CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDY
A. Related Literature
A literature review is a thorough summary of previous Research on a particular topic. The
literature review examines scholarly articles, books, and other relevant sources to a specific study area.
This prior Research should be listed, described, summarized, evaluated, and clarified in the review. It
should provide a theoretical foundation for the research and assist you (the author) in determining the
scope of your investigation. The literature review acknowledges previous researchers' work, assuring the
reader that your work was well thought out. It is assumed that the author has read, evaluated, and
assimilated previous work in the field of study by mentioning it. A literature review provides the reader
with a "landscape," allowing them to understand the field's developments. Landscape informs the reader
that the author has included all (or the vast majority of) previous, significant works in the field in their
research. Coffta(2010).
1. Foreign Literature
An article written by Valle-Cruz, D., Lopez-Chau, A., & Sandoval-Almazan, R.
(2021) entitled "How much do Twitter posts affect voters? Analysis of the multi-emotional charge
with affective computing in political campaigns." states that the exploitation and understanding of
data generated in social media have mainly focused on unimodal sentiment analysis based on onedimensional sentiment analysis. Valle-Cruz, D., Lopez-Chau, A., & Sandoval-Almazan, R.
(2021) proposed an analysis of the emotional charge for the U.S. presidential elections in 2020 based on
a hybrid approach that combines practical computing and classic statistical analysis. They analyzed the
multi-emotional control of candidates and voters and the potential relationship between the candidates'
emotions on the voters. Their research can determine the degree of agreement between candidates and
voters through this analysis. Future Research is proposed for the area of affective computing in political
campaigns. (https://doi.org/10.1145/3463677.3463698)
An article written by Tham, J. C. (2021), entitled "How Might Digital Campaigning Affect
the Problems of Political Finance?" states that the Digital campaigning in the electoral context can be
understood as digital media in election campaigns. Included in the swirl of strategies are: campaigning
through the Internet using web pages, advertising, and search engine optimization; the use of social
media such as Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, TikTok, Snapchat, and Instagram; mobile services, for
example, SMS text messages; data tools; and political campaigning software. Digital campaigning can
also enhance popular control of government and political equality. Tham, J. C. (2021) mentioned that
Digital campaigning could become a tool for combating the corruption linked to issues around political
finance. Due to its accessibility and interactivity, digital campaigning can also effectively campaign
against corruption. Examples include anti-corruption campaigns in Indonesia, such as the Corruption
Eradication Commission and the digital campaign against the former Malaysian Prime Minister. Digital
campaigning may also promote a more level playing field by increasing accessibility or reducing cost
barriers to meaningful political participation in election contests. Digital campaigning can also level the
playing field in other ways. It can enable broader political participation through 'born digital'
organizations
that
have
developed
new
ways
of
engaging
in
political
participation.
(https://www.idea.int/sites/default/files/publications/how-digital-campaigning-affect-politicalfinance.pdf)
2. Local Literature
A news article published in "GMA News Online" entitled Twitter, Comelec partner to
promote healthy conversation during Eleksyon 2022. The GMA News Online emphasizes that Social
media giant Twitter has partnered with the Commission on Elections (Comelec) to promote healthy
discussion and fight misinformation in the May 2022 national and local elections. The partnership also
aims to amplify voter education initiatives on the policy, product, and collaboration front to protect the
integrity of election-centric conversations on Twitter and encourage healthy civic debate. "With a
record-breaking 65.7 million registered voters, the Philippines are expected to hold one of the largest
elections in Asia. During this most important time for us as a nation, collaboration between
governments, industry partners, and civic organizations is crucial to protect the integrity of the elections.
We are pleased to partner with Twitter to fight misinformation and encourage voter participation," a
press release from Twitter quoted Comelec spokesperson James Jimenez said. To unite people around
election conversations on the platform, Twitter said it has launched a series of customized emojis "that
aim to be valuable visual links to aid the discoverability of election-related discussions."
(https://www.msn.com/en-ph/news/technology/twitter-comelec-partner-to-promote-healthyconversation-during-eleksyon-2022/ar-AAVdfCq)
B. Related Studies
Studies review or study existing works carried out in your project/research field. Can take related
studies from journals, magazines, website links, government reports, and other sources. Especially for
Ph.D. candidate-related work is an essential constraint since paving the path to the entire research
process.
1. Foreign Studies
In a research conducted by Okumuşoğlu, Â. A. (2021) entitled "Campaigning under
Lockdown: Impact of New Media on Political Campaigns during the COVID-19 Pandemic in
2020-21 with Case Studies of Presidential Elections in Poland, USA, and Portugal" concludes that
in many ways, the shift toward new media platforms over traditional in many ways. Whether increased
digital ad spending compared to traditional campaign advertising or the usage of new media as an
alternative to conventional media for communicating with the public, politicians and candidates across
the Western world have adopted new media channels for their communications. Seeing it more as a
central element of their communication rather than a complimentary one (Lilleker & Vedel, The Internet
in Campaigns and Elections, 2013) indicates a shift towards accepting new media platforms as primary
sources of communication. New media still plays a supporting role in traditional media in many
countries (Schroeder, 2018). in the cases of Poland and mainly in Portugal, wherein hypermedia
campaigns, as envisioned by (Howard, 2006), work within a hybrid media environment (Chadwick,
2013; Vaccari, 2010) are present, however still not entirely accepted or practiced. New media instead
plays the role of extending and displacing functions of political communication (Gurevitch, Coleman, &
Blumler, 2009). While traditional media remain the 'key battleground' (Lilleker, Tenscher, & Stetka,
2015) of persuasive political communication and largely shape political reality (Gurevitch, Coleman, &
Blumler, 2009) in many countries. Case studies show that the relationship between traditional media and
new media has significantly evolved over the past decade. Natural developments in new media
technology, such as the widespread use of intelligent technologies, wireless Internet as well as the
increasing affordability of these technologies, the fourth era of political communication (Blumler, 2016;
Magin, Podschuweit, & Habler, 2013; Stromback, Âli Argun Okumuşoğlu 63 2008; Rommele & von
Schneidmesser, 2016). as outlined by (Roemmele & Gibson, 2020; Lilleker & Vedel, The Internet in
Campaigns and Elections 2013) exemplifies how features of new media that traditional media cannot
offer, or limits, can provide new ways of communication. A key component of new media within the
fourth era of political communication, bypassing traditional gatekeepers (Roemmele & Gibson, 2020;
Tran, 2013; Gurevitch, Coleman, & Blumler, 2009), allows communicators – particularly politicians – to
directly connect, interact and hold the attention of their publics. Non-establishment and fringe politicians
who benefit from features of new media. Shift away from using new media to promote a campaign
further,
but
as
one
that
offers
features,
traditional
media
cannot.
Namely,
controlled
interactivity (Freelon, 2017), community-building (Gibson, 2015), and personalization (Lee & Oh, 2012;
Kruikemeier, Noort, Vliegenthart, & Vreese, 2015) are increasingly becoming central to political
campaigns over the past decade. Campaigns utilize new media features such as micro-targeting and
simple content creation to engage their public more intimate, mediatized manner that traditional media
such as television or radio cannot provide. Another shift seen in how political campaigns communicate
with their audiences is an increased level of authenticity (Roose, 2020) that platforms such as TikTok
and Instagram provide, allowing politicians to directly connect with and communicate to the public from
the cameras of their phones. Leading to an 'un-professionalization' of political communication, inversely
with the third era of political communication. New media have become a dominant aspect of our
mediated societies, and political communicators are seeing the need for adapting to these circumstances,
as also argued by (Seymour-Ure, 1977). As cited in (Lilleker & Vedel, The Internet in Campaigns and
Elections, 2013) in how political communicators adapt to dominant media of the time. The biggest
macro-symptom of new media communication models is the flow of information and agendasetting (McCombs & Shaw, 1972) practices which seem to be changing. Within the aforementioned
hybrid media system (Chadwick, 2013) exists the interactive and two-way communication model
brought forth by new media. The intertwined process exists in a single 'flow of agenda' (Vowe & Henn,
2016) which can be seen between traditional and contemporary media. The agendas of traditional media
no longer mark new media. Still, the two are involved in an intertwined, cross-medium process in which
the latter can impact the plan of the former just as well. Noted as a reverse-flow agenda by (Vowe &
Henn, 2016), this process shows communicators using new media platforms to set the plan of traditional
media. Furthermore, the impact of the Internet on the public sphere, as argued by (Vedel, 2003), also
denotes and ability of the public to impact the campaign agendas of politicians, forming a similar
reverse-flow
of
plan
in
contrast
with
traditional
agenda-setting
theories.
(https://elearning.unyp.cz/pluginfile.php/58141/mod_data/content/8162/Okumusoglu%2C%20Ali%20Ar
gun%20%28519494%29%20-%20Bachelor%20Thesis.pdf)
In a research conducted by Stromer-Galley, J., Rossini, P., Hemsley, J., Bolden, S. E., &
McKernan, B. (2021) entitled "Political Messaging over Time: A Comparison of U.S. Presidential
Candidate Facebook Posts and Tweets in 2016 and 2020" states that social media platforms have
matured. Political campaigns have normalized their use of those platforms. Stromer-Galley, J., Rossini,
P., Hemsley, J., Bolden, S. E., & McKernan, B. (2021) examined the 2016 and 2020 U.S. presidential
campaign communication on Facebook and Twitter. Their objective is to explore how the stages of the
campaign cycle shape political communication, the distinct and anti-normative communication style of
Donald Trump. They examined whether Donald Trump's communication is an outlier relative to his
competition in the primaries and the general election and while a challenger in 2016 and an incumbent in
2020. The result suggested that campaign messaging changes over the campaign stages, with candidates
more likely to advocate for themselves during the crowded primaries and engage in high volumes of
calls to action in the general election. Evidence suggests that the global pandemic affected how
campaigns used their social media accounts. Of note, movements seem to heavily rely on Facebook for
all types of strategic communication, even as the academic community primarily analyzes Twitter. The
study results suggest that while scholarship offers, communication on digital media is filled with attacks
and outrage (Sobieraj & Berry, 2011). Political candidates use their social media platforms to mobilize
their supporters and tell them and the public about their character and qualities more than attack their
opponents. (https://doi.org/10.1177/20563051211063465)
In a research conducted by Zaheer L. (2016) entitled “Public, but not too public: political
campaigns, media, and relationship marketing" implies that Fast and easy access to information via
new forms of media has transformed how American election campaigns have been conducted.
Campaigns have also been affected by the marketing model of relationship marketing, which moves the
focus of the seller-buyer connection beyond a one-time purchase to a longer-term set of interactions. In
the context of a political campaign, relationship marketing focuses on going beyond just asking for a
vote in that election and instead focuses on presenting the candidate as a person and seeking to develop
an on-going personal relationship between the candidate and potential voters that may continue after the
end of the campaign. Media are an essential component of relationship marketing in election campaigns
because they establish easily accessible communication between candidates and voters. Zaheer L.
(2016) examined the impact of media on relationship marketing in a political context by analyzing the
2012 Connecticut Senate campaign of Linda McMahon. McMahon's campaign is a particularly
appropriate site for this analysis because of McMahon's association with World Wrestling Entertainment
(WWE): a company that has significant amounts of favourable and unfavourable information about it
online. The campaign attempted to present a positive personal image of McMahon while downplaying or
recasting the business experience that was her primary source of credibility. Zaheer, L. (2016) analysis
of campaign messages in traditional and social media forms examines how the McMahon campaign
attempted to create a relationship between McMahon and potential voters while controlling negative
information about McMahon and the WWE.
(http://web.mit.edu/comm-forum/legacy/mit8/papers/Mcquarrie_Neilson.pdf)
2. Local Studies