Industrial
Revolution, the rise of nation-states, and the Protestant Reformation. The threads
of change, and stimuli to change, are as interwoven here as in the earlier period.
This time we cannot chronicle the end of the era, however, because it has not yet
arrived. The trends that began with the Industrial Revolution are still running their
course. The time period involved is roughly the last 500 years, plus some
indefinite portion of the future.
Stable and accommodating political systems were required in order for
massive business concerns to operate.
83 Powerful merchant interests fostered strong
central governments. They subsidized governments with shares of their monopoly
enterprises. National control expanded and the foundation of empires
accompanied exploration. Superior weaponry made the conquest and control easy.
The political importance of guns to this stage of history cannot be
overemphasized.
In the realm of ideas, the Protestant revolt urged each man to seek his own
salvation, and enhanced the value attached to rationality in all areas of life.
Impetus to mass literacy was given by the emphasis upon understanding the word
of God, which was written in the Bible. Mechanical printing and the whole
technology of publishing were indirect consequences. Protestantism's special
emphasis upon disciplined participation in the affairs of the world also had
several side effects leading to bureaucratic development. It highlighted the
importance of a career. It placed a positive value upon work. It caused people to
act in ways that produced capital accumulation.
The mass organization of production was encouraged. Individual producers
could not compete with combines of merchandisers, bankers, and so forth.
Parareligious motives and hard-headed considerations of meeting the competition
both urged the same course toward consolidation. More efficient record keeping
and the invention of double-entry bookkeeping contributed to further
systematization.
The efficient use of machinery driven by the water wheel, and later by steam,
required that many machines be located together and that many people work in
the same place. This development simply validated spatially what had already
become an organizational fact. Factories became the manifestation of production
bureaucracies. Wide markets, production-line techniques, interchangeability of
parts, and automation simply are extensions of these trends.
Corporations, holding companies, and similar devices are legal and monetary
analogies that simply mean more of the same. Today and tomorrow, the computer,
the atom and the opening of outer space do not seem to offer anything basically
new. Instead, they offer more and bigger organizations.
Organizations are human inventions, aids to solving problems. Except for
speech, religion, and agriculture, perhaps no other inventions have had a more
profound effect on the quality of human life. We cannot know modern society
without understanding them.
ORGANIZATION AND BEHAVIOR OF BUREAUCRACY
Certain regular practices arc central to any bureaucracy's existence. Such
practices are developed and defined in terms of the bureaucracy's mission or
goals. Whether they are medical routines in a hospital, productive activities in a
factory, or what have you, they are fundamental to the organization's being. They
represent its core technology.
Bureaucracy and environment
The concept of technology implies that bureaucracies produce objects. A
hospital, for example, 'needs' sick or injured people whom it can turn into healthy
ones. Universities 'ingest' relatively uninformed people and 'spew out' educated
ones. The core technology consists of the techniques through which these
transformations are accomplished. Such accomplishment is the mission of the
organization.
In order for the core technology — the organization's specialized procedures
— to work properly, there must be still other regular procedures for managing
input to the organization and for receiving output from it. The core technology
itself does not govern these 'outside' activities. The expertise of medicine, for
example, does not provide for getting sick people into hospitals; for making
bodies available for medicine to be practised upon. Similarly, the engineering
sophistication of factory automobile production offers no solution to how cars,
once produced, should be distributed, sold, or even moved away fast enough to
keep the factory doors from jamming.
The core technology cannot operate
efficiently unless the bureaucracy both
84
cushions it from the environment and relates it to the environment. Being rational
organizations, bureaucracies seek to establish buffers between their cores and the
environment.
One way in which organizations do this is to try to 'smooth' inputs and
outputs. To illustrate the point: a factory that makes Christmas tree ornaments
could not operate efficiently if it tried to regulate production according to
demand. It would have to work three shifts in early winter and then close down
for the rest of the year. The problem could be better handled in two other ways.
One possibility would be to have small, steady, year- round production of
Christmas ornaments, with provision for regular shipping and ware housing. The
seasonally uneven demand would then affect the storage, but not the core
technology. Another alternative would be also to produce beach balls, Halloween
decorations, and other seasonal products that utilize the same technology (same
materials, machines, techniques) as Christmas ornaments. The result would be a
full production schedule, made possible by applying similar processes to different
products.
Not all bureaucracies can attempt to smooth production as factories do. In
such cases, they often attempt to predict fluctuations in their environment and to
prepare for them. To take a fairly obvious case, public schools can neither refuse
admission to eligible children, nor seek additional children to enroll. They can
and do, however, use censuses and surveys to anticipate the number of returnees,
transfers, and first graders some years in advance. Rational planning, then,
attempts to ensure that there will be adequate physical facilities, teaching staffs,
and materials to meet the demand when it develops.
Still another rational strategy employed by bureaucracies faced with
constraints from their environments is to try to gain control of, or to change, those
environments. Many corporate mergers can be understood in just such terms.
Factories that have difficulties, consistently, with particular suppliers are likely to
tiy to take over those suppliers, or to establish their own source of supply.
These several strategies — smoothing, predicting, adjusting, rationing,
merging, expanding, and controlling — are all rational responses to
environmental contingencies. Sometimes, one is more appropriate than another.
All are attempts to solve the basic problem of protecting and serving the core
technology; to foster the smooth, uninterrupted operation of the organization's
basic tasks.
The relationships between the organization and its environment are
conceptually distinct from the internal operations of the organization. This point
was made in more general terms in Chapter 6 when relationships within social
systems were contrasted with those that cross system boundaries. Again in
Chapter 10, Bales's work in small groups emphasized the difference between
task-oriented behavior and behavior oriented toward group maintenance.
Such a conceptual distinction is important in the analysis of bureaucracy.
Actions designed to protect and isolate the core technology are only effective
when they are housed, organizationally, in units separate from the core. This
emphasis on the arrangement of the various parts of the organization takes us
away from analysis of the relation between the bureaucracy and its environment
to consideration of the internal structure of the bureaucracy.
Bureaucratic structure
Organizations tend to develop separate units to deal with the environment.
These are often called divisions or departments. One division may handle
problems of input, another of output. In addition, problems of general service,
maintenance, communication, and coordination may require that separate
divisions be created.
Some organizations are faced with simpler environments than others are.
Some environments contain many units, and some only a few. The various units
may also be relatively heterogeneous or homogeneous. Organizations tend to
create separate divisions to deal with
85 each homogeneous unit in the environment.
Bureaucracies also follow definite principles in the organization of their
technical cores. At least three of these may be specified: reciprocal dependence,
sequence, and homogeneity. In all three cases, the principles are utilized to
minimize the dollar costs and the effectiveness costs of the positioning of the
various units.
Reciprocally dependent units, of course, are those whose operations constantly
affect one another. The operating room 'team' of surgeon, surgical nurse,
anesthesiologist, and others provides an illustration. In the crisis of the surgical
act, there is not time for memos, requisitions in triplicate, or coordination by a
special administrative clerk. All members of the team need to react quickly and in
concert.
The second organizational principle is that of one-way sequential
dependence. The several steps of assembly and inspection in a factory illustrate
this principle. At each subassembl stage, there must be an inspection to make sure
that the product is ready to be moved along to the next assembly step.
The third principle is that of homogeneity. Tasks that can be accomplished
under the same rules tend to be placed together. Academic departments within
universities, an automatic lathe department in a machine shop, the secretarial pool
in an office, and the combat squad in the military all illustrate this principle.
Closely related to the organizational problem of which units to group
together is the problem of how many units there should be. Obviously,
departments must be small enough so that effective supervision can be
maintained. Several principles combine to determine unit size.
1. The greater the commitment of the subordinates to the goals of either the
subunit or the whole organization, the less the need for direct supervision.
2. The greater the commitment of the subordinates to abstract standard of
performance (as with professional persons), the less the need for direct
supervision.
3. When the tasks are simple and repetitive, the supervisor can oversee more
subordinates than when the tasks are complex and varied.
4. Direct monitoring of the work procedure itself is less efficient, and less truly
bureaucratic, than simply holding the worker accountable for the quantity
and quality of his output. One procedure may have to be followed in one
situation and the other in different situations. Inspection may be possible for
a machinist's work, for example, but not for a teacher's.
5. The more communication and coordination that is required among
coworkers, or between them and their superior, the fewer subordinates can be
effectively supervised.
6.
The more completely tasks can be regulated by a uniform set of rules, the
easier the task of supervision and the broader the span of authority.
These principles, in combination, determine maximum department or work
group size. The maximum department size is usually the optimum size, also,
because, if the units are not as large as they can be, a portion of the supervisor's
time will be wasted.
ORGANIZATION AND BEHAVIOR IN BUREAUCRACY
The general design of bureaucracy is a series of segmented pyramids, always
joined together at the top to form a larger pyramid. Coordination of the work of
the several smaller pyramids is achieved through unilineal hierarchies; the chain
of command. Authority and responsibility, ideally, flow through clearly defined
lines. Each person is in only one such line. He receives orders from only one
superior and he gives orders to only one set of subordinates.
Authority and legitimacy
Both parties, the superior and his subordinates, accept the legitimacy of their
relationship. The fact that subordinates accept the power of their superior, and
86 into authority. The German sociologist, Max
acquiesce in it, converts mere power
Weber, first analyzed the special organizational consequences of legitimizing
power into authority.
The acceptance of the legitimacy of bureaucratic authority is crucial to
efficient organizational functioning. Decisions made at one level will be carried
out at lower levels, without retrying them in an endless series of power struggles.
The stability of the system, and its hierarchy, is thus assured. Because legitimacy
is so important, several strategies have been devised to achieve it.
The first strategy is to emphasize that relationships are between positions, not
persons. People can recognize the necessity for positions to be subordinated to
other positions more easily than they can accept their personal inferiority to other
people.
Inferiority of the position need not imply inferiority of the person. Moreover,
the occupants of higher-level positions are not always superior. Some of them are
evil, ignorant, corrupt, emotional, or otherwise unsuited for high office. In large
organizations with many positions, this is bound to occur often enough to disrupt
operations if the acceptance of orders depends upon respect for the person of the
order-giver. By making acquiescence to the position, and not the person,
organizational relationships become much more dependable.
The separation of the position from the person is facilitated by having quite
clear boundaries to the power relationship. When those boundaries are violated,
the functioning of the system tends to break down. Executives, for example, may
request typing and filing from their secretaries and expect efficient performance.
If they ask for sexual favors as well, performance on the job may falter. The
secretary may produce sexually but not secretarially, depending on her boss's
feelings toward her, or on the threat of blackmail, to prevent dismissal.
The boundaries of organizational relationships are defined by rules. It is the
pervasiveness of control by rules that makes the term, bureaucracy, synonymous
with the term, formal organization. The primary rules are those that define
authority relationships.
Let us illustrate. The position of factory foreman is circumscribed by a
variety of rules. Some of these are specific to his job or to the general class of
foreman jobs. Others apply to all members of the organization. An incomplete,
but representative, list might be as follows:
1.Day-shift foremen will report to work before 7:30 A.M.
2.Foremen will not take company time or materials for personal use.
3.Foremen will treat union stewards courteously, and will handle union
complaints promptly and according to company policy.
4. Foremen will supervise work in their departments and will give such orders
to their workers as may be necessary to assure effective compliance by the
workers to the rules applying to their respective positions.
5.
Foremen
will promptly and efficiently carry out orders received
from the plant superintendent.
Among these rules, number 1 demands a specific behavior of foremen. Others
may report to work at different times, or may not be tied to specific hours at all.
Rule 2 is aimed at foremen, but one can imagine similar rules in the manuals for
all other classes of personnel. Rule 3 appears to require an attitude along with
other behavior. It also invokes another set of rules (company policy toward union
complaints) . Rules 4 and 5 define the lines of authority. Rule 4, through its
specification of the kinds of orders that may be given, implicitly prohibits the
issuance of illegitimate, nonorgani- sational orders and provides grounds for the
building of legitimate acceptance.
In a study of six industrial organizations, Robert Kahn found that personnel
believed that superiors should treat all subordinates equally, regardless of
personal feelings, that rules are very important, that rules (even unfair ones) must
be fairly applied to all, and that superiors have the right to give orders while
subordinates have the obligation to obey them. In portions of the sample where
these beliefs were less prevalent, job-related tensions and role conflicts were
significantly higher.
87
Legitimacy and rationality also are furthered by the tendency for
organizations to develop universal and relevant standards for appointment to
office. This principle may seem so firmly established, so commonplace, in
contemporary society that its significance is underestimated. Yet, it is vital. And
not so standard as one might think.
Office and action
Even today, many positions are allocated on the basis of inheritance, race, or
other such criteria. In the very top power positions in American society, about
one-fourth of the diplomats are members of the upper class, the majority of these
being stationed in major countries. Thirty-three per cent of the partners in the
twenty largest Wall Street law firms are listed in the Social Register; and threefourths got their law degrees from Harvard, Yale, or Columbia. Whether one
looks at business, recreation, charitable agencies, or other segments of society, the
situation is much the same. High office often is attained on the basis of family
background and other attributes not directly related to competence.
If the social inheritance of positions is still with us, however, rational criteria
of performance potential are in increasingly wide use. This situation reflects the
increasing acceptance of bureaucratic principles. Bureaucracy includes rules for
ascension to office as well as rules concerning the behavior of occupants of
various offices.
To the extent to which those who are selected for certain positions have
similar past experience, character, talent, orientations, and other personal and
social characteristics, they may be expected to be much alike. Once in office,
adherence to uniform rules causes them to become even more alike. Individuals
in bureaucratic positions tend, strikingly, to resemble past, present, and future
holders of those positions.
The common stereotypes of the professor, the sergeant, the used-car
salesman, the senator, and so on, bear a substantial amount of truth. The uniform
selection criteria and the bureaucratic rules conduce to uniformity and cause these
stereotypes to differ from racial and ethnic stereotypes. Racial and ethnic groups
have no screening for membership. Consequently, stereotypes based on
membership in them have less foundation in reality.
This uniformity increases the dependability of performance in office, and
ensures the smooth functioning of the bureaucracy. The more relevant standards
of appointment that are employed, and the higher the percentage of all standards
that are relevant, the more efficiently will the bureaucracy function.
The organization also benefits because following this policy also enhances
legitimacy. Other organizational personnel, perceiving the relationship between
abilities and assignment, are satisfied with the propriety of this policy and are
more likely to cooperate with supervisors selected on such bases. This holds for
all levels from manual laborers5 to professionals6. Morale and worker efficiency
both are enhanced.
Most bureaucratic positions are filled by persons raised from lower levels
within the organization, making it possible for people to have 'careers' in the
organization. Individuals routinely expect to advance through several levels, and
the experience at the several levels makes each person increasingly valuable to
the organization. Legitimacy is enhanced as people put themselves in the
positions of their supervisors, positions they hope one day to occupy. This
possibility encourages subordinates to act in ways that they hope their
subordinates will one day act. As subordinates adopt the values and orientations
of their supervisors, they become more pliant subordinates and prepare
themselves for higher office.
Studies of the military have shown that enlisted men whose orientations
resemble those of noncommissioned officers are more likely to be promoted. This
is partly a matter of selection, since only persons with appropriate orientations
88 partly a matter of anticipatory socialization.
are selected for promotion. It is also
Soldiers who expect to be promoted begin, consciously or not, to adopt the
orientations of the group to which they expect to belong.
5Robert Blauner shows that satisfaction with job, supervisor, company, and industry is higher in industries where
more workers believe advancement is due to quality of work, energy, etc., than in industries where ’cynical’ beliefs
about advancement are common. See his Alienation and. Freedom (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1964). A variety
of studies showing that 'foremen whose work groups were superior in productivity were the foremen with greater
technical competence in the relevant task’ are cited in Daniel Katz and Robert Kahn, The Social Psychology of
Organizations (New York: Wiley, 1966), p.328.
6Tensions in bureaucracies occur whenever professionals are under the authority of a superior not of their
profession. Such tensions arc reduced when a professional supervises his 'colleagues.' This is illustrated for medical
pathologists and university professors in Fred E.Katz, Autonomy and Organization (New York: Random House, 1968),
Chapters 4-7, and for social workers in Peter M.Blau and W.Richard Scott, Formal Organizations (San Francisco:
Chandler, 1962).
To summarize: bureaucratic offices are positions that (1) center on a specific
function, (2) have a limited sphere of competence, (3) are bounded by formal
rules, (4) emphasize position over person, (5) recruit according to standards
emphasizing performance potential, and (6) imply a personal career for
occupants. A bureaucracy then is a hierarchical, segmented, formally organized
collection of offices devoted to rational attempts at accomplishment of a mission.
All of these internal organizational features are, themselves, implications of
rationality in a problem-solving context.
Problems: The unruly individual
Now we turn to a more direct examination of the weaknesses and failures of
bureaucracies. One of these derives from the fact that bureaucracies are built of
people, who may have different goals and orientations than the organizations of
which they are a part. Another derives from the fallibility of planning; rationality,
after all, implies only calculated intentions, not outcomes. Still other failures are
the result of interference from the environment. Finally, when rationality is
employed in more than one context, the multiple rationalities may conflict with
one another. It is the complexity of the real world that brings this circumstance
into play and contrasts this with an ideal type model.
Bureaucratic personnel are not passive instruments of organizational will.
They break out of organizational bonds to act in ways that further their own
interests, aggrandize their own positions in the organization, and ease their own
personal situations. One sociologist, who was research director for one of New
York's largest advertising agencies for eight years, reports that account executives
sometimes act in ways that serve their clients more than their employers.
Important information that would cast the individual in an unfavorable light is
concealed. The work of potential rivals in the organization also may be sabotaged.
Occupants of high office may also use their official authority to exercise
power over their subordinates in highly unofficial areas. The idea that men are
alienated from their work and from the work organization was first noted by Karl
Marx. Specialization, he said, leaves each person with a task so insignificant that
he cannot see any relationship between his effort and the ultimate product of the
organization. Subjugation to rules discourages imagination, initiative, and
responsibility. Men are bored with narrow, repetitive tasks. Having no proprietary
interest in the system, they become selfestranged, alienated from their own efforts
and from the organization.
Although Marx's analysis was couched in strictly economic terms,
contemporary social scientists have begun to apply the concept of alienation to
many different aspects of the conditions of modem existence. It is our contention
that the concept loses much of its utility when applied so broadly, and we will
limit its use to describing the alienation of individual from organization. We will
describe the deleterious consequences of alienation both for the system and for
the individual.
89
BUREAUCRACIES AS SYSTEMS
When we compare how bureaucracies do behave with how they are intended
to behave, the shortcomings and failures are substantial. Some of these failures
are inherent in the system itself and some stem from the nature of the world in
which organizations operate. They may not be failures so much as they are
realities to be lived with. The emphasis upon attempts at rationality in the face of
constraints seems to be a more useful way to conceptualize these phenomena than
would be the development of a bureaucratic ideal type.
The world poses problems for which there are no universal solutions. A
society without rales would be chaos. With rales, some officials, and their
organizations and their clients, become the victims of trained incapacity.
Efficiency is predicated on routinisation and a fine division of labor, but
personnel operating under these conditions are prone to alienation. Adjusting to
changes in the environment disrupts operations in the core technology, but failure
to adapt leads the organization to the fate of the dinosaur.
All of these stresses evoke a common theme: the organization has difficulty
satisfying requirements for both order and change. Its attempts to strike a balance
between the two are tortuous but effective. In discovering this truth, we have
simply demonstrated that bureaucracies are social systems. The concluding
sections of Chapter 6 emphasized the requirements for, and the tensions between,
order and change in all social systems. Among bureaucracies, this effort is best
understood in terms of bounded rationality. The organization lives.
SUMMARY
Modem societies are organizational societies. Although many other features
are also symptoms of modernity — among them urbanism, technology,
nationalism, and secularism — none is so central as the permeation of modem
society with bureaucratic forms. Bureaucracy intrades into virtually every aspect
of every individual's life. Realizing this, modern man has become fascinated with
bureaucratic phenomena.
Bureaucracy was deeply involved in the process that altered large portions of
the world from simple to complex societies. There were two great leaps forward.
The first followed the development of agriculture. Trade, cities, a complex
division of labor, literacy, population concentrations, and inventiveness all reinforced one another. Innovations in commercial, religious, military, and
government institutions led to the development of bureaucratic forms. In turn,
these organizational techniques permitted further expansion of the institutions.
About 500 years ago, a new epoch began. Improved transportation, renascent
urbanism, centralized national governments, improved technologies, large-scale
enterprise, and rising Protestantism all were involved. As in the earlier push, the
important triumvirate was that of religion, economy, and government.
Protestantism lent a push toward general literacy and provided ethical support for
organizationally appropriate behaviors. Broadened trade necessitated gigantism
and accommodations with govem- ment. In turn, this led both institutions to
greater scale and rationality. These trends continue today.
Bureaucracy evolved as a new solution to new problems. Bureaucracies are
large, boundaried, formal organizations with a system of rules, an elaborate
division of labor, and hierarchical authority. They endure for a long time, and
seek to accomplish their mission through rational means.
Organizations, because they exist in an unaccommodating and constantly
shifting world, are never completely successful. Because the systems' actions can
be effected only through the behavior of unruly, selfish, and sometimes alienated
people, accomplishment never quite matches intent. Consequently, it is more
profitable to analyze bureaucracies as struggling compromise-seeking devices
than as a static ideal type of rationality structure.
In its inability to maintain perfect internal order in the face of a changing
environment, in the urgency and 90
delicacy with which it must strike a balance
between routinised efficiency and flexible adjustment, in the tension between the
requirements for both order and change — bureaucracy is like any other social
system. In the marshalling of large numbers and varieties of people, resources,
and units, it differs in scope.
Organizations employ several characteristic strategies. The technical core is
insulated from the environment by input and output divisions, and is nurtured by
coordination and maintenance components. Units are related to one another
through the principles of interdependence, sequential dependence, and
homogeneity. The maximum size of units is a function of the possible span of
authority and the amount of work to be performed.
Pyramidal chains of command establish the flow of communication, orders,
and responsibility, and coordinate among units. Authority, as legitimate power,
marks superior-subordinate relationships. Considerations of office — involving
expertise, universal and relevant appointment standards, career, rule specificity,
and functional limitation of power — serve to validate authority. As occupants of
offices become stereotypically identical, and as rules bind each incumbent,
personnel become dispensable but the system endures.
Each of these principles has structural weaknesses as well as strengths.
Each is subject to vagaries of operation as well as to consistency. Bureaucracy is
a dangerously powerful, but indispensable tool for the accomplishment of
human ends.
QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS:
1. What three institutions are most directly involved in the evolution of
bureaucracy? What, in each epoch, were the contributions of each? How has
bureaucracy contributed to the elaboration of each of these institutions?
2. Is bureaucracy itself an institution? If not, what is its relationship with each
of the major institutions?
3. Define the concept of bureaucracy as an ideal type.
4. What is the origin of bureaucracy?
5. Speak about the historical development of bureaucracy, and about later
historical development of bureaucracy in particular.
6. Define the term 'core technology.'
7. What are the conditions for the core technology to work properly and
efficiently?
8. What strategies are rational responses to environmental contingencies?
9. What conceptual distinction is important in the analysis of bureaucracy?
10. Present yourself to an input component of a bureaucracy with an unusual
problem or demand for processing. Note specific evidences of trained
incapacity, the distortion or suppression of communication, insulation of the
technical core, symbolic bureaucracy, tensions between flexible problem —
solving and routinisation and other characteristics of bureaucracy
emphasized in this chapter.
11. Which problems of bureaucracy can be interpreted as involving deviance?
Which theory of deviance is most compatible with these?
91
12. An office implies a role. Beyond that, what is special about it? How is it
different from other kinds of roles?
13. List the several constraints or handicaps to rationality under which
bureaucracies must operate. Subdivide your list into those primarily due to:
a) the organization's operation in an environment, b) the fact that
organizational action must be executed by individuals and c) structural
weaknesses deriving from bureaucratic operation as such.
14. What factors in bureaucracy contribute to the legitimation of power? What
is the special term for legitimate power? Speculate about the possibilities
of legitimate power in other than bureaucratic settings. What conditions
might cause its rise there?
15. Define 'sequential dependence.' What is the relationship between this and
other principles of grouping in formal organizations?
16. Any social system bears the burden of contradictions between order and
change. If bureaucracy must be seen as favouring one or the other, which
way does it lean? Give evidence to prove your point of view.
Our founding fathers were both philosophers and politicians. Idealistically,
they stated in the Declaration of Independence that men are endowed with certain
inalienable rights, including those to 'life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.'
By the time the Preamble to the Constitution was written, their idealism had
become tempered by the experience of trying to run an effective government.
Governments, they said, are to ' ... establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity,
provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the
blessings of liberty...' This second statement virtually exhausts the functions of
government all over the world.
THE NATURE OF GOVERNMENT
As implied by the phrase, 'to insure domestic tranquillity,' government is an
agency of social control. Social control begins with the internalization of norms
and values in early childhood socialization, and operates through families, peer
groups, schools, churches, and many other agencies. Government is the last of
these. Government supports the normative order in at least two ways.
Deviance and disorder
All normative systems have weaknesses and suffer occasional lapses.
Individual deviation occurs. Deviation threatens domestic tranquillity, because
certain forms of deviant behavior deprive others of liberty. If one person is at
liberty to hit another person over the head and take his money, then the other
person is not free to avoid headaches or to acquire wealth.
Government regulates the deviance which poses a threat to social order.
Government weighs competing claims to liberty, and determines which to control.
In the homely example given above, government could either punish the person
who hit the other, or it could take the second per
son's money and give it to the first. Logically, the two solutions are equally
possible; government determines what 'justice' is. What first, then, seems to be a
simple matter of controlling deviance is shown to be a matter of adjudicating
between conflicting interests.
Interest groups and conflict
All people have special, selfish interests. When these interests are shared, the
people who hold them may band together to form an interest group.
Because various groups pursue different interests, conflict among some of
them is inevitable. Garment workers, for example, want higher wages, while
garment manufacturers want higher profits. If one gets more, the other gets less.
On other issues, such as that of tariffs, workers and manufacturers are on the same
side and are in conflict with consumers who want lower prices.
All such conflicts are potentially capable of escalating into open warfare.
Few groups will sacrifice their interests voluntarily. So an arbitrator, which can
weigh the conflicting interests and impose its judgment on the parties, is needed.
Government is that agency.
Ideally, governments have no special interests of their own and are, therefore,
well suited to arbitrate the interests of others. Practically, we know that
governments are not always fair. They may be captured by certain special
interests and become tools of those interests. In either case, government maintains
a separate existence and wields power in its own name.
Governments control conflicts of interest by appearing to be neutral and by
possessing overwhelming force. Much of politics involves efforts by interest
groups to sway the government toward their interest and to mobilize its power in
their favor. Such interest groups become pressure groups, using organization and
skill to exercise influence far out of proportion to their numbers.
Neither justice nor corruption is inherent in government. All that is required
is overwhelming force that may be used to ensure compliance, if it is not
forthcoming voluntarily. The appearance of governmental autonomy ensures that
resort to force will seldom be necessary. Government power is accepted by most
of the people and is, thus, legitimate power.
Robert Nisbet discusses four factors which enter into the acceptance of
power as legitimate power. First, authority that embodies the central values or
sacred qualities of the society is considered to be legitimate. Old people in a
society that venerates age, putative descendants of a god, or the wealthy in a
93
society that values economic success
are all likely to be granted legitimate
authority.
Second, the rational exercise of power enhances that power's claim to
legitimacy. When orders appear reasonable and logical, and it makes sense for
them to come from that source, they are likely to be accepted as legitimate.
Third, authority which appears to be fair, humane, and just is likely to be
accorded legitimacy. People are more likely to be seduced into order by just
governments than coerced into order by unjust ones.
Finally, Nisbet believes that authority that is perceived as necessary for the
accomplishment of recognized tasks is likely to be accepted as legitimate.
Students accept the professor's authority to maintain quiet in the classroom
because they accept his educational function and because he cannot exercise that
function without quiet. If the professor should attempt to use his power to control
students' dress or their sex lives, they would likely resist it as illegitimate.
Governments are the ultimate bulwark of social order. When football referees
cannot control their games, or professors cannot control their classes, the final
resort is to government power. Liberty is not absolute. Each individual's liberty is
curtailed by the rights of others. Governments establish justice. Governments do
not simply administer justice, because ideas of justice grow out of the
adjudication of disputes within each society.
THE WORKINGS OF GOVERNMENT
Governments in complex societies are bureaucracies, and exhibit most of the
characteristics of corporations, universities, or other bureaucracies.
Top officials control the bureaucracy and attempt to establish their own policies.
Their control, however, may be more apparent than real. The President of the
United
States, for example, has been said to have the authority to control the federal
bureaucracy, but not the power. He has the constitutional authority and the stamp
of legitimacy, but he cannot oversee the myriad details and cannot apply
sanctions to enforce his will.
Also, like other bureaucracies, government develops its own goals of
survival and its special routines. It follows the same rules and procedures, no
matter what policy directives come down from higher levels. Theoretically, in our
country, the executive, legislative, and judicial branches are separate and equal.
But, as in most urban-industrial nations, the administrative organization may
actually be more important than the three major branches.
Civil service
The massive apparatus of US federal government performs an amazing
variety of tasks with considerable efficiency. In spite of the frustrations that
citizens encounter in dealing with the system, and in spite of obvious mistakes
and inefficiences, government accomplishes far more than we often recognize.
When people rail against the alleged inefficiencies of government, they often
do so because they disapprove of certain government goals or priorities. They
criticize the 'moon race,' not because they have an alternate means of getting
there cheaper, but because they do not wish to pay the price of getting there.
Other citizens oppose the goals of urban renewal, the Vietnam war, the highway
system, and so on. It is easier to attack alleged inefficiency than to meet these
issues head-on. Again, in Robert Wood's words, 'What America needs is a better
bureaucracy, not less of one; disciplined bureaucracy, not amateurs run riot.'
Given these two conditions, government works.
It also is argued that government bureaucracy is not responsive to the public
will. The executive and legislative branches are elective, but the bureaucracy goes
on forever. Norton Lang, in a classic article, argues that the reverse is true. He
insists that elected officials often come from wealthy families, ascend to
prominence through intimacy with vested interests, and expend vast sums in
election campaigns. Once elected, they join elite groups and are increasingly
isolated from ordinary people. Civil servants, on the contrary, are drawn from the
ranks of the common man, live among common men, and often bend the
bureaucracy со serve the interests94of the common men who are their peers and
reference groups.
One important study of 115 independent nations tested the relationship
between effective bureaucratization and a number of political, social, and
economic variables. Bureaucratic efficiency was found to be related to civilian
control of politics, constitutional government, open access to political leadership,
freedom of the press, stable government, high level of industrialization,
urbanization, high educational levels, efficient transportation and communication,
and a large middle class.
Cause and effect, here, may operate either way. Literacy, freedom, and
prosperity may result, in part, from the efficient operation of a government
bureaucracy. On the other hand, a free, literate, and prosperous people may
establish an efficient government bureaucracy. Either way, it speaks well for
bureaucracy as a branch of government.
Bureaucracies, then, do well what they do. What they do results, in part, from
their own dynamics. In part, they also respond to outside forces. The outside
pressures come from individual citizens and from interest and pressure groups.
They also come from other parts of government.
Levels and ranges of government
Governments have loyalties and boundaries. Kenneth Boulding, an
economist, and Arthur Stinchcombe, a sociologist, working independently, arrived
at strikingly similar conclusions about the factors that determine political
boundaries.
Each begins by noting that government depends, ultimately, on force.
Legitimacy depends, however, on not having to use that force very often. The
credibility of the threat to use force drops as one moves away from the center of
governmental power. The effective boundary of a government, then, is the frontier
beyond which it cannot be expected to use force even when force is necessary.
The existence of several levels of government means that some overlapping
of territory is to be expected. Different levels of government also mean that
citizens owe loyalty to different government agencies. This situation is tolerable
even given the welter of overlapping jurisdictions represented by agencies as
varied as school districts, sewage authorities, and municipal, county, state, and
federal governments.
In some cases, however, major conflict results. The Civil War was fought, in
part, over the question of state versus national supremacy. Ireland, Scotland, and
Wales as parts of Britain, Angola's relationship to Portugal, Kashmir to India and
Pakistan, Hong Kong to China, and many other cases testify to the potential for
conflict in determining what governmental powers inhere in what agencies.
The constitution, in the United States, gives certain powers to the federal
government and reserves all others to the states. In Canada, the opposite situation
prevails: all powers not specifically accorded to the provinces are the prerogative
of the federal government. In both cases, however, modernization has been
accompanied by increasing centralization.
So far, this chapter has emphasized government's attempts to impose its
authority on people. When we turn to peoples' orientations toward government —
their willingness to grant legitimacy, their attempts to influence government
policy, their participation in government process — then we are dealing with »
politics.
POLITICS
Who wields governmental power, what instruments are used, what policies
are pursued, what responses are elicited — are all matters of politics. International
politics is called diplomacy. Karl von Clausewitz said, 'War is nothing more than
the continuation of diplomacy by other means.' Within nations, government
functions to prevent domestic war. Politics is the continuation of civil war by
other means.
Political power
95
Power was defined above as depending upon resources, access, exchange
context, and awareness. Applying these terms in the political context, it is easy to
see that all eligible voters in democratic societies have one resource — their vote.
Money is another resource and people who can use it to finance party operations
and campaigns have disproportionate power.
Awareness and access also vary. People do not always vote their own
interests, or even understand the issues. The people who are aware have an
advantage. Particular advantage accrues to those who make a full-time business of
politics — to professional lobbyists and to the people whom they represent. Most
lobbyists represent organizations and organized pressure groups. These groups
wield considerable power, while unorganized collections of people, such as
consumers, wield rather little power.
Party organization
Political parties mediate between government and pressure groups, and
provide access to political power. Some societies have one-party systems, and
others have multiple parties.
In one-party countries, the party almost becomes a part of government.
Competition for the control of government occurs through competition for control
of the party. This situation exists in Spain, China, and Mexico, among others.
Some countries have as many parties as there are basic political philosophies.
These parties do not seek power as such, but only as a means of promotion of
their policies. If they cannot come to power on their own terms, they do not wish
to govern. This situation encourages small 'splinter' parties, and promotes a
government that operates through uneasy and fragile coalition. The politics of
Italy, Belgium, and France provide examples.
Two-party, and sometimes three-party, systems usually exist under conditions
of pure party competition. The parties want power more than
anything else. They compete for support, bargain with potential supporters, and
come, thus, to represent the power interests of the society. Australia, West
Germany, and the United States have such systems.
Parties, generally, are bureaucracies struggling for control of the
governmental bureaucracy. Splinter parties sometimes are too small to support a
complex organisation, and single-party bureaucracies overlap with the
government bureaucracy. Two- and three-party systems foster the development of
party bureaucracy.
Smith and Kornberg studied the people who man the party bureaucracies in
two United States and two Canadian cities, interviewing 1250 party officeholders
and 'insiders.' They found, first, that their respondents were different from the
populations they represented and whose support they sought. They tended to be of
higher status in occupation, income, and education. They were predominantly
Protestant and white. Women participated more frequently than they seem to do in
other institutional spheres.
Elections
In one-party countries, political struggles occur within the party bureaucracy.
At best, elections deliver a mandate; at worst, they are a sham. In splinter-party
systems, elections seldom are decisive because no one gets a majority. Access to
government power is the result of bargaining after the election for a workable
coalition of parties. In two-party systems, the parties come to resemble one
another very closely because they are competing for the same electorates. The
choice between platforms and candidates is more apparent than real. In all of
these cases, elections are relatively unimportant.
But they are fun. Few societal decisions receive so much attention in the
press and in the international community. Social scientists study voting behavior
assiduously. Research on voting behavior is facilitated by the comprehensiveness
96 with which the data become available.
of the reporting and by the immediacy
Some research has dealt with 'party loyalty,' the degree to which people vote
straight party tickets, vote consistently for the same party, and vote as their
parents did. Other research has tested the effectiveness of political propaganda
and different campaign tactics. A third body of research has focused upon the role
of'personal influence' and peer group and reference group pressures. A fourth
body of research has weighed the influence of background factors such as race,
ethnicity, sex, region, and social class upon voting behavior. Still other research
has tested the influence of status inconsistency upon voting behavior. Finally,
situations of 'cross pressure,' where one characteristic (e.g., ethnicity) predisposes
a person to vote one way while another characteristic (e.g., economic status)
pushes him another, have been studied extensively.
Some of the results of an interesting cross-national study are presented here.
In three countries, people of higher income and higher occupational prestige
tended to belong to the more liberal party. Blacks and Catholics in the United
States inclined toward the left, while Catholics in Germany and women in Britain
inclined toward the right. The authors used a technique of analysis which tested
many combinations of characteristics to determine which were most predictive of
party identification. As can be seen in this study, the combinations vary somewhat
from country to country.
People shift their party identifications occasionally. If they shift and retain the
new party loyalty for more than two major elections, the shift may be considered
permanent. When large numbers of people do this, it is a sign of major political
change. Such changes in the United States over the past couple of decades have
not been striking. The situation for the period from 1952 to 1964 is shown in the
following. The Republicans gained/ and the Democrats lost support during 'the
Elsenhower years,' but the situation in 1964 was close, again, to what it was in
1952.
Protest
Another resource of the relatively powerless, in their contest with
government, is the contribution they make to a well-ordered society. By
withholding their 'good behavior,' they may call attention to their grievances.
Such protest may also result in severe suppression. Which of these occurs
depends on several things.
The first is the scope of the unrest. Many protestors have more influence than
a few. A second factor is the basic values of the society. Totalitarian societies such
as Nazi Germany was, are more likely to use force than are democratic societies
such as present-day Germany. Complex, modern societies also are more valuable
to disruption than less developed societies. A final factor is the way in which the
people as a whole respond to the protesting minority. If the general public defines
the protest as legitimate, some ameliorative action is likely. If the public defines
the protest as rebellion or crime, suppression is likely.
Ralph Turner states that protest involves the following elements. First, the
action expresses a grievance which the protestors cannot correct through their
own efforts. The protestors count on some combination of sympathy and fear to
marshall public sentiment in their behalf. Second, the public evaluates the
credibility of the protest. If it is too threatening, it is likely to be regarded as
criminal; if it is not threatening enough, it is likely to be defined as harmless. The
public has something of a vested interest in defining the situation as protest
because, then, conciliation or bargaining is appropriate. Through these social
processes, the dissident group may be re-integrated into the system, an outcome
which generally is preferable either to permanent schism or to the necessity for
continued suppression.
Nevertheless, disruption is defined as protest only under a delicately balanced
set of conditions, and the protest will result in change only if the mediating efforts
bear fruit while these conditions prevail. The conditions are:
1. The disruptors must form a substantial
portion of the group they are seen
97
as representing.
2. That group must be believed to have suffered injustice, and to have no formal
channels for redress.
3. The group must be ascribed "moral virtue", so they deserve consideration.
4. The disruptive action should be seen as provoked by a triggering act of
suppression or by an unfortunate accident.
5. Evidence that the disruption was planned, that the society's central values
were violated or violence committed in consequence of conspiracy, will
dctract from the effectiveness of its impact on the public.
6. Incidents in which the disruptors seem to enjoy their actions or to personally
gain by them (e.g., rioting for fun and profit), will reduce the possibility that
it will be seen as protest.
7. Incidents in which the disruptors show special consideration for
nonparticipants (e.g., a dramatic case of protecting a bystander) will increase
the public's favorable disposition toward the trouble-makers.
8. Audiences who are, themselves, clearly better off than the protestors will
have more sympathy than those who are not.
9. Portions of the public which can disassociate themselves from the object of
protest (e.g., "He's not mad at me; he's mad at the establishment") will be
more sympathetic than those who can not.
10. People who are strongly integrated into the system, because they will be
reluctant to believe that the system is bad enough to foster mass rebellion or
crime, will be more likely to accept protest definitions.
11. Timing must proceed so that each side, at propitious moments and in
response to the other, offers conciliatory gestures. Only in this fashion can
bargaining be sustained and the protest not degenerate to warfare or
suppression.
It is not the task of sociologists to declare that protest is moral or immoral.
We can note, on the basis of empirical evidence, that protest sometimes
produces change. We must note, also, that it sometimes brings suppression and
degrades the quality of the life for everyone in the society.
Attitudes and expectations
People have attitudes toward their governments, and expectations of what
those governments should do. Although major institutions are not as
subject to molding by symbolic interaction processes as individuals are, some of
the same forces operate.
If compared, the attitudes of citizens of five nations toward their
governments reveal significant national differences. First, Americans and
Englishmen are most likely to expect government bureaucrats to treat them
equally and fairly. They do not, however, differ from the citizens of other
countries so much in expecting consideration from government. In the United
States, especially, people believe that government treats them equally by being
unresponsive to them all.
There is considerable fear of discussing politics openly in Germany and Italy,
and a corresponding apathy toward elections. The even greater apathy toward
elections in Mexico may be related to the fact that Mexico is more nearly a oneparty nation than the others included in this analysis.
Feelings of political competence tend to go along with favorable attitudes
toward government. In data not shown here, the authors also show feelings of
political competence to be associated with having more education and more
political knowledge, and with having more memberships in voluntary
associations.
Another study shows that United States citizens either are satisfied which the
services with government provides them or that they want more services. Very
few people want fewer services. The data, however, indicate widespread
reluctance to pay for additional services. Many people feel that taxes are already
98
too high and would rather cut services
than raise taxes higher. Most people, of
course, want to cut services to others rather than to themselves. Similarly, if taxes
have to be raised, they prefer increases that other people will have to bear.
People also prefer financing services through taxation rather than through
fees for services rendered. More educated people are more likely to take this
position. There is no difference, on the issue, between blacks and whites.
Most people do not believe that local officials' salaries are too high or that
their government is corrupt and graft-ridden. Yet, they are uneasy about the whole
administrative process and many believe that they are not getting their money's
worth. Over all, people appear to believe that local governments do about what
people want but, being unable to accomplish the miracle of providing more
services at less cost, they leave people somewhat unsatisfied.
Welfare
Governments collect taxes and provide services. Some services, as in the case
of welfare payments, are direct services to individuals.
Other services are less direct and personal. When governments subsidize mail
service, for example, magazine publishers benefit rather directly by not having to
pay the full cost of distribution of their product. Subscribers benefit somewhat
less directly by getting the magazines at lower cost. Even nonsubscribers benefit
indirectly by living in a nation with a better informed electorate than would
otherwise be the case. Subsidies to highways, universities, and many other
services have comparable effects.
Finally, some government services appear to be indivisible and for the equal
benefit of all of the people. Police protection provides an illustration. Even here,
however, benefits are not always equal. At the very bottom of the socioeconomic
structure, people often are more in need of police protection, but get it less
effectively. At the top of the hierarchy, people have more property to lose from
the lack of protection.
The problem of who pays what to government, and who gets how much from
government, is a difficult one. Tax burdens differ among nations. Among these
several industrialized nations, government in the United States is relatively cheap.
In France, it is quite expensive. These figures are for all levels of government.
The data show the spread of the income tax burdens within the United States.
The figures indicate that the tax structure is neither progressive nor regressive in
the income range from $3000 to $20,000. Most people within this range are taxed
from 15 to 20 per cent of their income. At this level, the system preserves incomc
differences and does not redistribute wealth.
People in the lowest income brackets pay virtually no taxes, and people in the
$20,000 to $50,000 range pay from 20 to 25 percent of their income in taxes. At
these levels the tax system appears to be a progressive one, favoring the poor.
At still higher income levels, however, tax rates are not systematically
progressive. Many millionaires pay three-fourths of their incomes in taxes, while
others pay no taxes at all. The tax relief granted to the poor is humanitarian. The
tax relief granted to the rich is a consequence of favoritism shown to powerful
pressure groups.
Other federal taxes, state taxes, and local taxes are more regressive. They tax
most heavily those least able to pay.
Turning, now, to how government spends its money, we see that more direct
money subsidies and personally allocable benefits go to the poor than to other
income groups. People with incomes under $2000 get back $3.88 for each dollar
they pay in taxes. People with incomes around $6000 come out even, and those
with incomes over $15,000 get a $0.37 return on their tax dollar.
People with higher incomes may pay a lower percentage of their incomes in
taxes, but still pay in more dollars. Consequently, they may receive more dollars
in return than the poor receive. Second, the general and personally unallocable
services provided by government are often of more benefit to the wealthy. People
99 traveling, for example, receive more benefit
who own more vehicles and do more
from highways, airports, and other travel facilities. Third, the government
"subsidizes" certain activities by refusing to tax them. Investment credits,
business depreciation allowances, divident exclusions, and similar deviccs
provide indirect subsidies of about 10 billion dollars per year. The government
also spends about 9 billion dollars a year in the fields of commerce and
transportation.
Government benefits to the poor are quite visible while those to the wealthy
are more disguised and diffuse. This leads many people to believe that their
government practices charity and works toward equalizing real incomes when, in
fact, the opposite may be the case. A popular stereotype holds that the poor are
lazy, undeserving people who are quite content to accept government handouts.
The actual composition of the welfare population, however, includes: 3.5 million
children, 900,000 mothers of those children, 2.1 million women over 65 years of
age, 700,000 handicapped or blind people, 100,000 men who are unable to work,
and only 5,0,000 able- bodied men. Fewer than one-tenth of 1 per cent of the
people on welfare are potentially productive males.
One study showed that a welfare mother with three children in Chicago
would lose 60 cents of every dollar she earned by working, in reduced welfare
benefits. If she earned more than 1000 per year, then each dollar earned would
cost a dollar in reduced benefits. Earning over 2000 would actually cost more in
benefits than the income. Such negative incentives are built into welfare programs
and have worked to trap people into continued poverty.
LAW AND SOCIAL CONTROL
All societies operate under law. In simpler societies, the law may be so
deeply embedded in the informal customs of the people as to virtually escape
notice. In complex societies, it usually is codified. In both cases, it is essential to
the maintenance of social order:
Eveiy society, in every state of civilization, rests on a firmament of law that is
vastly greater and more intricate than any ever devised by any government, one
that is too great and too intricate to be completely overturned even by the most
revolutionary of governments... This firmament of law is composed of various
interfused elements, the composition varying with the kind of society. There are
societies in which it is almost wholly folk-sustained customary law, with
practically no element of legal law, that is, of law interpreted and enforced by
courts or judges... Then as we pass to more complex societies we find an
increasing amount of statute law... while this more precise framework is filled at
its myriad interstices with the pervasive element of custom.
Guy Swanson carries Maclver's point one step further and states that all
social systems have constitutions, written or unwritten, which provide the ground
rules for their participants' behaving together. Without such 'legal' foundations the
interaction would not be orderly enough to exist as a system.
We will restrict the discussion here to legal systems which are directly
attached to governmental systems. We will analyze how governments and their
agents administer law and how, in the process of administering law, they actually
create law.
Basically, we will be dealing with the concept of justice. The justice system
contains two elements. First, justice includes the administration of law by
governmental agencies which arc specifically charged with this function. Second,
the system of justice includes the creation of law by government agencies which
are not formally charged with this function.
The provision of justice
The agencies of government most directly charged with the provision of
justice are the police and the courts. These agencies produce, not ultimate justice,
but whatever is defined as justice in that society at that time.
Figures show several stages in
the legal process from the perspective of the
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victim. The victim, of course, is more directly involved in earlier stages of the
process than in later ones, and is an aggrieved party who may be seeking
vengeance rather than justice. If conviction with a punishment that the victim
feels 'fits the crime' is an appropriate outcome, then fewer than 3 per cent of the
2000 cases upon which the diagram is based meet this standard. Either the system
for providing justice is very imperfect, or another standard of justice should be
used.
Although over 60 per cent of the victims reported themselves to be at least
somewhat dissatisfied, this is far below the 98 per cent that we might have
expected. Moreover, although the level of the victim's satisfaction increased as
the outcome approached his ideal, the relationship is not perfect. Justice requires
a balancing of interests. The picture would only be complete if we had measures
of the satisfaction of offenders, policemen, judges, and the general public.
Among the most dissatisfied victims are those who do not report crimes and,
thus, do not give the system of justice the chance to work. Other available
evidence indicates that the poor and members of minority groups are less likely to
report their grievances. The underclasses have reason to mistrust the agents of
justice because the system often works to their disadvantage.
Moreover, poor people often are unable to afford lawyers, trials, and time off
from work to participate in trials. Finally, with less formal education and less
bureaucratic experience, they often do not know how to 'use' the system.
Another factor influencing use of the legal process is the definition of crime
and justice itself. People only report crimes when they believe that a wrong has
been committed and that so doing will produce a just result.
The police
The police enforce the law and keep the peace. Law enforcement includes
two things: arresting suspects and turning them over to other branches of the
system of justice for processing and disposition, and deterring potential criminals
by the threat of arrest.
The peace-keeping function, which creates law instead of merely enforcing
it, occupies more police time than does law enforcement as such. Policemen
direct traffic, arbitrate quarrels, comfort lost children, roust 'suspicious' persons,
rescue cats from trees, give directions to tourists, hassle those who act arrogantly,
supervise morality in bars, warn offenders against repetition, control crowds,
warn innocents against exposing themselves to danger, and in many other ways
— both friendly and hostile — control the population.
The official position of policemen gives them the license and power to do
these things. Theoretically, the courts supervise and control the police, but the
courts and police only come into contact when arrests are followed by
arraignment, trial, and so on. Since the peace-keeping functions seldom involve
arrest, a major portion of police work is essentially unsupervised by any outside
agency. Moreover, no official records are made of peacekeeping activities, and
there are no detailed policies governing them. The peace is kept by individual
patrolmen, guided only by their own judgment and the job's traditions.
Policemen, thus, make law in addition to enforcing law. The impact of this
informal law often is greater than that of the codified law, because policemen
always enforce their own law but don't always enforce the statutes. The amount of
'play' between statute law and the law as enforced varies. Community values and
bureaucratic procedures insist upon enforcement in the case of what are defined
as 'serious' crimes. The character of the citizenry also limits police discretion.
Policemen must be circumspect in dealing with people of power. Such people
may know the law, and may retaliate against policemen who do not enforce it
carefully.
The peace-keeping, law-creating, process is most evident in the case of minor
crimes committed among citizens of little power. This situation exists in the
slums. Thievery, drunkenness, and other minor crimes are common, and the
homeless, jobless residents are not viewed sympathetically by the general public.
The police keep the peace on skid101
row even more effectively than they enforce
the law.
SUMMARY
Government generally serves the society as a whole. Its basic functions
include the maintenance of order and the promotion of the public welfare.
The control of deviance is essential to the maintenance of order. The police
and the courts, which are the agencies charged with the control of deviance, not
only enforce the law but operate a system for providing justice as well. In the
routine work of the police, law enforcement is actually less significant than the
general process of keeping the peace; and the manner of keeping the peace is
quite sensitive to power and influence. While the whole process reflects broad
cultural definitions of propriety, the weight of police power falls heavily upon
people of few resources. Wealthy and powerful people are relatively untouched
by it.
The courts also are responsive political instruments. They mirror the
normative structure of the larger society in the cases they try, the procedures they
follow, and the decisions they make. Courts generally administer the statute law,
which is only one part of the larger body of informal 'law,' resting in folk
definitions, customs, and values. Particularly, the courts arbitrate technical
portions of the statute law, apply sanctions, and buttress the general norms.
The police and the courts, as agencies of government, also adjudicate
conflicts of interest. The whole of government is successful in mediating and
arbitrating conflicts of interest to the degree that it maintains at least the
appearance of autonomy. The conflicting parties must view the government's
power as legitimate or they will oppose it. Although government can apply
overwhelming force, its continued stability depends upon its not often having to
do so.
'Polities' refers to the ways by which people attempt to influence government
policies or to take control of the government. Since the power to do this generally
is greater than individual persons can amass, politics begins when individuals
form interest groups and when interest groups are transformed into pressure
groups.
Political parties may be conceived of as super-pressure groups. They are also
quasi-governmental agencies which influence the access that people and groups
have to government power. In one-party political systems, the party virtually is an
agency of government. Struggles for power occur within the party hierarchy.
Two-party systems encourage competitive politics in which the parties advocatc
any policy that they believe will gain them support in their drive to control the
government. Multiple-party systems encourage government by coalition and
emphasize the role of bargaining among the parties.
Party workers, who usually are not representative of the rank-and-file,
exercise disproportionate influence upon politics. By the time elections are
reached, the basic choices may already have been made, and people often vote
sufficiently on the basis of tradition, personality factors, and cross pressures that
no clear mandate is offered.
Government also promotes the public welfare through the performance of
tasks that lesser organizations cannot accomplish. The provision of postal service,
highways, universal education, and waste disposal provide examples. Public
criticism of the ways in which governmental bureaucracies manage these tasks
appear, upon close examination, to be directed more to questions of what tasks
government should emphasize rather than to the efficiency with which those tasks
are performed. Where inefficiency itself is charged, it usually is a matter of
imperfect bureaucratization rather than too much bureaucratization.
When large numbers of people become too dissatisfied with their
government, they may turn to organized protest to try to change it. Whether
protest is likely to be successful depends upon whether large segments of the
general public accept the grievances as legitimate and upon their acceptance of
the protest tactics.
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The institution of government is one of the core structural arrangements in all
societies. Political processes affect all other areas of life. Nowhere are the strains
and accommodations between order and change more apparent, or more crucial.
QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS:
1. How can social control in the country be provided?
2. Why is conflict among various interest groups inevitable? What agency is the
arbitrator which can impose its judgment on the parties and how can it control
conflicts of interest?
3. What are the four factors of the acceptance of power as legitimate power
(according to Robert Nisbet)?
4. Some social agents other than governments may legitimately use force. One
example is parents' right over their children. Give some other examples. How do all of these differ from government's license to use
force?
5. What role, in society and in particular connection with government, does
illegitimate force have?
6. What is bureaucratic efficiency related to?
7. What factors determine political boundaries of government?
8. Consider the four 'branches' of government — executive, legislative,
judicial and administrative — as agents of social order and of social
change. How deeply involved is each branch in each performance, and how
efficient?
9. What are the matters of politics?
10. What definition of power can be found in this chapter?
11. What single resource in the political context have all eligible voters in
democratic societies?
12.If you were going to vote in the next election, what sorts of pressure would
be working to influence your vote?
13. Speak about different roles of parties in one-party, two-party and manyparty countries.
14. What kinds of people are likely to be political party officials in the United
States?
15. Review some of the material of this chapter on how different people
view their government: the per cent of people who take pride in their
nation's foreign policy, styles of approach to the bureaucracy, trust in
police, etc. How might such variations affect the amount and form of
political participation by those people?
16. List some social classes, minority groups or other social categories in your
community. Describe how each of these might be 'special' in terms of its
orientation toward the government, factors like those mentioned in question
15.
17. Consider a condition of unrest among: a) labour unionists or b) college
students. What sorts of situations and what sorts of actions might lead to
this condition being defined as one of protest, rather than rebellion or
deviance?
POPPER ON DEMOCRACY THE OPEN SOCIETY AND ITS
ENEMIES REVISITED
The first book in English by Professor Sir Karl Popper was accepted for
publication in London while Hilter’s bombs were falling, and was published in
1945 under the title 'The Open Society and its Enemies'. The book was well
received, but in this article Sir Karl questions whether his central theory of
democracy (which he does not characterise as 'the rule of the people') has been
understood.
My theory of democracy is veiy simple and easy for everybody to
understand. But its fundamental problem is so different from the age-old theory of
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democracy which everybody takes for granted that it seems that this difference
has not been grasped, just because of the simplicity of the theory. It avoids highsounding, abstract words like 'rule', 'freedom' and 'reason'. I do believe in freedom
and reason, but I do not think that one can construct a simple, practical and
fruitful theory in these terms. They are too abstract, and too prone to be misused;
and, of course, nothing whatever can be gained by their definition.
This article is divided into three main parts. The first sets out, briefly, what
may be called the classical theory of democracy: the theory of the rule of the
people. The second is a brief sketch of my more realistic theory. The third is, in
the main, an outline of some practical applications of my theory, in reply to the
question: 'What practical difference does this new theory make?'
The classical theory
The classical theoiy is, in brief, the theory that democracy is the rule of the
people, and that the people have a right to rule. For the claim that the people have
this right, many and various reasons have been given; however, it will not be
necessary for me to enter into these reasons here.
Instead, I will briefly examine some of the historicalbackground of the theory,
and of the terminology.
Plato was the first theoretician to make a system out of the distinctions
between what he regarded as the main forms of the city-state. According to the
number of the rulers, he distinguished between: (1) monarchy, the rule of one
good man, and tyranny, the distorted form of monarchy; (2) aristocracy, the rule
of a few good men, and oligarchy, its distorted form; (3) democracy, the rule of
the many, of all the people. Democracy did not have two forms. For the many
always formed a rabble, and so democracy was distorted in the itself.
If one looks more closely at this classification, and if one asks oneself what
problem was at the back of Plato's mind, then one finds that the following
underlay not only Plato's classification and theory, but also those of everybody
else. From Plato to Karl Marx and beyond, the fundamental problem has always
been: who should rule the state? (One of my main points will be that this problem
must be replaced by a totally different one.) Plato's answer was simple and naive:
'the best' should rule. If possible, 'the best of all', alone. Next choice: the best few,
the aristocrats. But certainly not the many, the rabble, the demos.
The Athenian practice had been, even before Plato's birth, precisely the
opposite: the people, the demos, should rule. All important political decisions —
such as war and peace — were made by the assembly of all full citizens. This is
now called 'direct democracy'; but we must never forget that the citizens formed a
minority of the inhabitants — even of the natives. From the point of view here
adopted, the important thing is that, in practice, the Athenian democrats regarded
their democracy as the alternative to tyranny — to arbitrary rule: in fact, they
knew well that a popular leader might be invested with tyrannical powers by a
popular vote.
So they knew that a popular vote may be wrongheaded, even in the most
important matters. (The institution of ostracism recognised this: the ostracised
person was banned as a matter of precaution only; he was neither tried nor
regarded as guilty.) The Athenians were right: decisions arrived at democratically,
and even the powers conveyed upon a government by a democratic vote, may be
wrong. It is hard, if not impossible, to construct a constitution that safeguards
against mistakes. This is one of the strongest reasons for founding the idea of
democracy upon the practical principle of avoiding tyranny rather than upon a
divine, or morally legitimate, right of the people to rule.
The (in my opinion, vicious) principle of legitimacy plays a great part in
European history. While the Roman legions were strong, the Caesars based their
power upon the principle: the army legitimises the ruler (by acclamation) . But
with the decline of the Empire, the problem of legitimacy became urgent; and this
was strongly felt by Diocletian,104
who tried to support the new structure of
Imperium of the God-Caesars ideologically with traditional and religious
distinctions and the corresponding attribution of different titles: Caesar, Augustus,
Herculius, and Jovius (i.e., related to Jupiter).
Yet it seems that there was a need for a more authoritative, deeper religious
legitimation. In the next generation, monotheism in the form of Christianity
(which, of the available monotheisms, has spread most widely) offered itself to
Constantine as the solution to the problem. From then on, the ruler ruled by the
Grace of God — of the one and the only universal God. The complete success of
this new ideology of legitimacy explains both the ties and the tensions between
the spiritual and the worldly powers which thus became mutual dependants, and
therefore rivals, throughout the Middle Ages.
So, in the Middle Ages, the answer to the question 'Who should rule?'
became the principle: God is the ruler, and He rules through His legitimate human
representatives. It was this principle of legitimacy which was first seriously
challenged by the Reformation and then by the English revolution of 1648-49
which proclaimed the divine right of the people to rule. But in this revolution the
divine right of the people was immediately used to establish the dictatorship of
Oliver Cromwell.
After the dictator's death, there was a return to the older form of legitimacy;
and it was the violation of protestant legitimacy by James II, by the legitimate
monarch himself, which led to the 'Glorious Revolution' of 1688, and to the
development of British democracy through a gradual strengthening of the power
of Parliament, which had legitimised William and Mary. The unique character of
this development was precisely due to the experience that fundamental
theological and ideological quarrels about who should rule lead only to
catastrophe. Royal legitimacy was no longer a reliable principle, nor was the rule
of the people. In practice, there was a monarchy of somewhat dubious legitimacy
created by the will of Parliament, and a fairly steady increase of parliamentary
power. The British became dubious about abstract principles; and the Platonic
problem 'Who should rule?' was no longer seriously raised in Britain until our
own days.
Karl Marx, who was not a British politician, was still dominated by the old
Platonic problem which he saw as: 'Who should rule? The good or the bad — the
workers or the capitalists?' And even those who rejected the state altogether, in
the name of freedom, could not free themselves from the fetters of a
misconceived old problem; for they called themselves anarchists — that is,
opponents of all forms of rule. One can sympathise with their unsuccessful
attempt to get away from the old problem "Who should rule?"
A more realistic theory
In "The Open Society and its Enemies" I suggested that an entirely new
problem should be recognised as the fundamental problem of a rational political
theory. The new problem, as distinct from the old "Who should rule?", can be
formulated as follows: how is the state to be constituted so that bad rules can be
got rid of without bloodshed, without violence?
This, in contrast to the old question, is a thoroughly practical, almost
technical, problem. And the modern so-called democracies are all good examples
of practical solutions to this problem, even though they were not consciously
designed with this problem in mind. For they all adopt what is the simplest
solution to the new problem — that is, the principle that the government can be
dismissed by a majority vote.
In theory, however, these modern democracies are still based on the old
problem, and on the completely impractical ideology that it is the people, the
whole adult population, who are, or should by rights be, the real and ultimate and
the only legitimate rulers. But, of course, nowhere do the people actually rule. It
is governments that rule (and, unfortunately, also bureaucrats, our civil servants
— or our uncivil masters, as Winston Churchill called them — whom it is
105
difficult, if not impossible, to make accountable for their actions).
What are the consequences of this simple and practical theory of
government? My way of putting the problem and my simple solution do not, of
course, clash with the practice of western democracies, such as the unwritten
constitution of Britain, and the many written constitutions which took the British
Parliament more or less as their model. It is this practice (and not their theories)
which my theory — my problem and its solution — tries to describe. And, for this
reason, I think that I may call it a theory of 'democracy', even though it is
emphatically not a theory of the 'rule of the people', but rather the rule of law that
postulates the bloodless dismissal of the government by a majority vote.
My theory easily avoids the paradoxes and difficulties of the old theory —
for instance, such problems as 'What has to be done if ever the people vote to
establish a dictatorship?' Of course, this is not likely to happen if the vote is free.
But it has happened. And what if it does happen? Most constitutions in fact
require far more than a majority vote to amend or change constitutional
provisions, and thus would demand perhaps a two- thirds or even a three-quarters
('qualified') majority for a vote against democracy. But this demand shows that
they provide for such a change; and at the same time they do not conform to the
principle that the ('unqualified') majority will is the ultimate source of power —
that the people, through a majority vote, are entitled to rule.
All these theoretical difficulties are avoided if one abandons the question
'Who should rule?' and replaces it by the new and practical problem: how can we
best avoid situations in which a bad ruler causes too much harm? When we say
that the best solution known to us is a constitution that allows a majority vote to
dismiss the government, then we do not say the majority vote will always be
right. We do not even say that it will usually be right. We say only that this veiy
imperfect procedure is the best so far invented. Winston Churchill once said,
jokingly, that democracy is the worst form of government — with the exception
of all other known forms of government.
And this is the point: anybody who has ever lived under another form of
government — that is, under a dictatorship which cannot be removed without
bloodshed — will know that a democracy, imperfect though it is, is worth fighting
for and, I believe, worth dying for. This, however, is only my personal conviction.
I should regard it as wrong to try to persuade others of it.
We could base our whole theory on this, that there are only two alternatives
known to us: either a dictatorship or some form of democracy. And we do not
base our choice on the goodness of democracy, which may be doubtful, but solely
on the evilness of a dictatorship, which is certain. Not only because the dictator is
bound to make bad use of his power, but because a dictator, even if he were
benevolent, would rob all others of their responsibility, and thus of their human
rights and duties. This is a sufficient basis for deciding in favour of democracy —
that is, a rule of law that enables us to get rid of the government. No majority,
however large, ought to be qualified to abandon this rule of law.
Proportional representation
Such are the theoretical differences between the old and the new theories. As
an example of the practical difference between the theories, I propose to examine
the issue of proportional representation.
The old theory and the belief that the rule of the people, by the people, and
for the people constitutes a natural right, or a divine right, form the background of
the usual argument in favour of proportional representation.
For if people rule through their representatives, and by majority votes, then it is
essential that the numerical distribution of opinion among the representatives
mirrors as closely as possible that which prevails among those who are the real
source of legitimate power: the people themselves.
Everything else will be not only grossly unfair but against all the principles
of justice.
106
This argument collapses if the old theory is given up, so that we can look,
more dispassionately, and perhaps without much prejudice, at the inescapable
(and possibly unintended) practical consequences of proportional representation.
And these are devastating.
First of all, proportional representation confers, even if only indirectly, a
constitutional status on political parties which they would otherwise not attain.
For I can no longer choose a person whom I trust to represent me: I can choose
only a party. And the people who may represent the party are chosen only by the
party. And while people and their opinions always deserve the greatest respect,
the opinions adopted by parties (which are typically instruments of personal
advancement and of power, with all the chances for intrigue which this implies)
are not to be identified with ordinary human opinions: they arc ideologies.
In a constitution that does not provide for proportional representation, parties
need not be mentioned at all. They need not be given official status. The
electorate of each constituency sends its personal representative to the chamber.
Whether he stands alone, or whether he combines with some others to form a
party, is left to him. It is an affair he may have to explain and defend to his
electorate.
His duty is to represent the interests of all those people whom he represents
to the best of his ability. These interests will in almost all cases be identical with
those of all the citizens of the country, of the nation. These are the interests he
must pursue to the best of his knowledge. He is personally responsible to persons.
This is the only duty and the only responsibility of the representative that
must be recognised by the constitution. If he considers that he has also a duty to a
political party, then this must be due solely to the fact that he believes that
through his connection with that party he can do his primary duty better than
without the party. Consequently it is his duty to leave the party whenever he
realises that he can do his primary duty better without that party, or perhaps with a
different party.
All this is done away with if the constitution of the state incorporates
proportional representation. For under proportional representation the candidate
seeks election solely as the representative of a party, whatever the wording of the
constitution may be. If he is elected, he is elected mainly, if not solely, because he
belongs to, and represents, a certain party. Thus, his main loyalty must be to his
party, and to the party's ideology; not to people (except, perhaps, the leaders of
the party).
It can therefore never be his duty to vote against his party. On the contrary, he
is morally bound to the party as whose representative he was voted into
parliament. And in the event that he can no longer square this with his conscience,
it would, in my opinion, be his moral duty to resign not only from his party but
from parliament, even though the country's constitution may place no such
obligation upon him.
In fact, the system under which he was elccted robs him of personal
responsibility; it makes of him a voting machine rather than a thinking and feeling
person. In my view, this is by itself a sufficient argument against proportional
representation. For what we need in politics are individuals who can judge on
their own and who are prepared to carry personal responsibility.
Such individuals are difficult to find under any party system, even without
proportional representation — and it must be admitted that we have not yet found
a way of doing without parties. But if we have to have parties, we had better not,
by our constitution, add deliberately to the enslavement of our representatives to
the party machine and to the party ideology by introducing proportional
representation.
The immediate consequence of proportional representation is that it will tend
to increase the number of parties. This, at first glance, may seem desirable: more
parties means more choice, more opportunities, less rigidity, more criticism. It
also means a greater distribution of107
influence and of power.
However, this fust impression is totally mistaken. The existence of many
parties means, essentially, that a coalition government becomes inevitable. It
means difficulties in the formation of any new government, and in keeping a
government together for any length of time.
Minority rule
While proportional representation is based on the idea that the influence of a
party should be proportional to its voting power, a coalition government means,
more often than not, that small parties can exercise a disproportionately great —
and often decisive — influence, both on the formation of a government and on its
resignation, and so on all its decisions. Most important of all, it means the decay
of responsibility. For in a coalition government there is reduced responsibility for
all the partners in the coalition.
Proportional representation — and the greater number of parties as a result
thereof — may therefore have a detrimental effect on the decisive issue of how to
get rid of a government by voting it out of office, for instance in a parliamentary
election. The voters are led to expect that perhaps none of the parties will obtain
an absolute majority. With this expectation in their minds, the people hardly vote
against any of the parties. As a result, on election day none of the parties is
dismissed, none is convicted. Accordingly, nobody looks on election day as a Day
of Judgment; as a day when a responsible government stands to account for its
deeds and omissions, for its successes and failures, and a responsible opposition
criticises this record and explains what steps the government ought to have taken,
and why.
The loss of 5% or 10% of votes by one or other of the parties is not seen by
the voters as a verdict of 'guilty'. They look at it, rather, as a temporary fluctuation
in popularity. In time, the people become used to the idea that none of the
political parties or their leaders can really be made accountable for their decisions
which may have been forced on them by the necessity to form a coalition.
From the point of view of the new theory, election day ought to be a Day of
Judgment. As Pericles of Athens said in about 430 BC, 'although only a few may
originate a policy, we are all able to judge it.' Of course, we may misjudge it; in
fact, we often do.
But if we have lived through a party's period of power and have felt its
repercussions, we have at least some qualifications for judgment.
This presupposes that the party in power and its leaders were fully
responsible for what they were doing. This, in turn, presupposes a majority
government. But with proportional representation, even in the case of a single
party governing with an absolute majority and thrown out by a majority of
disenchanted citizens, the government may not be turned out of office. It would
rather look for the smallest party strong enough to go on ruling with its help.
Hence the censured leader of the larger party would still continue to lead the
government — in direct opposition to the majority vote and on the basis of help
received from one of the small parties whose policies, in theory, may be far
removed from 'representing the will of the people'. Of course, the small party may
not be strongly represented in the new government. But its power will be very
great since it may topple the government at any time. AH this grossly violates the
idea that lies at the root of proportional representation: the idea that the influence
exercised by any party must correspond to the number of votes it can muster.
The two-party system
In order to make a majority government probable, we need something
approaching a two-party system, as in Britain and in the United States. Since the
existence of the practice of proportional representation makes such a possibility
hard to attain, I suggest that, in the interest of parliamentary responsibility, we
should resist the perhaps tempting idea that democracy demands proportional
representation. Instead, we should strive for a two-party system, or at least for an
approximation to it, for such a system encourages a continual process of self108
criticism by the two parties.
Such a view will, however, provoke frequently voiced objections to the twoparty system that merit examination: "A two-party system represses the formation
of other parties." This is correct. But considerable changes are apparent within the
two major parties in Britain as well as in the United States. So the repression need
not be a denial of flexibility.
The point is that in a two-party system the defeated party is liable to take an
electoral defeat seriously. So it may look for an internal reform of its aims, which
is an ideological reform. If the party is defeated twice in succession, or even three
times, the search for new ideas may become frantic, which obviously is a healthy
development. This is likely to happen, even if the loss of votes was not very great.
Under a system with many parties, and with coalitions, this is not likely to
happen. Especially when the loss of votes is small, both the party bosses and the
electorate are inclined to take the change quietly. They regard it as part of the
game — since none of the parties had clear responsibilities. A democracy needs
parties that are more sensitive than that and, if possible, constantly on the alert.
Only in this way can they be induced to be self-critical. As things stand, an
inclination to self-criticism after an electoral defeat is far more pronounced in
countries with a two-party system than in those where there are several parties. In
practice, then, a two- party system is likely to be more flexible than a multi-party
system, contrary to first impressions.
It is said: 'Proportional representation gives a new party a chance to rise.
Without it, the chance is much diminished. And the mere existence of a third
party may greatly improve the performance of the two big parties." This may well
be the case. But what if five or six such new parties emerge? As we have seen,
even one small party may wield quite disproportionate power if it is in the
position to decide which of the two big parties it will join to form a coalition
government.
It is also said: 'A two-party system is incompatible with the idea of an open
society — with the openness for new ideas, and with the idea of pluralism. '
Reply: both Britain and the United States are very open to new ideas. Complete
openness would, of course, be self-defeating, as would be complete freedom. Also
cultural openness and political openness are two different things. And more
important even than opening wider and wider the political debate may be a proper
attitude towards the political Day of Judgment.
QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS:
1. Give the traditional definition of democracy. What question does it
answer?
2. What new problem should, according to K.Popper, be recognised as the
fundamental problem of a rational political theory?
3. What is K.Popper's definition of democracy?
4. What are the practical consequences of proportional representation according
to Karl Popper? What is your own position on this issue?
5. What are K.Popper's arguments in favour of the two-party system?
What is your own position on this issue?
6. Using the Constitution of the Russian Federation and other relevant
publications, prepare a 3-5 minute presentation on the current electoral
system in Russia.
7. Make a brief presentation on the current political situation in Russia:
a) How democratic is Russia's present-day society?
b) How would you characterise the current electoral system in Russia?
c) What arc the major political parties in Russia?
109
PART II: A GRAMMAR WORKBOOK
Edited by A.L.BURAK and N.D.STARKOVA
ПРЕДИСЛОВИЕ
Данное практическое пособие по грамматике для студентов- социологов
имеет целыо научить студентов правильно понимать и переводить
грамматические структуры, наиболее употребительные в текстах по
социологической тематике.
Работа над каждым разделом пособия состоит из трех этапов:
Первый этап - внимательное изучение теоретических объяснений и
примеров. Второй этап - выполнение всех упражнений на английском языке.
Третий этап - перевод изученных конструкций с русского языка на
английский в качестве закрепления пройденного материала и контроля за
степенью его усвоения.
Пособие является второй частью (Part II) хрестоматии по английскомй
языку для студентов-социологов - An English Reader for Sociology Students
with a Glossary of Sociological Terms. Part I. Compiled and adapted by N. D.
Starkova and A. L. Burak. Glossary compiled by Ye. P. Patsibina. Second edition
(corrected and expanded). Moscow. 1999.
В упражнениях пособия указаны номера страниц хрестоматии, на
которых содержатся предложения упражнений. Это позволяет студентам
находить предложения в их естественном контексте, что особенно полезно
при подготовке перевода с русского языка на английский.
110
Пособие также может быть использовано и независимо от хрестоматии.
Авторы разделов пособия:
I. Страдательный залог (the Passive Voice) - преподаватель Елена
Павловна ПАЦЫБИНА
II. Инфинитив (the Infinitive) - старший преподаватель Наталья
Дмитриевна СТАРКОВА
III. Причастия и герундий (the Participles and the Gerund) преподаватель Иван Германович КРЮЧКОВ
IV. Модальные глаголы (Modal Verbs) - преподаватель Ольга
Эдуардовна ХАЗАНОВА
V. Условные предложения и сослагательное наклонение (Sentences with
Conditional Clauses and the Subjunctive Mood) - преподаватель Наталья
Владимировна РЕЗНИКОВА
VI. Эмфатические конструкции и трудности синтаксиса (Emphatic
Constructions and Syntactic Difficulties) - Евгения Викторовна
ЛЮТИКОВА
Все авторы работают в МГУ им. М. В. Ломоносова.
А. Л. Бурак, Н. Д. Старкова
I. СТРАДАТЕЛЬНЫЙ ЗАЛОГ
(THE PASSIVE VOICE)
1. Образование страдательного залога:
ТО BE + PARTICIPLE II
2. Таблица времен Английского глагола в страдательном залоге.
PRESENT
PAST
FUTURE
SIMPLE
A sample like
this is regularly
selected.
Подобная
выборка
формируется
регулярно.
The sample was
selected last
week.
Эта выборка
была
осуществлена на
прошлой неделе.
PROGRES
SIVE
The sample is The sample was
beina selected beine selected at
now.
this time yesterday.
Эта выборка
Эта выборка
с е й ч а с
проводилась
осуществляется.
вчера в это
время.
The sample will
be selected next
week.
Эта выборка
будет
произведена на
следующей
неделе.
—
PERFECT
The sample has
already been
selected.
Эта выборка
у
ж
е
осуществлена.
The sample had
The sample will
been selected bv
have been
the end of last
selected bv the
week.
end of the
Эта выборка
month.
была завершена Э т а в ы б о р к а
к концу прошлой будет завершена
недели.
к концу месяца.
PERFECT
PROGRES
SIVE
--------
--------
3. Способы перевода страдательного залога.
Существует четыре способа перевода страдательного залога на
русский язык:
A. При помощи глагола « быть» и краткой формы причастия
страдательного залога:
These societies have been dissolved by the profound social changes that
have swept through the world.
Эти общества были разрушены значительными социальными
изменениями, которые распространились по всему миру.
Б. Возвратными глаголами, оканчивающимися на «-ся»:
The coefficient is usually designated simply by the letter «к».
Этот коэффициент обычно просто обозначается буквой «К».
B. Неопределенно - личным оборотом
111 с глаголом в действительном
залоге в 3-м лице множественного числа:
At that period the day was not demarcated into «work time» and «free time»
as tends to be the case today.
В то время день не делили на «рабочее время» и «свободное время»,
как это делают сейчас.
Г. Личным глаголом в действительном залоге, если указано лицо или
предмет, производящее действие:
Nations that are torn by dissent in peacetime rally together when they are
attacked by enemies.
Нации, которые в мирное время разъединяют внутренние раздоры,
объединяются, когда на них нападают враги.
Для обозначения субъекта действия используется предложное дополнение
с предлогом «Ьу» для указания лица, предмета, совершающего действие;
или с предлогом «with» для обозначения орудия или метода, при помощи
которого совершается действие.
The coefficient is usually designated simply by the letter «к».
Этот коэффициент обычно просто обозначается буквой «К».
The basic processes of competition and cooperation have been illustrated
with data from different societies.
О с н о в н ы е п р о ц е с с ы ко н к у р е н ц и и и с о т р уд н и ч е с т в а
проиллюстрированы с помощью данных, полученных при
исследовании разных обществ.
4. Некоторые трудности перевода страдательных оборотов на русский
язык.
К числу таких оборотов, вызывающих у учащихся особые трудности
при переводе на русский язык, относятся следующие:
А. Страдательный оборот, в котором подлежащее на русский язык
переводится прямым или косвенным дополнением (в дательном,
винительным и творительном падеже). Такие страдательные
конструкции образуются от глаголов:
to advise
to award
to envy
to grant
to pay
to refuse
to teach
- /советовать/,
- /награждать/,
- /завидовать/,
- /вручать/,
- /платить/,
- /отказывать/,
- /обучать/,
to allow
to deny
to forgive
to offer
to promise
to show
to tell
- /разрешать/
- /отрицать/
- /прощать/
- /предлагать/
- /обещать/
- /показывать/
-/рассказывать/
То advise
She was advised to accept
Ей посоветовали принять
this offer.
это предложение.
То grant
He was granted a ten days
Ему предоставили
leave.
девятидневный отпуск.
То show
Have you been shown the
Вам показали этот
document?
документ?
То ask
We were asked to wait.
Нас попросили подождать.
Б. Страдательный оборот, образованный от переходных глаголов с
предлогами:
to agree upon
to arrive at a conclusion
to comment on
to count on
to depend on
to insist on
to listen to
to laugh at
to interfere with
to look at
to look after
to provide for
to put up at
to put up with
to refer to
to rely on
to send for
to speak about
to think about
- /соглашаться на что-либо/,
- /приходить к заключению, решению/,
- /комментировать что-либо/,
- /рассчитовать/,
- /зависеть от/,
- /настаивать на/,
- /слушать/,
- /смеяться над/,
- /вмешиваться в/,
- /смотреть на/,
- /заботиться/,
- /обеспечивать/,
112
- /остановиться/,
- /смириться/,
- /ссылаться на, упоминать о/,
- /полагаться на/,
- /посылать за/,
- /говорить о чем-либо/,
- /думать о чем-либо/.
На русский язык перевод таких конструкций начинается с предлога,
то есть подлежащее страдательного оборота переводится предложным
дополнением с соответствующим предлогом.
То refer to
То speak about
То laugh at
В.
This article is often referred to.
The film is being much
spoken about.
He is often lauehed at.
На эту статью часто
ссылаются.
Об этом фильме много
говорят.
Над ним часто смеются.
Страдательный оборот, образованный от фразеологического
сочетания глагола с существительным:
to find fault with
to lose sight of
to make fun of
to make use of
to pay attention to
- /придиратьтя к/,
- /терять из виду/,
- /высмеивать/,
- /использовать/,
- /уделять внимание, обратить внимание/,
113
to put an end to
to take care of
- /положить конец/,
- /заботиться о/.
На русский язык страдательные обороты этого типа переводятся либо
гл а го л а м и , л и б о э к в и в а л е н т н ы м с оч е т а н и е м гл а го л а с
существительным.
То find fault with
The poor child was
К бедному ребенку
always found fault with.
всегда придирались.
То take notice of
His remarks were taken
На его замечание не
no notice of.
обратили внимания.
To lose sight of
Soon the boat was lost
Вскоре лодка исчезла
sight of.
из виду.
Г. Страдательный оборот, образованный от английских
беспредложных глаголов, которые на русский язык переводятся глаголами
с предлогами:
to influence
to answer
to attend
to assist
- /оказывать влияние на/,
- /отвечать/,
- /посещать/,
- /помогать/,
То answer
То follow
То influence
The first question is
readily answered.
The report was followed
by discussion.
He had been greatly
influenced by Dutch
painters.
- /наблюдать/
- /помогать/
- /следовать/ -/
присоединять/
to watch
to help
to follow
to join
На первый вопрос отвечают
охотно.
За докладом последовало
обсуждение.
На него значительное
влияние оказали
голландские художники.
5. Безличные конструкции.
В английской научной речи часто встречается безличная страдательная
конструкция. Она состоит из формального подлежащего “it” и
сказуемого в страдательном залоге. На русский язык конструкция
переводится неопределенно-личным предложением:
It is expected
It is expected that the
conference will take
Ожидают, что конферен- ция
состоится на следую-
114
It is
believed
It is known
place next week.
щей неделе.
It is believed that the new
edition of this book will be
of no less interest to the
reader.
It is known that many rules
have exceptions.
Полагают, что новое издание
этой книги вызовет не
меньший интерес у
читателей.
Известно, что многие
правила имеют исключения.
Exercise 1.
Put each verb in brackets into the passive in an appropriate tense
Pattern: The boxes ... / not pack/yet.
The boxes have not been packed yet.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Your food .........../ still prepare /
The new ship.........../ launch / next week.
Luckily by the time we got there the painting ............./ not sell /
We had to go on holiday because our house ............./ decorate /
I am afraid that next week s meeting .............../ cancel /
If we do not hurry, all tickets ............/ sell / by the time we get there
All main courses ... ! serve / with vegetables or salad
The cathedral ........../ build / in the fourteenth century
Exercise 2.
Rewrite each sentence in a more formal style so that it contains a
passive form of the word given in capitals
Pattern: Sorry, but we have lost your letter. MISLAY
Unfortunately your letter has been mislaid
1. They have found the Remains of an old Roman villa nearby. DISCOVER
2. You will get a rise in a salary after six months. RAISE
3. You go in the cathedral from the south door. ENTER
4. They stopped playing the match after half an hour. ABANDON
5. They took Cris to court for dangerous driving PROSECUTE
6. You usually eat this kind of fish with a white sauce SERVE
Exercise 3.
Choose the most appropriate underlined word
7. The busy shopping street was thronged bv / with people.
8. Harry was pushed over bv / with someone standing next to him.
9. The room was crammed bv / with furniture of all description
10. Sue has been picked bv / with selectors for the national team
11.The bank was quickly surrounded from / with armed police
12.It has been agreed bv / with everyone that no smoking should be allowed
13.The window had been smashed from / with hammer taken from the toolshed
14. The stadium was packed from / with cheering fans Exercise 4.
Put a suitable preposition in each space
1. The tree had been decorated ... coloured balls
2. After the rugby match, Jim s shorts were covered ... mud
3. As I arrived at the conference a note was handed to me ... one of the
delegates
4. The goods are transported ... rail to our warehouse
5. I was told ... someone that you have a vacancy for a computer operator
6. The turkey was stuffed ... chestnuts and was very tasty
7. The cat narrowly escaped being run over ... a car
8. The house was built... money that David borrowed from the bank
Exercise 5.
115
Both scntcnccs in cach pair have the same meaning. Complete the second
sentence
1. А/ The crowd was slowly filling the huge stadium В/ The huge stadium
by the crowd
2. А/ The invention of computers simplified the work of accountants В/ Since
the computer ...............................the work of accountants ...
3. А/ The waitress will bring your drinks in a moment В/ Your drinks in a
moment
4. А/ Someone used a knife to open this window В/ this window
a
knife
5. A/An announcement of their engagement appeared in the local paper В/
Their engagement ................in the local paper.
Exercise 6.
Rewrite each sentence so that it does not contain any of the underlined
words and so that it contains a passive voicc form
Pattern: Someone left the phone off the hook all night The phone was left off
the hook all night
1. The government has announced that petrol prices would not rise tomorrow
2. A burglar broke into their house last week
3. People asked her the wav three times
4. It is time the authorities did something about this problem
5. The government agreed with the report and so they changed the law
6. You have to fill in an application form
7. They do not know what happened to the ship
8. The police believe that a professional thief stole the statue
9. Everyone knows that eating fruit is good for you
10.They have destroyed the painting
Exercise 7.
Translate into Russian. Pay attention to the way the subjcct of the passive
construction is translated
1. She had been taught English and French in her childhood
2. He was given the Noble Prize in 1924 when the advent of wave mechanics
had revealed the importance of his work
3. They were shown many new books
4. The visitors were shown into a large hall
5. This magazine has not been seen anywhere today
6. He was shown in and asked to wait
7. I was advised to spend the summer at the seaside
8. The pupils were ordered to be silent
9. The painter was assisted by two of his disciples
10.He has just arrived. He has not been offered anything yet
11. They were helped with the task by their supervisor
1. was told that all the strangers were refused admittance to that office
13. Lengthy discussion has been avoided at the meeting
14. He was admired not only for his technical skill, but also for his ability to
attract people
15.This information should not be ignored
16. For a number of years commercial relations were kept up with Spain through
Mexico, and the Dutch and the English were both permitted to establish
trading factories in the South
17.His appointment had been opposed by some district governors who incited his
father against him
Exercise 8
Translate the following sentences into Russian
l.The article is often referred to. 2. The ancient manuscript was carefully looked
through. 3. This picture will be much spoken about. 4. He is often laughed at. 5.
The figurine was looked for but was not found. 6. The room was not lived in. 7.
The ship was lost sight of. 8. His remarks were taken no notice of. 9. The easel
was not made use of. 10.1 am sure his lectures in archaeology will be listened to
with great interest. 11. Such important matters must be spoken of clearly. 12. All
the old paints were thrown away. 13. His departure was argued about for a long
time. 14.
The students course papers will be handed in next week.
Exercise 9
Translate into English, using the Passive Voice where possible
116
1. Оратора слушали очень внимательно. 2. Дети любят, когда им читают. 3.
Об этом событии много говорят 4. На нее можно положиться ? 5. На эту
книгу никогда не ссылаются 6. За машиной послали, как только вещи
были уложены 7. В нашей стране с неграмотностью давно покончено 8. В
развитых обществах о детях заботятся 9. Они обеспечены всем
необходимым 10. Они отправились в экспедицию год назад. От них с тех
пор ни одной весточки 11. Зимой в этом доме никогда не жили 12. Не
понимаю, почему об этом фильме много говорят.
Exercise 10
Translate into English, using the Passive Voice where possible
A.
1.
Мне только что предложили новую работу 2. Детям велели идти
спать 3. Сусанину приказали показать дорогу на Москву 4. Ее
попросили прийти через несколько дней 5. Мне задали несколько
вопросов, на которые я не сразу мог ответить 6. Мэри предложили
должность гувернантки 7.нам вчера дали несколько новых журналов
и книг 8. Ему посоветовали остаться дома 9. Мне показали проект
нового театра 10. Это как раз та статья, которую нам посоветовали
прочесть 11. Их прислали помочь нам 12. Его попросили рассказать,
что случилось 13. Ей посоветовали заниматься музыкой 14. Мне
велели прийти ровно в пять часов
Б.
1. Когда самолет скрылся из виду, все пошли домой 2. Опять вы опоздали. С
этим надо покончить 3. Ребенка положили в больницу, где за ним очень
хорошо ухаживали 4. После лекции был концерт 5. В доме миссис Рид к
Джейн Эйр постоянно придирались 6. За первой мировой войной
последовала революция в России 7.
Перевод такой хороший, что в нем нельзя найти недостатков 8. С такими
серьезными вещами не шутят 9. За молнией последовал удар грома.
Exercise 11.
Translate into Russian
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
She was suddenly addressed by a stranger
They were joined by his friends
This dialect is spoken only in this part of Germany
This introduction is followed by the list of illustrations
This sacred room was penetrated only by the high priests
Their way of life was affected by industrialization
Their intention could be judged from their deeds
As time went on, this culture tended to become rather less purely Greek, for it
was penetrated to a greater or lesser degree by oriental elements
9. The method described in the text is followed by many researchers
10. This glacial period was followed by a warmer interval known as the First
Interglacial Stage
11. These biographies were succeeded by the standard biography of Dickens,
written by his friend John Forester which still remains the best written and the
most reliable
12. This king was succeeded by his eldest son Motokiyo, who died in 1455
13.The new schools of dramatists were largely influenced by the French drama
and French fashion
14.This simple rule is followed by the majority of grammarians
117
Exercise 12
Transform the following sentences using passive constructions so that each
sentence begins with « it ............................................»
Pattern: They have decided to cancel the match.
It has been decided to cancel the match
в
1. We thought it was necessary to send a telegram / It ......................
2. We have agreed to meet again in a fortnight / It ......................
3. There is a rumor that the couple are to seek a divorce / It ..........................(to
rumor)
4. There is confirmation of Mr. Jackson’s resignation /It ..............................(to
confirm)
5. We believe that the ship has sunk / It .....................
6. There was a proposal that a new offer should be made / It.......................
7. We did not think it was a good idea / It .....................
8. We decided to try again later / It .....................
9. There has been a suggestion that I should take a holiday/ It.......................
Exercise 13
Transform the following sentences using passive constructions. Translate
the sentence into Russian
Pattern: Another company has taken over our company Our company has been
taken over
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
We are dealing with your complaint
We have not account for all the missing passengers
Someone had tampered with the lock of the front door
We don’t know how they disposed of the body
I must insist that you keep to the rules
We are looking into this allegation
We will frown upon any attempt to cheat in the exam
The youngest complained that people were picking on him
A red curtain concealed the emergency exit
118
Exercise 14
Переведите предложения на русский язык, стараясь в русском
варианте, подобрать наиболее точный эквивалент для
выражения безличного страдательного оборота
1. It has been shown in the above examples that the sense jf the sentence often
depends on the order of words
2. It is sometimes said that Nile is longer than all the rivers in the eastern and
western hemispheres
3. It was thought useful to apply this method here
4. It has been estimated that the volume contained 220 pages
5. It is to be remembered that it was advisable to issue the proclamation of
Heniy Ill’s adherence to the provisions in English as well as in Latin
6. The Eskimos of the North-west Coast, it will be remembered, use to this day
harpoon-heads of this kind
7. It has been thought not superfluous, however, to add a few data of this kind
8. It must be stressed that the problems and questions in regard to this subject
are far more numerous than the solutions
9. People living upon lakes plentifully stocked with fish, it can be imagined,
availed themselves of all means in their power for capturing them
Exercise 15
In the following sentences underline the Passive Voice constructions.
Name the tensc-forms. Translate the sentences into Russian.
1. These simple statistics are used repeatedly in the sociological literature, (p.
33)
2. The concept of probability ensures that the chance that any given unit of a
population will be selected for inclusion in a sample is known, (p. 27)
3. As we leam more about the measurement of social phenomena, other ratio
measuring instruments presumably will be developed, (p. 32)
4. After project is completed, and the findings are being evaluated, the wisdom
of the researcher in making these decisions has much to do with how much
the data are worth, (p. 29)
5. If we were to use this sort of imagery at all, we should have to say that social
system are like buildings that are at every moment constantly being
reconstructed by the very bricks that compose them. (p. 10)
6. What is really demanded is an attempt at the imaginative reconstruction of the
texture of forms of social life that have now been very largely eradicated, (p.
12)
119
7. From the context in which we use the concept “university” the listener knows,
through convention, generally which set of university characteristics is being
assumed. (p. 47)
8. Much of what has already been said about words and language refers to
concepts. P. 47)
9. Research has also been reported on the effect of competition upon efficiency,
productivity, and attitudes, (p. 57)
10.In such situations, the question becomes not simply how many people will be
killed, how much property destroyed, or who will win: it becomes one of
societal survival, (p. 59)
11. A second positive function of conflict is that it serves to notify the society that
serious problems exist that are not being handled by the traditional social
organization, (p. 60)
12. Compromises are not always readily achieved, particularly if the rivals are of
approximately equal strength, (p. 62)
13.The person being assimilated tend to take on many of the features of the way
of life into which they are being assimilated without completely giving up the
way of life that they have left. (p. 66)
14.In an earlier and more optimistic period in American life, there existed a
concept of the United States as a giant melting pot in which all of the
differences of immigrant groups soon melted away and a homogeneous
American way of life was forged, (p. 68)
15.In both cases, however, modernization has been accompanies by increasing
centralization.
16.Civil servants, on the contrary, are drawn from the ranks of the common man,
live among common men, and often bend the bureaucracy to serve the interests
of the common men who are their peers and reference groups, (p. 123)
17.Each individual's liberty is curtailed by the rights of others, (p. 12)
18.The technical core is insulated from the environment by input and output
divisions, and is nurtured by coordination and maintenance components. (p.
116)
19.One type of culture trait, that is social norms has been classified into universals
alternatives and specialties, (p. 84)
20. American society generally values cooperative activity but some types of
cooperation toward socially proscribed goals are specifically disapproved. (p.
69)
21. They argue further that sociologist, as scientists and as citizens, have as much
right and as much responsibility as anyone else to say how the knowledge that
they accumulate shall be used. (p. 23)
22. There is always the possibility that some of the earlier facts were not correctly
evaluated, or that the relationship observed in the countries studied so far will
not hold for the next one. (p. 21)
23. If his predictions are correct, the adequacy of his knowledge is confirmed. (p.
120
21)
24. In sociology, the trend toward the position that scientists should assume
responsibility for control how their findings are used was foreshadowed in an
article by Alvin Gouldner. (p. 22)
25. The general explanatory statements themselves, or groups of related
statements are referred to as sociological theory, (p. 20)
26. These are all learned behavior patterns and , as such they are widely shared
among the society's members, (p. 79)
27. The rights and responsibilities of superiors and subordinates are circumscribed
by their positions in the system and by the rules, (p. 99)
Exercise 16
Translate the following sentences into Russian. Use different variants of
translation.
1. When one writes a letter of recommendation for another person, that person’s
cooperativeness often is mentioned as a virtue, (p. 54)
2. Competition is the mechanism through which people and groups are sorted
into such categories: the ruling and the governed, the bosses and the workers,
the elite and the common people, (p. 55)
3. The basic processes of competition and co-operation have been defined with
considerable clarity and it is a simple matter to illustrate them with data from
different societies, (p. 56)
4. But few efforts have been made to assess the respective roles of competition
and cooperation in entire societies, (p. 56)
5. Even as competition is widely valued over the world so, also are efforts to
limit the scope of its operation extremely widespread, (p. 59)
6. Some sociologists still argue that the integrity of research requires isolation
from questions of the uses to which their findings will be put. (p. 37)
7. Descriptive statistics are used to summarise information and to make it
susceptible to efficient handling, (p. 37)
8. If the ideals of the revolutionaries have scarcely been fully realised even now,
they created a climate of political change that has proved one of the dynamic
forces of contemporary history, (p. 31)
9. There are few states in the world today that are not proclaimed by their rulers
to be “democracies”, whatever their actual political complexion may be. (p. 31)
10. The direction of the relationship is indicated by whether the sign before the
coefficient is + or -. (p. 34)
11. The population of London in the fourteenth century, for example has been
calculated at 30,000; that of Florence during the same period has been put at
90,000. (p. 41)
12. The different “areas” of human behavior that are covered by the various social
sciences form an intellectual division of labour which can be justified in only a
very general way. (p. 8)
13. These societies either have been dissolved altogether by the profound social
changes that have swept through the world, or they are in the process of
becoming incorporated within modern industrial spates, (p. 8)
14. Popvdations are defined, somewhat arbitrarily, in terms of the purposes of a
given research project, (p. 27)
15. Consequently, most sociological research is based not upon whole populations,
but upon samples of those populations, (p. 27)
16. Finally, situations of "cross pressure", where one characteristic predisposes a
person to vote one way while another characteristic pushes him another, have
been studied extensively, (p. 127)
17. Evidence that the disruption was planned, that the society's central values were
violated or violence committed in consequence of conspiracy, will detract from
the effectiveness of its impact on the public, (p. 129)
18. Instead, new elements are added selectively according to how well they fit in
with the existing culture, (p. 94)
19. This is partly a matter of selection since only persons with appropriate
orientations are selected for promotion, (p. 112)
20. High office often is attained en the basis of family background and other
attributes not directly related to compctence. (p. I l l )
21. The core technology consists of the techniques through which these
transformations are accomplished, (p. I l l )
22. The boundaries of organisational relationship are defined by rules, (p. 105)
23. The student is rewarded by receiving the needed assistance and the professor is
121
rewarded by having his superior knowledge acknowledged, (p. 50)
24. Language symbols are so important in human interaction that the whole
process often is referred to as one of symbolic interaction, (p. 51)
25. The uniqueness of language as a form of communication is further emphasized
by Lindesmith and Strauss who have pointed out three characteristics of
language symbols that distinguish them from other symbols or signs, (p. 46)
26. The coefficient is usually designated simply by the letter “r”. (p. 34)
27. Pearsonian “r” is generally used to determine if two variables are related to one
another and if so, how closely they are related, (p. 34)
28. In practice, other types of probability sampling are used more often than
random sampling because of the costs in tine and money involved in drawing
random samples, (p. 29)
29. Toleration, as a social process is used frequently to accommodate national,
racial, ethnic, and religious differences, (p. 63)
30. The term, assimilation, again is in somewhat general use, being applied most
often to the process whereby large numbers of migrants from Europe were
absorbed into the American population during the latter part of the nineteenth
and early part of the twentieth centuries, (p. 63)
31. One area in which special attention has been paid to the roles of cooperation
and competition in social interaction lies in that of the family, (p. 57)
32. If has been calculated that prior to the nineteenth century even in the most
highly urbanised societies, no more than 10 per cent of the population lived in
towns or cities - usually considerably less in most agrarian states and empires,
(p. 4)
33. If is very important indeed to stress this point, much social theory - including
that of Durkheim - is pervaded by a tendency to think in terms of physical
imagery, a tendency which can have damaging consequences. (p. 10)
34. It has been estimated that, at the time of the birth of Christ, the world probably
contained something less then 300 million inhabitants, (p. 61)
Exercise 17
Translate the following sentences into English
1. Социальные действия, в отличие от рефлексивных, импульсивных:
действий, никогда не совершаются мгновенно.
2. Изменения, происходящие в обществе, обычно разделяют на социальные
- изменения в социальной структуре и социальных взаимосвязях в
обществе, и культурные - изменения в культуре общества.
3. Основы функционализма были заложены Гербертом Спенсером, а свое
дальнейшее развитие они получили в работах великого Французского
социолога Эмиля Дюркгейма.
4. Лишь незначительные попытки были предприняты для определения того,
какую роль выполняет в обществе конкуренция и сотрудничество.
5. В США перепись населения осуществлялась каждые десять лет с 1790
года.
6. На основе приемов, использованных европейскими социологами при
социологических опросах, был разработан современный метод
выборочного обследования.
7. Метод, выборочного обследования имеет большие достоинства, однако,
поскольку почти все данные получены здесь со слов респондентов,
некоторые исследователи считают, что этот метод не очень-то помогает
понять более глубокий смысл ответов.
8. В конце XIX века принципы экспериментального исследования,
сформированные учеными естествоиспытателями и психологами, стали
применяться и в социологии.
9. Социализация - кумулятивный процесс, в ходе которого накапливаются
социальные навыки.
10.Методы, разработанные социологами, применяются в других областях
исследовательской деятельности.
11. Интересное исследование проводилось учеными Национального центра
по изучению общественного мнения в Чикаго.
12.Респондентам, включенным в выборку, был задан вопрос, чувствуют ли
они себя обычно " очень счастливыми", "достаточно счастливыми" или "
не особенно счастливыми "?
13.Спенсер был убежден, что на основе свободного взаимодействия между
индивидами и организациями будет достигнуто некое естественное и
устойчивое равновесие интересов.
122
14. Успешная социализация обусловлена тремя факторами: ожиданиями,
изменением поведения и стремлением к конформизму.
15. Единственная сфера, в которой особое внимание уделяется роли
сотрудничества и конкуренции при социальном взаимодействии - это
семья.
16. Дескриптивная статистика, как правило, используется для суммирования
полученной информации.
17. Выборка определяется произвольно с учетом целей проводимого
исследования.
18. Новые элементы культуры усваиваются выборочно, в зависимости от того,
насколько они соответствуют принятым нормам и требованиям.
19. Языковые символы настолько важны для осуществления взаимодействия
людей, что весь процесс часто рассматривается как процесс
взаимодействия символов.
20. Революции, происходившие в XIX и XX веках, осуществлялись с целью
уничтожения привилегий некоторых групп.
21. В городе образуется огромное число групп, связанных общими
интересами; каждая из них может стать центром субкультуры.
22. Существуют формальные и неформальные методы социального контроля.
Неформальный контроль обычно применяется в небольших группах,
формальный контроль ассоциируется с официальностью, обычно он
осуществляется в крупных организациях.
23. Наказание - недовольный взгляд, замечание и даже угрозы непосредственно направлено против девиантных поступков и
обусловлено желанием их предотвратить.
24. Термин "социальный контроль" относится к совокупности норм и
ценностей общества, а также к санкциям, которые применяются для их
осуществления.
II.
ИНФИНИТИВ
(The Infinitive)
Формы инфинитива.
Indefinete
Continuous
Pcrfect
Perfect Continuous
Active
to write
to be writing
to have written
to have been writing
Passive
to be written
to have been writing
Инфинитив в предложении может быть подлежащим, обстоятельством,
дополнением, составной частью сказуемого, определением.
123
Например: То translate this text without a dictionary is hardly possible.
Перевести этот текст без словаря вряд ли возможно
(подлежащее).
То translate this text without a dictionary one must know English
veiy well.
(Для того) Чтобы перевести этот текст без словаря нужно знать
английский очень хорошо (обстоятельство).
She asked me to translate the text without a dictionary.
Она попросила меня перевести текст без словаря (дополнение).
Her perfect knowledge of the language allowed her to translate the
text without a dictionary.
Ее прекрасное знание языка разрешило ей перевести текст без
словаря (дополнение).
I have come to translate English texts better only now.
Я стал переводить английские тексты лучше только теперь
(составное сказуемое).
Не failed to translate the text because he had no dictionary. Ему не
удалось перевести текст, так как у него не было словаря
(составное сказуемое).
Your task is to translate this text without a dictionary.
Ваша задача состоит в том, чтобы перевести этот текст без
словаря (составное именное сказуемое).
You must translate this text without a dictionary.
Вы должны перевести этот текст без словаря (составное
модальное сказуемое).
This is a text to be translated without a dictionary.
Вот текст, который нужно перевести без словаря (определение).
Примечание Инфинитив в функции определения переводится на русский
язык определительным придаточным предложением с глаголомсказуемым, выражающим долженствование, если употреблен
инфинитив в страдательном залоге, а иногда с глаголомсказуемым в форме будущего времени.
This question will be discussed at the conference to open in Moscow
in April.
Этот вопрос будет обсужден на конференции, которая откроется
в Москве в апреле.
Инфинитив в функции определения часто встречается после
слов the first, the second, the last и так далее. В этом случае он
переводится на русский язык сказуемым в том же времени, в
котором стоит сказуемое в главном предложении.
Не is always the first to come to the lectures.
Он всегда приходит на лекции первым.
Не was always the last to come to the lectures.
Он всегда приходил последним на лекции.
Инфинитивный оборот, вводимый предлогом for (for-phrase).
for + somebody + to + инфинитив for + something + to + инфинитив for
everybody to know
В этом обороте действие, выраженное инфинитивом, относится к
существительному или местоимению в объектном падеже, перед которым
стоит предлог for. Оборот выполняет функцию одного члена предложения, а
именно: сложного подлежащего, сложной именной части сказуемого,
сложного дополнения или сложного обстоятельства. Такие обороты чаще
всего переводятся на русский язык придаточными предложениями с союзом
“чтобы”. Подлежащим этого придаточного предложения становится субъект
действия (см. выше: everybody), а сказуемым - инфинитив (to know).
124
Примеры 1. For him to know that fact was absolutely necessary.
Чтобы он знал об этом факте было совершенно необходимо
(подлежащее).
2. The main problem is for this work to be finished in due time.
Главная задача в том, чтобы эта работа была закончена
своевременно (именная часть сказуемого).
3. For this work to be completed in due time we must ask them
to help us.
Для того чтобы эта работа была завершена своевременно,
мы должны попросить их помочь нам (обстоятельство цели).
4. Не asked for the documents to be sent to him by past.
Он просил, чтобы ему переслали документы почтой
(дополнение).
Примечани Этот оборот может быть переведен простым предложе- е н и е м ,
где инфинитив переводится подлежащим или ска
зуемым.
It is normal for people to believe mass media.
Верить средствам массовой информации (это) естественно
для людей.
Оборот “Complex Object” или “объектный падеж с инфинитивом”.
Этот оборот употребляется после определенных глаголов (см. таблицу) и
представляет собой сложное дополнение. В русском языке нет аналогичного
оборота и он переводится дополнительным придаточным предложением (с
союзами “чтобы”, “что”, “как”), где существительное или местоимение в
объектном падеже будет подлежащим, а инфинитив сказуемым.
Таблица употребления оборота “Complex Object”:
1.
По сле глаголов,
выражающих желание:
to want, to wish, to
desire, to like, to hate и
нек. др. should like
She wanted me to
phone her the next
morning.
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Она хотела, чтобы я
позвонил ей на
следующее утро.
2 . П о с л е г л а г о л о в , I saw him get off the Я в и д е л , ка к о н
выражающих восприятие с bus.
вышел из автобуса.
помощью органов чувств: to
feel, to hear, to notice, to
observe, to see, to watch, to
perceive (инфинитив без
частицы to)
3. По сле глаголов,
в ы р а ж а ю щ и х
предположение: to expect
(ожидать, предполагать), to
suppose (предполагать), to
believe (полагать), to assume
(считать, полагать), to mean
(полагать), to think (думать,
полагать), to intend
(предполагать), to imagine
(представлять себе), а также
глаголов: to know, to declare
(объявлять), to show и нек.
Do you expcct your
article to be
published this
month?
Вы ожидаете, что
ваша статья будет
напечатана в этом
месяце?
др.
4. По сле глаголов,
выражающих приказание,
п р о с ь б у, р а з р е ш е н и е
(инфинитив в форме
страдательного залога): to
order, to ask, to let, to allow,
to command и др.
5. По сле глаголов,
требующих предложного
дополнения: to wait for
(ждать), to rely on
(полагаться на), to count on
(рассчитывать на)
После:
а) причастия, образованного
от глаголов: to know, to hear,
to see, to feel, to notice, to
watch и др.
The manager ordered
the goods to be put
on the shelves.
Заведующий
приказал, чтобы
товары были
разложены на
полках.
He knows that I can
always rely on her to
do everything in
time.
О н з н а е т, ч т о я
всегда
могу
рассчитывать на то,
что она сделает все
вовремя.
Knowing him to be
my friend, she asked
me to help him.
Watching him play
Зная, что он мой
друг, она попросила
меня помочь ему.
Наблюдая за тем,
126
(от этих же
b) герундия
глаголов) the
piano, I
couldn’t help
Примечание
enjoying it.
I was surprised at
hearing him say it.
как он играет на
пианино, я не мог
не
получать
удовольствие.
Я был удивлен,
когда услышал, что
он сказал это.
После глаголов физического восприятия: to see, to watch, to
observe, to notice, to hear, to feel, употребляется оборот
“объектный падеж с причастием I”. Этот оборот
аналогичен обороту “объектный падеж с инфинитивом” и
тоже выполняет функцию сложного дополнения.
I saw him cross the street. Я видел, что он перешел улицу.
1 saw him crossing the street. Я видел, что он переходил
улицу.
Между этими оборотами имеется смысловая разница.
Причастие (crossing) выражает длительный характер
действия, то есть действие в процессе его совершения, а
инфинитив (cross) - законченное действие. Поэтому оборот
с причастием переводится на русский язык придаточным
предложением с глаголом не совершенного вида
(переходил), а оборот с инфинитивом придаточным
предложением с глаголом совершенного вида (перешел).
Однако когда глагол выражает действие длительного
характера (to walk - ходить, to run - бежать, to stand - стоять,
to sit - сидеть, to look for - искать и др.) оборот с
причастием не отличается по смыслу от оборота с
инфинитивом и оба оборота переводятся на русский язык
одинаково, глаголом несовершенного вида.
1. saw her running along the street.
1. saw her run along the street.
1. Я видел, как она бежала по улице.
2. Я видел, что (как) она бежала по улице.
После глаголов “to hear” и “to see”, употребленных в
переносном значении “узнавать” (to hear) и “понимать” (to
see), оборот Complex Object не употребляется.
I saw that he didn’t want to speak about it.
Я видел, что ему не хочется говорить об этом.
127
I heard that he had left Moscow for Tula last year.
Я слышал, что он уехал из Москвы в Тулу в прошлом году.
Оборот “Complex Subject” или “именительный надеж с инфинитивом”
Этот оборот употребляется после определенных глаголов (см. таблицу)
и представляет собой сложное подлежащее. В русском языке нет аналогичного
оборота и предложение с этим оборотом чаще всего переводится на русский
язык сложно-подчиненным предложением (см. таблицу).
She is said to live in Paris.
Перевод начинается со сказуемого (is said), которое переводится
неопределенно-личным предложением (говорят). При переводе оборота “she ...
to live” “she” становится подлежащим придаточного предложения, а
инфинитив “to live” - сказуемым.
Говорят, что она живет в Париже.
Оборот “именительный падеж с инфинитивом” употребляется после
определенных глаголов, которые можно разделить на три группы:
I. Глаголы, употребляемые в действительном залоге: to
seem - казаться
to appear - казаться, по видимому to
prove - оказываться, случаться to turn
out - оказываться, случаться to happen оказываться, случаться Не seems to be
a talented scientist.
Он, кажется, талантливый ученый.
II. Глаголы, употребляемые в страдательном залоге: to
expect - ожидать, предполагать
to report - сообщать
to find - обнаруживать, оказываться
to intend - иметь в виду, предполагать
to assume - допускать, предполагать и др.
to believe - полагать, считать
to think - считать, полагать
to consider - считать
to say - говорить
to know - знать (известно)
to mean - полагать, считать
Great changes are expected to take place in the economics of these small
countries in the near future.
Ожидается, что в экономике этих небольших стран в ближайшем
будущем произойдут большие изменения.
III. Составные глаголы (to be + прилагательное):
to be likely - вероятно, может быть
to be unlikely - вряд ли
to be sure - несомненно, обязательно
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to be certain - несомненно, обязательно
to be not likely - маловероятно
She is likely to come home early today.
Она, вероятно, придет домой рано сегодня.
Таблица употребления оборота “Complex Subject”
Соотнесенность с на
стоящим или будущим
временем
Соотнесенность с
прошедшим временем
I. При
сказуемом в
действитель
н
ом залоге,
выраженном
глаголами: to
seem, to ap
pear, to
prove,
to turn out, to
happen.A
также при
сказуемом,
выраженном
модальным
глаголом
may + seem
(appear,
prove, hap
pen)
She seems
to know
English
well.
Кажется,
она хоро
шо знает
английский
язык.
She doesn’t
seem to
know Eng
lish.
Она, ка
жется, не
знает анг
лийский
язык.
There seem
to be great
changes in
her life.
Кажется, в
ее жизни
(имеются)
большие
изменения.
She seemed
to have for
gotten her
promise.
(= ^
seemed that
she had for
gotten her
promise).
Она, каза
лось, забы
ла свое
обещание.
She was
said,to
have lived
in Paris be
fore she
came to
Moscow.
(= It was
said that
she
had lived in
Paris
before
she came to
Moscow).
Говорили,
что она
жила в Па
риже до
того как
она пере
ехала в
Москву.
He didn’t
prove to be
a very
skilled
worker.
Он оказал
ся не очень
квалифи
циро
ванным
(опытным)
рабочим.
O u r s t o r y Наш рассказ
may seem to м о ж е т
be a bit dull. показаться
немного
скучным.
И. При
сказуемом в
страдатель
ном залоге,
выраженном
глаголами: to
say, to expect,
to know, to
believe, to re
port, to con
sider и др.
А также при
сказуемом,
выраженном
модальным
глаголом
may + to be
said
(expected,
considered,
known и т.д.)
She is said
to live in
Paris.
Г оворят,
что она
живет в
Париже.
He is said
to
be writing a
new novel.
Г оворят,
что он пи
шет новый
роман
(действие
впроцессе).
III. При
сказуемом,
выраженном
“to be +
прилагатель
ное”: to be
likely, to be
unlikely, to be
sure, to be
certain
They are
likely to
come back
tomorrow
morning.
Our story
may be said
have a
happy end.
Можно
сказать,
что наш
рассказ
имеет сча
стливый
конец.
Они, веро
ятно, вер
нуться зав
тра утром.
129
Оборот “Complex Subject” может быть употреблен в определительных
придаточных предложениях, которые начинаются словами which, that, who (а
также бывают бессоюзными). В таких предложениях глагол, стоящий перед
инфинитивом, переводится на русский язык вводным безличным
предложением типа - “как полагают”, “как известно”, “вероятно” и т.п., а сам
инфинитив - сказуемым придаточного предложения.
This poem belongs to a group of ballads which are known to date from the
15th century.
Эта поэма принадлежит к ряду баллад, которые, как известно, восходят
к XV столетию.
The delegation which is likely to arrive tomorrow morning will be met by
our representative.
Делегацию, которая, вероятно, прибудет завтра рано утром, встретит
наш представитель.
Иногда определительное придаточное предложение which is likely to
arrive... может быть сокращено до “likely to arrive”. Перевод в этом случае не
отличается от перевода определительного придаточного предложения.
The delegation likely to arrive early tomorrow morning will be met by our
representative.
Делегацию, которая, вероятно, прибудет завтра рано утром, встретит
наш представитель.
Иногда определительное придаточное предложение может быть
заменено причастием II от глаголов типа “to think”, после которого
употребляется инфинитив (thought to belong). Перевод в этом случае не
отличается от перевода определительного придаточного предложения.
Now we shall describe some objects thought to belong to this class.
Теперь опишем некоторые предметы, которые, как полагают, относятся
к этому классу.
УПРАЖНЕНИЯ
Exercise 1
Replace the following attributive clauses by infinitives used in the func- tion of
attributes. _______________________________________________________
Model She had apparently nothing that she could fear.
She had apparently nothing to fear.
1. His parents were away from home, so there was nobody who could look after
him.
2. There was nothing else that could be done.
3. It was not the right thing that should be said.
4. You look veiy ill. Is there anybody at home who could take care of you?
5. He had a lot of news which he was eager to tell Nick immediately.
6. The last one who came was my brother.
7. He made out a list of books which she had to read.
8. I have something so important I want to tell you that I hardly know how to say
it.
130
9. Eveiything was all right, there wasn’t a thing one could find fault with.
10.Thank you very much, but I’ve got something better I can do with my time.
11. A celebration such as this was a chance that should not be missed.
12. She liked stories which had a beginning , a middle and an end.
Exercise 2
Translate the following sentences into English using the infinitive in the
function of attribute:
1. Ничего не оставалось делать, как только адать прихода родителей.
2. У него были дети, о которых он должен был заботиться.
3. Они первыми приехали, следовательно, первыми и уедут.
4. Кто-то должен первым начать говорить.
5. У него было немного вещей, которые нужно было упаковать.
6. Первое что нужно было решить, это - что нам взять с собой.
7. Ей нечего было сказать.
8. Он работал хорошо и легко. У него было много дел.
9. Есть много разных вещей, которые нужно обсудить.
10. У меня есть одна идея, которую я могу предложить вам.
11. Больше ничего нельзя было сделать.
12. Она была последняя, кто понял насколько это было опасно.
13. Он был человеком, которому трудно было угодить (to please).
14.У нее не было семьи, о которой нужно было бы заботиться.
15. Единственное, что вам нужно сделать это позвонить ему и попрощаться.
16. Он был первым, кто поднял этот вопрос.
Exercise 3
Paraphrase the following sentences so as to use “for-phrases”.
Model It is time that you should go, Nick.
It is time for you to go, Nick.
1. An old man was walking wearily towards us, and we waited till he came up to
us in order to ask the way to the nearest post-office.
2. She then sat down in her mother’s chair and waited till the kettle boiled.
3. She spread jam for him and cut up the bread and chees into convenient slices so
that the child could eat (them).
4. Then she made her way to the kitchen where the tray had been set by Mary and
waited till she made the tea.
5. He waited till she spoke.
6. George sat and waited impatiently till they went away.
7. On the first occasion it was necessary that he should indicate his requirement to
her.
8. It is advisable that they should book tickets in advance.
9. There is nothing that you could do but leave at once.
10.The best thing is that you should go there immediately.
Exercise 4
Переведите следующие предложении на английский язык, используя
“for-phrases”.
1. Текст был слишком трудный для того, чтобы он мог перевести его без
словаря.
2. Очень важно, чтобы он получил документы на этой неделе.
3. Чемодан был слишком тяжелый, чтобы она могла нести его.
4. Сейчас слишком поздно, чтобы дети шли гулять.
5. Она говорила достаточно громко, чтобы все могли ее хорошо слышать.
6. Он ждал с нетерпением, пока Анна вернется с работы, чтобы рассказать ей
эту новость.
7. Необходимо, чтобы он отправил эту телеграмму завтра рано утром.
8. В восемь часов дети вошли в комнату, чтобы сказать спокойной ночи, и
подошли к матери, чтобы она могла поцеловать их.
9. Условия (terms) этого договора были слишком невыгодные (unfavourable),
чтобы мы могли подписать его.
10. Он шел слишком быстро, для того чтобы я могла успевать за ним.
Exercise 5
Translate the following sentences into Russian (Pay attention to the
translation of “for-phrase” constructions):
131
1. It seems to me that here is another very obvious and vital point for a specialist
to explain.
2. The really important conclusion for us to reach is that chance has played an
extraordinary part in this case.
3. The exceptions here are too numerous for any rule to be stated.
4. There is no reason for us to change the terms of payment.
5. Much more explicit statements of the necessity for sociologists to value
positions (that scientists should assume responsibility for control of how their
findings are used) have been published recently, (p.22)
6. One group argues that the only way in which bias may be eliminated from
research is for researchers completely to disclaim responsibility for how their
findings are used. (p.22)
7. Legitimacy and rationality also are furthered by the tendency for organisations
to develop universal and relevant standards for appointment to office, (p.l 10)
8. These are the conditions for the care technology to work properly and
efficiently, (p.l 17)
9. When orders appear reasonable and logical, and it makes sense for them to
come from that source, they are likely to be accepted as legitimate, (p. 121)
10.My theory of democracy is very simple and easy for everybody to understand.
(p. 140)
11. This problem will be easy for us to handle.
12.Invention of automobile made it possible for men to work at great distances
from their homes.
13.It was not uncommon in medieval Europe and elsewhere, for up to half of the
children born annually to die before reaching adulthood.
14.One way in which bias may be eliminated from the research is for researchers
completely to disclaim responsibility for how their findings are used.
132
15.Although it is possible for simple reactive situations to exist for an organism to
react to another organism without further stimulating that organism in turn - that
is not the usual situation.
16.The tendency for material culture to change faster, and for nonmaterial culture to
adapt haltingly, led to formulation of the concept of culture lag. (p.94)
Exercise 6
Make op sentences, matching the suggested parts: __________
Model
The girl
The mother
I.
We
him
they
them
the child
he
A. I saw a little boy cross the street
В. I saw that the little boy didn’t want to do it.
hear(s)
see(s)
heard
saw
she
her
young people
the
old
woman
weep over the
letter shout
loudly didn’t
feel well
knock at the door
cross the busy street
sing a horrible song
dance rock-n-roll
was quite serious
enjoy the music
enter the house
Exercise 7
Paraphrase the following sentences using complex object constructions:
Model She saw how they went.
She saw them go.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
She felt that the eyes of her fellow-students rested on her.
She heard how one of the girls in the shop adressed Mary.
We’ve never heard him how he spoke of his life in Italy.
What I want is that you should let me alone.
Nick watched how Kate left, then he walked slowly to his father’s room.
What she wanted was that he would come and see her.
She expected that the steamer would arrive on Monday but it didn’t.
I think that he is responsible for what happened.
I would like that you should invite him to our party.
133
10. Wc expected that the members of the committee would come to an
agreement.
11. They considered that the results of the experiment were bad.
1. suppose that he is the best surgeon of this hospital.
Exercise 8
Replace the following clauses by the “Complex Object” construction:
Someone is doing something.
Can you see this?
Can you see someone doing
something?
1. Look! There’s John! He’s waiting for a bus. Can you see him?
2. Look! There’s Tom! He’s having a meal in that restarant. Can you see him?
3. Listen! That’s Charles! He’s playing the guitar. Can you hear it?
4. Look! There’s Nick! He’s talking to Mr. Brown. Can you see him?
5. Listen! That’s the baby! He’s crying. Can you hear it?
6. Look! That’s Mary! She’s dancing with Dave.
7. Listen! Somebody is calling you. Can you hear it?
8. Did you see the postman? He was coming up the staircase.
9. Did you hear them? They were quarrelling over something.
10. Did you see a young man? He was rushing out of the room.
Exercise 9
Paraphrase the following sentences according to the model: _____________
Model - Watching (that she was playing the piano) I couldn’t help enjoying it.
- Watching her playing the piano, I couldn’t help enjoying it.
1. Knowing (that he was veiy busy) I decided not to phone him that night.
2. Watching (that the children danced in ecstasy) I couldn’t help enjoying the
sight.
3. Feeling (that somebody touched my shoulder) I looked back and saw John.
4. Hearing (that somebody spoke in the corridor) I recognized my friend’s
voice.
5. Knowing (that she was very ill) I advised her mother to send for a doctor.
134
6.
7.
8.
9.
Seeing (that the little girl was crying her heart out) I tried to comfort her.
Noticing (that my friend entered the room) I greeted her cordially.
Hearing (that the bell rang) he went to see who was at the door.
Did you feel (that the bridge shook)?
Exercise 10
Переведите на английский язык, употребляя где это возможно, оборот
Complex Object: __________________________________________________
1. Я хотел бы, чтобы вы объяснили мне это правило еще раз.
2. Что вы хотите, чтобы я сделал для вас?
3. Я слышал, что он приезжал в Москву в прошлом году.
4. Никто не ожидал, что они уедут так скоро.
5. Хочет ли он, чтобы мы помогли ей.
6. Вы слышали, как он выступал вчера на собрании.
7. Мы ожидаем, что наше письмо будет отправлено завтра рано утром.
8. Мы рассчитываем на то, что вы закончите работу вовремя.
9. Чей-то голос заставил его остановиться.
10.Я терпеть не могу, когда ты заставляешь людей ждать.
11. Она почувствовала, как кто-то дотронулся до ее плеча.
12.Никто не ожидал, что он уже позвонил г-ну Браун по телефону.
13.Она видела, что он ее совсем не понимает.
14.Вы слышали, что он бросил занятия музыкой?
15.Она слышала, что профессор Смит болен уже неделю.
16.Я вижу, вы довольны своей новой квартирой.
17.Мы считаем его большим специалистом в этой области.
18.Он видит, что ты этого не знаешь.
19.Я вижу, что тебе стыдно вспоминать об этом.
20. Я надеюсь, что могу рассчитывать на то, что вы закончите работу к
понедельнику.
Exercise 11
Paraphrase the following sentences using the Complex Subject: __________
Model It is known that John is good at painting.
John is known to be good at painting.
1. It is reported that the space-ship has landed successfully.
2. It was unlikely that she would come to our party together with her elder
sister.
3. It appeared that they were coming down when I left the room.
4. It seemed that she had not realised how dangerous it was.
5. It seemed that the dinner party went on too long for her to enjoy it.
135
6. It appeared that Nick made a very important discovery.
7. It is unlikely that we could see this fdm soon.
8. It happened that everybody had taken the problem very seriously.
9. It was supposed that they had met her before.
10. They say (= it is said) that Jane is a very nice and obliging girl always ready
to help people.
11. It is supposed that the doctor prescribed you something.
12. It was told that he was very much interested in the subject.
13. It is believed that Steve is very good at this sort of thing.
14. It was expected that they covered 35 miles a day.
15. It seems that the circumstances became strange indeed.
Exercise 12
Переведите на английский язык, употребляя оборот the Complex
Subject.
1. Когда он говорил, он, кажется, обращался скорее к себе самому, а не к
нам.
2. Случилось так, что я сказал ему, что вы знаете его.
3. По-видимому, она согласиться поехать на экскурсию в Крым.
4. Говорят, что он лучший лектор в этом институте.
5. Предполагалось, что мы встретимся в 6 часов около Университета.
6. С того времени вы, кажется, очень сильно изменились.
7. Оказалось, что она его хорошо знала.
8. Случилось так, что меня не было дома, когда он звонил.
9. Скорее всего он спрятал книгу под матрас.
10. Вряд ли он вернется раньше, чем в следующий понедельник.
11. Случилось так, что я встретил их случайно в театре.
12.При переводе текста на экзамене студентам разрешалось пользоваться
словарем.
13.Как сообщается, средняя температура марта в этом году была
значительно ниже, чем прошлом году.
14. Говорят, что их экспедиция собрала очень интересный материал о
природных богатствах этого района.
15.Предполагается, что в нашем городе будет построен новый концертный
зал.
Exercise 13
Translate the following sentences into Russian. (Pay attention to the
translation of the “Complex Subject” and “Complex Object” constructions):
1. The total number (of people in the world) seems to have grown at a fairly
steady, but slow, rate up to the 18th centery. (page 5)
2. The “two great revolutions” have each proved to have ratifications on a world
scale, (page 14)
3. Assuming that error appears to be at a minimum, there still is the problem of
deciding how broadly the findings may be generalised, (p.25)
4. Quantitative variables differ in degree while qualitative variables differ in
kind. Current exampless of variables that appear to be qualitative variables
might include sex, religion, and material status, (p.30)
5. Unlike human social organisation, that of ants, appears to remain relatively
unchanged from generation to generation, (p.40)
6. This stability is believed to be due to the fact that most ant behavior is strictly
biologically determined, (p.40)
7. What little learning does occur appears not to be passed on from generation
to generation, (p.40)
8. Such obviously punishing interaction is ussually of short duration because the
pain that each participant experiences is likely to be of deterrent nature,
(p.50)
9. In general, American society appears to value cooperation, (p.54)
10. Competion grows out of the fact that human needs and desires appear to be
insatiable, (p.54)
136
11. But, at the same time that societies widely, value competition and competition
appears to stimulate productivity, there is evidence that it also has negative
effects that cause its role in society to be increasingly circumscribed. (p.57)
12. In the event that negotiations to find a compromise appear likely to break
down, and open conflict to begin again, the parties may call in a mediator to
assist them. (p.62)
13. Having two sets of standarts from which to judge situations, they are less
likely than others persons to accept, uncritically, platitudes and cliches. They
are more likely to fathom the issues that divide society and are more likely to
see how those issues may be resolved, (p.67)
14.According to a model which proved subsequently to have been based upon
the experience of northwestern Europeans of Protestant background,
assimilation was supposed to be complete in three generations. (p.68)
15.This three-generation assimilation model appears to have described the
experience of migrants like the Scandinavians and Germans fairly accurately.
(p.68)
16.The greatest barrier of all to rapid assimilation proved to be color differences.
(p.68)
17. Cooperation and competition are reciprocal aspects of the same general
process and, although some societies value one more highly than the other,
neither can really be said to be more basic, (p.69)
18. Cooperation may be said to occur at several different levels, (p.69)
19. Competition is widely valued in human societies because it appears to
increase effort and achievement, (p.70)
20. What is meant by the concept of the “marginal man”? Give examples of
situations that are likely to produce marginal man. (p.72)
21. In spite of the fact that invention occupied a dominant place in the process of
culture growth over such a long period of time, most of the content of modern
culture appears to have been gained through the process of diffusion, (p.74)
22. Without such a definition the concept is likely to remain too vague and
imprecise, (p.78)
23. Ogburn believed that material culture and nonmaterial culture change in
different ways. Change in material culture is believed to have a marked
directional or progressive character, (p. 80)
24. While all this has been happening in the area of material culture, change in
goverment, in the economic system, in family life, in education, and in
religion seems to have been much slower, (p.81)
25. While there is no way to compare directly the rate of change in such areas of
nonmaterial culture with that in various areas of material culture, the
allegedly more rapid material culture appears at least to be an
oversimplification. (p.82)
26.... The capitalist ethic may have been a universal in the United States only a
generation or so ago but appears not to be accepted by growing numbers of
young people, (p. 85)
27. Thus, in our society, people are137
supposed to be equal under the law, and our
political leaders are supposed to work for peace, (p.86)
28. In practice, however, congressmen support the expansion of military facilities
in their districts, and high officials deliberately follow policies that are likely
to cause war. (p.86)
29. Large, complex societies such as our own are believed to be particularly
prone to the development of contracultures and the best illustration from
American society is usually agreed to be that of the delinquent gang. (Р-90)
30. Delinquent youth, for example, are presumed to be exposed to values of
occupational success and the acquisition of material goods just as other
Americans are. (p.90)
31. The delinquent contraculture appears to come close to meeting this criterion.
(p.91)
32. Another rational strategy is to try to gain control: factories that have
difficulties, consistently, with particular suppliers are likely to try to take over
those suppliers, or to establish their own source of supply, (p. 105)
33. Other organisational personnel, perceiving the relationship between abilities
and assignment, are satisfied with the propriety of this policy and are more
likely to cooperate with supervisors selected on such bases, (p.l 11)
34. Studies of the military have shown that enlisted men whose orientations
resemble those of noncommissioned officers are more likely to be promoted.
(p.l 12)
35. Authority that embodies the central values or sacred qualities of the society is
considered to be legitimate, (p. 121)
36. The President of the United States has been said to have the authority to
control the federal bureaucracy, but not the power, (p. 122)
37. Bureaucratic efficiency was found to be related to civilian control of politics,
constitutional government, freedom of the press etc. (p.123)
38. That group must believed to have suffered injustice, and to have no formal
channels for redress, (p. 128)
39. People appear to believe that local governments do about what people want
but, being unable to accomplish the miracle of providing more services at
less cost, they leave people somewhat unsatisfied, (p.131)
40. At these levels the tax system appears to be a progressive one, favoring the
poor. (p. 132)
41. Other available evidence indicates that the poor and members of minority
groups are less likely to report their grievances, (p. 134)
42. Whether protest is likely to be successful depends upon whether large
segments of the general public accept the grievances as legitimate and upon
their acceptance of the protest tactics, (p. 138)
43. What kinds of people are likely to be political party officials in the United
States? (p. 139)
44. The essence of art, sculpture, and music is conceived to lie not in statues,
paintings, and musical scores, but in knowledge of the use of form, color,
function, tone, and so on. (p.83)
45. Material inventions, Ogbum believed, bring changes that require adjustments
to be made in various areas of nonmaterial culture, (p.81)
46. Most social scientists, somewhat unlike William Ogbum, believe the
esisence of culture to lie in its nonmaterial aspects. Similarly, the essence of
art, sculpture, and music is conceived to lie not in statues, paintings, and
musical scores, but in knowledge of the use of form, color, function, tone,
and so on. (p.83)
47. Much more explicit statements of the necessity for sociologists to value
positions (that scientists should assume responsibility for control of how
their findings are used) have been published since and, ironically, one of
Gouldner’s most recent publications finds him arguing against the extreme
commitments to value positions of some of his younger colleagues. (p.22)
Exercise 14
Переведите на английский язык, употребляя оборот the Complex
Subject. _________________________________________________________
1. Этноцентризм, кажется, является национальной и универсальной
тенденцией человечества, (р.92)
2. Как это ясно из описаний прошлых войн, религиозных и расовых
конфликтов, экстремальный этноцентризм, вероятно, подогревает
конфликты, (р.93)
3. Этноцентризм - это практика судить о других культурах по стандартам
своей собственной культуры. Это - универсальная тенденция
человечества и этой тенденции,138
кажется, обучают людей во всех
обществах.
4. На первый взгляд юрта (iglo) кажется примитивным и неудобным видом
жилища, (р.91)
5. Сегодня, кажется, компьютер, атом и открытие космоса не предлагают
нам ничего существенно нового, (р. 103)
6. Этот принцип может показаться настолько прочно утвердившимся и
таким обычным в нашем современном обществе, что его реальное
значение не дооценивается. (р.110)
7. Маловероятно, что люди проголосуют за установление диктатуры, если
голосование будет свободным.
8. Когда приказы кажутся разумными и логичными, они, вероятнее всего,
принимаются как законные, (р. 121)
9. Нисбет считает, что власть воспринимающаяся как необходимость для
выполнения определенной задачи, скорее всего будет считаться
законной, (р. 121)
10.Более вероятно, что тоталитарное общество, каким была нацистская
Германия, применит силу скорее чем такое демократическое общество
каким является Германия сегодня, (р. 128)
11. Маловероятно, что это может произойти при многопартийной системе.
(р. 150)
12.На практике двухпартийная система вряд ли будет более гибкая, чем
многопартийная, (р. 150)
13.Предполагается, что в нашем обществе люди равны перед законом, а
наши политические лидеры работают ради (для) достижения мира. (р.86)
14. Можно сказать, что сотрудничество (кооперация) происходит на
нескольких уровнях.
15. Считается, что изменения в материальной культуре имеют ярко
выраженный прогрессивный характер.
16.Лучшим примером обычно считается пример с бандой малолетних
преступников.
17. Полагают, что большие сложные общества особенно подвержены
развитию контркультур, (to be particularly prone to ...)
18.В период с 1580 по 1596г.г. появились пьесы, о которых можно сказать,
что они представляли вторую ступень (stage) Драмы.
139
III.
ПРИЧАСТИЕ И ГЕРУНДИЙ
ПРИЧАСТИЕ
Причастие представляет собой неличную форму глагола, которая
соответствует в русском языке причастию и деепричастию.
В английском языке существуют два вида причастий: Participle I с
суффиксом -ing и Participle II, представляющее собой так называемую
"третью форму" глагола. Например, writing, losing (Part. I) и written, lost
(Part. II).
Причастие может выполнять как функции, свойственные глаголу,
так и функции, свойственные прилагательному.
Функции, свойственные глаголу
Может иметь прямое дополнение:
She sat at the table writing a letter.
Может иметь определение в виде
наречия:
They came up to me smiling
iovfullv.
Может выполнять роль
обстоятельства:
Не was standing by the window
looking at the trees.
Имеет формы времени и залога
(см. ниже).
Функции, свойственные
прилагательному
Может быть определением к
существительному:
Не kept thinking about his lost key.
Формы причастия
Active
Passive
Participle I
reading [i:]
being read [el
Perfect Participle
Having read
having been read
Participle II
read | e]
Время действия, обозначаемого причастием I, определяется в
зависимости от времени действия, выраженного сказуемым предложения,
т.е. личной формой глагола. Отсюда следует, что одна и та же форма
140
английского причастия может переводиться
на русский язык по- разному, в
зависимости от времени, в котором употреблен глагол- сказуемое данного
предложения:
1) We saw children playing hide-and-seek.
Мы увидели детей, игравших (которые играли) в прятки.
2) We often sgg children playing hide-and-seek.
Мы часто видим детей, играющих (которые играют) в прятки.
В следующей таблице обобщаются способы перевода английских
причастий на русский язык.
Формы английского
Способы перевода на русский язык
Формы английского
причастия
building
having built
being built
Причастием
строящий
—
строящийся
(который
строят)
having been built
—
built
построенный
Деепричастием
строя
построив
будучи строящимся
(когда его строили)
будучи построенным
(когда его построили)
будучи построенным
(когда его построили)
-
Как видно из таблицы, в ряде случаев наряду с причастием или
деепричастием в русском переводе можно употреблять придаточное
предложение,
начинающееся
со словпричастий
"который"
или I"когда". Так,
Основные
случаи употребления
Participle
возможны два варианта перевода одного и того же английского
предложения с причастием:
Having finished the work, the secretary left for home.
1) Закончив работу, секретарь ушел домой.
2) Когда секретарь закончил работу, он ушел домой.
1. Выражает действие, одновремс
а) в функции определения, соо щий
и -вший:
Look at the man standing bv the car.
I looked at the man standing bv the
car.
б) в функции обстоятельства, с
стию на -я или -а:
Having some free time, we decided to
go for a walk.
;нное с действием сказуемого:
гветствуя русским причастиям на -
2. Выражает предшествующее дс
тельства времени), соответстг или
-я:
Arriving in the citv. I called him at
once.
:йствие (только в функции обстояуя русскому деепричастию на -в
Посмотрите на мужчину, стоящего
v машины.
Я посмотрел на мужчину,
стоявшего у машины, оответствуя
русскому деепричаИмея свободное время, мы решили
пойти на прогулку.
Приехав в город, я сразу позвонил
ему.
Participle II
1. В функции определения, соот
мый, -щийся или на -нный, -ты I
read the list of subjects taught in this
college.
The car produced ten years ago is
still in good order.
2. В функции обстоятельства:
а) причины, соответствуя pycci или
на -нный, -тый, -вшийся, л
причины:
Squeezed by the ice, the ship could
not move.
ветствуя русским причастиям на й, -вшийся
Я прочитал список предметов,
преподаваемых в этом колледже.
Автомобиль, выпушенный 10 лет
назад, все еще в хорошем
состоянии.
<им причастиям на -мый, -щийся
ибо придаточным предложениям
Зажатый льдом (= т.к. он был
зажат льдом) корабль не мог
двигаться.
им придаточным предложениям
б) времени, соответствуя русск 141
времени:
Когда меня спросили, когда я
Asked when I would come, I
приду, я ответил, что это будет к
answered that it would be by noon.
полудню.
3. В функции именной части сказуемого, соответствуя русскому
краткому страдательному причастию:
The work is finished. | Работа закончена.
Participle I Passive
ветствуя русскому причастию на -
1. В функции определения, соот
мый, -щийся:
The question being discussed now,
is very important.
2. В функции обстоятельства пр
русскому страдательному деег
или придаточному предложен!Being bought last vcar. this ticket
cannot be used now.
Вопоос, обсуждаемый сейчас,
очень важен.
ичины или времени, соответствуя
фичастию ("будучи сделан" и т.п.)
ю:
Будучи куплен в прошлом году (=
т.к. его купили в прошлом году),
этот билет не может
использоваться сейчас.
Perfect Participle Active
В функции обстоятельства причины или времени, соответствуя
русскому деепричастию совершенного вида на -в и -я:
Having read a lot of books on the
Прочитав много книг по этому
subject, he knew all the details.
предмету, он знал все
подробности.
Perfect Participle Passive
В функции обстоятельства причины и времени, соответствуя русским
придаточным предложениям причиэны и времени:
Т.к. его нашли слишком поздно,
Having been found too late, this
phone number was of no use to me. этот телефонный номер был для
меня бесполезен.
Самостоятельный причастный оборот
Самостоятельным причастным оборотом называется такой оборот,
в котором причастие обозначает действие, не относящееся к лицу или
предмету, названному подлежащим предложения. Действие, обозначенное
причастием в этих оборотах, относится к лицу или предмету, названному
существительным, стоящим непосредственно перед причастием:
The weather being fine, we went to the country.
Т.к. погода была хорошая, мы отправились за город.
142
("being fine" относится не к подлежащему "we", а к "the weather").
Чаще всего самостоятельный причастный оборот выражает время,
причину или сопутствующие обстоятельства. Соответственно этому
выбирается и способ перевода оборота на русский язык.
Способы перевода самостоятельного причастного оборота на русский
язык
1.
Обстоятельственным придаточным предложением
а) причины (с союзами "так как", "поскольку"):
2
The goods having been sold, the
sellers had nothing to do.
б) времени (с союзами "когда"
The sun having set, they hurried
П о с кол ь ку то ва р ы б ы л и
распроданы. продавцам было
нечего делать.
"после того как"):
Ко гд а с ол н ц е с е л о, о н и
Самостоятельным предложением с сочинительным союзом "причем",
"в то время как":
home.
поспешили домой.
The treaty is drawn up in two
languages, both texts being
equally valid.
I usually send her money, my sister
helping her with clothes.
Договор составлен на двух
языках, причем оба текста имеют
одинаковую силу.
Я обычно посылаю ей деньги, в_
то время как (а~) моя сестра
помогает ей одеждой.
ГЕРУНДИЙ
Герундий, или отглагольное существительное, представляет собой
неличную форму глагола, выражающую название действия.
Герундий обладает функциями как существительного, так и глагола.
Функции существительного
1. Может быть подлежащим:
Skating is his greatest pleasure.
2. Может быть именной частью
составного сказуемого:
His favourite occupation is
Функции глагола
1. Может иметь после себя прямое
дополнение:
I remember hearing this song.
2. Может определяться наречием:
Не is fond of sneaking loudlv.
143
skating.
3 . Може т б ы т ь п р я м ы м и л и
косвенным дополнением:
I remember skating there, I am
fond of skating.
4. Может сочетаться с предлогами:
Не can't live without skating.
3. Имеет формы времени и залога
(см. ниже).
5. Может определяться
притяжательными местоимениями
или существительными в
притяжательном падеже:
Не thought about her this
daughter's) skating.
Время действия, обозначенного герундием, относительно, т.е. в
каждом конкретном предложении определяется в зависимости от времени
действия, выраженного сказуемым предложения.
Формы герундия
"~ВрешГ''~~~—jjajior^
Active
Passive*’
Indefinite
Perfect
writing
having written
being written
having been written
* Формы "Passive" имеются только у герундия переходных глаголов.
В современном английском языке герундий в форме "Perfect"
используется нечасто, и даже в случае предшествования одного действия
другому часто употребляется форма "Indefinite". Таким образом, вместо:
His having been defeated in free elections became a major blow to his
party. Можно сказать:
His being defeated in free elections became a major blow to his party.
Способы перевода герундия на русский язык.
В зависимости от контекста и своей роли в предложении герундий
может переводиться следующим образом:
200
145
1.
Глагол в личной форме.
She likes cooking. | Она любит готовить.
2. Деепричастие
Liza left without saving a word. Лиза ушла, не сказав ни слова.
Курение вредно для здоровья.
3. Существительное Smoking is
harmful for one's health.
4. Придаточное предложение.
I remember hearing this song.
He doesn't like being talked to like
that.
Excuse me for having interrupted
Я помню, что (я) слышал эту
песню.
О не любит, когда с ним так
разговаривают.
Извините меня за то, что я
перебил Вас.
you.
Герундий и субъект действия
Если непосредственно перед герундием не стоит существительное
или притяжательное местоимение, то действие, обозначенное герундием,
осуществляется тем предметом или лицом, которое обозначено
подлежащим.
I look forward to going to London. Я предвкушаю, как (я) поеду в
Лондон.
Если же непосредственно перед герундием стоит существительное
или притяжательное местоимение, то именно это существительное или
местоимение (а не подлежащее) обозначает субъект действия, выраженного
герундием:
I look forward to vour going to
Я предвкушаю, как Вы поедете в
London.
Лондон.
I ага tired of Peter coming at any Я устал от того, что Питер нри- time. ходит в
любое время.
Существительное перед герундием ставится в общем падеже, но для
одушевленных существительных возможен также притяжательный падеж.
Таким образом, последний пример можно без изменения смысла
сформулировать так:
Наиболее употребительные слова и выражения, после которых глагол
необходимо употреблять в форме герундия I. Герундий в роли дополнения
ставится после следующих глаголов и глагольных сочетаний:
I am tired of Peter's coming at any time.
account for
accuse of
be afraid of
aim at
approve of
avoid
begin
blame for
be busy
be capable of
описывать, от
читываться за
винить в
бояться
иметь целью
одобрять
избегать
начинать
обвинять в
быть занятым
быть способ
intend
be interested in
(it) is no good
(it) is no use
keep (on)
keep from
like
look forward to
намереваться
интересоватьс
ябесполезно,
нет смысла
продолжать,
не
прекращать
удерживать(ся
)от
любить, нра
виться
с нетерпением
continue
count on (upon)
depend on
(upon)
disapprove of
be engaged in
enjoy
excuse
feel like
finish
be fond of
give up
go on
can't help
be incapable of
insist on
ным на
продолжать
рассчитывать
на
зависеть от
не одобрять
быть занятым
получать удо
вольствие от
извинять
быть склонным
к
заканчивать
любить, обо
жать
отказываться,
бросать, пре
кращать
продолжать
не мочь не, не
мочь удер
жаться от
быть неспо
собным на
настаивать на
147
mind
need
object to
persist in
praise for
prefer
prevent from
be proud of
regret
rely on (upon)
remember
resist
be responsible
for
result from
result in
ждать, пред
вкушать
возражать про
тив
нуждаться в,
требовать
возражать про
тив
упорствовать
в
хвалить
за
предпочитать
помешать
гордиться
сожалеть о
полагаться на
помнить, вспо
минать
сопротивлять
ся, противо
стоять
отвечать за,
быть
причиной
возникнуть
(произойти)в
результате
приводить к
start
stop
succeed in
suspect
of thank
for think
3.
of be tired
of
Примечания
Начинать
прекращать
преуспевать в,
добиться
успеха в
подозрев
ать в
благодар
ить за
думать о
уставать
от
try
get used to be
w o r t h
пробовать,
пытаться
привыкнуть к
стоить, быть
достойным
После глаголов begin, continue, intend, like, start, try возможны, наряду
с герундием, и формы инфинитива с частицей to:
We start translating. = We start to translate.
После глагола stop также возможна форма инфинитива с частицей to,
но в этом случае значение меняется. Конструкция "stop + герундий"
означает "прекратить действие, названное герундием": She stopped
reading. - Она перестала читать. Конструкция же "stop + to +
инфинитив" означает "прекратить движение, чтобы совершить
действие, названное герундием":
She stopped to read an advertisement. - Она остановилась, чтобы
прочитать объявление.
После глагола help герундий необходим только тогда, когда help - часть
сочетания "can't help" или "could'n help":
We could'n help laughing. - Мы не могли не засмеяться.
Глагол help вне указанного сочетания означает "помогать" и требует
после себя только инфинитива.
II. Герундий в роли определения ставится после следующих
существительных с предлогами:
ability of
advantage of
apology for
art of
astonishment at
chance of
disadvantage of
способность
к
преимущест
во
Извинение за
искусство,
мастерство
изумление по
поводу
возможность
недостаток
148
disappointment
at
experience in
fear of
habit of
hope of
idea of
importance of
intention of
разочарова
ние
опыт в
страх,
боязнь
привычка
надежда
идея, пред
ставление 0
важность,
значение
намерение
Г"
preparation for
interest in
интерес к
means of
Средство
merit of
Заслуга
method of
метод, способ
necessity of необходимость
objection to возражение против
opportunity of удобный случай
plan for pleasure of possibility of
III.
problem of
process of
reason for ight
of way of план
удовольствие
возможность
приготовлен
ие к
проблема
процесс
причина
право на
путь, способ
ri
Герундий в роли обстоятельства ставится после следующих пред
логов:
after
before
besides
by
on, upon
in
после до, прежде
при, во время,
помимо, кроме
в процессе
путем,
вместо
instead of
посредством
после (в отличие от "after", данные предлоги перед
герундием подчеркивают , что действие, обозначенное
сказуемым, произошло сразу, непосредственно вслед за
действием, обозначенным герундием)
благодаря, из-за
(сочетание этого предлога с герундием переводится как "не
+ деепричастие")
through
without
We learned a lot about Wales by
reading this magazine.
Besides teaching, she writes
scientific works.
Instead of going to school, Tom
stayed at home.
On seeing Mrs. Black John bowed.
You may come without warning
me.
Мы узнали много об Уэльсе, чи-тая этот журнал (... путем чтения
этого журнала).
Помимо преподавания (помимо
того, что она преподает), она
пишет научные работы.
Вместо того, чтобы идти в
школу, Том остался дома.
Увидев миссис Блэк, Джон
поклонился (сразу же).
В ы м оже т е п р и ход и т ь , н е
предупреждая меня.
149
УПРАЖНЕНИЯ
Упражнение 1.
Определите, в роли какого члена предложения употреблена форма на ing и является ли она причастием или герундием. Переведите на русский
язык.
1. The practice of sociology demands invoking the "sociological imagination".
2. A research plan must be developed. This includes specifying the appropriate
populations from whom the data are to be collected, developing an
instrument with which to gather the data, and making plans to ensure that
all of the necessary data are secured.
3. People who own more vehicles do more travelling.
4. Executives may request typing and fding from their secretaries.
Упражнение 2.
Переведите на русский язык.
1. These several strategies - smoothing, predicting, adjusting, rationing,
merging, expanding and controlling - are all rational responses to
environmental contingencies.
2. Adjusting to changes in the environment disrupts operations in the core
technology.
3. More important than opening wider and wider the political debate may be a
proper attitude toward the political Day of Judgement.
4. Doing this successfully confirms the theory.
5. Following this policy also enhances legitimacy.
6. Earning over 2000 pounds would actually cost more in benefits than the
income.
7. The factors lying behind the origins of recent population growth are less
controversial.
8. The past hundred wears have brought about social changes more shattering
in their consequences than any other period of history.
9. Random sampling, giving each population unit an equal chance for
selection, is widely known and admired.
10.The shift reflected growing acceptance of a third goal of science.
11. There are also rules governing the ways in which the individual tasks are
integrated.
12. Stable and accommodating political systems were required for business
concerns to operate.
13.One of the things that beginning researchers have to learn is that one does
not have a test of his hypothesis as soon as the data are collected.
150
14.Organizations, because they exist in an unaccommodating and constantly
shifting world, are never completely successful.
15.The people respond to the protesting minority.
16.The disruptors must form a substantial portion of the group they are seen as
representing.
17.The system makes of him a voting machine rather than a thinking and
feeling person.
18. We need something approaching a two-party system.
19. With the variable being sex, the symbols and categories might be: A. male,
and B. female.
20. About one-fourth of the diplomats are members of the upper class, the
majority of these being stationed in major countries.
21. This firmament of law is composed of various interfused elements, the
composition varying with the kind of society.
22. What sorts of situation and actions might lead to this condition being
defined as one of protest, rather than rebellion or deviance?
23. Having no proprietary interest in the system, they become selfestranged,
alienated from their own efforts.
24. K. Boulding and A. Stinchcombe, working independently, arrived at
strikingly similar conclusions.
25. Being unable to accomplish the miracle of providing more services at less
cost, local governments leave people somewhat unsatisfied.
26. The role played by technology in human experience has grown larger.
Упражнение 3.
Переведите на русский язык.
1. Before doing that, we return to the theme of the opening page of this
chapter.
2. In contrast to hunting and gathering, farming results in the production of
more food by less labour.
3. Impetus to mass literacy was given by the emphasis upon understanding
the world of God.
4. Organizations are human inventions, aids to solving problems. We cannot
know modern society without understanding them.
5. By thus collecting facts and systematically analyzing and classifying them,
we might arrive at a general explanation of the relationship between classes
of variables.
6. Before undertaking research, one formulates the statement of relationship.
7. The only level of measurement possible in dealing with religious affiliation
is nominal.
8. No mathematics beyond high school algebra is required to gain a basic
competence in using and understanding statistics.
9. Prediction provides a crucial test of theory by requiring the sociologist to
predict the outcome of future research.
10. Scientists should also assume responsibility for determining how the results
of their studies are employed.
11. It is made possible by applying similar production processes to different
products.
12.Max Weber first analyzed the consequences of legitimizing power into
authority.
13. In discovering this truth, we have simply demonstrated that bureaucracies
are social systems.
14.Their idealism had become tempered by the experience of trying to run an
effective government.
15.Governments control conflicts by appearing to be neutral and by possessing
overwhelming force.
16. Although government can apply overwhelming force, its continued stability
depends upon its not often having to do so.
17.My way of putting the problem does not clash with the practice of western
democracies.
18.A democracy is worth fighting for and, I believe, worth dying for.
19. By withholding their "good behaviour", they may call attention to their
grievances.
20. There is considerable fear of discussing politics openly in Germany and
Italy.
Упражнение 4.
Перефразируйте, используя причастия.
1. We understand the meaning of a smile or a frown only in conjunction with
other facial movements which involve the eyes and the forehead.
2. Symbols that stand for concrete objects would include "dog", "pencil" and
151
"house".
3. Students who read this book and respond to the ideas which the authors
present, and the authors who try to anticipate the readers' concerns provide
another illustration.
4. One way in which people can eliminate conflicts is through assimilation.
5. One might put these several points in propositional form.
6. We should not permit this to obscure the fact that assimilation is a group
process.
7. We can rank a series of cases along a scale, but we won't know the distance
between the cases.
8. As they are rational organizations, bureaucracies seek to establish buffers
between their cores and environment.
9. This firmament of law is composed of various interfused elements so that
the composition varies with the kind of society.
10. What sorts of situations and actions might lead to the fact that one would
define as one protest?
Упражнение 5.
Перефразируйте, используя герундий.
1. If one learns, it makes possible the development of tools, instruments and so
on.
2. The facts that some people wear mini-dresses, go to church or sleep late on
Sunday, observe Christmas or placate evil spirits, hate fascists or student
protestors, love their enemies and so on, - are elements of culture.
3. We generally cease to refer to related traits as culture complexes.
4. We cannot know modern society unless we understand its organizations.
5. Sociologists do so and thus they operate implicitly from a combination of
evolutionary and functionalist models.
6. Before one undertakes research, one formulates the statement of
relationship.
7. The way I put the problem does not clash with the practice of western
democracies.
8. They withhold their "good behaviour" and by this means they may call
attention to their grievances.
9. The only level of measurement possible when one deals with religious
affiliation is nominal.
10.Conflict appears involved in the process by which societies are moved
towards new levels of social integration.
152
Упражнение 6.
Переведите на английский язык:
11. В странах третьего мира есть быстро расширяющиеся городские
территории.
12.Это - потрясающее увеличение количества людей в мире.
13.Сегодня в мире живут около 6 миллиардов людей, причем это число
увеличивается с такой скоростью, что, если так будет продолжаться, то
население мира будет удваиваться каждые сорок лет.
14.Все науки стремятся раскрыть всеобщие законы, управляющие
конкретными явлениями.
15.Антрополог, по словам Клода Леви-Стросса, - это "ученик и
свидетель" исчезающих народов.
16. Эти правила выполняют роль высоко специализированной,
формальной культуры, которая лежит в основе организации как
работающей социальной системы.
17.Бюрократия включает в себя правила, касающиеся поведения лиц,
занимающих различные должности.
18. Посредник может взвесить конфликтующие интересы.
19. В более сложных обществах мы находим возрастающий объем
статутного права.
20. Если допустить, что ошибка минимальна, все же существует проблема
решения вопроса о том, насколько широко можно обобщить результат.
21. Этот вид измерения позволяет расположить ряд отдельных случаев на
шкале, при этом расстояние между случаями неизвестно.
22. Будучи рациональной организацией, бюрократия стремится
установить буфер между своим ядром и окружением.
23. Обращаясь к вопросу о том, как правительство тратит свои деньги, мы
видим, что большая часть денежных субсидий по ступает
непосредственно к бедным, а не к другим слоям населения.
24. Культура имеет тенденцию развиваться в направлениях, определенных
прошлым данного общества.
1. В средневековой Европе около половины всех рождавшихся детей
умирали прежде, чем достигали зрелого возраста.
2. Многие выдающиеся мыслители находились под впечатлением
важности науки и техники в содействии изменениям, которые они
наблюдали.
3. Они стремились повторить успехи естественных наук в объяснении
материального мира.
4. Историки не пришли к согласию по поводу датирования истоков
западного капитализма.
5. Первым усилием социологического воображения должно быть усилие
153
воспроизвести в памяти наше недалекое
прошлое.
6. Люди жили в небольших сообществах, существовавших благодаря
охоте на животных и собиранию съедобных растений.
7. Мы привыкли к измерению физических объектов при помощи
использования различных приспособлений.
8. Правительство "субсидирует" определенные виды деятельности,
отказываясь облагать их налогами.
9. Люди считают, что правительство ведет дело к уравниванию реальных
доходов.
10.Мы еще не нашли способа обходиться без партий.
11. Политика этой партии может быть очень далека от "выражения воли
народа".
IV.
МОДАЛЬНЫЕ ГЛАГОЛЫ
&I. Общая характеристика
Мода льные глаголы выражают отношение говорящего к
высказыванию. К ним относятся: can, could, may, might,will, would, shall,
should, must, ought to.
В модальном значении также употребляются: be able to, be to, have to,
need (to).
1.
После модального глагола следует инфинитив основного глагола без
-to-. Исключение: ought to, а также have to, be to, be able to. После
глагола -need- в утвердительной форме следует инфинитив с частицей
-to-, в отрицательной и вопросительной формах возможен инфинитив
как с -to-, так и без нее.
Can suggest, must learn, ought to investigate, have to be completed, is to
be published, need to go; don't need to go / needn't go; do you need to go? /
need you go? , etc.
Упражнение
7. после модального глагола возможно использование любого
При этом
Переведите на английский язык с использованием герундия:
из существующих инфинитивов: simple infinitive, continuous infinitive,
perfect infinitive и perfect continuous infinitive, как в активном, так и в
пассивном залоге.
I shall do what you asked me to. -Simple Infinitive, Active.
(Я обязательно сделаю то, о чем ты меня попросил).
Profound research cannot be done in a day. - Simple Infinitive,
Passive. (Основательное исследование нельзя выполнить за один
день).
She would be analysing the latest statistics at the moment. - Continuous
Infinitive, Active. (Сейчас она, скорее всего, анализирует последнюю
статистику).
Не must have been working on his thesis for three years. - Perfect
Continuous Infinitive, Active (Он работает над диссертацией, наверное,
три года).
Capitalist ethics may have been a universal in the USA only a generation or
so ago. (Капиталистическая этика возможно была всеобщей в США еще
одно или несколько поколений назад).
154
Simple Infinitive и (Perfect) Continuous Infinitive после модального
глагола указывают на соотнесенность предложения с настоящим или
будущим временем.
Perfect Infinitive - на соотнесенность с прошедшим временем.
2.
При построении вопросительных предложений модальный глагол
выносится на первое место:
Must the policy of control be left in the hands of politicians ?
Вопрос к глаголу have to строится при помощи вспомогательного
глагола do:
What do beginning researchers have to learn when the data are collected?
3.
При построении отрицательных предложений частица -not- ставится
непосредственно после модального глагола.
This should not be permitted.
В устной речи предпочтение отдается слитным отрицательным формам
модальных глаголов: can't, couldn't, mightn't, won't, wouldn't, shan't,
shouldn't, mustn't, oughtn't, needn't.
Исключение: may - may not. Модальный глагол may не имеет слитной
отрицательной формы.
4.
Модальные глаголы can, could, may, might, will, would, shall, should,
must, ought to соотносятся с настоящим и будущим временами. В
некоторых контекстах could, might, would могут также соотносится с
прошедшим временем.
Ср. I hope his new book would answer some pressing questions. (Я
надеюсь, что его новая книга ответит на некоторые актуальные
вопросы. - Соотнесенность с будущим. -Would- выражает уверенность
говорящего).
I would use these materials from the library last year, but now they are not
available.
(В прошлом году я регулярно пользовалась этими библиотечными
материалами, но сейчас к ним нет доступа. - Соотнесенность с
прошедшим. -Would- выражает регулярность действия в прошлом).
5.
Модальные глаголы не принимают окончания -s в 3-ем лице
единственного числа и не образуют причастных форм на -ing и -ed
(исключение: need - needs- needed; have to - has to). Глаголы be able to "быть в состоянии", "мочь", be to - должен", have to- "вынужден",
"должен" могут употребляться
155 в формах Continuous and Perfect.
No one has been able to solve the problem. (- Никто не может решить
эту проблему / Никому еще не удалось решить эту проблему. Present perfect.
Употребление глагола -сап - в этой форме невозможно). I am having to read
this very carefully. (Мне нужно прочесть это очень внимательно. Present
continuous. Глагол -must- в этой форме не используется. Здесь уместно
использовать форму be having to. Однако следует помнить, что эта форма
используется нечасто, обычно используют have to).
6.
Большинство модальных глаголов имеют более, чем одно значение: с
одной стороны, они могут выражать различные степени вероятности, с
другой - способность, обязательность, желательность, разрешение,
совет, приказ, просьбу и проч.
В данном пособии тип употребления модальных глаголов в значении
вероятности условно называется типом А, в других значениях - типом Б. В
разных контекстах один и тот же модальный глагол может выступать в
разных значениях - то как глагол типа А, то как глагол типа Б.
Ср.: His recent article should be extremely interesting. ("Его недавняя
статья, наверное, чрезвычайно интересна". 'Should' = "наверное",
выражение вероятности. Тип А).
Не should accumulate more data to obtain objective results. ("Ему
следует накопить больше данных, чтобы получить объективные
результаты". 'Should' = "следует", выражение совета. Тип Б ).
7.
В зависимости от типа употребления, А или Б, модальные глаголы поразному образуют отрицательные формы и формы, соотносящиеся с
прошедшим временем (см. подробно далее).
УПРАЖНЕНИЯ
Упражнение 1.
1) Объясните:
а/ какой инфинитив использован после модального глагола в каждом
предложении и почему;
б/ по какому типу - А (вероятность, предположение) или Б (другие
значения) употреблены модальные глаголы в каждом предложении;
в/ с каким временем соотносятся использованные модальные глаголы.
2) Письменно переведите предложения на русский язык.
1. Under the general category of'societies' we want to include small tribal
communities that may comprise only a tiny number of individuals.
2. Some parts of a TV set, for example, might be made in one country, other
parts elsewhere; the set might be assembled somewhere else, and be sold in
yet another place altogether.
3. The capitalist ethics may have been a universal in the USA only a generation
or so ago.
4. The advanced societies cannot be treated as though they were isolated from
the rest of the world.
5. The rudiments of social behaviour are to be found at the level of groups and
gatherings.
6. Countless examples could be given nowadays to disprove Comte's
interpretation of society.
7. Any other combination of letters could have been used to refer to what we
refer to as a 'book'.
8. In order to test a hypothesis, a research plan must be developed.
9. Toleration, as a form of accomodation, may be becoming the preferred way
of terminating wars.
10.Contemporary migrants try to interact as they would have been back home.
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Модальные глаголы могут использоваться для выражения разных
степеней вероятности, возможности или уверенности в том, о чем
&2. Тип А: выражение вероятности
сообщается в высказывании.
1. В Таблице 1. модальные глаголы даны по степени убывания
уверенности в совершении действия: will выражает наибольшую степень
уверенности, a could и might - наименьшую. Обратите внимание на то,
что все приведенные глаголы соотносятся с настоящим или будущим
временем.
Таблица 1.1
2.
Утвердительная
форма
will
Отрицательная
форма
won’t
must
can’t, couldn’t
would
wouldn’t
should
shouldn’t
ought to
may
oughtn’t to
may not
could, might
mightn’t
Значение
полная
уверенность
логический
вывод из
ситуации
меньшая
уверенность
вероятность
ожидаемого
события
вероятность
предположен
ие о
возможности
действия,
допущение,
планирование
малая
возможно сть,
предположение
, допущение,
планирование
Возможный
перевод
“уверен”,
“конечно”
“наверняка”,
“уверен”
“скорее всего”
“вероятно”,
“наверное”
(6
“может быть”
Примеры:
You will already be familiar with this subject. (Ты, конечно же, знаком с
157
этим предметом. - Полная уверенность.
Соотнесенность с настоящим (а
не будущим)).
"How do you know I'm mad?" said Alice.
"You must be," said the Cat, "or you wouldn't have come here." ("Откуда вы
знаете, что я безумная ? " - спросила Алиса. "Должны быть. Иначе вы
сюда не пришли бы". - Логическое заключение Чеширского Кота.)
You wouldn't remember my name, but I was your student five years ago.
(Вы, скорее всего, не помните моего имени, но я учился у вас пять лет
назад).
You can't / couldn't be my student. Five years ago I was a student myself.
(Вы не можете быть моим студентом. Пять лег назад я сам был
студентом. - Логическое заключение).
The Conservatives should win the next election. (Консерваторы, наверное,
победят на следующих выборах. - Говорящий ожидает этого. Для
передачи негативных идей -should- не употребляется).
We may go / may be going / might go / might be going to Paris next year.
(Может быть, мы поедем в Париж в будущем году. -Глаголы -may- и
-might- в сочетании с Simple Infinitive или Continuous Infinitive часто
употребляется, когда говорится о планах на будущее.)
The Italian film could / might be worth seeing, but it didn't get very good
reviews. (Может быть и стоит посмотреть этот итальянский фильм, но
рецензии были не очень хорошие. - Делается допущение. Однако
возможность того, что фильм хорош, для говорящего невелика.)
2.
Обратите внимание на отрицательные и вопросительные формы
глаголов -must- и -could- типа А:
must:
could:
can't / couldn't
could?
mightn't
might?/cou!d?
She must be back from holidays. (Она, должно быть, вернулась из
отпуска).- She can't / couldn't be back from holidays. (He может быть, чтобы
она уже вернулась из отпуска. - Отрицание вероятности. Тип А ).
Ср.: She musn't be back from holidays. (Она не должна возвращаться
из отпуска. - Приказ. Тип Б).
Не could be right. (Может, он и прав) - Не mightn't know it.
(Возможно, он этого не знает) - Тип А, выражение возможности.
Ср.: I could speak two foreign languages when I was a child. - I couldn't
speak any foreign language when I was a child. (Я могла говорить.../ не могла
говорить...) - тип Б, выражение интеллектуальной способности.
Таким образом, "симметричные" отрицательные формы, must mustn't- и could - couldn't -, свойственны типу Б (подробнее см. &
3).
В вопросительных предложениях с модальными глаголами could? и
might? спрашивается о возможности или о вероятности того, о чем
сообщается.
Could / might race wars be avoided? (Возможно ли избежать расовых
войн? - Это вопрос о вероятности ситуации).
3. Некоторые особенности сочетаемости глаголов may и might:
1) Существуют конструкции might as well / may as well do something,
которые часто переводятся как "можно и сделать" или синонимичными
выражениями.
- Shall we go right now?
- We might as well / may as well. We have been waiting for 15 minutes,
and I am not going to wait any longer. (Можем и пойти. Мы прождали 15
минут, и я не собираюсь больше ждать. - Это означает, что в данной
ситуации нет причин не пойти.)
"Why, you might just as well say that 'I see what I eat' is the same thing as
'I eat what I see'!" said the Hatter. ("Но тогда ты с таким же успехом можешь
сказать, что "я вижу, что я ем." то же самое, что и "я ем, что я вижу."-сказал
Шляпник.)
"You might just as well say," added the Dormouse ..." that 'I breathe when
I sleep' is the same thing as 'I sleep when I breathe'!" ("С таким же
217
успехом ты можешь сказать,- добавила Соня, -что "я дышу, когда я сплю" то
же самое, что и " я сплю, когда дышу")
158
2) Глаголы may, might часто ипользуются в сочетании с Continuous
Infinitive. Такие конструкции имеют разные значения:
а/ возможные планы на будущее
We may / might be going to the football match tonight. (Мы, может
быть, пойдем на футбольный матч сегодня вечером.) Simple Infinitive также
может употребляться в этом же значении: We may / might go to the football
match tonight.
б/ возможность того, что действие будет не закончено, процесс будет
продолжаться:
Don't ask me for dinner on Saturday eveninig. I might / may be working.
(He приглашай меня на обед в субботу вечером. Я , может быть, буду
работать.)
Continuous Infinitive сочетается и с другими модальными глаголами,
имея при этом значение незаконченного действия относительно настоящего
или будущего времени:
I can't believe it! You must be joking. (Я не могу поверить. Ты, должно
быть, шутишь.)
Don't disturb me at 7. I will be writing my essay. (He беспокой меня в 7
часов. Я буду писать эссе.)
4.
Для соотнесения с прошлым к модальным глаголам типа А
прибавляется перфектный инфинитив основного глагола. Градация
степеней вероятности та же: от will / would + Perfect Infinitive наибольшей степени уверенности до might / could + Perfect Infinitive наименьшей степени уверенности.
Примеры:
It must have been difficult to resolve the problem. (Наверное, было трудно
решить эту проблему)
She could have been right. (Она, может быть, была права.).
The management can't have agreed to sign the contract. (He может быть,
чтобы руководство согласилось подписать этот контракт).
By the time he was arrested, he would have known that his accomplice was
dead. (К моменту ареста он, скорее всего, уже знал, что его сообщник
мертв.).
Не may have forgotten to call. (Он мог забыть позвонить).
УПРАЖНЕНИЯ
Упражнение 1
1) Используя Таблицу 1, пронумеруйте предложения по мере нарастания
степени уверенности в сообщаемом. Объясните, какой опенок вносит
модальный глагол в каждое предложение.
2) Переведите предложения на русский язык.
1. Competition often may cause people to work harder and to achieve more.
2. Today the situation has changed, whatever cultural differences might still
separate East and West. --------------------------3. Virtually all sociologists would readily accept our definition of sociology as
being fundamentally concerned with human society and social behaviour.
4. The letters, b-o-x, theoretically could be used to stand for any other object
if people generally agree about it. -----------------1 --------5. This will be what we are looking for. ---------------6. The new data must be there already. ---------------7. The political changes should be coming. ----------------Упражнение 2
Подберите модальные эквиваленты к следующим словам, используя
значения модальных глаголов из Таблицы 1.
1) Sure, certainly - will
2) Conclude almost certainly ------------------3) Likely ------------------4) Expected, probably - a) ------------------b) ---------------5) Perhaps, possibly - a) -------------------b) ------------------c) ---------------Ответы: 2) would 3) must 4) should/ought to 5) may/might/could
Используя ответы к Упражнению 2 и опуская слова в скобках, вставьте
модальные эквиваленты.
1. The weather forecast says the weather (is expected) to be fine tomorrow.
2. He drives a Rolls-Royce and his wife a Mercedes. They (I think) are very
wealthy people.
3. "She came in sight of the house of the March Hare: she thought it (is
160
definitely) the right house, because the chimneys were shaped like ears and
the roof was thatched with fur."
4. (Perhaps) you (will agree) you have made a mistake.
5. (It is possible) that parents (will find) that they cannot understand the way
their children are now being taught.
6. You understand (I am sure) that this puts me in a very difficult position.
7. You (almost certainly) don't know my name, of course, but I was a friend of
your father’s.
8. Our visitors (are expected) to arrive at 8 p.m.
9. It (probably won't) be too difficult to resolve the problem.
10.He is (likely) to forget it.
Ответы: 1. should be fine 2. They must be very... 3. It must be ... 4. You may/
might/could agree... 5. Parents may/might/could find that... 6. You will
understand that... 7. You wouldn't know my name... 8. Our visitors should/
ought to arrive... 9. It shouldn't be difficult... 10. He would forget it.
Упражнение 4
1. Напишите данные предложения:
а/ в отрицательной и вопросительной формах настоящего времени; б/ в
утвердительной, отрицательной и вопросительной формах прошедшего
времени.
Используйте слитные отрицательные формы модальных глаголов, где это
возможно. См. & 2, пункты 2 и 4.
1. You must be overgeneralizing your results.
2. Countless2 examples could be given to support this opinion.
Упражнение
3. The differencies in the collected data might be due to chance.
4. A hypothesis may be based upon common sense, tradition or idle curiosity.
Закончите предложения, используя must +Simple Infinitive, can't + Simple
Infinitive для ситуаций в настоящем времени, и must +Perfect Infinitive,
can't (couldn't)+ Perfect Infinitive для ситуаций в прошедшем времени.
Переведите предложения на русский язык.
1. His fiancee writes to him every day. She must be crazy about him.
2. He trusted newspapers. He must have been very simple-minded.
3. No one thought he would be offered the job. The person who interviewed
him must...
4. He has no idea what the book is about. He couldn't...
5. She didn't reply to his letter. She can't...
6. They haven't been on speaking terms recently. They must...
7. The last bus has already gone. It must... than I thought.
8. He wears eyeglasses all the time. His eyesight couldn't...
9. I'm amazed that she married him so soon. She can't...
10.Mr. Green was killed in the accident yesterday. It must...
Возможные ответы: 3. have been taken in by his charming manner 4. have
read it very carefully 5. have received it 6. have had a quarrel about something
or other 7. have been much earlier 8. be getting any better 9. have got to know
him very well 10. have been a great shock to his family.
Упражнение 6
Составьте 5 предложений о ваших возможных планах проведения
социологического исследования или о планах на каникулы (выходные).
Используйте в каждом предложении may, might, may as well или might as
well в сочетании с Simple Infinitive или Continuous Infinitive. CM. &2,
пункт 3.
Пример: I may go for a walk with my dog. / I may be working hard on the
new data.
Упражнение 7
Определите значение модальных глаголов.
Письменно переведите предложения на русский язык и устно обратно.
1. Most research sociologists agree upon two purposes of their study - the
achievement of understanding and prediction. Some would stop there.
Others would add a third goal - control.
161
2. Before we could consider the hypothesis fully tested, several projects would
be necessary.
3. Before people can decide that the pain is not worth it, other people may
have been killed and their property destroyed.
4. No-one could fail to be aware of the extensive part which the state plays in
their life.
5. The dominant group may not change as much, or as noticebly, but it does
change.
6. Modern technology has created things that could scarecely have been
conceived of in the preindustrial era.
7. Even if it might have served socially useful functions in the past, warfare
can no longer be tolerated in the modern world.
8. Collecting facts and analyzing and classifying them, we might arrive at a
general explanation of the ralationship between classes of variables.
9. You have done all wrong. You can't have understood the task properly.
10.(Before the test results are known) He should have passed the test easily.
11.The introduction of new machinery should contribute greatly to better
profits next year.
12. We may postpone this work for tomorrow. We might as well start doing it
today not to waste our time.
Упражнение 8
Переведите на английский язык:
1. Некоторые социологи к двум первым задачам могут прибавить третью
- контроль.
2. Нам могут понадобиться несколько проектов до того, как мы сможем
считать гипотезу полностью проверенной.
3. Пока одни люди будут принимать решение, другие могут быть убиты,
а их собственность может быть уничтожена.
4. Нельзя не осознавать, какую роль государство играет в жизини
каждого из нас.
5. Доминирующая группа может не меняться так явно, но она все же
меняется.
6. О многих современных вещах вряд ли можно было мечтать в доиндустриальную эпоху.
7. Может быть, война и выполняла социально полезную функцию в
прошлом.
8. Анализируя эти факты, мы можем прийти только к общему
объяснению данного феномена.
9. Ты сделал все неправильно. Ты, наверняка, не понял задания.
10. (накануне оглашения результатов теста) Он, наверное, с легкостью
справился с тестом.
162
11. Ожидается, что ввод новой техники
будет способствовать росту
прибыли в следующем году.
12. Мы можем перенести эту работу на завтра, но можем сделать ее и
сегодня.
&3. Употребление модальных глаголов по типу Б:
выражение совета, рекомендации, способности,
желательности, необходимости, обязательности, разрешения,
приказа, просьбы и т.д.
1.
1.
Тип Б: способность к действию can, could, be able to
Для выражения физической, интеллектуальной или общей
способности к действию в настоящем времени используются глаголы
-сап- /мочь (наиболее распространенная форма) и - be able to-/6biTb в
состоянии (более официальный вариант).
Отрицательные формы: cannot (can't), not be able to (= be unable).
A house in London can cost a lot of money.
We are already able to predict the outcome of the events.
I am afraid, I cannot / am not able / unable to do this..
2.
Соотнесенность с прошедшим временем передается разными
способами.
а/ когда действие реально имело место, используются:
- could - для описания общей способности к действию
Till the end of the 18th century, American Indians could freely migrate
across the vast territories of the country. (До 20 века американские индейцы
могли свободно кочевать по обширной территории Соединенных
Штатов.);
- was able to - для описания способности в конкретной ситуации
223
Fortunately, he was able to change his opinion on the subject in question. (К
счастью, он смог изменить свой взгляд на обсуждаемый предмет. - Речь
идет о единичном случае, поэтому использован глагол - be able to-, а не
-could-);
- managed to - для описания способности в конкретной ситуации,
связанной с преодолением трудностей
1 managed to pass the exam, although I was not well-prepared. (Мне
удалось сдать экзамен, хотя я не был достаточно подготовлен).
Отрицательная форма - couldn't- возможна для любых ситуаций:
The professor couldn't agree with my objections. (Профессор не мог
согласиться с моими возражениями).
б/ когда действие могло произойти, но не произошло, т.е. оно
нереально, к модальному глаголу присоединяется перфектный инфинитив
основного глагола: Modal Verb + Perfect Infinitive.
I could have given him an answer yesterday (Я мог бы дать ему ответ
вчера. - Подразумевается : "но не дал".). Ср., когда действие реально имело
место: I was able to give him an answer yesterday. (Я смог дать ответ вчера.).
I couldn't have given him an answer anyway, because I didn't have all
the documents. (Я все равно не мог бы дать ему ответ, т.к. у меня не было
всех документов. - Речь идет о нереальном действии).
3.
Соотнесенность с будущим временем глагола -мочь- передается при
помощи глагола -be able to-:
I.will / won't be able to collect all data by Monday. (Я (не) смогу
собрать все данные к понедельнику.).
4.
При неоходимости употребления времен группы perfect используется
глагол -be able to-. She has been able to create a new trend in youth
fashion. (Она смогла создать новое направление в моде для юных.).
УПРАЖНЕНИЯ
Упражнение 1.
Вставьте could, was / were able to, managed или их отрицательные формы
(см.: 3.1/2а)
а/ We---------------- rescue the girl from the fire.
Ы I had forgotten my camera, so I ---------------take any photoes.
с/1 looked very carefully and I -------------------see a figure in the darkness.
d/ 'I don't quite understand you," said Alice, as politely as she-------------------.
e/ The student said there was a few questions he --------------------not answer.
f/ Luckily, we retraced our steps and -------------------find our way again.
g/ The main road was under repair, but we ---------------------take an alternative
route.
h/ By pretending to be ignorant of rules, he --------------------escape being
punished.
Упражнение 2.
Вставьте -could или -could+Perfect Infinitive основного глагола. Объясните
ваш выбор. См.: 3.1 /2а,Ь.
а/ Не ------------------(drive) a car when he was 14.
Ы When I first arrived in England I found I --------------- (understand) English
better than I --------------- (speak) it.
с/ It's a pity you weren't in. You -----------------------(persuade) him to come, if
anyone-------------------.
d/ You ----------------- (see) that he was bored to death.
e/ The doctor -------------------(see) you last Monday, but you didn't want to
wait for him.
f/ When they asked for my advice I ------------------- (suggest) only one way of
solving the problem.
g/ 1 -----------(get) into the house, because I had forgotten my key.
Упражнение 3.
Объясните употребление модальных глаголов.
Переведите предложения на русский язык
1. The meaning of a smile or a frown often can be understood only in
conjunction with other facial movements.
2. Imagine that we '11 be able to send out a group of observers to describe the
multifarious societies which exist,164
but about which we know little.
3. In the light of these remarks, a definition can be offered of the subject as
follows.
4. We cannot approach society or 'social facts’, as we do objects or events in
the natural world.
5. Unfortunately, the social sciences have not yet been able to achieve ratio
measurement in very many areas.
6. Modern technology turns out objects which could not have been produced
under any circumstances by the craft methods of yesterday.
7. The first generation, the immigrants themselves, began the process of
assimilation, but generally were unable to give up the old ways.
8. We couldn't resolve the issue there and our intent had not been to do so.
9. During the last financial crisis president didn't manage to keep the support
of the populace.
10. We could have traced the development of this culture through the material
objects, but unfortunately, they didn't survive.
Упражнение 4.
Переведите упражнения на английский язык
1. Значение улыбки может быть неправильно интерпретировано.
2. Представьте, что нам удастся направить группу наблюдателей на
Юпитер.
3. В свете этих замечаний можно предложить следующее определение
данного предмета.
4. Нельзя подходить к обществу, как к объектам или событиям
природного мира.
5. К сожалению, социальные науки еще не способны достичь точных
результатов во многих областях.
6. Благодаря современным технологиям производятся объекты, которые в
прошлом не могли бы быть произведены ни при каких
обстоятельствах.
7. Иммигранты не были в состоянии забыть их прежний образ жизни.
8. Мы не смогли разрешить проблему на той стадии.
9. Президенту не удалось сохранить поддержку народа.
10.Мы могли бы проследить развитие этой культуры по останкам, но они,
к сожалению, не сохранились.
3.2.Особенности перевода глагола -мочь- с русского на английский
язык
Рассмотрим основные ситуации, вызывающие затруднения при
переводе:
1. Способность к действию или вероятность? Сап или could?
Звонит телефон. Может быть, это Том. -The telephone is ringing. It
could be Tom. В вопросе высказано предположение, поэтому употреблен
модальный глагол вероятности could. Возможно и употребление
синонимичного ему глагола might.
Ср. Что мы будем делать? Можем посмотреть (может, посмотрим)
телевизор (?).
-What shall we do? We can / could watch TV.
В английском варианте, как и в русском, возможно употребление
обоих модальных глаголов - и способности к действию, и вероятности, т.к.
смысл при этом не меняется.
2. Метафорические высказывания - could :
Я так устала. Я могла бы проспать год. - I'm so tired. I could sleep for
a year.
Я так голоден. Я мог бы съесть лошадь.-1 am so hungry. I could eat a
horse.
Сон длинною в год, утоление голода лошадью - это образные
выражения, гиперболы, поэтому в таких высказываниях используется could со значением предположения, а не глагол способности к действию
-сап.
Ср. высказывание в прямом смысле: If you are very hungry, we can/
could have lunch now.- Если ты голоден, мы можем (могли бы) пообедать
прямо сейчас. Здесь значения вероятности и способности к действию
взаимозаменимы, т.к. не влияют на смысл высказывания.
3.
Could - может относится как к действиям в настоящем и будущем (со
значением вероятности, тип А), так и к действиям в прошедшем
времени (со значением способности, тип Б):
165 новый компьютер. - I could buy а new
Может быть, я куплю завтра
computer tomorrow. (Вероятность действия в будущем).
Я мог делать все, что угодно, когда жил у бабушки. - I could do
whatever I wanted, when I stayed with my granny. (Способность к действию
в прошлом).
4.
Прошедшее время реальное или нереальное? could или could have
done?
Благодаря моей гувернантке, я мог читать и писать в возрасте 4 лет,Thanks to my governess, I could read and write at the age of four. (Действие
имело место, оно реально, поэтому берется Simple Infinitive )■
Я мог бы стать хорошим музыкантом, но меня никто никогда не
учил. - I could have become a good musician, but nobody ever taught me.
(Событие не произошло, он мог бы стать музыкантом, но не стал.
Действие нереально, поэтому берется Perfect Infinitive).
Таким образом, предложения с частицей "бы" или вводными
словами "может быть" переводятся на английский язык посредством could
при соотнесенности с настоящим и будущим временем (см. выше примеры
1-3) и could + Perfect Infinitive при соотнесенности с прошедшим временем
(см. пример 4).
УПРАЖНЕНИЯ
Упражнение 1.
Переведите на английский язык
1. Адам и Ева могли бы жить вечно, но они нарушили запрет Божий.
2. Каин не смог простить Авелю, что Господь любил Авеля и
предпочитал жертвы брата его жертвам.
3. Бог мог бы уничтожить братоубийцу, но Он оставил его жить.
4. Жизнь могла бы быть лучше, если бы не было зависти.
5. Велемир Хлебников однажды сказал: "Я могу обнять весь шар
Земной".
2. Тип Б: выражение долженствования. Обязательность, необходимость,
приказ, совет
must, have(got) to, need, be to, should, ought to
1.
В английском языке эти модальные глаголы имеют разные смысловые
оттенки.
На русский язык они часто переводятся словом "должен" или его
эквивалентами. Сравните:
Таблица 2.
must 1. решение о необходимости действия принято самим говорящим: I
simply must tell you what happened. It will help me. (Я просто должен
рассказать тебе, что произошло. Это мне поможет.) 2. приказ (обычно от
старшего младшему): You must work harder! (Ты должен больше работать!
- приказ родителя ребенку)
have (got) to "вынужден" - необходимость вызвана обстоятельствами:
Sorry, but I have to tell you what happened. (Извини, но я должен / вынужден
рассказать тебе о том, что произошло. Подразумевается: против своей
воли; ситуация вынуждает)
need
"необходимо", "нужно" I need (to) read this article.
Вопросительные формы, соответственно: Do you need to read this article? /
Need you read this article? (need to... и do you need... более употребительны)
be to должен согласно плану, расписанию, договоренности и т.п. I am to
inform you about what we discussed at the last meeting. (Я должен
проинформировать вас о том, что обсуждалось на прошлом собрании.
Подразумевается: мне поручено / меня назначили проинформировать.).
The dictionary is to be published in December. (Словарь будет издан в
декабре. Подразумевается: согласно плану издательства.).
should, ought to "следует". Это формы вежливого обращения к
собеседнику, передающие совет или рекомендацию. You should/ought to be
166
very carefull while making criticism. (Когда вы критикуете, следует быть
очень осторожным.) При формулировке приказа используется -must-: You
must work harder to pass the exams. (Ты должен больше работать, чтобы
сдать экзамены. - Приказ старшего младшему.). -Should- часто
употребляется после глаголов suggest, propose, recommend, insist, demand и
прилагательных
strange, odd, funny, typical, natural, interesting, important, essential, vital,
suprising, etc. 1 insisted that he should apologize. What do you suggest I should
do? I was suprised that she should be late. She is usually on time. It's only
natural that parents should worry about their children.
had better Cd better) " (лучше) бы" - выражение совета, когда предлагается
наиболее разумное действие в определенной ситуации. Используется
только с Simple Infinitive и соотносится только с настоящим и будущим
временем.
You'd better see a doctor if you are still feeling ill tomorrow. (Ты бы сходил к
доктору, если по-прежнему будешь себя плохо чувствовать завтра).
Упражнение 1
Вставьте must, have to или be to
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
We ----------hurry, or we'll be late.
'Application forms ----------be returned to this office within 15 days'.
You -----------visit us again some time.
You -------------give this letter to the manager.
i -----------make a speech at the meeting next Tuesday.
It's a very difficult choice to ------------ make.
The verdict of a jury ------------be unanimous.
Упражнение 2
Ответьте по-английски на данные утверждения, используя модальные
глаголы should, ought to, 'd better to :
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
I've got toothache. - You'd better go to the dentist.
John's terribly overweight. ----------------------------You're always late for work! ...................................
Our train leaves in a few minutes. ----------------------We're spending our holidays in Spain next summer.--------- -------------.
There is ice on the roads this morning. -
Упражнение 3
Переведите на английский язык, используя глагол should после
подчеркнутых глаголов и прилагательных/наречий:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Я настаиваю, чтобы он извинился. - I insist that he should apologize.
Что ты предлагаешь мне делать в этой ситуации?
Я удивлен, что она опаздывает. Она обычно приходит вовремя.
Это вполне естественно, что дети заботятся о своих родителях.
Странно, что наших жен зовут одинаково.
Забавно, что они женятся после всего того, что они наговорили о
браке.
7. Очень существенно изучить контракт, прежде чем подписывать его.
8. Я предложил ему воспользоваться юридическим советом.
2.
Отрицательные формы модальных глаголов долженствования имеют
следующие значения :
Таблица 3.
mustn't запрет действия You mustn't plagiarize. (Нельзя заниматься
плагиатом.)
don't have to, needn't, don't need to вы не обязаны совершать действие,
но можете и совершить You don't have to participate in the seminar. (Тебе
необязательно участвовать в семинаре. Подразумевается: но можешь и
поучаствовать.) You needn't (don't need to) answer the letter, if you don't want.
(He нужно отвечать на письмо, если ты не хочешь.).
shouldn't, oughtn't to (BE) не рекомендуется совершать действие
Sociologists shouldn't/oughtn't to ignore the importance of works on
anthropology. (Социологам не следует пренебрегать работами по
антропологии.).
167
'd better not обратите внимание, что частица 'not' стоит после всей
фразы You'd better not make a mistake next time. (Лучше бы ты не ошибался
в следующий раз.) Однако при построении вопроса 'not' следует после
'had': Hadn't you better see who that is at the door ? А не лучше ли тебе
посмотреть, кто это там за дверью?
У пражнение 4.
Переведите на английский язык, используя модальные глаголы needn't, not
need to, not have to
1. Нам незачем выходить так рано. Спектакль не начнется раньше семи.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
3.
Ты не обязан приходить, просто чтобы сделать мне приятное.
Я не думаю, что нам следует принимать его угрозы слишком серьезно.
Нет необходимости решать немедленно. Можешь дать ответ завтра.
Завтра праздник. Ты не обязан идти на работу.
Ты не обязана делать все то, что тебя говорят, не так ли?
Дом только что отремонтировали. Нам не нужно делать ремонт, чтобы
въехать.
Соотнесенность модальных глаголов долженствования с прошедшим
временем выражается разными способами:
а/ если действие реально имело место:
Таблица 4.
Must - have to, had to - I had to learn a lot of things before formulating the
hypothesis. (Мне пришлось многое изучить перед тем как сформулировать
эту гипотезу.)
need - needed - Analysis of conflict needed to describe both of its destructive
and useful sides. (Анализируя конфликт, необходимо было описать и его
деструктивные, и полезные стороны.)
be to - was / were to - He was the first to take the floor. (Он должен был
выступать первым.) б/ если действие должно было произойти, но не
произошло, т.е. оно нереально, к модальному глаголу долженствования
прибавляется перфег- ный инфинитив:
Таблица 5.
should - shoud + Perfect Infinitive You should have verified the results before
making generalizations. (Тебе следовало бы/ ты должен был бы проверить
результаты перед тем, как делать обобщение. - Подразумевается: но ты не
проверил.) Форма -should + Perfect Infinitive- обычно несет оттенок упрека,
неодобрения.
ought to - ought to + Perfect Infinitive You ought to have identified the roots of
the problem first. (Тебе нужно было сначала выявить корни этой проблемы.
- Подразумевается: но ты не выявил.)
Однако глаголы must и needn't в сочетании с перфектным инфинитивом
имеют иные значения, чем выражение нереальности действия в прошлом:
в/ форма -must + Perfect Infinitive- имеет значение результативности
действия, свойственное перфектному инфинитиву:
То get a full pension, an employee must have contributed to the fund for at least
twenty years. (Чтобы получать полную пенсию, служащий должен
выплатить взносы в пенсионный фонд по меньшей мере за двадцать лет.)
г/ форма -needn't + Perfect Infinitive- означает, что действие выполнено, но
сейчас очевидно, что в нем не было необходимости:
Не needn't have repeated all the information to the audience. It was just a waste
of time (Ему не нужно было бы повторять всю информацию. Это оказалось
просто тратой времени.).
форма didn't need to... означает, что действие не выполнено, и это было
правильно.
Ср.: The teacher was happy that he didn't need to repeat the rules.
Everybody remembered them quite well. - Преподаватель был рад, что не
пришлось повторять правила. Все помнили их достаточно хорошо.) д/
168 событий в прошлом не используется.
выражение you'd belter для описания
Упражнение 5
Поставьте модальные глаголы в прошедшее время:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
I must study all the facts to make the right conclusion.
She is the person to decide what to do.
You should verify the results before formulating the hypothesis.
I need to get up early to see the sun-rise.
He should work harder to become a personality.
You ought to be more carefull in the street.
'We have to admit that from a modem point of view...the whole bullfight is
indefensible.' (E. Hemingway).
Упражнение 6
Переведите на английский язык, используя формы didn't need to... или
needn't + Perfect Infinitive:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
3.
Мне не надо было бы брать зонт. Дождь так и не пошел.
Погода была ясная, и мне не надо было брать зонт.
Мне не нужно было идти на прогулку и я остался дома.
Мне не нужно было бы идти на прогулку, я еще слишком слаб.
Ему не нужно было приходить. Мы справились бы сами.
Мне не нужно было приходить в субботу, т.к. меня предупредили, что
офис закрыт.
Особенности перевода глагола "должен" с русского языка на
английский
При переводе предложений с глаголом "должен" в прошедшем
времени с русского языка на английский могут возникать трудности,
обусловленные тем, что в английском языке существует несколько
эквивалентов этого глагола (см. выше
Таблицы 4, 5). Выбор нужного эквивалента зависит от контекста.
Рассмотрим наиболее типичные случаи:
1. Все должны были явиться на собрание, но никто не пришел.
Everybody was to come to the meeting, but nobody did.
Употреблено -was to- , которое передает идею запланированного
действия.
(Неправильный перевод: Everybody had to come to the meeting, but
nobody did. -had to- подразумевает "вынуждены", поэтому такой вариант
звучал бы противоестественно: "Все вынуждены были прийти на
собрание, но никто не пришел").
2. После некоторых колебаний коллеги должны были признать его
правоту. After some hesitations, his colleagues had to admit that he was
right. Возможно подставить "вынуждены".
3. Вы должны были представить ваш отчет немедленно по прибытии!
You should have submitted your report immediately on arrival. Это
эмоционально окрашенное высказывание - упрек в адрес
слушающего за несовершенное действие. (Упрек и раздражение
также передается посредством глагола might: You might have
submitted... - Вы могли бы представить отчет вовремя!)
Другой вариант перевода:
You were to submit your report immediately on your arrival.
Здесь эмоциональность снята. Говорящий констатирует, что было
условлено сдать отчет по прибытии. (При этом из предложения не следует,
сдан отчет или нет. Возможны оба варианта.)
(Употребление -had to- , как и в 1 примере, невозможно, поскольку
предложение приобрело бы противоречивый характер.)
Третий вариант перевода:
You were to have submitted your report immediately on arrival.
Здесь ясно указывается посредством Perfect Infinitive, что отчет не
был представлен своевременно вопреки договоренности или плану
4. Вы были вынуждены отредактировать вашу статью перед
публикацией, и она отчасти утратила свою оригинальность.
You had to edit your article before it was printed and it lost some of its
originality.
169
Действие было совершено против воли автора статьи.
5. Вам бы следовало отредактировать вашу статью перед публикацией,
чтобы избежать ошибок.
You should have editted your article before it was printed to avoid
mistakes.
Выражен упрек по поводу несовершенного действия.
Упражнение 7
Переведите на английский язык
1. Все должны были собраться утром, но пришло только пять человек.
2. В конце концов мы должны были согласиться с его доводами.
3. Вы должны были бы представить ваш отчет до 1 августа. Жаль, что вы
этого не сделали.
4. По плану вы должны были представить ваш доклад до 2 сентября.
5. По плану вы должны были сдать вашу рукопись в июле, а сейчас
октябрь.
6. Вы должны были бы проверить эти данные, прежде чем публиковать
их.
7. К сожалению, он должен был следовать пожеланиям редакции, и
статья получилась не такой интересной.
Упражнение 8
Переведите на русский язык
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
You must not be more royalist than the king. (The reign of Luis XVI)
Liberty and equality are chiefly to be found in democracy.(Aristotle)
Abstract liberty, like other mere abstractions, is not to be found. (E. Burke)
Carthage must be destroyed. (Cato)
A university should be a place of light, of liberty, and of learning. (B.
Disraeli).
A man ought to readjust as inclination leads him: for what he reads as a task
will do him little good. (S. Johnson)
That is the road we all have to take - over the Bridge of Sighs into Eternity.
(S. Kierkergaard).
I depict men as they ought to be, but Euripides portrays them as they are.
(Sophocles)
Rituals must have played an important part in the daily life of the ancient
people.
The wealth and degeneration of England, of which the Danes must have
been well aware, made it once more the most profitable objective.
The situation had become intolerable, and something had to be done about
it by barons immediately.
Cordelia should have been more eloquent while speaking to King Lear.
King Lear shouldn't have trusted his daughters' flattery.
Упражнение 9
Переведите предложения на английский язык
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Не будь католичнее самого папы.
Свободу и равенство следует искать в демократии.
Абстрактную свободу невозможно найти.
Карфаген должен быть разрушен.
Университет должен быть местом света, вольности и наук.
Читайте, следуя вашим склонностям.
Это путь, который мы все должны пройти.
"Я изображаю людей такими, какими они должны быть, а Эврипид
рисует их такими, какие они есть".
1. Ритуалы, вероятно, играли важную роль в повседневной жизни
древних народов.
2. Датчанам, вероятно, хорошо было известно о богатстве Англии.
3. Ситуация стала невыносимой, и бароны должны были что-то срочно
предпринять.
4. Корделии следовало быть более красноречивой.
5. Король Лир не должен был бы верить льстивым дочерям.
170
4.
Тип Б: характерное поведение will, would
Для описания регулярно повторяющегося действия или привычной
схемы поведения используется модальный глагол -will-, а в ситуации
соотнесенной с прошлым, - прошедшая форма этого глагола, - would(синоним -used to-).
When he has a problem to solve, he will work at it until he finds theanswer. (Когда ему нужно решить проблему, он обычно работает над ней,
пока не находит решения. -Это предложение является не предсказанием на
будущее, а утверждением общего характера).
When he had a problem to solve, he would work at it until he found the
answer. (Когда ему нужно было решить проблему, он обычно работал над
ней, пока не находил решения.).
Если в речи will / would находится под ударением, т.е. выделяется
голосом, эго означает, что говорящий раздражен повторением одного и
того же действия:
Не will borrow my things without asking! (Он всегда берет мои вещи
без спросу!)
Упражнение 1
Замените подчеркнутые слова на will/would +Simple Infinitive Найдите и
правильно прочтите предложения, выражающие раздражение говорящего.
1. My children love watching television. They sit for hours without saying a
word.
2. He's very absent-minded. He often buys things and then leaves the shop
without paying.
3. My wife persistently leaves things where other people can fall over them.
4. When we lived in the North, the water-pipes used to freeze every winter,
and we had to call in a plumber.
5. The chairman's main fault was that he persistently interrupted the speakers
before they had finished.
6. I tried to refuse his invitation, but he repeatedly insisted on my coming.
7. Our school principal had great authority. Whenever he spoke, everyone used
to listen attentively.
8. No wonder the house is cold! You always go out and leave the doors open!
9. In the 19th century, people used to go to church on Sunday as a matter of
course.
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Упражнение 2
Переведите на английский язык
1. Мои дети любят смотреть телевизор. Они просиживают часами, не
говоря ни слова.
2. Он очень рассеянный. Он часто что-то покупает и уходит из магазина
не заплатив.
3. Моя жена постоянно оставляет вещи там, где другие люди могут
споткнуться о них и упасть.
4. Когда мы жили на севере, наши батареи замерзали каждую зиму, и нам
прихдилось вызывать сантехника.
5. Главной ошибкой председателя было то, что он постоянно перебивал
выступающих до того, как они кончили.
6. Я попытался отказаться от приглашения, но он настаивал на моем
визите.
7. Директор нашей школы имел большой авторитет. Когда бы он ни
говорил, все слушали его очень внимательно.
8. Неудивительно, что в доме холодно! Ты постоянно выходишь и
оставляешь дверь открытой!
9. В 19 веке люди ходили в церковь каждое воскресенье, и это было в
порядке вещей.
5.
Тип Б: выражение нежелания или неспособности к действию won't,
wouldn't
Эти модальные глаголы могут выражать отказ людей совершить
действие, а также неготовность предметов к действию в настоящем
времени - won't и в прошедшем времени - wouldn't.
The car won't start. (Машина не хочет заводиться) - The car wouldn't
start. (Машина не хотела заводиться).
Не was angry, because she wouldn't wait any longer. (Он был сердит,
потому что она не желала больше ждать.).
В приведенных примерах -won't - и -wouldn't- не имеют никакого
отношения к будущему времени.
172
УПРАЖНЕНИЯ
Упражнение 6.
Переведите на английский язык:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
В чемодан уже ничего не помещается, (hold)
Машина не хотела заводиться.
Этот ключ не подходит к замку.(fit)
Новый конференцзал не вместил всех желающих, (seat)
Боюсь, это время его не устроит, (suit)
Предсказание, уверенность, просьба, приглашение и другие значения
will, shall
Для выражения предсказания на будущее обычно используются: в
речи- сокращенная форма '11 для всех лиц (I'll come, he'll come), а также
сокращенные формы (ai/1) и (wi:/l) вместо I shall и we shall; на письме shall для I, we и will для других лиц (We shall arrive, they will arrive). Эти
полные формы также характерны для официальной речи.
В некоторых ситуациях полные формы shall и will могут иметь
другие оттенки: shall- вера, уверенность 'We shall overcome one day', will 1) желание, намерение совершить действие Will you marry me? 2)
приглашение Will you come to the party? Will you join us? 3) просьба Will
you help me? 4) другие значения.
Упражнение 1
Объясните, в каких значениях употреблены модальные глаголы:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
It's no good phoning him at his office. He'll be on his way home now.
Why will you ask such stupid questions?
Will you clear away the dinner things?
The luggage boot will never take all those cases.
You'll do as you are told.
The meeting will begin at 6.40.
He can be quite obstinate, but he generally'll see sense in the end.
They will celebrate their 50th wedding anniversary next year.
Don't worry! I'll let you know by tomorrow, without fail.
240
10.Ah! Here we are! This will be the restaurant they recommended to us.
11. This table's too small for a dinner party. It won't seat us all in comfort.
7.
Тип Б: спрашиваем разрешения can, could, may, might, shall, should
Для получения разрешения используются глаголы сап
(разговорный вариант), could (вежливая форма), may (официальная
форма), а также shall/should с местоимениями I, we.
May I leave a bit earlier today? (обращаясь к начальнику) - Can 1
leave a bit earlier today? (обращась к коллеге). - Ответ: Yes, you may / Yes,
you can.
Could we join you? (вежливо осведомляемся). - Certainly!
Can I have these envelopes? (просим в магазине). - Here you are.
Could I have the salt, please? (за столом). - Of course. Here it is. Shall /
should 1 read ? (Мне читать? - Просим распоряжения).- Please, do.
УПРАЖНЕНИЯ
Переведите на английский язык:
1. Мне остаться ?
2. Можно попросить чашку чаю?
3. Мне переводить?
4. Вы не покажите мне словарьФасмера?
5. Могу я вам помочь?
6. Мне подождать вас или ехать прямо сейчас?
7. Что я могу для вас сделать?
8. Можно я посмотрю фотографии, которые вы держите?
9. Можно я перебью вас на секунду?
10.Могу я с вами поговорить несколько минут?
&4. Модальные глаголы в косвенной речи
В предложениях, передающих косвенную речь в прошедшем времени,
следующие модальные глаголы обычно меняют свою форму:
can - could "You can't leave until tomorrow." They said that he couldn't leave
until tomorrow.
may-might "You may have missed the beginning of the story." He suggested
that I might have missed the beginning of the story, shall-should или would
(для предсказания) "Shall 1 write the preface?"(0TreH0K долженствования)
She asked if she should write the preface. 'I shall be able to
come' (предсказание на будущее) 1 said that I would/should be able to come.
will - would "I'll do that tomorrow." I promised that I would do it tomorrow.
Другие модальные глаголы обычно
241 не меняют свою форму:
My friend told me 1 ought to stop worrying about my thesis.
The doctor told me I must / had to work less and enjoy my life.
Глаголы, синонимичные модальным, be to, have to, be able to, need обычно
меняют свою форму на прошедшую.
УПРАЖНЕНИЯ
Упражнение 1.
Замените прямую речь косвенной
1. 'You may leave work early this evening if you want to', the manager told me.
2. 'You can put off making a decision for a week, but no longer,' his
interviewer told him.
3. 'Could I see your passport, please?' the Customs officer asked.
4. 'May I ask you a rather personal question?' the teacher asked the student.
5. 'You can borrow my notes provided you take care of them,' I told my friend.
6. 'Cars may be parked at the rear of the building,' the notice stated.
7. '1 shall have more to say about this problem later,’ said the speaker.
8. 'I '11 be given all necessary information,' he presumed.
9. 'I won't be sorry to see the end of the bad weather,' I said.
10.'We'll be making an early start the following morning, so we mustn't be late
to bed,' he reminded me.
242
Упражнение 2
Переведите на английский язык
•
•
•
•
•
1. Менеджер сказал мне, что я могу уйти с работы раньше, если захочу.
2. Интервьюер сказал, что он может отложить принятия решения на
неделю, но не дольше.
3. Таможенный офицер спросил, может ли он посмотреть его паспорт.
4. Преподаватель спросил студента, можно ли задать ему личный вопрос.
5. Я сказал моему другу, что он может взять мои записи, если будет
бережно к ним относится.
6. Вывеска сообщала, что машины можно парковать с обратной стороны
здания.
7. Выступающий сказал, что позднее он сможет больше рассказать об
этой проблеме.
8. Он предполагал, что ему дадутвсю необходимую информацию.
9. Я сказал, что не буду жалеть, если плохая погода закончится.
10.Он напомнил мне, что мы отправляемся завтра рано утром, и поэтому
нам нельзя ложиться спать поздно.
Формулирование любого высказывания в языке определяется его
целью. Соответственно цели задается то или иное наклонение.
Например, если целью является сообщение конкретных фактов о
каком-либо действии или состоянии, высказывание формулируется в
изъявительном наклонении.{Идет дождь. Вчера ты был груб со мной.
В этом году мы не поедем отдыхать.) Если говорящий, обращаясь к
собеседнику, высказывает желание или приказание, просьбу или
требование совершить какое-либо действие, он облекает его в форму
повелительного наклонения. (Руки вверх! Помолчи, пожалуйста. В
верхней одежде не входить.) Наконец, если говорящий стремится
подчеркнуть, что действия или явления не имеют места в реальной
действительно сти, но являют ся лишь предполагаемыми,
желательными а также возможными при определенных условиях, он
использует сослагательное наклонение, прибегая к условным
предложениям. ( Если погода испортится, мы немедленно вернемся
домой. Я бы сбежал от тебя на край света, если б был уверен, что
ты меня там не отыщешь.)
В английском языке, как и в русском, условные предложения
используются для описания реальной или возможной, прогнозируемой
или, напротив, маловероятной ситуации и ее следствий.
Базовая конструкция условного предложения включает придаточное
предложение, собственно выражающее то или иное условие (if -clause:
Если погода испортится...), и главное предложение (main- clause:...
мы немедленно вернемся домой.). При этом порядок составляющих
предложений может быть произвольным. (Ср.: Мы немедленно
вернемся домой, если погода испортится.)
243
Условные придаточные предложения вводятся союзами if (even if if
only), so long as, suppose or supposing (that), on condition (that), provided
(that) и отрицательным союзом unless, который имеет то же значение,
что if not, но более выразителен. (Союз in case употребляется, когда
речь идет о возможных непредвиденных обстоятельствах, требующих
каких-либо действий: You will need а тар in case you get lost. Если
заблудишься, тебе понадобится карта.)
Главная о собенно сть высказываний, сформулированных в
сослагательном наклонении, заключается в том, что выбор
грамматической формы глагола в них зависит не только от
фактического времени или характеристики действия (как в
изъявительном наклонении), но и от общего характера
описываемой ситуации, то есть степени вероятности того или иного
события с точки зрения говорящего. В соответствии с этим принято
выделять четыре основных типа условных конструкций:
Tense/Situation
If-clause
Main-clause
Present/Real
am, is, do smth
are
do smth
Future/Real
am,
will do smth shall
is, do smth are
Future, Present/
Unreal
were did smth
should do smth
(was)
would
had been had
should have done
smth
would
Past/Unreal
done smth
Рассмотрим ряд примеров, иллюстрирующих приведенную схему.
General (not specified) Present (настоящее время, передающее
универсальные истины или общеизвестные факты):
If you heat ice, it melts. (Если нагревать лед, он тает, или Если нагреть
лед, он растает)
If х equates a and у equates a, then х equates у. (Если икс равен а, и игрек
равен а, то икс равен игрек)
If I don’t know the way, I always ask. (Если / когда/ я не знаю дорогу, я
всегда /непременно/ спрашиваю)
Future regarded as real or at least probable (реальное условие, относящееся
к будущему):
If we catch the 10 o’clock train, we shall (can, may ,etc.) get there by lunchtime. (Если мы сядем на десятичасовой поезд, то поспеем туда к обеду.)
If you don’t marry me, I shall die for sorrow. (Если ты не пойдешь за меня, я
умру от горя.)
She will take a walk if weather is fine. (Если погода будет ясной, она
отправится на прогулку.)
Present or Future regarded as unreal or highly improbable (нереальное
условие для настоящего и будущего времени):
If we caught the 10 o’clock train, we would (could, might, etc.) get there by
lunch-time. (Если бы нам успеть на десятичасовой поезд, мы бы добрались
244
туда к обеду.)
If God did not exist, it would be necessary to invent Him. /F.-Н. Voltaire/ (Если
бы Бога не было, его необходимо было бы выдумать.)
If I were not king, I should lose my temper. /Louis XIV/ (Если бы я не был
королем, я бы вышел из себя.)
Past / unrevertable, hence unreal (нереальное условие в плане прошедшего
времени):
If we had caught the 10 o’clock train, we would (could, might, etc.) have got
there by lunch-time. (Если бы мы сели /т.е. не опоздали/ на десятичасовой
поезд, мы бы добрались туда к обеду.)
If I hadn’t been a writer, I think I should have been a gardener. (Если бы я не
стал писателем, я думаю, я был бы садовником.) /А.П. Чехов/
Типы 1 и 2 иногда принято объединять в одну группу,
причисляемую к предложениям фактического условия. То есть,
предполагается, что данные предложения содержат реальное условие,
о суще ствление которого неизбежно или вполне возможно (в
противоположность 3 и 4 типам условных конструкций, в которых речь
идет о воображаемом или нереальном, невыполнимом условии.) В русском
языке реальное условие выражается, как правило, формой будущего
времени глагола (см. примеры: нагреть, растает, сядем, успеем и т.д.)
Однако следует помнить, что в английском языке будущее время после if
грамматически невозможно.
Предложения 3 и 4 типа обычно соответствуют в русском языке
конструкциям с частицей бы. При этом, независимо от реального времени
действия, глагол ставится в форму прошедшего времени: Если бы бабушке
да бородку, был бы дедушка; ср. Если бы ты смотрел под ноги, ты бы не
упал. В английском языке обозначение фактического времени события
всегда обозначается дополнительно, накладываясь на характеристику
данного действия с точки зрения его вероятности.
Тип 1. Причина и следствие.
Примеры данной конструкции, в силу своей афористичности,
нередко используются в текстах научного и технического характера. Они
представляют собой высказывания, формулирующие универсальные
истины или общеизвестные факты. В этом типе предложений if
соответствует по значению (и может заменяться на) when (ever).
Грамматическая форма глагола в придаточном предложении здесь
безусловно совпадает с временной формой глагола в главном
предложении. Ср.:
If I make a promise, I keep it.
(Если я что-то обещаю, я /всегда/держу слово.)
If I made a promise, I kept it.
(Если я пообещал, значит выполнил обещанное.)
If you put nothing into your purse, you take nothing out.
(He наполнив кошелек, ничего из него не вынешь.)
And where / = if/ two raging fires meet together,
They do consume the thing that feeds their fury.
(Коли столкнуться два безумных жара,
То поглотят питающий их гнев.) /Шекспир/
Тип 2. Реальное условие.
Конструкции данного типа представляют предложения, которые
содержат реальное условие, то есть условие, осуществление которого
вполне возможно, но не обязательно. Вопрос допускает два решения и
остается открытым:
I’ll call you, if I need you.
(Я позвоню, если вы мне понадобитесь.)
What shall we do if it rains?
(Что будем делать, если пойдет дождь?)
If you are late, they won’t let you in.
(Если ты опоздаешь, тебя не впустят.)
Рассмотренные примеры во спроизводят ситуацию, когда
выдвигаемое условие и его последствия относятся к фактическому
будущему времени. Однако ситуация может меняться, и в придаточных
предложениях такой конструкции возможно употребление любых времен
изъявительного наклонения за исключением будущего времени с вспомогательными глаголами will и shall.
7
7
Употребление глагола will в условных придаточных предложениях в формах настоящего (will) и
npouic;iiucro(wow/</) времени возможно только в том случае, если он выполняет функции
модального глагола, выражающего волю, готовность
или настойчивость в ч.-л. В данном случае will
245
(would) всегда произносится с ударением. Cf.:
If you help me, we can finish by six. (Если вы поможете мне, мы закончим к шести.)
If you will help me (if you will be so kind to help me), wc can finish by six. (Если вы согласитесь помочь
мне, мы закончим к шести.)
Итак, кроме традиционного сочетания Present Indefinite в придаточном и
Future Simple в главном предложении, возможен также ряд других
комбинаций глагольных форм, определяемых общим значением
высказывания:
(a) в главном предложении возможно использование лексических
эквивалентов будущего времени или форм повелительного
наклонения глагола:
Come indoors at once if it rains. (Если пойдет дождь, немедленно домой.)
What are we to do if she is late? (Что нам делать, если она опоздает?) If
you need good advice, consult an old man.
(Понадобится хороший совет, спроси пожилого человека.)
(b) Future Indefinite в главном предложении может сочетаться с Present
Perfect в придаточном предложении:
Unless he has done the work to my satisfaction, I shall not pay him for it. (Я не
заплачу ему, пока меня не удовлетворит проделанная им работа.)
(c) Future Indefinite в главном предложении также сочетается с Past
Simple в придаточном:
If she promised to be here, she will certainly come. (Если она пообещала
быть там, то непременно придет.)
(d) В главном предложении глагол может иметь форму Future Perfect, а в
придаточном - Present Indefinite:
If you don't hurry and get there before five o’clock, he will have left the office
and gone home. (Если я не потороплюсь и не попаду туда до пяти часов, он
уйдет из конторы и отправится домой.)
If you will bet (if you insist on betting) on horse-races, you must not complain when you lose your money.
(Если вам так хочется играть на скачках, вы не должны жаловаться, когда
проигрываете.)
•
Использование глагола should в придаточных условных предложениях также имеет модальный
оттенок, предполагая совет, или, подобно ought , указывая на долг или обязанность касательно
чего-либо:
If you shouldn V (oughtn’t to) do it, don’t do it. (Если тебе не нужно этого делать, не делай.)
•
Использование глагола should возможно также в условном придаточном предложении так
называемой отдаленной перспективы (condition of remote possibility). В данном случае оно
привносит оттенок сомнения в том, что то или иное условие способно когда-нибудь
осуществиться, и глагол should может быть легко заменен сочетанием by any chance. Cf.:
The artifacts will be found, should they look in the right place.
The artifacts will be found, if by any chance they look in the right place.
248
(e) Present Indefinite в главном предложении также не исключает Past
Simple в придаточном:
If he arrived only yesterday, he is unlikely to leave today.
(Если он только вчера прибыл, вряд ли он сегодня уедет.)
(f) Наконец, формы Present Indefinite и Future Indefinite в главном
предложении сочетается с формой Past Perfect в придаточном:
If he hadn 't come when you arrived, he won’t come at all this morning.
(Если он еще не появился к твоему приходу, он вообще не придет сегодня
утром.)
If he hadn V left any message when you called, he probably intends to be back
before you leave.
(Если он не оставил тебе сообщения, возможно, он надеется вернуться до
твоего отъезда.)
Тип 3. Нереальное условие (в отношении к настоящему и будущему).
•
В данном типе конструкций придаточное предложение формулирует
п р ед п ол а г а е м у ю с и туа ц и ю , и л и п р ед с т а вл я е т у с л о в и е ,
противоречащее фактам реальной действительности, и в силу этого
либо вообще невыполнимое (if I were a bird... Если бы я был птицей!),
либо практически неосуществимое в данной конкретной ситуации. (If
I did not have to work, I should sail around the world. Если бы не работа
/ если бы мне не нужно было работать/, я бы отправился в
кругосветное плавание.)
• В противоположность рассмотренным выше примерам конструкций
типа 1 и 2, форма глагола в придаточных предложениях нереального
условия не указывает на время действия, но отражает отношение
говорящего к выдвигаемому условию. (Грамматическое время в
данном случае выражается другими элементами контекста или
подразумевается ситуативно). If I were not taking my boss to dinner
tonight, I should invite you. Если бы я не обедал сегодня с начальником,
я бы пригласил только тебя.
• В конструкциях нереального условия, в отношении к настоящему и
будущему, в придаточном предложении глагол имеет форму
прошедшего времени, в главном предложении используются
вспомогательные глаголы в форме сослагательного наклонения
should, would (could, might) + inf.:
If you were not so obstinate, you wouldn't get into so much trouble. (Если
бы ты не был таким упрямым, ты бы не попадал в бесконечные
неприятности.)
• В литературном языке в условных придаточных предложениях часто
употребляется форма were (сослагательная форма глагола be). В
разговорной речи встречается оборот if I were you. (На твоем месте я
бы ...). Однако это не является абсолютным правилом, и форма was
одинаково допустима в данном контексте. Отрицательная форма
wasn’t, напротив, предпочтительна форме weren’t, так как является
более выразительной. (If it wasn ’t that you have been ill, I should
consider your work unsatisfactory. Если бы ты не болел все это время, я
считал бы твою работу неудовлетворительной.)
Интересно отметить, что в рамках одного и того же типа условных
предложений могут уживаться как совершенно фантастические (Если бы,
да кабы во рту выросли грибы.), так и теоретически возможные
предположения (Если бы меня избрали президентом...) Ср.:
a If we caught the 10 o’clock train, we would (could, might, etc) get there by
lunch-time.(.vz//?/ms7/;o«a/, but possible) Если бы нам успеть на поезд, мы
бы добрались туда к обеду, b If I came into a fortune, I would give up
working .(hypothetical, but not impossible) Если бы я получил наследство, то
бросил бы работать, с If Manhattan had the population density of that of
Alaska, it would have only 14 inhabitants, (contrary to present fact, and hence
unreal) Если бы плотность населения Манхеттена была такой же, как на
Аляске, там проживало бы всего 14 человек.5
Тип 4. Нереальное условие, (в отношении к прошлому).
•
В условных конструкциях, рассматривающих факты прошлого, глагол
в форме Past Perfect в придаточном предложении и сослагательная
форма вспомогательного глагола в сочетании с перфектным
инфинитивом (should / would have done ) в главной части указывают
как на отношение говорящего к данному событию, так и на
принадлежность описываемого факта к прошлому:
If a primitive man had had an atomic bomb in his possession, he would not have
hesitated to use it. (Если бы у первобытного человека была атомная бомба,
он бы, не задумываясь, воспользовался ею.)
В конструкциях нереального условия, в зависимости от более широкого
контекста, возможно сочетание различных временных форм главного и
придаточного предложений (т.н. смешанный тип). Ср.:
(а) условие или причина относится к прошлому, а ее следствие - к
настоящему времени:
If he had not helped us, we would be in a difficult position. (Если бы он нам не
помог, мы были бы /сейчас/
247в затруднительном положении.)
(Ь) черты характера описываются в настоящем времени, а вызванные ими
действия могут относиться к прошедшему:
If he were not so generous, I would have never married him. (Если бы он не
был так щедр, я бы ни за что не вышла за него.)
• Традиционный союз if в конструкциях нереального условия может
заменяться лексическими сочетаниями / wish (= if only), 'd rather, it s
5 Приведенные примеры, совершенно одинаковые с формальной точки зрения , однако, различаются контекстуально. Комментарии, представленные в скобках, определяют по убывающей три
степени вероятности описываемых событий. Пример а аналогичен конструкциям второго типа ('If we catch
we shall gel’), по имеет более условный характер;
то есть говорящий либо считает такую возможность мснсс вероятной (хотя и не исключает се совершенно), либо стремится облечь высказывание в вежливую форму. Пример Ь более метафоричен.
Он отражает ситуации, которые теоретически возможны, но практически почти неосуществимы; или крайне нежелательные ситуации, которых говорящий стремится не допустить. Определенную
трудность представляют предложения, не обязательно имеющие в русском эквиваленте частицу бы. ( t f l tost ту job, I’d regret it. Мне будет жаль, если я потеряю работу = если предположить, что я
потеряю работу, что возможно, но крайне нежелательно). Пример с представляет полностью выдуманные, искусственные ситуации, вступающие в противоречие с реальной действительностью.
time + noun clause with past tense:
I wish I were rich. (Если бы я был богат!)
I’d rather you told me the truth. (Лучше, если бы тебе сказать мне правду.)
I.
wish you had not come. (Лучше бы ты не приходил.)
It’s time we reached the place; are you sure we have not lost the way?. (Пора
бы нам уже добраться до места; ты уверен, что мы не заблудились?)
• При переводе из прямой речи в косвенную временные глагольные
формы в условных предложениях типов 1 и 2 изменяются в
соответствии с общим правилом согласования времен, а типы 3 и 4
остаются без изменений. Ср.:
Не thought: “If that is true, the consequences will be disastrous.”
He believed that if that was true, the consequences would be disastrous. (Он
понимал, что если это так, последствия будут ужасны.)
She complained: ”If I had a car, we should get there pretty soon.”
She complained that if she had a car, they would get there pretty soon. (Она
посетовала, что если бы у нее была машина, они бы в два счета
туда добрались.)
248
I.
EXERCISES
Match these conditionals with the consequences so that they can yield
proverbial statements. Using the table in reference section find out, which
type do they belong to:
I..If you run after two hares,
2.If the cap fits,
3.If Jack is in love,
4.If the pills were pleasant,
5.If you sell the cow,
6.If you don’t open the door to the
devil,
7.If we didn’t flatter ourselves,
8.If nobody takes notice of our faults,
9.If wishes were horses, lO.lf thou
dealest with a fox,
II..If it were not for hope,
12.1f your joys cannot be long,
13.If an ass goes a travelling,
14.If you buy the cow,
15.If things were to be done twice,
16.If we are bound to forgive an enemy
Take the first two chapters of the English Reader for Sociology Students and
search them for the conditional sentences of the first type. Write out the statements
and discuss their grammatical meaning.
III. Answer the questions with conditional sentences (if you are not sure about the
answer, consult the English Reader):
1. Who do we turn to if we address sociology in the habit of natural sciences? (p. 8)
2. What happens if social structures prevent further development of a society? (p.3)
3. What must be taken into consideration if one is to estimate the culture growth?
(p.77)
4. What happens if conflict pits groups and organizations against one another? (p.58)
5. What happens if material inventions go ahead the nonmaterial culture change?
(p.81)
17.If a fool has success,
18.If all the world were ugly,
II.
a. it ruins him.
b. we easily forget them ourselves.
c. deformity would be no monster.
d. the heart would break.
e. you will catch neither.
f. wear it.
g. think of his tricks.
h. he’s no judge of Jill’s beauty.
i. they would not want gilding, j.
nobody else could.
k. all would be wise.
1.you sell her milk too.
m. he goes away.
n. we are not bound to trust him. 249
o. he will not come home a horse.
p. take the tail into bargain.
q. beggars would ride.
r. so neither can your sorrows.
6. What do you expect a teacher to do if you make a mistake?
7. What must one have if one wants to visit a foreign country?
8. What happens to a man if he breaks the law?
9. Who do businessmen go to see if they want to borrow money?
10. How do people behave if they are scared?
IV. Translate the following pairs of sentences into Russian, and discuss how
the meaning changes with the change of the verb form:
a. If I get a job, I’ll be able to pay off my debts.
If I got a job, I’d have to change my whole lifestyle.
b. If you will play with matches, then it’s your fault if you get burnt.
If you play with matches, you might burn yourself.
c. If he doesn 7 come, let me know.
If he won’t come, let me know.
d. Will it be all right if I use your phone?
Would it be all right if I used your phone?
e. If I had spoken more confidently at the interview, they would have offered
me the job.
If I spoke Spanish, they would have offered me the job.
f. I would come with you tomorrow if I hadn 7 already arranged to take my
boss to dinner.
I would come with you tomorrow if I weren 7 dining with my boss.
g. If I had accepted the job, V d be Director now.
If I accepted the job, V d be earning a good salary now.
V. Translate the following sentences into Russian, and identify the type of
conditionals they belong to; for broader context consult the English
Reader:
1. Sociologists, if their studies are to be unbiased and their findings
trustworthy, have to assume the position that their task is to collect and
analyze facts, (p.22)
2. Sociologists, if their studies were to be unbiased and their findings
trustworthy, had to assume the position that their task is to collect and
analyze facts.
3. If social scientists go on thinking in terms of physical imagery, they should
have to say that social systems are like buildings that are at every moment
constantly being reconstructed by the very bricks that compose them. (p.
10)
4. Unless sociological research has been accomplished, scientists will not be
able to predict the new-coming changes in society.
5. If the investigation was properly conducted, the results will prove to be correct.
6. If sociological predictions proved to be correct, the adequacy of our knowledge
in the area is confirmed, (p.21)
7. Practically anybody can be persuaded and manipulated in such a way that he
will more or less voluntarily enter a situation wherein he must kill and perhaps
250would be impossible, and civilization would
die. If that were not true, battles
have taken a very different course.
8. If sociology had been developed in a way duplicating the natural sciences, we
wouldfail to find the answers to many questions.(p.9)
9. Compte believed that if the laws governing human society were found, we
would be able to shape our own destiny, (p.8)
10. If communal living and equal sharing on any scale are to become part of the
American way of life, it will represent a radical break with the past. (p.77)
VI. Match the two halves of these sentences:
1. If you apologize
2. If one wants to test an hypothesis
3. If the test had proved results to
be wrong.
4. The birth rate is expanding
dramatically, if it continues so
5. If you were promoted
b. if you don’t have a ticket.
c. she must have been out at work.
6. You can’t get in
e. if countries had developed close
relations.
f. if they had been brought up in the
family.
g. the methods must undergo
modifications.
h. you would hardly recognize her.
7. If she didn’t answer the phone
8. Children adopt their mother’s
tongue
9. Diffusion would have been
encouraged
10. If you saw her now
d. you won’t be sacked.
i. you’d be able to change the
11. If researchers had unlimited
system.
resources,
j. a research design must be
12. If we move far up the
developed.
evolutionary ladder
k. we find that apes also are social
a. the world population will double
animals.
each 40 years.
1.they would study entire universes.
VII.Write down conditional sentences, using the given fact in the conditional
clause and the additional information in brackets in the main clause.
Model:
He is thinking of going to England, (to have to learn English)
If he goes to England, he will have to learn English.
1. I anticipate getting a rise in salary next year, (to buy a new car)
2. He expects his samples to fit the traditional theory, (to explore another line
of investigation).
3. Children are anxious to be on good terms with parents, (to get what they
want)
4. Traditions tend to be preserved in the new generation, (to result in the decay
of culture)
5. Don’t lose my library book! (to lend again)
6. Scientists hope their investigation will succeed, (to prove a new method
correct)
7. The parties seek ways to restrict the rivalry, (to replace it with some degree
of cooperation.)
8. You must drive carefully down the slippery road, (to meet an accident)
9. European boundaries seem likely to disappear in the nearest future, (to
encourage tourism)
10.A sweeping set of social changes tend to progress, (to inspire restructuring
in the present-day societies)
VIII.For each of the sentences below, write a new one as similar as
possible in meaning to the original sentence, but using the words given in
brackets.
Model: It’s a pity I don’t have a car. -1 wish I had a car!
1. Please hurry up! (wish)
2. It’s very late. We really ought to be leaving, (time)
3. Please keep it a secret for the time being, (rather)
4. It’s a pity that you are going away so soon.(wish)
5. Would you mind not smoking at table? (rather)
6. My parents would like us to live in the country, (rather)
7. When is the weather going to improve? (high time)
8. Please stop making so much noise! (wish)
9. You really should think about your future, (time)
10. I’m tired, I don’t want to go out tonight, (rather)
IX. Complete the sentences, following one of the patterns for conditionals of
251
Type 3:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
What ......if you were in my shoes? (do)
If I ............ I would think of changing my job. (to be smb. else)
If my father were to say such a thing to me, ............(to forgive)
How would you react if .............? (to propose to smb.)
Do you think I would be telling you this if. ...........? (to be sure of smth.)
I wouldn’t buy the picture even if ............(to have money)
It might only add to our difficulties, if .....................(to continue arguing)
If only he would admit he was wrong, .....................(to simplify the matter)
X. Answer the questions with conditional statements:
1. What would happen if there were no social aspect of symbols? (p.46)
2. What results would be achieved if studies in assimilation of people in
marriage were done? (p. 66)
3. What definition of culture would you give if you were asked to do so?
(p.78)
4. What would bureaucracy as an ideal type include? (p.99)
5. How would a man be defined if sociology accepted the method of natural
sciences? (p.9)
6. What would you do (or not do) if you could live your life over again?
7. If a visitor came to your town, what places would you advise him to
see?
8. What famous person would you like to meet if you had a chance?
9. What changes would you like to introduce in the present-day legislation
system?
10. Which books would you take with you if you went to live on a desert
island?
XI. Complete the sentences, following one of the patterns for conditionals of
Type 4:
1. Social changes would not have been so difficult to embrace, if
( t o
have a general clue to the development of a society)
2. It.......................if the idea of communal living and equal sharing had
secured widespread support in America, (to require reorganization of the
American life)
3. We ....................... if material artifacts had not been discovered, (to learn
much about our histoiy)
4. It would be impossible to respect the law, if .......................( t o e s t a b l i s h
special institution to administer and maintain it)
5. If material inventions had not been introduced, .......................(to hinder the
development of culture)
6. Societies would have never developed, if ....................(to cumulate culture)
7. If you had looked in the right place, ...........................(to find)
XII.Complete the sentences, following any correct sequence of tenses:
1. If only .............. you wouldn’t now be in such a difficult position, (to follow
advice)
2. If ..............., tell him I’m out. (to call)
3. I can’t understand why he keeps telling obvious lies, unless he .....................
we are all fools, (to think)
4. If you are to succeed in your career, ....................(to work hard)
5. So long as ................., swimming in this river is fairly safe, (to be stormy)
6. If you were to explain the situation to him, I’m sure ......................( t o
understand)
7. Is there any point in your coming with us if ............................(to dislike the
manner of painting)
8. How.................... if you don’t know my address? (to find)
9 ...Mr. Smith ........................ while I’m at lunch, tell him to leave the
message.
10.1 can’t possibly advise you properly unless ........................(to hear all about
the matter)
11. If .................., I shall blame you for it.(to fail)
12.My neighbour said I could borrow his lawn-mower provided that
( t o
bring smth. back)
13.When.................. supposing we left immediately? (to get smwhere)
14.Had it been anyone but you that spoke to me in such a way, ......................(to
call the police)
15. How I wish ...................(to live by the sea)
16. Make a note of the telephone number in case you ....................(to forget)
17.If you ............ you have only to say so. (to change one’s mind)
252 English for so long, it’s about time you
18. If you really have been studying
(to speak fluently)
XIII.Compose ten sentences in English that would embrace as many examples
of conditionals as possible. Use chapter five of the English Reader to
provide you with background material.
XIV.
Translate into English the following sentences:
1. Если вы оставите свое сообщение, я перезвоню вам позже.
2. Если бы ты не был таким рассеянным, ты не попал бы в аварию.
3. Я просто выучил текст наизусть, иначе я бы все перепутал.
4. Если бы не дождь, ты бы не застал нас дома.
5. Я бы с удовольствием пошла с вами на концерт, если бы не пообещала
подруге посидеть с ребенком.
6.
Я не желаю брать ее одежду! Еще чего, я бы не согласилась надеть ее
платье даже если бы ты заплатил мне за это.
7. Очевидно, она прекрасно проводила время, иначе она заметила бы,
что произошло.
8. Ты можешь просто привести свою подругу на вечеринку. Никто не
станет возражать.
9. Если она узнает об этом, она обидится.
10. На твоем месте я бы не стал беспокоить начальство по пустякам.
11. Если бы не ветер, день был бы чудесный.
12. Если ты не перестанешь кричать, мы так и не узнаем, что произошло.
13. Она не видит нас, иначе она бы поздоровалась.
14. Лучше бы тебе закончить работу сегодня, а не откладывать на
следующее воскресенье.
15. Не огорчайся. Никто не сделал бы этого лучше.
16. Кажется, что они уже встречались раньше.
17. Если она принимается читать мораль, ее уже ничто не остановит.
18. Она пожалела, что не дала ему своего адреса.
19. Лучше оставайтесь здесь до утра.
20. Он жестокий человек, и просить его о помощи было бы бесполезно.
21. Даже если бы он не помог мне, я бы все равно закончил вовремя.
22. Если бы он послушался моего совета, все было бы сейчас по- другому.
23. Если ночью не пойдет дождь, мы завтра легко переправимся на
другой берег.
24. Невозможно заснуть! Хоть бы они выключили радио.
25. Им бы хотелось, чтобы никто ничего не знал.
26. Жаль, что уже так поздно.
27. Он заговорит с вами, как ни в чем не бывало.
28. Кажется, пойдет дождь.
29. Я настаиваю, чтобы на конференции были объявлены результаты
эксперимента.
30. Наверно поезд опоздал, иначе они бы уже приехали.
ОТВЕТЫ К УПРАЖНЕНИЯМ РАЗНЫХ РАЗДЕЛОВ
Key to exercises from the section "Modal Verbs"
К упр. 1 (стр. 76):
Ответы: a. managed to b. couldn't c.could d.could e. couldn't / wasn't able to f.
managed to g.could h. managed to
К упр. 2 (сгр. 76):
Ответы: a. could drive b. could understand , could speak c. could have
persuaded, could d. could e. could have seen f. could g. couldn't get
К упр. 1 (стр. 81):
Ответы: 1. must 2. must 3. must 4. are to 5. am to 6. have to 7. must / has to К
упр. 4 (стр. 82):
Ответы: 1. We needn't leave / don't need to leave... 2. You don't have to come...
3. I don't think we need to take (to) .... 4. You needn't decide/don't need to
decide ... 5. You don't have to go... 6. You don't have to do ..., do you? 7. We
needn't do/don't need to do...
К упр. 4 (сгр. 82):
Ответы: 1. Had to 2. Was ...to decide 3. Should have verified 4. Needed 5.
253 been more carefull 7. Had to admit
Should have worked 6. Ought to have
К упр. 7 (стр. 87):
Ответы: 1. was to come 2. had to agree 3. should have submitted 4. were to
submit 5. were to have submitted 6. should have verified 7. had to follow
К упр. 1 (стр. 90):
Ответы: 1. will sit 2. will often buy and leave 3. will leave 4. would freeze,
would have to call in 5. would interrupt 6. would insist 7.would listen 8. will go
out and leave 9. would go
К упр. 1 (стр. 91):
Ответы: 1. won't hold 2. wouldn't start 3. won't fit 4. wouldn't seat 5. won't suit
К упр. 1 (стр. 92):
Ответы: 1. уверенность 2. характерное поведение 3. просьба 4.
предсказание / нежелание 5. команда, инструкция 6. предсказание 5.
характерное поведение 8. предсказание 9. обещание 10. уверенность
11. Неспособность
К упр. 1 (стр. 94):
Ответы: 1. Might leave 2. Could put off 3. Could see 4. Might ask 5. Could
borrow 6. Might be parked 7. Should/would have more to say 8. Would be given
9. Wouldn't be sorry 10. would/should be making, mustn't be late
Key to exercises from the section "Conditional Sentences"
Exercise 1
1 e; 2. f; 3. h; 4. i; 5. 1; 6. m; 7; j; 8. b; 9. q; 10. g; 11. d; 12. r; 13. o; 14. p;
15. k; 16. n; 17. a; 18. c.
Exercise 4
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
Если я устроюсь на работу, я смогу расплатиться с долгами.Если бы я
устроился на работу, мне пришлось бы изменить весь образ жизни.
Если тебе так хочется баловаться со спичками, пеняй на себя, если
обожжешься. Если ты будешь баловаться со спичками, можешь
обжечься.
Если он не явится, дайте мне знать.
Если он не захочет прийти, дайте мне знать.
Ничего, если я воспользуюсь твоим телефоном?
Не мог бы я воспользоваться Вашим телефоном?
Если бы на собеседовании я говорил увереннее, мне бы предложили
эту работу.
Если бы я говорил по-испански, мне бы предложили эту работу.
Я бы составил тебе завтра компанию, если бы не пригласил начальника
пообедать.
Я бы составил тебе завтра компанию, если бы не обедал с началь иком.
Если бы я согласился на эту работу, уже был бы директором.
Если бы я согласился на эту работу, сейчас получал бы приличную
зарплату.
Exercise 5
1. Для того, чтобы исследование было объективным, а результаты
точными, социологам следует исходить из того, что их задача состоит в
сборе и анализе фактов.
2. Если бы целью социологов было объективное исследование и точные
результаты, им следовало бы исходить из того, что их задача состоит в
сборе и анализе фактов.
3. Если продолжать оперировать физическими образами, социологам
следовало бы сказать, что общественные системы подобны зданиям,
непрерывно перестраивающимся, причем с использованием тех самых
кирпичных блоков, которые составляют основу их конструкции.
4. Пока не проведено полное социологическое исследование, ученые не в
состоянии прогнозировать надвигающиеся перемены в обществе.
5. Если исследование было проведено соответствующим образом, его
результаты окажутся правильными.
6. Если социологические прогнозы оправдались, адекватность наших
знаний в данной области получает подтверждение.
7. Почти любого можно убедить и направить таким образом, что человек
почти добровольно войдет в ситуацию, при которой он должен убивать
и, возможно, умереть сам. Если бы это было иначе, сражения не имели
бы места, и цивилизация приняла бы совершенно иной пугь развития.
8. Если бы социология развивалась по образу естественных наук, на
многие вопросы не нашлось бы ответа.
9. Конт полагал, что если мы обнаружим закономерности, управляющие
254
человеческим обществом, мы сможем творить свою собственную
судьбу.
10. Если общинный образ жизни и равное распределение общественных
благ в какой-либо мере станут частью жизни Америки, это будет
означать резкий разрыв с прошлым.
Exercise 6
l.
d ; 2. j; 3. g; 4. a; 5. i; 6. b; 7. c; 8. f; 9. e; 10. h; 11.1; 12. k.
Exercise 7
1.
2.
3.
If I get a rise in salary next year, I shall buy a new car.
If his samples don’t fit the traditional theory, he will have to explore
another line of investigation.
If children fail to be on good terms with parents, they won’t get what they
want.
If traditions are not preserved in the new generation, it will result in the
decay of culture.
5. If you lose my library book, I shall never lend one to you again.
6. If the investigation succeed, it will prove a new method correct.
7. If the parties occur to be unable to restrict the rivalry, they will replace it
with some degree of cooperation.
8. Unless you drive carefully down the slippery road, you’ll meet an accident.
9. If European boundaries disappear in the nearest future, it will encourage
tourism.
10. If a sweeping set of social changes continues progressing, the present- day
societies will be likely to suffer complete restructuring.
4.
Exercise 8
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
I wish you hurried up.
It’s time we left / were leaving.
I’d rather you kept it secret for the time being.
I wish you did not go away so soon.
I’d rather you did not smoke /were not smoking at the table.
My parents would rather we lived in the country.
It’s high time the weather improved.
i wish you stopped making so much noise.
It’s time you thought about your future.
I’d rather did not go out tonight.
Exercise 9
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
would do
were
should never forgive
proposed
were not sure
had money
continued arguing
would simplify
Exercise 11
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
if we had / had had / a general clue...
It would have required reorganization...
We would never have learned much....
... if society had not established....
... it would have hindered the development...
.. .if they had not cumulated culture.
.. .you would have found it.
Exercise 12
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
Exercise 14
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
you had followed my advice...
If he calls...
... unless he thinks...
should work hard
the weather is not stormy
he would understand
you dislike the manner...
did you find me...
Should Mr. Smith ring up.../ if he rings up...
unless I hear all about the matter
If the project fails, .......
provided that I bring it back
When should we get there...
I would have called the police.
How I wish I lived by the sea!
.. .in case you forget.
If you change your mind...
.. .it’s about time255
you spoke fluently.
If you leave your message, I’ll call you back later.
If you were not so scatter-brained, you wouldn’t have met the accident.
I learned the text by heart, otherwise I would have become entangled.
But for the rain, you wouldn’t have caught us at home.
I should like to go to the concert with him, if I had not promised to sit with my
friend’s baby.
I do not want to borrow her clothes! Indeed! I should not wear her dress even
if you paid me for doing so.
She must have been having a rare good time, otherwise she would have
noticed what happened.
You can simply bring your girlfriend along to the party. No one should mind.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
She will be offended if she learns about it.
If I were you, I should not bother the heads with trifles.
But for the wind, it would be a lovely day.
We shall never find out what happened unless you stop crying.
She does not seem to see us, otherwise she would have said ‘hello’.
I’d rather you finished the work today, without delay for the next Sunday.
Don’t break down. No one would have performed a better job.
They seem to have met before.
If she starts talking morals, nobody can stop her.
She wished she gave him the address.
I’d rather you stayed till morning.
He is a cruel man, it would be useless to ask him for help.
Even if he had not helped me, I would have anyway finished on time.
If he had followed my advice, the situation would be quite different now.
If it doesn’t rain in the night, we will cross the river easily.
I cannot fall asleep! I wish they switched off the radio.
They would rather nobody knew anything.
I wish it were not so late.
He would speak to you as if nothing had happened.
It looks as if it rained.
I insist that the results of the experiment be announced at the conference.
The train must have been late, otherwise they would have arrived by now.
256
VI. ЭМФАТИЧЕСКИЕ КОНСТРУКЦИИ
Прямой порядок слов
I.
1. Выделение сказуемого (эмфатическое "do").
Цель: усиление утверждения.
Конструкция: для времен Present и Past Indefinite; "to do" - перед
смысловым глаголом в соответствующем времени, лице, числе.
Пример: I do need this book for tomorrow.
Перевод: "действительно", "все-таки", "на самом деле":
"Мне действительно нужна эта книга к завтрашнему дню."
Интонация: ударение на "to do" .
2. Двойное отуииание.
Целъ\ усиление отрицания.
Типы конструкции:
a) not - перед прилагательным или наречием с отрицательными
приставками:
___ ---- -NOT
In- (il-, im-, ir-)
Dis-
Конструкция-, not uncommon, not infrequently.
Перевод-, а) "вполне", "весьма", "довольно +прилагательное (наречие)", б)
"не... не" ("не кажется неизбежным").
b) "not without + существительное":
Перевод', а) "не без";
б) "It is not without significance that..."
"Также весьма важно, что...".
265
с) "not " - перед прилагательными, наречиями, причастиями с
отрицательным значением:
прилагательное
NOT
наречие
J
причастие
Отрицательные значения
Пример: "Sarcasm is not missing in his work."
Перевод'. "Его произведение [написано] не без сарказма".
d) "By no means + отрицательная приставка + прилагательное (наречие)":
Пример: It is by no means obvious that he meant exactly this thing.
Перевод: "вовсе не...", "совсем не..." (и в зависимости от общего стиля
предложения):"
Вовсе не очевидно, что он имел в виду именно это."
3. А) Эмфатическая конструкция.
"It is ...that which (who,whom)...".
прямого или косвенного дополнении
обстоятельства
Цель: Выделение
rebuilt.
Пример: It was then that the Saint Paul's cathedral began to be
Перевод: "именно";
"как раз";
"только": (а) для обстоятельства времени, (б) для слова "only";
"лишь";
в предложениях с отрицанием - "вовсе не...", "совсем не...":
"Именно тогда собор святого Павла начали перестраивать."
258
В) Эмфатическая конструкция "It is not until (till)... that...".
Цель: Выделение _____________
обстоятельств
О б с т оя т е л ь с т в е н н ы х
временных придаточных предложений
Пример-. It was not until after the composer's arrival to London that the score was
finished.
Перевод: с добавлением усилительных слов
(а) при выделении обстоятельства:
"лишь", "только";
(б) при выделении придаточного предложения:
"только тогда, когда...":
"Только после приезда композитора в Лондон партитура была
закончена."
С) Эмфатическое сочетание "not... till (until)...".
Конструкция: "NOT + сказуемое + TILL + обстоятельство времени".
Пример: "The work was not finished till late in the evening."
Перевод: Сказуемое переводится в утвердительной форме.
Перед обстоятельством ставятся слова "только", "лишь":
"Работа была закончена только поздно вечером."
II. Обратный порядок слов.
4. А) Инверсия сказуемого.
Цель: для усиления и подчеркивания значения второстепенного члена
предложения (обычно обстоятельства).
Конструкция: (а) (обычный порядок слов)
(б) (инверсия)
Если сказуемое состоит из 2-х частей, перед подлежащим ставится 1-ая часть.
259
Если сказуемое состоит из одной части, перед подлежащим ставится
вспомогательный глагол.
Усилительные и ограничительные слова, вызывающие инверсию сказуемого:
only
not only... but also
so...that
hardly (scarcely)...than
no sooner ...than
только
не только, но также и...
так... что
едва... как
как только
Могут употребляться и для
прямого порядка слов
Отрицательные слова, вызывающие инверсию сказуемого:
never
(in, at, on, of и др.) no... (but)
nowhere
nobody
not until
nor
neither
neither... nor
никогда
никакой, ни один (в
соответствующих падежах)
нигде
никто
только; только тогда, когда...
а также... не, и... не
ни один; а также... не
ни... ни
Таким способом можно выделить целое придаточное обстоятельственное
предложение. В этом случае инверсия сказуемого наблюдается в главном
предложении.
Пример: "Only after all the accounts had been checked, did he leave the office."
Перевод: "Только после того, как все счета были проверены, он ушел из
конторы."
260
B)
Инвеусия
сказуемого +
Л-полная или частичная замена сказуемого.
(Эмфатические "so" и "nor").
Цель: Замена сказуемого производится для того, чтобы избежать повтора
сказуемого в одном и том же предложении.
Заместители: Глаголы "to do", "to be" и др.
Пример: "Не is very busy now, and so are both his friends."
Перевод: "тоже", "также":
"Он сейчас очень занят, и его друзья тоже."
C) Инверсия причастия.
Цель: Для повествовательного стиля речи, при особом подчеркивании
обстоятельств совершения действия.
Конструкция:
[1]
[2]
Причастие /часть сказуемого/ -\- начальная часть -J- подлежащее
сказуемого
(с обстоятельством и/или дополнением)
[3]
Пример: Related to this phenomenon are also some other social processes.
Перевод: В следующем порядке (1)
обстоятельство (или дополнение), стоящее после причастия;
(2) сказуемое;
(3) подлежащее:
"С этим явлением связаны также и другие социальные процессы."
Модель
ENGLISH READER FOR SOCIOLOGY STUDENTS 1
though)
PARTпричастие/
I & II
1
наречие)
ENGLISH READER FOR SOCIOLOGY STUDENTS 3
Пример: Difficult though it may seem, the work has to be finished in two days.
PARTI
3
Перевод:
(бы)of
ни... samples
+ именная часть
The "как
size
19сказуемого";
"какой... ни";
PART II:
A GRAMMAR WORKBOOK 110
"хоть и...".
АНГЛИИСКИИ
"may" обычно не301
переводится:
для общепрактических
целей
301быть закончена
"Хоть это и покажется трудным,
работа должна
через два дня."
В) Эмфатические уступительные предложения.
261
[1]
Союз
however
Модель
И
-(- Именная часть сказуемого
(прилагательное/
причастие/
наречие)
Пример: However dangerous it seemed, they decided to continue their journey to
the south.
Перевод: начинается со слов "как ни...",
"как бы ни...",
"хоть и...",
"сколь бы...":
"Сколь бы опасным это ни казалось, они решили продолжить
свое путешествие на юг."
А) Эмфатические уступительные предложения.
262
Другие союзы в начале уступительных предложений:
however
как (бы) ни; хоть и...
whoever
кто (бы) ни; всякий, кто...
whatever
что (бы) ни; все, что...; какой (бы)
ни; всякий, который...
wherever
где (бы) ни; всюду, где...; куда (бы)
ни; всюду, куда...
whenever
когда (бы) ни; всякий раз, когда...
Основные трудности синтаксиса
I.
Придаточные предложения в функции различных
членов предложения.
1. Придаточные-подлежашие.
Конструкция: That the author shares this view is quite obvious.
Подлежащее
сказуемое
Придаточные предложения вводятся следующими союзными словами:
that
what
if, whether
who
which
whatever
where
when
why
how
how + прилагательное
"то, что"
"то, что1’
как частица ’’ли” после сказуемого в
предложении-подлежащем
"кто”; "тот, кто"
"кто из..."; "который из..."
"все, что..."; "чтобы ни ..."
"то, где..."; "вопрос в том, где..."
"то, когда..."; "вопрос в том, когда..."
"то, почему..."; "вопрос в том, почему..."
"то, как..."; "вопрос в том, как..."
"насколько + прилагательное"
ПримерХ'л) "How difficult it was to accomplish this work is seen from his
diary." (b) "Whether the author shares this view is not quite clear."
Перевод', (а) "Насколько трудно было выполнить эту работу, видно из
дневника."
263
(б) "Разделяет ли автор эту точку зрения, - не вполне ясно."
Перевод следует начинать с определения сказуемого; в русском предложении
перед союзным словом ставится слово "то (тот, та, те)."
"То, что автор разделяет эту точку зрения, - вполне очевидно."
2. Предложения-сказуемые.
Конструкция: предложения-сказуемые вводятся теми же союзными словами,
что и предложения-подлежащие (см. таблицу).
Пример: What seemed most strange in this battle was that the immense army
should have been defeated by so small a force.
Перевод: особое внимание следует обратить на перевод глагола-связки "to
be".:
"Наибольшая странность этого сражения состояла в том, что
столь громадной армии суждено было потерпеть поражение от столь
малочисленного войска."
Рекомендуемые способы перевода глагола-связки "to be”:
— состоит в том, что...";
ТО BE _______ представляет собой то, что...";
является тем, что..."; это
то, что...".
3. Предложения-дополнения.
Конструкция: предложения-дополнения вводятся теми же союзными
словами, что и предложения-подлежащие (см. таблицу); делятся на 2 вида:
Предложение прямое дополнение
Предложение п р е д л о ж н о е
дополнение
Пример
Перевод
Не confirmed what he
already know.
Archaeological excava-tions give us a
better idea of how the
people of those days
lived.
Он подтвердил mo, что
мы уже знали.
Археологические раскопки дают нам более
п р а в и л ь н о е
представле-ние о том,
как жили люди в те
времена.
264
4. Предложения-обстоятельства.
Конструкция: предложения-обстоятельства вводятся союзами:
when (whenever)
"там, где..."
where (wherever)
"в тех случаях, когда..."
Пример'. "Where the sentences are separated by the colon...".
Перевод'. "В тех случаях, когда предложения разделяются двоеточием...".
5. Предложения-определения.
Конструкция: предложения-определения вводятся словами "why" и "that",
которые стоят после определяемого слова.
Пример: "The reason why he was absent is not clear to me."
Перевод'. "Причина того, почему он отсутствовал, не ясна для меня."
II.
Слова-заместители.
1. Заместители существительного.
Смысл употребления-, во избежание повторения уже названного
существительного.
♦that that one
one**
♦those ------------------- those ones ------------------- ones**
♦возможен определен**употребляются без
ный артикль.
артикля.
Пример: "Her height is the same as that of her mother."
Перевод', в русском варианте предложения существительное нередко
повторяется: "Ее рост такой же, как и рост ее матери."
Частный случай: если после слова-заместителя идет определительное
придаточное предложение, возможен перевод "тот, который":
Пример: "This system of calculation is quite different from the one described in
the book."
Перевод: "Эта система счета совсем иная, чем та, которая (или: система,
265
которая) описана в книге."
2. Заместители прилагательного.
Конструкция: повторяющееся прилагательное может быть заменено словом
"so".
Пример: "The first task was very difficult, the last one less so."
Перевод: прилагательное в русском варианте предложения следует
повторять, либо не переводить слово "so":
"Первое задание было очень трудным, последнее- менее (трудным)."
3. Заместители глагола.
Конструкция: во избежание повторения смысловой глагол может
заменяться глаголом "to do"; перед заместителем глагола могут стоять
слова, требующие эмфатической инверсии сказуемого:
as
than
nor
so
как
чем; нежели ,
а также... не
также; такой же
Тины конструкции
Пример
Перевод
1. Время смыслового 1. Не stayed there much
глагола и глаго- ла- longer than he usually
з а м е с т и т е л я did.
совпадает.
1 .Глагол-заместитель
можно не переводить:
"Он о ст ава лся т ам
значительно дольше,
чем обычно."
2. Время смыслового 2. Не stayed there much
глагола и глаго- ла- longer than he usually
з а м е с т и т е л я н е does.
совпадает.
2.Г лагол-заместитель
следует переводить:
"Он оставался там
значительно дольше,
чем
остается
обычно."
3. Сложная форма 3. Today he is reading 3. "Сегодня он читает
глагола (повторяется better than he was лучше, чем (он читал)
первая часть всей yesterday.
вчера."
формы и служит ей
заместителем).
4. 'Which" в значении "что".
Конструкция: "Which" может относится не к одному существительному в
предыдущем предложении, а ко всему предложению в целом; в этом случае
предложение, которое вводится словом "which", отделяется запятой:
Пример-. "The lime-trees round the house are very tall, which makes the hall
dark."
nepeeod:"Which" переводится словом "что":
"Липы вокруг дома очень высокие, что затеняет зал."
5. Двойные союзы "the... the".
Модель
The
прилагательное
the
/наречие
в сравнительной
степени
прилагательное
/наречие
в сравнительной
степени
Перевод: "the... the" = "чем... тем":
Типы конструкции
1. Прямой порядок
слов.
2.
Инверсия
сказуемого во второй
части.
3. Отсутствие
сказуемого в обеих
частях или во второй
части.
Пример
Перевод
1. The266
more he read, the
better he understood the
language.
2. The longer I
looked at the picture,
the more did it appeal
to me.
3. The nearer the
summer, the longer
the days.
1. Чем больше он
читал, тем лучше он
понимал язык.
2. Чем дольше я
смотрел на картину,
тем больше она
привлекала меня.
3. Чем ближе лето,
тем длиннее дни.
6. Употребление двух разных предлогов к одному существительному
одновременно.
Конструкция: имеет сложную пунктуацию: части предложения,
содержащие предлоги, разделяются запятой (эти части всегда являются
однородными членами предложения); помимо этого, предлог гделяется
запятой от существительного, к которому относится.
Пример'. "After a second journey to, and stay in, America he returned to France
once again in 1823."
Перевод: каждый предлог следует присоединять к существительному
порознь, гак что иногда существительное может быть повторено (или
вместо него употребляется местоимение или наречие):
"После второй поездки в Америку и пребывания там (в Америке), он
снова вернулся во Францию в 1823 году."
УПРАЖНЕНИЯ
I.
Эмфатические конструкции и инверсия.
I. Переведите на русский язык:
(А) Инверсия сказуемого:
1. Only when all of these factors are taken into account, and decisions made on
all of them, can the researcher decide how far the findings should be
generalized beyond the specific groups studied, (p. 25)
2. Fifth comes the problem of deciding what generalizations are possible on the
basis of the data collected, (p. 36)
3. But, by and large, the differences have disappeared and so has the conflict
that was based upon those differences, (p. 64)
4. Most instructive are the differences between social life of groups of monkeys
who live in urban areas in India and those who live in the forest. (p. 40)
5. The slang speech of teenagers changes so rapidly that not only can adults not
keep current with it, but young people in the different sections of the country
also struggle to keep up with the latest changes, (p. 82)
6. Going to bed at 10:00 P.M. or 1:00 A.M. is an element of culture. So, also
are wearing minidresses, gong to church, hating fascists or student
protestors, loving one's enemies, and so on. (p. 83)
7. Only in such a society would one recognize the avuncular admonition to 'do
as I say, and not as I do', (p. 87)
8. Only when man began to induce and control food production, rather than to
take his food as nature provided it, did any society's population reach any
substantial numbers, (p. 102)
9. Only in this fashion can bargaining be sustained and the protest not
degenerate to warfare or suppression, (p. 130)
10. Even nonsubscribers benefit indirectly by living in a nation with a better
informed electorate than would otherwise be the case. (p. 132)
11. Nowhere are the stains and accommodations between order and change more
apparent, (p. 139)
12.And more important even than the opening wider and wider the political
debate may be a proper attitude towards the political Day of Judgment, (p.
151-152)
13.Royal legitimacy was no longer a reliable principle, nor was the rule of the
people, (p. 144)
(B) Инверсия причастия:
1. No matter how defined, however, the appropriate populations for most
sociological research are still too large to permit reasonably efficient study,
(p. 27)
2. Included also, however, are conflict, accommodation and assimilation. (P69)
267
3. Also included within the culture are the habits and the customs of the people,
(p. 83)
4. Closely related to the concept of cultural relativity is the concept of
ethnocentrism. (p. 93)
(C) Эмфатическая конструкция (сказуемое. прямой порядок слов):
1. It does say that it is not likely to happen, (p. 77)
2. Conflict, of course, often leads to social change, and in that sense
ethnocentrism does become a vehicle for the promotion of social change. It
does so, however, through disruption of social order rather than through
encouragement of its peaceful evolution, (p. 94)
3. I do believe in freedom and reason, but I do not think that one can construct
a simple, practical and fruitful theory in these terms, (p. 141)
4. They can and do, however, use censuses and surveys to anticipate the
number of returnees, transfers, and first graders some years in advance, (p.
106)
(D)Эмфатическая конструкция (подлежащее):
1. It is the complexity of the real world that brings this circumstance into play
and contrasts this with an ideal type model, (p. 114)
2. It is governments that rule (and, unfortunately, also bureaucrats).
(p. 145)
3. It is this practice (and not their theories) which my theory - my problem and
its solution - tries to describe, (p. 145)
(E) Эмфатическая конструкция "the... the":
1. The greater the commitment of the subordinates to abstract standard of
performance (as with professional persons), the less the need for direct
supervision, (p. 108)
2. The more communication and coordination that is required among
coworkers, or between them and their superior, the fewer subordinates can
be effectively supervised, (p. 107)
3. The more completely tasks can be regulated by a uniform set of rules, the
easier the task of supervision and the broader the span of authority, (p. 108)
II. Используя слова в скобках, измените предложение таким образом,
чтобы оно включало в себя эмфатическую конструкцию (члены
предложения, предназначенные для эмфазы, помечены жирным
шрифтом):
Образцы: a) It is quite plausible that researchers might have seriously
considered the hypothesis, (implausible)
It is not implausible that researchers might have seriously
considered the hypothesis.
b) In the late 50s the abolition movement spread throughout
the country.
It was not until the late 50s the abolition movement spread
throughout the country.
c) The solicitors were also not allowed to represent parties
involved in litigation in front of the court, (nor)
Nor were the solicitors allowed to represent parties involved in
litigation in front of the court.
d) Even as the company was running short of water, they still
continued their journey through the desert, (as)
Running short of water as the company was, still they continued
their journey through the desert.
e) Wilson grew more impatient as the policeman was coming
closer to the door. (the...the)
The closer to the door the policeman was coming, the more
impatient Wilson grew.
f) Yesterday news has exasperated him beyond telling.
It was yesterday news that has exasperated him beyond telling.
1. The University has strict guidelines concerning confidentiality of medical
records, (do)
2. Employers also do not have access to HIV (human immunodeficiency virus)
antibody test results unless the individual tested informs the school or
employer directly, (nor)
3. It is also possible that the use of lasso, throwing-stick, and snare was known
to the Bushmen, (impossible)
4. Recent events on campus and across the nation have painfully reminded us
that the struggle to eliminate racism,
268 discrimination and prejudice is far from
over.
5. The Volunteer Service Office acts as an information, referral and placement
center for students and staff seeking volunteer opportunities on campus or in
the community.
6. The grants are allocated primarily on the basis of financial needs and clearly
expressed educational goals.
7. In 1840 great fleets of lumber rafts from the pineries in the North floated
down on their way to markets as far south as St. Louis.
8. They say, after the defeat of his tribe in the war of 1832, when he was in
flight, Black Hawk leaped his pony across the river here.
9. Belief in magic and witchcraft was deeply inherent to Russian folk culture
and the evidence of this was abound even in the Christian age of Russia, (to
be lacking)
10. General Kitchener whose arrogance was quite like that of Lord Curson was
not prepared to tolerate any criticism on the part of the military member of
the Council, (to be dissimilar to)
11. Although they were inexperienced in navigation, the two men safely reached
that island in a small boat, (though)
12.They might work hard for many months on, but, evidently that would never
bring them any closer to the desirable end. (however)
13.Alongside with these schools a third one was developing, the monastic,
which owed rather to the old art of the East than to the spirit of the
Renaissance.
14. Some things may seem static, still there is in them continual motion.
(as)
15.Though fishing was important for the inhabitants of the Eastern Island [о-в
Пасхи], it was never as vital to them as to the Tahitians.
16.There was an inscription in three languages, cut on the face of a great wall
among the ruins of this Persian city.
17. Still, as we hope, our people know the consequences of this war and they
cannot ignore them.
18.The data, gathered by these scientists, were significant enough, though they
failed to prove the hypothesis, (insignificant)
19.Delayed reaction is quite common among the crime victims, (uncommon)
20. The first bridge across the Wisconsin was washed out in a potent flood. It is
rather usual to see similar high water here now. (unusual)
21. When Big Bear was resting at this spot, he related a legend of his people
about the Narrows.
III. Переведите на английский язык:
1. Чем больше приверженно сть подчиненных целям либо их
подразделения, либо организации в целом, тем меньше необходимость
непосредственного надзора, (р. 108)
2. Ни справедливость, ни коррупция не свойственны правительству, (р.
121)
3. Именно народ, все взрослое население, является и должен быть по
праву действительно высшим и единственно законным правителем, (р.
144-145)
4. Ко гд а м ы с р а в н и ва е м то , ка к б ю р о к р ат и и вед у т с е бя в
действительности, с тем, как они намерены себя вести, то недостатки и
промахи оказываются весьма существенными.(р. 115)
5. Основным в концепции измерения является понятие "переменной".(р.
29)
6. Не только различные интервалы на шкале равны друг другу, но известна
также и нулевая отметка.(р. 32)
7. Но в действительности, конечно, нигде не правит народ, (р. 145)
8. Не существует также никакого вполне удовлетворительного способа
отделить множество субкультур от бо'льших по масштабу культур,
частью которых они являются, (р. 90)
II.
Придаточные предложения в роли
членов главного предложения:
/. Переведите на русский язык:
(А) Пуидаточные-дополнения:
1. The only way in which bias may be eliminated from research is for
researches completely to disclaim
269 responsibility for how their finding are
used. (p. 22-23)
2. It cannot make the basic decisions concerning how the data should be sorted,
(p. 24)
3. The analysis of the data involves the actual placing of the data in the various
cells of the table and the computation of the various statistics to see whether
the differences that are obtained are a trustworthy differences or whether they
are so small that they might be due to chance, (p.
24)
4. The researcher must judge whether the sample was large enough and whether
the sample was drawn with sufficient care.
5. He must also decide whether the findings may be legitimately generalized to
other populations, (p. 25)
6. Simple formulas are available to show how much the size of a sample must
be increased in order for the researcher to keep the known error in his data to
a level that is acceptable in his project, (p. 29)
7. Pearsonian V is used to determine of two variables are related to one another
and, of so, how closely they are related, (p. 34)
8. They did not have and should not have any responsibility for how their
findings were used. (p. 36)
9. The European migrant experience illustrates both ways of perceiving
assimilation, depending on whether one focuses upon the adjustment of
certain people and certain families or upon gradual assimilation of groups
such as the Italians and the Germans, (p. 65)
10.By the time some couples reach old age, other people marvel at how much
alike they are and wonder how it happened, (p. 66)
11. Social scientists generally agree that the essence of the culture lies in what
we are here calling nonmaterial culture, (p. 78)
12. United States' norms are not quite clear about how freely soldiers may kill
under conditions of guerilla warfare, or how much persecution blacks must
stand from the police before striking back. (p. 86)
13. It is probably too early to tell whether some of the newer apparent contracultures such as those of the communal living groups and the Black
Panthers will become lasting part of the American scene, (p. 92)
14.This development simply validated specially what had already become an
organizational fact. (p. 104)
15.These agencies produce, not ultimate justice, but whatever is defined as
justice in that society at that time. (p. 135)
16.Public criticism appears, upon close examination, to be directed more to the
questions of what tasks government should emphasize, (p. 138-139)
(В) Поидаточное-подлежашее:
1. What they perceive the goals of their study to be is closely related to how
they define their discipline, (p. 20)
2. It is often precisely by showing that what may appear to those involved as
inevitable, is, in fact, an historical product, that sociological analysis can
play an emancipatory role in human society.(p. 10)
3. What one would have in this case is a huge stack of questionnaires, (p. 24)
4. What is apparent about modern warfare is its extreme destructiveness, (p. 61)
5. Who wields governmental power, what instruments are used, what policies
are pursued, what responses are elicited - are all matters of politics, (p. 125)
6. Whether protest is likely to be successful depends upon whether large
segments of the general public accept the grievances as legitimate and upon
their acceptance of the protest tactics, (p. 139)
7. Whether he stands alone, or whether he combines with some others to form a
party, is left to him. (p. 147)
(C) Придаточное-сказуемое:
1. Ultimately, the hope is that by thus we might arrive at general explanation of
the relationship between classes of variables, (p. 20)
2. The unfortunate truth of the matter is that we do not know which pattern is
more common in the world, (p. 56)
3. The important thing is that, in practice, the Athenian democrats regarded
their democracy as the alternative to tyranny - to arbitrary rule. (p. 142)
4. The immediate consequence of the proportional representation is that it will
tend to increase the number of parties, (p. 148)
(D)Предложение-определение:
1. One of the things that beginning
270researchers have to learn is that one does not
have a test of his hypothesis as soon as the data are collected, (p. 24)
2. The probability that the figure for the whole population is very close to that
for the sample (or very far away from it) helps the researcher to know how
much confidence to place in his data. (p. 35)
3. One of these derives from the fact that bureaucracies are built of people, who
may have different goals and orientations than the organizations of which
they are a part. (p. 114)
4. Evidence that the disruption was planned, that the society's central values
were violated or violence committed in the consequence of conspiracy, will
detract from the effectiveness of its impact on the public, (p. 130)
5. Proportional representation is based on the idea that the influence of the
party should be proportional to its voting power, (p. 149)
(E) Придаточные-обстоятельства:
1. The requirements of probability sampling are met whenever the chances of
inclusion of each population unit in the sample are known, (p. 27-28)
2. Consequently it is his duty to leave the party whenever he realises that he
can do his primary duty better without that party, or perhaps with a different
party, (p. 147)
II. Измените предложения таким образом, чтобы они включали в себя
придаточные в роли членов главного предложения (придаточныеподлежащие,
придаточные-сказуемые,
придаточныеобстоятельства):
Образцы: a) His behaviour evoked our suspicion, (what)
What evoked our suspicion was his behaviour.
b) Bob takes photo at every place he arrives to. (wherever)
Bob takes photo wherever he arrives to.
c) He constantly bore in mind that most of their statements were
totally unreliable (what)
What he constantly bore in mind was that most of their statements
were totally unreliable.
1. Fascination of the strange rhythms of ancient dances and the haunting music
of drums, rattles and flutes makes many people return year after year to
enjoy this Indian ceremonial, (what)
2. He actually meant that, to fde claim, we should ask the claims clerk to help
us fill out the necessary forms, (what)
3. This renown traveller was rather sociable and easily made friends with the
natives on all the islands he came to. (where(ever))
4. I really expected that his coming would help us a lot with our work, (what)
5. The supposed motif of the crime divided the investigators, (what)
6. Sam took a great interest in Jimmy's work and inquired after him each time
he came to visit the family, (when(ever))
III. Переведите на английский язык:
1. Эти соображения помогут указать, как следует понимать термин
"общество", (р.7)
2. В этой статье сэр Карл задается вопросом о том, понятна ли его теория.
(р. 141)
3. Наше понимание истории представляет неотъемлемую часть того, чем
история является, и того, чем она может стать.(р. 10)
4. People appear to believe that local governments do about what people want.
Похоже, люди верят в то, что местные органы управления делают
примерно то, чего люди хотят.(р. 132)
5. Вместо этого, новые элементы добавляются избирательно, в
соответствии с тем, насколько хорошо они сочетаются с существующей
культурой.(р. 95)
6. Ситуация в 1964 была снова близка к тому, что было в 1952. (р.
128)
7. Что отличает взаимодействие человеческих особей, - так это
способность человека использовать язык.(р. 48)
8. Предпочитает ли кто-то, например, работы Уорхолла, Пикассо или
Гейнсборо, - это вопрос вкуса.(р. 80)
9. Проблема в том, что практически никогда и ничто не пребывает в
строгом порядке.(р. 25)
10. Вторая отрицательная черта конфликта, тесно связанная с первой,
заключается в том, что часто он чрезвычайно дорого обходится.(р. 59)
11. Напряженность внутри бюрократий возникает всякий раз, когда
профессионалы находятся в подчинении у начальника не их профессии.
(р. 114)
12. В то же время они не придерживаются
того принципа, что воля
271
("неквалифицированного") большинства является высшим источником
власти, (р. 145)
13.Большие преимущества использования вероятностных методов для
селекции выборки заключаются в том, что подобные выборки
позволяют применять статистику при анализе данных, (р. 28)
III. Заместители частей речи.
(А) Заместители существительного:
I.1.Переведите
на русский
язык:
Overgeneralization
occurs
when the researcher extends his findings to the
population that differ significantly from the one studied, (p. 25)
2. It is by no means certain that a large sample will be more representative of
the universe than a smaller one. (p. 28)
3. Unlike human social organization, that of ants appears to remain relatively
unchanged from generation to generation, (p. 40)
4. Like that of judges everywhere, the role of the arbitrators more often is to
find viable compromises than to rule upon matters of principle, (p. 63)
5. There are subcultures where the dominant values do not stand in the direct
opposition to those of the larger society, (p. 91)
6. The concepts of subculture and contraculture, along with those of cultural
alternatives and specialties, indicate that there may be wide variability in
values and norms even within a single society, (p. 92)
7. Ethnocentrism is the practice of comparing other cultural practices with
those of one's own group and automatically finding those other cultural
practices to be inferior, (p. 93)
8. To assert that life is influenced by corporations, schools, welfare agencies,
governments, churches, and television networks implies that these have a
common effect, (p. 99)
9. Reciprocally dependent units, of course, are those whose operations
constantly affect one another, (p. 107)
10.The second organizational principle is that of one-way sequential
dependence. (p. 108)
11. On other issues, such as that of tariffs, workers and manufacturers are in the
same side and are in conflict with consumers who want lower prices, (p. 121)
12.The victim, of course, is more directly involved in earlier stages of the
process than in later ones. (p. 135)
13.The impact of this informal law often is greater than that of the codified law.
(p. 136)
14.These interests will in almost all cases be identical with those of all the
citizens of the country, of the nation, (p. 147)
1. Half a century later, families still were structured much as they had been in
the era of the family farm. (p. 81)
2. Without the ideal norm to hold behaviour in check, extramarital
involvements and divorces might be even more common than they are. (p.
88)
3. Not all bureaucracies can attempt to smooth production as factories do. (p.
106)
4. Women participated more frequently than they seem to do in other
institutional spheres, (p. 127)
272
5. Audiences who are, themselves, clearly better off than the protestors will
have more sympathy than those who are not. (p. 130)
6. Although major institutions are not as subject to molding by symbolic
interaction processes as individuals are, some of the same forces operate.
(p. 130-131)
7. Although government can apply overwhelming force, its continued stability
depends upon its not often having to do so. (p. 138)
8. Of course, we may misjudge a policy; in fact, we often do. (p. 149)
с инверсией:
1. This process of reading the data for analysis generally takes much longer
than does the analysis itself when a computer is used. (p. 24)
2. Totalitarian societies such as Nazi Germany was, are more likely to use
force than are democratic societies such as present-day Germany, (p.
129)
3. The peace-keeping function occupies more police time than does law
enforcement as such. (p. 136)
11. Измените предложения так, чтобы они включали в себя
заместителей выделенных частей речи (там, где это необходимо,
используйте
слова в скобках):
Образцы: a) They act in the same way as most people act under similar
circumstances.
They act in the same way as most people do under similar
circumstances.
b) Some works by this painter seemed to me almost fascinating, but
others were definitely not so fascinating, (less)
Some works by this painter seemed to me almost fascinating, but
others were definitely less so.
1. In certain areas of the Japanese islands the Ainus live in the conditions
somewhat similar to the conditions of the Indians of the United States.
2. This speech and the speech of the other congressman quoted above need, in
fact, to be considered together.
3. This work was criticised from various points of view, some quite
reasonable, others not so reasonable, (less)
4. Of all his writings, the last proved to be really successful, but others were
not so successful, (less)
5. The characters used in Chinese alphabet do not represent sounds as letters
of most European alphabets represent them.
III. Переведите на английский язык:
1. Таким образом, отношение между социологией и ее "предметом"
обязательно отличается от того отношения, которое подразумевают
естественные науки, (р. 10)
2. Больница, к примеру, "нуждается" в больных или раненых людях,
которых она может превратить в здоровых, (р. 104)
3. Общественная жизнь приматов выказывает больше изменений от
поколения к поколению, чем общественная жизнь насекомых, и
меньше изменений, чем общественная жизнь человека, (р. 41)
4. Функции этноцентризма по поддержанию социального порядка
гораздо более очевидны, нежели функции, способствующие
социальным изменениям, (р. 93)
5. Склонность к самокритике после поражения на выборах гораздо более
выражена в странах с двухпартийной системой, нежели в странах, где
имеется несколько партий, (р. 150)
6. Одно из главных моих замечаний будет состоять в том, что данная
проблема должна быть замещена совершенно отличной от нее
проблемой. (р. 141)
7. Когда люди бранят якобы недейственные правительственные меры,
они часто делают это оттого, что не одобряют некоторые цели или
приоритеты правительства, (р. 122)
8. Те слои общественности, которая может не присоединяться к цели
протеста, окажется благожелательной, чем те, кто не сможет этого
сделать, (р. 129)
273
IV. Предлоги.
I. Переведите на русский язык:
Разные предлоги при одном существительном:
1. The concluding sections of chapter 6 emphasized the requirements for, and
the tensions between, order and change in all social systems, (p. 116)
2. There was no question of, and, consequently, no preparation for, the next
year exhibition, since the fund found itself short of money.
3. In his early youth he was very fond of, and extremely devoted to, studying
astronomy.
4. The expedition was bound to, and was soon expected at, the western shore
of the lake.
5. Before the beginning of trial he was brought from, and after the end of trial
was sent back to, Sing Sing.
V.
Различение функций предлогов и союзов.
I. Переведите на русский язык:
(A) "For":
1. Verification may not involve strictly replication, for, in order to get at those
sources of error, the researcher may vary slightly either the population
studied or the research techniques used. (p. 26)
2. For although it is possible for simple reactive situations to exist - for an
organism to react to another organism without further stimulating that
organism in turn - that is not the usual situation, (p. 48)
3. For they all adopt what is the simplest solution to the new problem - that is,
the principle that the government can be dismissed by a majority vote. (p.
144)
(B) "Since":
1. Since study of all U.S. adolescents and adults would not be technically nor
financially feasible, the population may be redefined to include, say, all of
those persons in a single state, (p. 27)
2. Since that time, the role played by technology in human experience has
grown steadily larger, (p. 79)
3. This is partly a matter of selection, since only persons with appropriate
orientations are selected for promotion, (p. 113)
(С) "Yet":
1. Yet it seems that there was a need for a more authoritative, deeper religious
274
legitimation, (p. 143)
(D)"As":
1. As we learn more about measurement of social phenomena, other ratio
measuring instruments presumably will be developed, (p. 32)
2. As the culture base expanded and as societies became differentiated, the
large-scale diffusion of traits became possible, (p. 76-77)
3. Moreover, although the level of victim's satisfaction increased as the
outcome approached his ideal, the relationship is not perfect, (p. 135)
II. Переведите на английский язык:
1. Ибо, хотя знание и может быть существенным дополнением власти, это
не то же самое, что власть, (р. 10-11)
2. Материальный объект, такой как кушанье, здание или ракета, не может
быть включен в определение культуры, поскольку не представляет
собой усвоенного поведения, (р. 79)
3. Ибо то, что требуется нам в политике, - это индивиды, способные
выносить самостоятельные суждения и готовые нести личную
ответственность. (р. 148)
4. Они рассматривают это как часть игры, - поскольку ни одна из партий
не обладает четко определенной ответственностью, (р. 151)
5. Поскольку функции по поддержанию спокойствия редко предполагают
аресты, значительная часть работы полицейских по сути неподнадзорна никакой посторонней организации, (р. 136)
6. И все концепция субкультуры действенна, особенно когда этот термин
используют осторожно, полностью осознавая присущие ему
неясности, (р. 90)
7. Селекция начальных единиц для включения в выборку может быть
просто продолжена или расширена, по мере того, как выборка
увеличивается. (р. 29)
Ключи к упражнениям II (c.l 1) и II (с. 15):
I. Эмфатические конструкции и инверсия (II, с. 11 >:
1. The University do have strict guidelines concerning confidentiality of
medical records.
2. Nor do employers have access to HIV (human immunodeficiency virus)
antibody test results unless the individual tested informs the school or
employer directly.
3. It is not impossible that the use of lasso, throwing-stick, and snare was
known to the Bushmen.
4. It was recent events on campus and across the nation that have painfully
reminded us that the struggle to eliminate racism, discrimination and
prejudice is far from over.
5. It is the Volunteer Service Office that acts as an information, referral and
placement center for students and staff seeking volunteer opportuni ties on
campus or in the community.
6. It is (primarily) on the basis of financial needs and clearly expressed
educational goals that the grants are allocated.
7. It was in 1840 that great fleets of lumber rafts from the pineries in the
North floated down on their way to markets as far south as St. Louis.
8. They say, it was after the defeat of his tribe in the war of 1832 that, when he
was in flight, Black Hawk leaped his pony across the river here.
9. Belief in magic and witchcraft was deeply inherent to Russian folk culture
and the evidence of this was not lacking even in the Christian age of
Russia.
10.General Kitchener, whose arrogance was not dissimilar to that of Lord
Curson, was not prepared to tolerate any criticism on the part of the military
member of the Council.
11. Inexperienced in navigation though they were, the two men safely reached
that island in a small boat.
12. However hard they might work for many months on, but, evidently, that
would never bring them any closer to the desirable end.
13. Developing alongside with these schools was a third one, the monastic,
which owed rather to the old art of the East than to the spirit of the
Renaissance.
14.Static as some things may seem, still there is in them continual motion.
15. Important as fishing was for the inhabitants of the Eastern Island [о-в
Пасхи], it was never as vital to them as to the Tahitians.
16.Cut on the face of a great wall among the ruins of this Persian city was an
inscription in three languages,.
17. Still, as we hope, our people do know the consequences of this war and they
cannot ignore them.
18.The data, gathered by these scientists, were not insignificant, though they
failed to prove the hypothesis.
275 among the crime victims.
19.Delayed reaction is not uncommon
20. The first bridge across the Wisconsin was washed out in a potent flood. It is
not unusual to see similar high water here now.
21. Resting when he was at this spot, Big Bear related a legend of his people
about the Narrows.
II. Придаточные предложения в роли членов главного предложения (II. с.
15):
1. What makes many people return year after year to enjoy this Indian
ceremonial is the fascination of the strange rhythms of ancient dances and
the haunting music of drums, rattles and flutes.
2. What he actually meant was that, to file claim, we should ask the claims
clerk to help us fill out the necessary forms.
3. This renown traveller was rather sociable and easily made friends with the
natives wherever he came to.
4. What I really expected was that his coming would help us a lot with our
work. ()
5. What divided the investigators was the supposed motif of the crime.
6. Sam took a great interest in Jimmy's work and inquired after him whenever
he came to visit the family.
276
GLOSSARY
Chapter 1. Sociology: issues and problems 1
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION /p.6/ - a
formal organization which has three
distinguishing features: it arises at an
ascertainable moment in time; as artefact it
exhibits patterns of social relations which are
less taken for granted than those in non-formal
organization (such as a family) and which
organizational participants often seek to
coordinate and control; consequently,
considerable attention is paid to the nature of
these social relations, and to planned changes
of them. /Oxford Concisc Dictionary of
Sociology, p.370./
2.
LABOUR FORCE/p.4/ - all the people
who are able to work in the country or
all the people who work for particular
company. /Collins Cobuild English
Language Dictionary, p.805/
3. MIGRATION /p.4/
Migration involves (more the less) permanent movement
of individuals or groups across symbolic or political
boundaries into new residential areas and communities . /
Oxford Concisc Dictionary of Sociology, p.329/
4. URBANIZATION /р.5/
Narrowly defined, urbanization refers to the city
formation. Most sociological attention has focused on the
large -scale urbanization accompanying industrialization
and the emergence of modem societies.
/Oxford Concisc Dictionary of Sociology, p. 549/
2. РАБОЧАЯ СИЛА - (синонимы: экономически
активное
.трудоспособное население , трудовые ресурсы )часть населения, обладающая способностями и
возможностями участвовать в труде в соответствии со
своими возрастными, физическими данными,
знаниями и практическим опытом, профессиональной
подготовкой.
/Экономическая энциклопедия, стр.53/
Э М И Г РА Ц И Я Н А С Е Л Е Н И Я с о ц и а л ь н о экономиче ский и демографиче ский проце сс,
277
представляющий собой совокупность перемещений,
совершаемых людьми между странами, районами,
поселениями.
/Краткий словарь по социологии, стр. 159/
4. УРБАНИЗАЦИЯ - социально- экономический
процесс, выражающийся в росте городов,
городского населения.
/Краткий словарь но социологии, стр. 424/
Составитель: Е.Л. Поцыбина
Глава I.
I.
СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ
ОРГАНИЗАЦИЯ
- это система и отношений между ними.В
н е й в з а и м од е й с т ву ют р а з л и ч н ы е
социальные группы -социально профессиональные, целевые
(формальные),
социальнопсихологиче ские (нс форма льные).Социальная организация-это
подлинная социальная общность, члены
которой интегрированы интересами,
целями, ценностями, нормами.
/Краткий словарь по социологии, стр.218/
5. INDUSTRIALISM /р.5/ /industrialization/
Both words denote the transition in methods of
production which has been responsible for the
vastly increased wealth - creating capacity of
modem societies compared with traditional
systems. Typical characteristics include a division
of labour; cultural rationalization; a factory
system and mechanization; universal application
of scientific methods to problem-solving; time
discipline and def- fered gratification; bureaucracy
and administration by rules ; and a socially and
geografically mobile labour force.
/Oxford Concisc Dictionary of Sociology, p.244/
5. ИНДУСТРИАЛИЗАЦИЯ — социальный процесс,
6. URBANISM /п.5/
Urbanism refers to patterns of social life through
typical of urban populations. These include a
highly specialized division of labour, growth of
instrumentalism in social relationships, weakening
of kin relationships pluralism, secularization ,
increase of social conflict, and growing impotance
of the mass media.
/Oxford Concisc Dictionary of Sociology, p.549/
6.
УРБАНИЗМ
социальноэ ко н ом и ч е с к и й п р о ц е с с , в ы р а ж а ю щ и й с я в
который характеризует превращение
аграрных стран в индустриальные
путем создания крупной машинной
промышленности, что приводит к
преобладанию промышленного
производства во веем хозяйстве страны,
высокому техническому (вооружению)
оснащению труда, повышению его
производительности, изменениям в
профессиональной структуре
населения, росту городов, созданию
крупных промышленных центров.
/Современная зап. социология; Словарь, стр.
113/
распро ст ранении на все обще ство
городского образа жизни, который
характеризуется: занятостью населения
преимущественно индустриальными
формами груда, широким разнообразием
досуга, высокой плотностью человеческих
конт актов, обусловливающей
анонимность и форма- лизованность
общения, в связи с чем надает роль
соседских связей.
/Краткий словарь по социологии, стр.426/
7. AGGREGATE /p.5/(collectivity) large collections of people may act as
groups, with some degree of common
purpose, but they may also act as
non-organized collectivities, or
aggregates. For example, an audience
or crowd may be said to be an
aggregate, in so far as its members
lack any organization or persisting of
social relationships.
8 SOCIOLOGY /р.б/
Sociology - is some times seen as the intellectual and
often conservative response to the specific social
problems which were produced by the French
Revolution and the tran/Oxford Concisc Dictionary of Sociology, p.8/
7. АГРЕГАЦИЯ СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ
некоторое количество людей, собранных в
определенном физическом пространстве и
н е о су щ е с т вл я ю щ и х с о з н ат е л ь н ы х
взаимодействий.
/Фролов С.С., Социология ,1996, стр.345/
278
8. С О Ц И ОЛ О Г И Я - н ау ка о з а ко н а х
с т а н о вл е н и я , фу н к ц и о н и р о ва н и я ,
развития общества в целом , социальных
отношений и социальных общностей,
стр.336
sition from a traditional to an industrial
society. It attempt to measure and
analyse urban poverty, political
instability, mortality rates, deseas, crime,
divorce, suicide, etc.
/Dictionary of Sociology, p.398/
Sociology may be defined as the study of
the study of the bases of social
9. SOCIETY /п.6/
Society - a group of people who are share a
common culture, occupy a particular territorial,
area , feel themselves to constitute a unified and
distinct entity.
/Oxford Concisc Dictionary, p.498/
9.
ОБЩЕСТВО - (социальное общество,
социальность):
1.
в широком смысле: совокупность всех способов
взаимодействия и форм объединения людей, в
кото р ы х в ы р а ж а е т с я и х в с е с то р о н н я я
1OAGRARIAN SOCIETIES /р.6/
Agrarian societies are these which combine
horticulture and animal husbandry in systems
of farming.
/Oxford Concisc Dictionary of Sociology , p.9/
11. INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY /p.6/
An industrial society is symply one displaying
the characteristic features of industrialism. The
term “Industrial Society” is also used in the
abstract to denote the thesis that a definite type
of society exists whose culture, institutions, and
development are determined by its industrial
production process.
/Oxford Concisc Dictionary of Sociology, p.243/ 10
АГРАРНЫЕ ОБЩЕСТВА - это
доиндустриальныс общества, определяющим
фактором развития которых является ссльскос
хозяйство, а главными институтами - церковь и
армия. /Кравченко А.И. Введение в социологию,
стр.25/
11.
ИНДУСТРИАЛЬНОЕ
ОБЩЕСТВО - это общество , основанное на
машинном производстве, фабричной организации
и дисциплине труда, национальной системе
хозяйства со свободной торговлей и общим
рынком.
/Современная зап. социология: словарь , стр. 114/
279
membership. /Dictionary of Sociology , p.
396/
Социология - наука, изучающая структуры
обще ства , их элементы и условия
существования, а также социальные
процессы, протекающие в этих структурах.
/ Фролов С.С. Социология, стр.351/
зависимость друг от друга;
2. в узком смысле: структурно или
генетически определенный:
а. Т и п ( р о д , п о д в и д и т. п . )
общения .предстающий как
исторически определенная
целостность, или
б. Относительно самостоятельный
элемент (аспект, момент и т.п.) этой
устойчивой целостности.
/Современная зап. социология, стр.233/
12. SOCIAL INSTITUTION /р.7/ - an
institution can be seen as a sort of supercustom, a set of mores, folkways, and
patterns of behaviour that deals with major
social interests: law, church and family for
example.
/Oxford Concisc Dictionary of Sociology, p.250/ The
term is widely used to describe social practices
that are regularly continuously repeated are
sanctioned and maintained by social norms, and
have a major significance in the social
structure.
13. SOCIAL SCIENCE /р.8/ - a general label
applied to the study of society and human
relationships. Of the various disciplines
that study human beings, psychology is
often seen as a natural rather then a social
science, and economics most frequently
regarded as a comparatively unproblematic
s o c i a l s c i e n c e . S o c i o l o g y, s o c i a l
psychology, politics and geography have a
more problematic status, while history is
perhaps least often designated as a science.
/Oxford Concisc Dictionary of Sociology, p.493- 494/
14. SOCIAL SYSTEM /р.8/ - a system is any
pattern of relationships between elements,
and is regarded as having elements
properties of its own, over and above the
properties of its elements.
Social system can refer to a stable relationships
between two actors, to societies as a whole, to
systems of societies, or indeed any level
between these.
The systematic properties of social systems
thus stem from the nature of social action rather
then the system itself.
/Oxford Concisc Dictionary of Sociology , pp.
494-495/
12. СОЦИАЛЬНЫЙ ИНСТИТУТ
понятие, обозначающее устойчивый комплекс
формальных и неформальных правил, принципов,
норм, установок, регулирующих различные сферы
человеческой деятельности и организующих их в
с и с т е м у р о л е й и с т ат у с о в , о б р а зу ю щ и х
социальную систему.
/Современная западная социология, cip. 117/
13. СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ НАУКА - наука, изучающая
человеческое общество.
Социальными науками являются социология,
психология, социальная психология, политология
(зарубежный синоним политическая наука),
экономика, антропология, этнография. Социология
изучает структуру законы развития человеческого
общества, поведение людей. Она способна описать
поведение больших масс людей, поэтому тяготеет
к статистике. Психология изучает внутренний мир
человека. Социальная психология описывает
человека в непо средственном окружении,
взаимодействие людей в малой группе.
280
/Кравченко А.И.Введение в социологию, стрЛО/
14. СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ СИСТЕМА определенное целостное образование, основными
элементами которого являются люди, их нормы и
связи. Социальная система образует новое
качество, не сводимое к сумме качеств ее
элементов.
/Краткий словарь по социологии, стр. 304/
Chapter 2. Sociological research.
SOCIAL INQUIRY /р.20/ - an investigation,
especially an official one, into something that
has happened or something that people feel
needs to be examined.
/Col. Cob-d Eng. Lan. Dic./p.753/
2. VARIABLE /р.20/ - in social sciences, the
term refers to attributes which are fixed for
each person or other social entity, but which
are observed to be at different levels,
amounts or strengths across samples and
other aggregate groups.
/Oxf. Con.Dic. of Sociology, p.554/ VARIABLE - a
characteristic that changes among situations,
individuals, or groups and can be measured / M.
Spcnccr, p.611/
3.
QUANTITATIVE VARIABLE
/р.ЗО/ - a variable consisting of
numerical units.
/ J. Shepard. Sociology, p.43/
3.
QUALITATIVE VARIABLE
/р.ЗО/ - a variable that consists of
discrete categories rather than
numerical units. It measures
differences in kind rather than
numerical degree. Sex, marital status
and group membership are three
qualitative variables often used by
sociologists.
/ J. Shepard. Sociology, p.43/
Глава 2. Социологические исследования.
СОЦИОЛОГИЧЕСКИЙ ОПРОС метод сбора первичной информации в
социологическом исследовании,
предусматривающий, во-первых, устное или
письменное обращение исследователя к
определенной совокупности людей с вопросами,
содержание которых представляет изучаемую
проблему на уровне эмпирических индикаторов, и,
во- вторых, регистрацию и статистич. Обработку
полученных ответов, а также их теоретическую
интерпретацию.
/ Энцик. соц-нй словарь, стр.486/ ПЕРЕМЕННЫЕ
ВЕЛИЧИНЫ - объект, свойство или состояние,
которые меняются в процессе наблюдения
(измерения) качественно или количественно.
/ Крат, словарь по социологии, стр.26/
КОЛИЧЕСТВЕННЫЕ ВЕЛИЧИНЫ
- это объекты, свойства или состояния,
выраженные в числовых величинах, значениях
(напр., возраст или доход).
/ Крат, словарь по соц-гии, стр.27/
КАЧЕСТВЕННЫЕ ВЕЛИЧИНЫ это величины, которые изменяются качественно, у
них изменяются признаки (напр., 281
пол или
профессия).
/ Крат, словарь по соц-гии, стр 27/
1.
HYPOTHESIS /р.23/ (plural:
hypotheses)- a hypothesis is an untested
statement about the relationship (usually
of association or causation) between the
concepts within a given theory.
/Oxf. Con. Die. of Sociology, p.230/
6. VERIFICATION /р.23/ - the process of
providing evidence, generally of an impirical
or observational kind, for believing it to be
true.
/Oxf. Con. Die. of Soc-gy, p.555/
7. QUESTIONNAIRE /р.24/ - a written list of
questions which are answered by a lot of
people in order to provide information for a
report or survey.
/ Col. Cob. Eng. Lang. Die., p. 1178/
8. SAMPLE /p.25/ - a number of individuals or
units that are chosen out of a larger group,
population, and then used to test ideas or to
provide information about the whole group.
The main criteria when sampling are to
ensure that a sample provides a faithful
representation of the totality from which it is
selected.
/ Die. of Sociology, p.366/ 5. ГИПОТЕЗА утверждение о фактах, эмпирических связях или
принципах функционирования и развития
социальных явлений, не имеющее эмпирического
или логического обоснования.
Ги п о т е з а и с п о л ь з у е т с я в о в с е х в и д а х
социологических исследований, в
фундаментальной и прикладных областях.
Наиболее общая классификация гипотез в
социологии делит их на описательные и
объяснительные, в зависимости от основных
функций в исследовании.
/ К р ат к и й с л о ва р ь п о с о ц - г и и , с г р . 2 7 /
ВЕРИФИКАЦИЯ процедура оценки
с о ц и о л о г и ч е с к и х г и п о т е з , с о с т оя щ а я в
сопоставлении их с фактами, положением дел в
действительности. Результатом верификации
м ож е т б ы т ь л и б о п од т в е р ж д е н и е л и б о
опровержение гипотезы.
/ Крат, словарь по соц-гии, стр.27/.
7. АНКЕТА СОЦИОЛОГИЧЕСКАЯ разновидность опросника, используемого для
сбора данных при письменном опросе. Анкета
представляет собой тиражированный документ,
содержащий совокупность вопросов,
сформулированных и связанных между собой по
определенным правилам. Анкета рассчитана либо
на самостоятельное чтение и заполнение
респондентом (при заочном анкетировании), либо
на заполнение респондентом после вводного
инструктажа, проводимого анкетером (очное
282
анкетирование, групповое или индивидуальное).
/ Энцикл. Соц-ий словарь, стр.27/.
8. ВЫБОРОЧНАЯ СОВОКУПНОСТЬ
(ВЫРБОРКА)
часть объектов совокупности генеральной,
отобранная с помощью специальных приемов для
получения информации о своей совокупности в
целом. Число наблюдений, составляющих
выборочную совокупность, называется се
объемом (объемом выборки). Определение
объема выборочной совокупности представляет
собой один из основных этапов ее формирования.
Рассчитывая объем выборки для каждого при-
9. POPULATION /р.25/ - the aggregate of
individuals or units from which a sample is
drawn, and to which the results of any
analysis are to apply - in other words the
aggregate of persons or things under
investigation. It is conventional to
distinguish the target population (for which
the results are required) from the survey
population (those actually included in the
sampling frame from which sampling is
drown).
/ Oxf. Con-sc Die. of Soc-gy, p.403/
10. MEASUREMENT /р.29/ - a procedure for
quantification of data. Measurement itself
is concerned with the exact relationship
between the Empirical Relational System
and the Formal (or Numerical) Relational
System chosen to represent it. Thus, a
strict status relationship between
individuals or positions can be shown to
have the same properties as the operators
“>, <” (greater than, less than) in the set of
numbers, and may be thus represented.
/Oxf. Con. Die. of Soc-gy, р.319/
11. SCALES /р.30/ - a form of measurement
technique based on the observation of
supposed common culture meanings or
shared social interpretations.
/Oxf. Con-sc of Soc-gy, p.461/
знака, значения которых оцениваются по
результатам выбором, исследования, можно
найти объем, удовлетворяющий требованиям
точности по всем изучаемым признакам.
/ Энцикл. соц-ий словарь, стр. 680/
9. Г Е Н Е РА Л Ь Н А Я С О В О К У П Н О С Т Ь
совокупность всех возможных социальных
объектов, которая подлежит изучению в
п р ед е л а х п р г р а м м ы с о ц и ол о г и ч е с ко го
и с с л ед о ва н и я . Те рм и н “ ге н е р а л ь н а я
совокупность” может означать как вполне
конкретное множество объектов, имеющее
свои пространствснно-врсмснныс границы (в
выбороч. Обследованиях, за исключением
стихийно формируемых выборок), так и
некоторую гипотетическую модель, явную или
подразумеваемую при других видах
нссплошного наблюдения.
/Энцикл. соц-ий словарь, с'гр. 680/
10. ИЗМЕРЕНИЕ - способ изучения социальных
явлений, процессов, систем, их свойств и
отношений с помощью количественных
оценок. Измерение является видом
инструментального наблюдения, составной
частью эмпирического и экспериментального
обо снования положений и выводов
социологического исследования.
/ Краткий словарь по соц-гии, стр. 83/
11. ШКАЛЫ - измерительная часть инструмента
для оценки социальной информации,
собираемой в процессе опроса, наблюдения
или анализа документов. В математическом
смысле простейшие шкалы в социологии
классифицируются по типам или уровням
измерения. Обычно выделяется четыре типа:
нормальные, порядковые, интервальные и
283
пропорциональные.
/Краткий словарь по социол., стр. 453-454/
12. NOMINAL SCALE /р.ЗО/ - a scale that
involves the classification of qualitative
objects into categories? The assignment of
identifying symbols to each category. For
instance, with the variable being “sex”,
the categories and symbols might be: A male, В - female.
/Eng. Reader for Sociology Students, p.31/
13. ORDINAL SCALE /р.ЗО/ a scale that
permits ranking a series of cases in terms
of their having more or less the thing in
question, but it does not permit estimation
of the degree of difference among them.
/ Eng. Reader for Soc-gy Students, p. 31/
14. INTERVAL SCALE /р.ЗО/ - a scale
where units are equal - appearing order
categories. All interval scales lack zero
points. A more familiar example of an
interval scale is the thermometer: the
intervals on the thermometer are equal.
The difference between 12 and 20 is the
same as between 40 and 50. There is no
zero point and one cannot say that 10
above zero is twice as cold as 20 above
zero.
/ Eng. Reader for Soc-gy Students, р.31/
15. A RATIO SCALE /р.32/ - a scale where
intervals are equal to one another and the
zero point is known. Scales for
determining height and weight are of the
sort.
/ Eng, Reader for Soc-gy Students, p.32/
12. НОМИНАЛЬНАЯ ШКАЛА - это
и н с т р у м е н т и з м е р е н и я , ко т о р ы й д а с т
возможность качественно различать предметы и
явления по их наиболее общим признакам,
присваивая им определенные наименования.
При помощи номинальной шкалы измеряют
преимущественно объективные признаки
р е с п о н д е н то в ( п ол , во з р а с т, с е м е й н о е
положение, профессия).
/ Основы приклад, соц-гии, 4.1 стр. 63- 64/
13. РАНГОВАЯ (ПОРЯДКОВАЯ) ШКАЛА позиции ранговой шкалы располагаются в
строгом порядке от наиболее к наименее
значимой, либо наоборот. С помощью
ранговой шкалы измеримо большинство
свойств и признаков социальных явлений.
Порядковая шкала не только задаст некоторую
классификацию на множестве объектов, но и
устанавливает определенный плрядок между
классами.
/ Основы приклад, соц-гии, Ч. 1, етр.64/.
14. ИНТЕРВАЛЬНАЯ ШКАЛА - это
шкала, позиции которой расположены по
равным или неравным интервалам, в
з а в и с и м о с т и от з н ач е н и й и н д и като р а ,
используемого для конструирования шкалы.
Шкапы с неравными интервалами имеет такой
вид: “Сколько лет Вы работаете на данном
предприятии?” менсс года;
284
от 1 до 3 лет включительно; от 3 до 6
лет; свыше 6.
/ Осн. Приклад, соц-гии, 4.1, стр.64/.
15. ШКАЛА ПРОПОРЦИЙ _^_это шкала с
равными интервалами, имеющая эталонную
нулевую точку отсчета, которым является
“абсолютно” устойчивое явление. Шкала
пропорций активно используется в
естественных науках, однако почти не
применяется для построения
гносеологических моделей в современной
социологии.
/ Осн. приклад, соц-гии, Ч. 1, стр.64/.
16. SOCIAL STATISTICS - quantitative
information about social groups, including
census and demographic data, used for
descriptive policy and inferential analysis.
As an application of statistical theory,
increasing attention has been given to
models of influence and measurement, to
multivariate models of analysis.
1.
/Oxf. Con-sc Die. of Soc-gy, p.494/
Chapter 3. Communication and social
interaction.
1. GENERATION /р.40/ - a form of age-group
consisting of those members of society who
were bom at approximately the same time.
In recent years there has been an increasing
interest in general analyses which examine
the contribution of emerging age-group to
social change.
/ Oxf. Con-sc Die. of Soc-gy, p. 199/
16. СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ СТАТИСТИКА получение, обработка и анализ совокупности
данных, характеризующих количественные и
качественные закономерности социальной
жизни, социальных процессов и явлений в
н е р а з р ы в н о й с вя з и и х кач е с т в е н н ы м
содержанием.
Долгое время С.с. развивалась в рамках общей
статистики. В настоящее время С.с. формируется в
отдельное направление. Использует С.с. массовые
социологические и статистические наблюдения,
методы группировок, средних величин, индексов и
некоторых др. Главной задачей С.с. является
получение и использование в практике управления
данных о ходе выполнения планов социального
развития, изменениях социальной структуры
населения и уровне его жизни, процессах
формирования и удовлетворения потребностей,
отношений к различным видам деятельности,
состоянии и тенденциях общественного мнения.
Для получения социальной информации об
общественном сознании и проблемах его развития
в социальной статистике широко используются
данные социологических исследований.
/ Энцикл. социолог. Словарь, стр 770/.
Глава 3. Коммуникация и социальное
взаимодействие.
1. ПОКОЛЕНИЕ - социальновозрастная категория,
номинальная группа. К одному поколению
принадлежат люди, возраст которых
помещается в некотором интервале, но
последний не остается неизменным.
Большинство исследователей определяют
интервал между поколениями в
современную эпоху в 20-25 лет. В
обществе всегда существуют несколько
поколений, и отношения между ними
могут превращаться в проблему и даже в
конфликт. Необходимо одновременно
обеспечить преемственность поколений и
развитие нового, социального динамизма,
носителем которого является прежде всего
молодежь.
2. BEHAVIOUR /р.41/ - behaviour is seen in
terms of an identifiable and measurable
response to external or internal, recognizable,
and measurable stimuli.
/ Oxf Con-sc Die. of Soc-gy, p.27/
3. SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR /р.41/ - the
observable activities of human beings, who
are distinguished from other animals by their
ability to imagine themselves in the place of
others and so anticipating his or her response.
Language, gesture, communication, and roletaking are thus central to the symbolic
interaction by which the self is constructed,
and which forms the basis of social life.
/ Oxf. Con-sc Die. of Soc-gy, p.483/
4. COMMUNICATION /р.42/ - the process of
establishing meaning, found in all social
situations, and hence a very wide-ranging
concern of social scientists generally.
Communication occurs trough at list five
modes. Intrapersonal communication
concerns internal conversations with oneself. Interpersonal communication concerns
face-to-face interaction. Group
communication involves the study of group
dynamics, whilst mass communication
involves messages sent from mass sources in
mass way to mass audiences, often to make
mass money. A fifth
2. ПОВЕДЕНИЕ - I. Процесс взаимодействия
живых суще ств с окружающей средой,
опосредствованный их внешней (двигательной)
и внутренней ( психической)активностью.
Поведение различают на биологическом,
психологическом и социальном уровне.
2. В бихевиоризме - совокупность двигательных
и сводимых к ним вербальных ответов
(реакций) живых существ на воздействия
(стимулы) внешней среды.
/Энцикл. социологический словарь, сгр. 435/
3. ПОВЕДЕНИЕ СОЦИАЛЬНОЕ внешнее проявление деятельности, в которой
выявляются конкретная позиция человека, его
установка. Эта форма превращения
деятельности в реальные действия но
отношению к социально значимым объектам.
Оно представляет собой внешне наблюдаемую
систему действия (поступков) людей, в которой
реализуется внутреннее побуждение человека. В
качестве механизмов саморегуляции
Социального поведения личности выступают
диспозиции личности, формирующиеся в
результате взаимодействия стимулов и мотивов в
конкретных условиях внешней среды.
/ Энцикл. социол. Словарь, стр.549/
286
4. КОММУНИКАЦИЯ - передача информации
от одной системы к другой посредством
специальных материальных носителей,
сигналов. В человеческом обществе К.
осуществляется между индивидами, группами,
организациями, государствами, культурами
посредством знаковых систем (языков). К
между людьми происходит в форме общения
как обмен целостными знаковыми
образованиями (сообщениями), в которых
отображены знания, мысли, идеи, ценностные
отношения, эмоциональные состояния,
программы деятельности общающихся сторон.
Со-
/ Краткий словарь по социологии, стр.235/
and growing form of communication has
been called extraoersonal communication
and concerns communicating with
nonhumans: this could mean talking to
animals, but most frequently it refers to the
way we communicate with machines,
computers, and high technology.
/ Oxf. Con-sc Die. of Soc-gy, p.71/
5. ETHOLOGY /р.43/ - a scientific approach
which applies evolutionary theory to early
animal and childhood human behaviour, in
order to examine its instinctive and adaptive
nature. Generally sociologists argue that
ethology could hardly be of any use to them
because studies of animal behaviour are of
little relevance in understanding human
society.
/ Oxf. Con-sc Die. of Soc-gy, p. 160/
6. GESTURE/p.43/ - the act of an organism
which stimulates a response on the part of
other organism. Such responses are merely
impulsive or instinctive for most animals
among the humans the process depends
upon significant symbols and vocal
gestures, which call up more complex
reflective responses.
/ Oxf. Con-sc Die. of Soc-gy, p.472/
7. SIGN /р.44/ - mark, object symbol used to
represent something. The conventional
nature of signs is especially emphasized, as
there is no necessary relationship between
the sign and its referent; rather, the
relationship is socially agreed. The meaning
of any particular sign is defined by its
relationship to other signs in the system.
/ Oxf. Con-sc Die. of Soc-gy, p.472/
держание и формы К. отражают общественные
отношения и историче ский опыт людей.
Коммуникация - необходимая предпосылка
функционирования и развития социальных
систем, так как обеспечивает связь между
людьми, делает возможным накопление и
передачу социального опыта, разделение труда и
о р г а н и з а ц и ю с о вм е с т н о й д е я т е л ь н о с т и ,
управление и трансляцию культуры.
/ Энцикл. социол. Словарь, стр. 286/
5. ЭТОЛОГИЯ- наука о биологических основах
поведения животных, занимающаяся главным
о б р а зом ге н е т и ч е с к и о бу с л о вл е н н ы м и
(наследственными) компонентами поведения и
эволюцией поведения.
/ Совр. Словарь иностр. Слов, стр. 728/
6. ЖЕСТ - телодвижение человека, немой язык,
вольный или невольный; обнаружение знаками,
движениями чувств, мыслей.
/ В. Даль, Толковый словарь, Т. 1, стр.536/
287
7. З Н А К - м а т с р и л ь н ы й ч у в с т в е н н о
воспринимаемый предмет, событие или
действие, выступающее в познании в качестве
указания, обозначения или представителя
другого предмет а, события, действия,
субъективного образования.
Знаки обычно подразделяются на языковые и
неязыковые. Знак служит для обозначения чего-
либо другого; в
8. LANGUAGE /р.45/ - any verbal or nonverbal communication engaged in by
humans, animals, or even machins. Human
language consists of humanly created and
ceasly modified symbols which name, and so
may be understood more or less
complicatedly and problematically to stand
for, the things and happenings that humans
wish to talk about. Languages do not consist
of individually created and recreated
representations, but rather of signs that are
products of extraindividual structures of
systems of differences (such as alphabets,
grammars, lexicons).
/ Oxf. Con-sc Die. of Soc-gy, p.461 /
9. SYMBOL /р.45/ - most generally, any act or
thing which represents something else. More
particularly, the smallest meaning unit in the
semantic fields or ritual, dream or myth.
The link between symbol and referent is not
always arbitrary, as was with sign, but may be
motivated by an association of attributes (for
example, the crown as a symbol of monarchy).
/ Oxf. Con-se Die. of Soc-gy, p.524/ 8 ЯЗЫК знаковая система любой физической природы,
выполняющая познавательную и коммуникативную
функции в процессе человеческой деятельности.
Язык может быть как естественным, так и
искусственным. Под естественным знаком
понимается язык повседневной жизни, служащий
формой выражения мыслей и средством общения
между людьми. Искусственный язык создастся
людьми для каких- либо узких потребностей (язык
математической символики, язык физических
теорий, различные системы сигнализации). Язык
представляет собой определенную систему,
“структуру”, со своей внутренней организацией,
вне которой нельзя понять природу и значение
языкового знака.
/ Философ, словарь, стр.551/
9. СИМВОЛ СОЦИАЛЬНЫЙ - знаковообразная
структура, представленная в виде знака,
предмета, слова, действия или образа. Восходя к
мифологическим основаниям, Символ
выступает как предельно концентрированное
обобщение, как смысл, идея явления. Символом
называют также любые значимые действия,
жесты, высказывания, способные передавать
определенные значения и вызывать у различных
индивидов одни и тс же реакции. Благодаря
своей открытости, внутренней напряженности,
способности соединять рациональные,
эмоциональные и побудительные компоненты
психики. Символы социальные служат
строительным материалом культуры,
обеспечивают се
288
силу этого понимание знака невозможно без
выяснения его значения - как предметного
( о б о з н ач а е м ы й и м о б ъ е к т ) , т а к и
смыслового (образ обозначаемого объекта),
и экспрессивного (выражаемые с его
помощью чувства). / Философ, словарь, стр.
146/
10. SOCIAL INTERACTION /р.48/ - а form
of communication in which actors have to
take notice of actions and whishes and aims
of others. Social interaction has a
systematic character. Systems of social
interaction have certain needs of their own
which have to be met, required both by the
relationship between the social system and
its environment, by the internal workings of
the system.
There are four such functional needs: _
adaptation - the need to relate to the
environment by taking resources from; its goal
attainment - the setting of goals for the system;
integration - the maintenance of internal order;
latency or pattern maintenance - the generation
of sufficient motivation to perform task.
/ Dic-ry of Sociology, p.304/
Chapter 4 Social processes.
1. SOCIAL PROCESS- a series of social
actions or operations used in making or
achieving something.
/The Oxf. Large Print Dic-ry p.636/
2. COOPERATION /р.53/ - a form of social
interaction in which individuals or groups
combine their efforts to reach some common
goal.
10. СОЦИАЛЬНОЕ ВЗАИМОДЕЙСТВИЕ - любое
поведение индивида, группы индивидов,
общества в целом как в данный момент, так и в
перспективе. Категория “взаимодействие”
выражает характер и содержание отношений
между людьми и социальными группами как
по стоянными но сителями каче ственно
различных видов деятельности, то есть
отношений различающихся по социальным
позициям (статусам) и ролям (функциям).
Главное в социальном взаимодействии содержательная сторона. “Преломление”
социальных норм и ценностей через сознание
индивида и его реальное действие на основе
осмысления этих норм и ценностей определяет
способ С.В. индивида с другими индивидами и
социальным окружением в целом. Этот способ
включает следующие аспекты: передачу
информации, се получение, реакцию на нее,
передачу переработанной информации, ее
получение, реакцию на нее.
/ Энцикл. социол. Словарь, стр.94/
Глава 4. Социальные процессы.
1. СОЦИАЛЬНЫЙ ПРОЦЕСС - но289или
слсдовательнос изменение состояний
элементов социальной системы и се подсистем,
любого социального объекта; любая
поддающаяся идентификации модель
с о ц и а л ь н ы х в з а и м од е й с т в и й : ко н фл и кт,
кооперация, дифференциация и т.д.
/ Энцикл. социол. словарь, стр.612/
2. СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВО - социальный процесс,
основанный на согласованной деятельности и
выполнении частичных задач в достижении
общей цели.
/ Щспанский “Я. Элементарные ноня-
закрсплясмость и преемственность.
/ Краткий словарь по социологии, стр.302- 303/
3. COMPETITION /р.53/ - a process in which
individuals with different and opposed
interests seek to maximize their own
advantages and rewards. Competition was
defined as peaceful conflict, consisting of
attempts to gain control over scarce
resources. For Weber, competitive struggles
were an inevitable feature of all social
relationships and not specific to capitalism.
/ Dic-ry of Soc-gy, pp.77-78/
использование соответ ствующих
определений и ситуаций согласно при-
4. CONFLICT /р.5В/ - social process which
incorporates antogonism. Social conflict
assumes various forms. Regulated
competition is the sort of peaceful conflict
which is resolved within a framework of
/ Shephard. Sociology, p. 112/
agreed rules. Markets involve competition
both regulated and unregulated. Other
conflicts may be more violent and not bound
by rules, in which case they are settled by
the parties mobilizing their power resources.
/ Dic-ry of Soc-gy, p.80/
5. ACCOMODATION /п 61/ - social process
whereby the subordinate group simply
conformed to the expectations of dominant
group. The process whereby individuals
adapt to situations of racial conflict, without
resolving the basic conflict or changing the
system of inequality. The term derives from
experimental psychology, where it denotes
how individuals modify their activity to fit
the re3. КОНКУРЕНЦИЯ - социальный процесс,
основанный на стремлении к получению
предметов или целей, существующих в
недостаточном количестве, путем отстранения
или опережения соперников, стремящихся к
идентичным целям.
/ Щепанский “Я. Элементарные понятия соцгии”, стр. 20/
Фролов С. Соц-гия, стр. 348/
4. КОНФЛИКТ - процесс развития и разрешения
противоречиво сти целей отношений и
д е й с т в и й л юд е й , д е т е р м и н и р у е м ы й
объективными и субъективными причинами и
п р о т е к а ю щ и й в д ву х д и а л е к т и ч е с к и
взаимосвязанных формах - противоречивых
психологических состояний и открытых
п р от и в о р еч и в ы х д е й с т в и й с то р о н н а
индивидуальном и групповом уровнях.
Конфликт - это социальный процесс, в котором
индивид или группа стремится к достижению
с о б с т в е н н ы х ц е л е й , уд о в л е т в о р е н и ю
потребностей, реализации интересов путем
уничтожения или подчинения себе 290
другого
индивида или группы, стремящихся к сходным
или идентичным целям.
/ Щепанский “Я. Элементарные понятия соцгии” стр. 201/
5. ПРИСПОСОБЛЕНИЕ - процесс адаптации
индивида или группы к новой среде, принятие
культурных норм, ценностей и эталонов этой
среды. Процесс приспособления содержит
не сколько элементов: познавательный узнавание новой ситуации, обучение новым
образцам и способам поведения,
психологическая переориентация - то есть
тия соц-гии”, стр. 199/
quirements of external social world. / Dic-ry
of Soc-gy, p. 1/
6. ASSIMILATION /р.63/ - social process by
which an outsider, immigrant, or subordinate
group becomes indistin- guishably integrated
into dominant host society. Assimilation
implied that the subordinate group actually
came to accept and internalize the values and
culture of dominant group. Recent research
regards assimilation as reciprocal, involving
mutual adjustments between host and
migrant communities.
/ Oxf. Die. of Soc-gy, p.20/
Chapter 5. Culture
1. CULTURE /p.73/ - the values, beliefs, and
norms held by a group of persons and passed
on within that group from one generation to
the next; also the objects and acts created by
a group of persons and accumulation or
history of these objects and acts over time.
/ Perucci. Sociology. Basic Structures and
processes, p.577/
2. DIFFUSION /p.75/ - diffusion refers to
the spread of cultural attributes from one
culture to another through contact between
different cultural groups. Some
diffusionists sought to prove that all
human culture originated in one place and
spread out from there by diffusion.
Anthropology has largely moved away
from this debate, seeing most cultural
traits in disparate areas as having
developed independently, and critisizing
the diffu- нятым в данной срсдс критериям
оценок и образцам поведения.
/ Щепанекий “Я. Элементарные понятия соц-гии”
стр. 197/
6 АССИМИЛЯЦИЯ - процесс взаимного
культурного проникновения, через который
личности и группы приходят к разделяемой всеми
участниками процесса общей культуре. При
ассимиляции уже достаточно сформировавшиеся
этносы или отделившиеся от них небольшие
группы, оказавшись в тесном контакте с другим
народом - более многочисленным или более
развитым в социально-экономическом отношении
(и особенно находясь в среде этого народа)
воспринимают его язык и культуру. Постепенно
они, обычно в последующих поколениях,
сливаются с ним, причисляют себя к этому народу.
/ Фролов С. Соц-гия, сгр. 345, Энциклоп. соц.
словарь, стр. 60/
Глава 5. Культура
1 КУЛЬТУРА - это все материальные и
нематериа льные продукты человече ской
деятельности, ценности и признанные способы
291 в
поведения, объективированные и принятые
любых общностях, передаваемые другим
общностям и последующим поколениям.
/ Щепанекий Я. Элементарные понятия соц-гии,
стр.42/
2. ДИФФУЗИЯ - процесс заимствования и
распространения культуры. Диф- фузионизм
(направление в этнологии, культурологии,
археологии)сделал центральной проблему
культурных нововведений как результата
внешних влияний и каналов диффузии, по
которым эти влияния передаются и внедряются в
данную социокультурную единицу. В центре
внимания диффузио- низма - такие явления как
война, торговля, колонизация и на втором
плане -
sionists for extracting cultural artifacts from
their contacts.
/ Oxf. Con-se Die. of Soc-gy, p. 123/
3. WAY OF LIFE /p.75/ - the term
conceptualizes alternative ways of living,
usually conspicuous through values and
modes of consumption, which are attendant
upon the increasing differentiation of
advanced capitalists societies. Such
differentiation of advanced capitalist
societies are sometimes seen to be replacing
socio-economic class as the cardinal
principle of social division.
/ Oxf. Con-se Die. of Soc-gy, p.293/
4. CULTURE TRAITS /р.77/ - the smallest
unit of culture.
/ Metta Spencer. “Foundation of Modern
Sociology”, p.606/
5. VALUE /p.78/ - a standart used by
members of society to judge behavior and
to choose among various possible goals.
/ Metta Spencer. “ Foundation of Modern Socgy, p.611/
такие внутренние факторы, как социальная
дифференциация и классовый конфликт.
/ Энцик. экон. словарь, стр. 190/
3. ОБРАЗ ЖИЗНИ - социологическая категория,
охватывающая совокупность типичных видов
жизнедеятельности индивида, социальной
группы, об-ва в целом, которая берется в
единстве с условиями жизни,
определяющими сс.
Эта категория даст возможность комплексно, во
взаимосвязи рассматривать основные сферы
жизнедеятельности людей: их труд, быт,
общественную жизнь и культуру, выявлять
причины их поведения (стиль жизни),
обусловленного укладом, уровнем, качеством
жизни.
/Энцик. соц-кий. словарь, стр. 464/
4. ЭЛЕМЕНТЫ КУЛЬТУРЫ - это какие-либо
предметы материального обихода или идеи,
играющие важную роль в одной или нескольких
областях жизни, которые в большем или
меньшем объеме, удовлетворяя и пробуждая
потребности, влияют на деятельность людей,
организуя и объединяя усилия, приводят к
созданию более сложных культурных систем.
/ Щепанский Я. Элементарные понятия соц-гии,
стр.47/
5. ЦЕННОСТИ МОРАЛЬНЫЕ - понятие этики, с
помощью к-рого характеризуется значение для
общества и чел-ка социально-историч. явлений.
К числу моральных ценностей относятся: жизнь
и достоинство человека, его нравственные
каче ства, нравственные характеристики
292
по ступков, деятельно сти и отношений;
содержание различных форм морального
сознания: норм, приципов, идеалов, этических
понятий (добра, эла, справедливости, счастья). /
Энцик. соц-кий. словарь, стр. 870/
6. NORMS /р.78/ - rules or expectations
defining acceptable or required behaviors of
individuals in social situations, norms are
recognized by group members as essential
to group maintenance.
/ Perucci. “Soc-gy. Basic Structures and
Processes”, p.581/
7. BELIEFS /р.78/ - conceptions or ideas
about the world and about human life that
center on the meaning of human experience
or the character of the supernatural world.
/ Perucci “Soc-gy - Basic Structures and
Processes”, p.575/
8. CULTURAL LAG /р.80/ - any situation in
which disequilibrium is caused by one
aspect of social structure failing to change at
the same rate as an interrelated aspect.
/ J. Shepard. “Sociology”, p. 126/
6. НОРМЫ МОРАЛЬНЫЕ - это
обобщенные, типизированные образцы (модели,
стандарты, алгоритмы) поведения людей в
известной обстановке.
Н.м. бывают иногда объединены в кодексы и
переданы четкими, запоминающимися
словесными формулировками. Н.м. существуют
не только в сознании, а объективированно - в
поступках, поведении, моральных качествах
личности, в нравственных позициях и
отношениях людей.
/Энцик. соц-кий. словарь, стр. 454/
7. ВЕРА РЕЛИГИОЗНАЯ - основанная на
божественном откровении, а не на логич.
принципах и доказательствах вера в реальное
существование сверхъестественных сил,
свойств и отношений. Вера религиозная основа любой религии, религиозного сознания
и кул ьт а , о п р ед е л я е т м и р о в о з з р е н и е ,
переживания и поведение верующих.
Вера религиозная выступает в качестве высшего
проявления человеческого сознания, высшей
нравственной ценности и более высокой формы
познания, чем разум.
/Энцик. соц-кий. словарь, стр. 90/
8. КУЛЬТУРНЫЙ ЛАГ - это понятие описывает
ситуацию, когда одни части культуры
изменяются быстрее, а другие медленнее. Это
понятие ввел У. Ог- борн. Он предположил, что
ценностный мир человека не успевает
приспосабливаться к слишком быстрым
изменениям в материальной сфере, особенно
страдает молодежь. Ее духовный мир не
обогащается столь быстро, как материальное
положение.
/Кравченко А.И. Введение в соц-гию, стр. 66/
293
9. UNIVERSALS /р.84/ - general cultural
traits thought to exist in all known cultures.
/ J.Shepard “Sociology”, p.92/
10. SUBCULTURE /p.89/ - widely and
broadly used, the core idea of subcultural
theory is of formation subcultures as a
collective solution to, or resolution of,
problems arising from the blocked
aspirations of members, or their ambiguous
position in the wider society. Thus
subcultures are distinct from the larger
culture but borrow (and often distort,
exaggerate or invert) its symbols, values,
and beliefs. The concept is widely used in
sociology of deviance - particularly in
studies of youth culture.
/ Oxf. Con-se Die. of Soc-gy, p.518/
11. CONTRACULTURE /р.90/ - is subculture
which specifically stands in direct
opposition to the dominant culture of the
society in which it is located, rejecting its
most important values and norms and
endorsing its opposites.
/ Oxf. Con-se Die. of Soc-gy, p.95/
9. КУЛЬТУРНЫЕ УНИВЕРСАЛИИ
это такие нормы, ценности, правила, традиции и
свойства, которые присущи веем культурам
н е з а в и с и м о о т г е о г р а ф и ч е с ко го м е с т а ,
исторического времени и социального устройства
общества.
/Кравченко А.И. Введение в соц-гию, стр. 44/
10. СУБКУЛЬТУРА - это культура какой-либо
социальной или демографической группы, в
чем-то ограниченная культура социальной
общности, обусловленная бедностью се
с о ц и а л ь н ы х с вя з е й , н е п ол н ото й и л и
з ат руд н е н н о с т ь ю д о с ту п а д л я н е е к
культурному наследию. Субкультура не
противостоит целостной национальной
культуре, но она все же имеет существенные
особенности. Молодежь развивает свою
субкультуру, в частности создаст свой
жаргонный язык, язык моды, музыку,
н р а в с т в е н н ы й к л и м ат. О с о б е н н о с т и
молодежной субкультуры объясняются, с
одной стороны, избытком жизненной
энергии, а с другой - отсутствием у нес
экономиче ской и социальной
самостоятельности.
/Краткий слов.по соц-гии, стр. 401/
11. КОНТРКУЛЬТУРА - это тип субкультуры,
ко т о р а я н е п р о с т о о тл и ч а е т с я о т
доминирующей культуры, но противостоит
ей, находится в конфликте с
господствующими ценностями. Субкультура
террористов противостоит человеческой
культуре, а молодежное движение хиппи в 60е годы от рица ло го сподствующие
американские ценности: усердный труд,
материальный успех и наживу, конформизм,
294
сексуальную сдержанность, политическую
лояльность, рационализм.
/Кравченко А.И. Введение в соц-гию, стр. 59/
12. ETHNOCENTRIC1SM /p. 158/ - this is
the practice of studying and making
judgments about other societies in terms of
one’s own cultural assumptions or bias.
Ethnocentricism often suggests that the
way something is done in other societies is
inferior to the way it is done in one’s own
society.
Chapter 6. Bureaucracy.
1. SOCIALIZATION /р.97/ - this is the
process by which we learn to become
members of society, and also by learning to
perform our social roles (as worker, friend,
citizen, and so forth). It is now recognized
that socialization continues throughout the
life-course. It is also recognized that
socialization is not simply a one-way
process, in which individuals learn how to
fit into society, since people may also
redefine their social roles and obligations.
/ Oxf. Con-se Die. of Soc-gy, p.498/
12. ЭТНОЦЕНТРИЗМ - система взглядов, в
которых жизнь других народов, их правы и
обычаи рассматриваются через призму
традиционных установок и ценностных
ориентаций своей этнической общности.
Этноцентризм в бытовой сфере, на личностиосемейном уровне связан с тем естественным
противопоставлением "мы - они", которое
лежит в основе этнич. идентификации, уходит
своими корнями в особенности психики,
негативно реагирующей на вес незнакомое, и в
конечном счете обусловлен этнокультурной
апперцепцией, т.с. спецификой всего процесса
социализации личности в определенной
этнокультурной среде, восприятием бытующих
в ней стереотипов.
/Энцик. соц-кий. словарь, стр. 919/
Глава 6. Бюрократия
1. СОЦИАЛИЗАЦИЯ - процесс становления
личности, обучения и усвоения индивидом
ценностей, норм, установок, образцов
поведения, присущих данному обществу,
социальной общности, группе. Социализация
осуществляется как в ходе целенаправленного
воздействия на человека в системе воспитания,
так и иод влиянием широкого круга других
воздействующих факторов (семейного и
внсссмсйного общения, искусства, средств
массовой информации и др.). Расширение и
углубление социализации индивида происходит
в трех основных сферах: деятельности,
общения, самосознания. В процессе
самосознания выделяются три стадии: 295
дотрудовая (охватывающая период жизни
человека до начала трудовой деятельности и
включающая раннее детство и период
обучения), трудовая (условные границы период зрелости человека, его активного
участия в трудовой деятельности) и послструдовая, которя относится к периоду жизни
человека, совпадающему, как правило,
2. BUREAUCRACY /р.97/ - a body of
administrative officials, and the procedures
and tasks involved in particular system of
administration, for example a state of
formal organization. The characteristics of
bureaucracy are hierarchy of offices and the
channelling of communication through
hierarchal levels; files and secrecy; clearly
defined spheres of authority determined by
general rules and governed by regulations;
and the administrative separation of official
activities from private affairs.
/ Oxf. Con-se Die. of Soc-gy, p.35/
3. MASS MEDIA /р.97/ - means of
communication such as large scale
organizations which use one or more of
these technologies to communicate with
large number of people. The mass media
have two important sociological
characteristics: first, very few people can
communicate to a great number; and,
second, the audience has no effective way
of answering back. Mass communication is
by definition a one-way process.
/ Oxf. Con-se Die. of Soc-gy, р.313/
2. БЮРОКРАТИЯ - разновидность организации
публичной власти в условиях развитой
социальной дифференциации общества, то сеть
система социального управления, отчужденная
от управляемых и стоящая над ними.
Бюрократия не только служит орудием одних
социальных групп против других, но и
своекорыстно стремится подчинять
действительные потребности общества, задачи,
нормы и процедуры функционирования целям
самосохранения и укрепления собственных
позиций, демонстрируя при этом
поразительную приспосабливаемое™. /Энцикл.
социолог, словарь, стр. 80/
3. СРЕДСТВА МАССОВОЙ
ИНФОРМАЦИИ - социальные институты (пресса,
книжные издательства, агентства печати, радио,
телевидение и т.д.), обеспечивающие сбор,
обработку и распространение информации в
массовом масштабе. Массовая информация
предназначена для численно большой, обычно
географически рассредоточенной аудитории и
отличается быстротой и регулярностью
распространения, практически одновременностью
потребления, опосредованным, в известной
степени стерсотипизированным характером. Ее
распространение - неотъемлемая часть массового
духовного общения людей, которое возникло на
определенной ступени развития человечества в
дополнение к непосредственному
межличностному общению. СМИ по своей
природе предназначены для широкого и
всестороннего обмена
296
с пенсионным возрастом. На каждой стадии
существуют о собые институты
социализации: семья, дошкольн. дет.
учреждения, школа, трудовые коллективы,
неформальные объединения, группы "по
интересам" и др. Воздействие каждого из
таких институтов обусловлено системой
общественных отношений, существующих в
обществе. /Краткий словарь по соц-гии, стр.
318- 319./
4. DIVISION OF LABOUR /р.97/ - one of the
oldest concepts in social sciences. It denotes
any stable organization , coordinating
individuals, or groups, carrying out
different, but integrated activities. Modem
societies as a whole are characterized by an
extensive social division of labour,
involving the specialization and
interdependence of whole institutions and
social processes.
/ Oxf. Con-se Die. of Soc-gy, p. 128/
5. AUTHORITY /p.99/ - power of right to
give orders and make others to obey. Power
was defined by Weber in general terms as
the probability of persons or groups
carrying out their will even when opposed
by others. In Weber’s famous phrase,
“classes, status, groups and parties are all
phenomena of distribution of power in a
society.
/ Oxf. Con-se Die. of Soc-gy, p.412/
сообщениями в рамках всего общества. /
Энцикл. социолог, словарь, стр. 763/
4. РАЗДЕЛЕНИЕ ТРУДА - этот термин
употребляется в общественных науках в
нескольких значениях: общественное разделение
труда - дифференциация и сосуществование в
обществе различных социальных функций,
видов деятельное™, выполняемых
определенными группами людей
(профессиональное разделение труда,
разделение занятий, специализация), и
выделение в связи с этим различных сфер
(промышленность, сельское хозяйство, наука,
образование). Общественное разделение труда
представляет собой Р.Т. между людьми в
процессе производства материальных благ.
/Энцикл. социолог, словарь, стр. 625/
5. ВЛАСТЬ - функция, необходимый элемент
жизнедеятельности социальной системы. Его
содержание - подчинение воли носителей
функции (лиц, групп, учреждений) всех
субъектов данной системы. С композиционной
точки зрения власть есть совокупность
объективно складывающихся властсотношений, опосредствующих эти отношения
институтов и многоуровневой структуры
социальных ролей, основные слагаемые которой
- роли властвующих и подвластных. Позиции
каждого из таких слагаемых в ролевой структуре
власти противоположны и не равны по
значению. Роли властвующих занимают
вершину указанной структуры и выражаются в
директивном воздействии на статус и поведение
подвластных. Роли подвластных располагаются
у подножия ролевой структуры власти и зависят
(по линии субординации) от ролей
властвующих; по своему содержанию они
сводятся к актам повиновения декретируемой
сверху воле. /Энцикл. социолог, словарь, стр.
6. CORPORATION /р. 103/ - the legal 6. КОРПОРАЦИЯ - совокупность лиц, form of
organization for both capitalist объединившихся для достижения ка- and public enterprise,
in which control кой-либо цели, осуществления совмс98-99/
297
apparently or actually passes to a managerial
elite, appointed on the basis of presumed or
credentialed expertise. Large corporations in
the private sector are the outcome of joint
stock (share) ownership and blocks of
impersonally owned and controlled finance
capital. In the public sector they typically
result from state nationalization and
ownership of assets.
/ Oxf. Con-se Die. of Soc-gy, p.94/
7. TECHNOLOGY /р. 104/ - in sociological
usage, technology embraces all forms of
productive technique, including handworking, and is not synonymous with
machinery as in some popular accounts. In
the sociology of industry, the term also
includes the physical organization of
production, i.e. the way in which
production hardware is arranged in the
place of work, and thus embraces the
division of labour and organization of work
that is built into or required for efficient
operation by the production technique.
Production techniques and the organization
of production are social products,
consequences of human decisionmaking,
and so technology can be analysed as the
outcome of social processes.
/ Dic-ry of Soc-gy, pp.425-426/
8. ENVIRONMENT /р. 106/ - it is simply the
delimited social context in which the
individual (or any living organism), is
located, and emphasis is on the issues of
adaptation adjustment to this environment.
/ Oxf. Con-se Die. of Soc-gy, p. 153/
стной деятельности и образующих
самостоятельный субъект права - юридическое
лицо. Чаще всего корпорации организуются в
форме акционерного общества. В частной
корпорации большинство акций принадлежит
одному владельцу, семье или узкой группе
акционеров.
/Энцикл. социолог, словарь, стр. 489/
7. СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ ТЕХНОЛОГИЯ представляет собой способ организации и
упорядочения целесообразной практической
деятельности, совокупность приемов,
направленных на определение или преобразование
(изменение состояния) социального объекта,
достижение заданного результата. При этом речь
идет о специфических, собственно
социологических средствах. Специфика
технологии в том, что она алгоритмизирует
деятельность и поэтому может быть многократно
использована, тиражирована для решения сходных
задач, достижения заданных результатов
посредством трансляции профессиональной, в
данном случае социологической культуры.
/Энцикл. социолог, словарь, стр. 823- 824/
8. СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ СРЕДА - совокупность
объективных факторов, влияющих на
формирование и поведение личности.
Выделяют макросреду (характер общественного
298
разделения труда, вытекающая из него
социальная структура общества, система
образования, воспитания и т.д.) и микросреду
(трудовой коллектив, семья, школа). Социальная
среда личности определяется общественными
отношениями на уровне общества в целом, на
уровне социальных классов, отраслей
общественного труда, региона, города и
деревни, социальной организации, социальных
ценностей и норм.
1. SOCIAL CONTROL /p. 119/ - a term
is widely used in sociology to the social
processes by which the behaviour of
Chapter
7 Government
individuals
or groups is regulated.
Since all societies have norms and rules
governing conduct all equally have
some mechanism for ensuring the
conformity to those norms and for
dealing with deviance.
/Oxf. Con-se Die. of Sociology , p.485 /
2. DEVIANCE /р. 119/- a certain kind of
behaviour that has been seen as a
pattern of norm violation or a stigma
construct, a labour bestowed upon
certain classes of behaviour at certain
times, which then become devalued,
discredited, and often excluded.
Whithin either tradition - norm
violation or stigma construct deviance
is a shifting, ambiguous, and volatile
concept. Precisely who and what is the
deviant depends upon a firm
understanding of the norms and
3. SOCIAL ORDER /р. 119/ - the
explanation of order and cohesion in
society is a central concern of social
theory. Three types of explanation
may be identified:
1) The utilitarian approach suggests that
it is in the self interest of all
individuals to maintain social order,
particular in complex societies where
division of labour is high and people
are interdependent.
2) The cultural approach emphasizes the
role of shared norms and values,
E. Durheim and T. Parson being
influential sociological exponents of
value consensus. 3) The compulsion
approach emphasizes power and
domination - variously military, judicial,
spiritual, economic, - and the capacity of
those who dominate to enforce order.
Among sociological theorists, K. Marks
and M. Weber are notable exponents of
compulsion, though neither denies the
contributary role of value.
/ Dic-ry of Soc-gy , p. 389/
4. REFERENCE GROUP
/р. 123(7?)/the term “reference group” was coined
labelling process in particular social
contexts. /Oxf. Con-se Die. of
Sociology , p. 121/
/Энцикл. социолог, словарь, стр. 763/
Глава 7 Форма правления
I. СОЦИАЛЬНЫЙ КОНТРОЛЬ способ саморегуляции системы,
обеспечивающий упорядоченное
взаимодействие составляющих ес
элементов, посредством нормативного (в
том числе правового) регулирования.
Стабилизирующая функция системы
социального контроля заключается в
воспроизводстве господствующего типа
общественных отношений, социальных
(групповых, классовых, государственных)
струк- тур.Социальный контроль - элемент
более общей системы регулирующих
воздействий на поведение индивидов со
стороны общества. Отличительной
особенностью формы воздействия является
упорядоченность, формализованность,
категоричность требований, предъявляемых
индивиду, их нормативность,
обеспеченность санкциями. /
Энциклопедический социологический
словарь ,стр 302/
1. . ДЕВИАНТНОЕ ПОВЕДЕНИЕ
поведение индивида или группы, которое не
соответствует общепринятым нормам, в
результате чего эти нормы ими нарушаются.
/Ф. Фролов. Социология, стр. 350/
by Herbert Human to apply to the group
against which and individuals evaluates
his or her own situation or conduct.
Human distinguished between a
membership group to which people
actually belong and a reference group
which is used as a basis for comparison .
/Oxford Concise Dictionary of
Sociology, p. 441/
3. СОЦИАЛЬНЫЙ ПОРЯДОК - центральное
понятие многих социологических теорий;
выражает идею организованной
общественной жизни, упорядоченности
действий социального или системы
299социальной. Понятие социальной системы
содержит ряд взаимосвязанных оттенков
значения: мысль о неслучайности
социального поведения каждого индивида,
о существовании взаимности,
согласованности, дополнительности и,
следовательно, предсказуемости в
действиях людей ( они могут действовать
социально, только если в какой-то мере
знают, чего ожидают друг от друга);
представление об устойчивости и
исторической длительности форм
общественной жизни; о существовании в
ней ограничений насилия и т.п.
4. РЕФЕРЕНТНАЯ ГРУППА - реальная или
воображаемая социальная группа, система
ценностей и норм которой выступает для
индивида эталоном. В системе отношений
“личность - общество” референтная группа
выполняет три главные функции:
статусную (информативную ),
способствующую формированию у
индивида представления о его месте в
социальной структуре общества, его
социальном статусе и эталоне исполнения
его социальных ролей, соответствующих
этому статусу; регулятивную (или
нормативную), устанавливающую и
интерпретирующую для личности
социальные нормы общества и других
социальных групп и через них
обусловливающую определенный тип
поведения; мировоззренческую
(ценностно- оценочную), определяющую
установки,
5. INTEREST GROUPS /р. 120/- interest groups are voluntary associations
with specific and narrowly defined
goals, which may be moderator radical,
local or international in scope.
Professional and trade associations
work as interest groups. Interest groups
may represent one segment of public
(such as pensioners or students) or they
may represent a value (for example
anti abortion) at which point they
shade into ideological or moral
crusades.
/Oxford Concisc Dictionary of Sociology , p.
253 /
6. PRESSURE GROUPS /р. 123/ groups of persons, or other
organizations joining to represent the
interests of a particular sectional group
vis-a- vis governments, the public at
large or other interest groups. Pressure
groups, lobby groups and interest
groups are distinct from other clubs or
social groups in that their explicit
purpose is to mobilize public opinion
support of their aims and to put
pressure on decision -making bodiesto
agree to and to support their demands,
be they for continuation of existing
state of affairs or for some change of
innovation. /Oxford Concisc Dictionary of
Sociology, p.416/
7.
PEER GROUP -/p. 127/-groun
composed of individuals of roughly
the same age and with common
interests.
/J. Shephard. “Sociology” , p. 162/
8. POLITICAL PARTY /р. 137/- formal
organizations for representing the aims
and interests of different socioeconomic forces in the political sphere
- although not all societies ценности,
идеалы и цели личности. /
Энциклопедический социологический
словарь, стр. 149/
5. ГРУППА КОЛЛЕКТИВНЫХ
ИНТЕРЕСОВ - это формальные или
неформальные объединения, основу 300
возникновения которых составляют
коллективные, чаще всего групповые,
интересы.
/Энциклопедический социологический
словарь, стр. 411/
6. ГРУППЫ ДАВЛЕНИЯ социально
организованные группы для оказания
влияния на официальных государственных
должностных лиц. Процесс управления
экономическим развитием и
общественными делами в конечном счете
определяется интересами влиятельных
групп различной степени активности.
Поскольку интересы групп, как правило,
не совпадают, между ними возникает
противоборство. Оно выливается в форму
давления на законодательную,
исполнительную и судебную власть. /
Энциклопедический социологический
словарь, стр. 154/
7. Г Р У П П А С В Е Р С Т Н И К О В разновидность первичной группы. Группа,
состоящая из людей одинакового возраста
с общими интересами.
/Краткий словарь но социологии, стр. 49/
8. П О Л И Т И Ч Е С К И Е П А Р Т И И
устойчивые политические органазации,
объединяющие людей с общими
интересами, выраженными в
основопологаю- щих для данной партии
идейных установках и программах с
целью их рсали- have party-political
system of government. Political
parties are the organizational means
by which candidates for offices are
recruited and ideologies are
propagated. Parties seek to organize
a n d d o m i n a t e t h e o rg a n s o f
government and to provide national
leadership.
/Oxford Concise Dictionary of Sociology,
p.399/ зации путем овладения политической
властью и осуществления государственного
руководства стараной. П.п. являются
продуктом раскола общества на социальные
классы и группы, различные по социальноэ ко н о м и ч е с ко м у и п о л и т и ч е с ко м у
положению и интересам, но осознавшие эти
различия и выразившие их в форме
политико-идеологиче ских объяснений
действительности и программ ее
преобразования. Исходя из структуры и
внут ренней организации П.п. можно
выделить кадровые (элитарные) и массовые
(популист ские); цент ра лизованные и
децентрализованные; с постоянным и
н е о ф о рм л е н н ы м ; и н д и в и д уа л ь н ы м и
коллективным членством. По
территориальному масштабу деятельности
различаются общенациональные и
региональные П.п.. Целесообразно отделять
правящие партии от партий стоящих в
оппозиции, легальные от нелегальных. /
Энцикл. социол. словарь ,стр.527/
CONTENTS
Part I
ENGLISH READER FOR SOCIOLOGY STUDENTS
PART I & II
1
ENGLISH READER FOR SOCIOLOGY STUDENTS
1
3
PARTI
3
The size of samples 19
PART II: A GRAMMAR WORKBOOK
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для общепрактических целей
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