CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 Annual Review of Clinical Psychology History of the Treatment of Female Sexual Dysfunction(s) Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. Peggy J. Kleinplatz1,2 1 Faculty of Medicine, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ontario K1G 5Z3, Canada; email: kleinpla@uottawa.ca 2 School of Psychology, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ontario K1N 6N5, Canada Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018. 14:2.1–2.26 Keywords The Annual Review of Clinical Psychology is online at clinpsy.annualreviews.org female sexual dysfunction, female sexuality, low desire, sex therapy https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-clinpsy-050817084802 Abstract c 2018 by Annual Reviews. Copyright All rights reserved This article reviews the history of the treatment of women’s sexual problems from the Victorian era to the twenty-first century. The contextual nature of determining what constitutes female sexual psychopathology is highlighted. Conceptions of normal sexuality are subject to cultural vagaries, making it difficult to identify female sexual dysfunctions. A survey of the inclusion, removal, and collapsing of women’s sexual diagnoses in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders from 1952 to 2013 illuminates the biases in the various editions. Masters and Johnson’s models of sexual response and dysfunction paved the way for the diagnosis and treatment of women’s sexual dysfunctions. Their sex therapy paradigm is described. Conceptions of and treatments for anorgasmia, arousal difficulties, vaginismus, dyspareunia, and low desire are reviewed. The medicalization of human sexuality and the splintering of sex therapy are discussed, along with current trends and new directions in sexual health care for women. 2.1 Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 Contents Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . THE VICTORIAN ERA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . WOMEN’S PSYCHOLOGICAL PROBLEMS AS ROOTED IN GYNECOLOGICAL DISORDERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . FREUD AND THE DIAGNOSIS AND TREATMENT OF HYSTERIA IN PSYCHOANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . FREUD ON ORGASM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . MID-CENTURY AMERICA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . THE DIAGNOSES AND TREATMENTS OF WOMEN’S SEXUAL PROBLEMS 1952–2013: FROM THE OBJECTIVE TO THE SUBJECTIVE AND BACK AGAIN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . MASTERS AND JOHNSON AND THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN SEX THERAPY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . THE 1970S: THE REDISCOVERY OF THE CLITORIS AND THE RIGHT TO FEMALE SEXUAL PLEASURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . SEXUAL DESIRE DISORDERS AND THE FAILURE OF SEX THERAPY . . . . . . WHEN A WOMAN HAS A SEXUAL DYSFUNCTION, WHAT EXACTLY IS IT THAT REQUIRES TREATMENT? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . THE FEMINIST SEX WARS: FROM SEXUALITY AS EMPOWERING TO SEX AS DANGEROUS TO WOMEN AND GIRLS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . POLYPHARMACY, IATROGENIC SEXUAL DYSFUNCTIONS, AND SILENCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . THE FRAGMENTATION OF THE FIELD AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THE TREATMENT OF WOMEN’S SEXUAL PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . THE MEDICALIZATION OF SEXUALITY AND THE TREATMENT OF “FEMALE SEXUAL DYSFUNCTIONS” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . CHANGES TO THE DIAGNOSTIC NOSOLOGY FROM THE DSM-III TO THE DSM-5: IMPLICATIONS FOR TREATMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . From Vaginismus and Dyspareunia to Genito-Pelvic Pain/Penetration Disorder . . . From Female Sexual Arousal Disorder and Hypoactive Sexual Desire Disorder to Female Sexual Interest/Arousal Disorder . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . RECENT TRENDS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.6 2.6 2.8 2.10 2.11 2.12 2.12 2.13 2.14 2.15 2.18 2.18 2.19 2.20 INTRODUCTION Victorian era: a period corresponding to the reign of Queen Victoria (1837–1901), known for sexual hypocrisy and double standards HSDD: hypoactive sexual desire disorder 2.2 This article will survey the history of the treatment of women’s sexual problems from the late Victorian era to the present. Some of these problems have been formally identified and diagnosed as female sexual dysfunctions (e.g., anorgasmia) or disorders (e.g., hypoactive sexual desire disorder, or HSDD); others refer to psychological problems that were assumed to originate (primarily) in women’s sexuality (e.g., hysteria) prior to the existence of nosologies for female sexual dysfunction. This review will intertwine social history with notions of womanhood, conceptions of psychopathology, diagnostic classification systems, and the treatment of women’s sexual problems both before and after the advent of the field of sex therapy. The history of the treatment of Female Sexual Dysfunction is inextricably bound up with the history of sexology, female sexuality, and conceptions and diagnoses of male and female sexual Kleinplatz Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 problems. Any attempt to understand this history requires grappling with clinical and psychosocial conceptions of female and male sexuality, the lack of consistent and cohesive conceptions of normal versus psychopathological sexuality, and the vagaries of the diagnostic criteria used historically for the female and male sexual dysfunctions and disorders. One cannot discuss the history of the treatment of Female Sexual Dysfunction in the same way that one could discuss the history of the treatment of appendicitis (the infection of an organ found in the lower right quadrant of the abdomen). There is considerable agreement as to the signs and symptoms of appendicitis. The history of treatment of appendicitis is akin to the history of the development of surgical interventions; despite the many changes that occurred in this domain, there was never an argument about whether or not the appendix exists, where it is located, the seriousness of appendicitis, or whether to treat it. By contrast, there is considerable debate about what constitutes a sexual dysfunction; what the correct reference points are for understanding sexuality in general and sexual difficulties in particular; what the correct reference points might be for distinguishing normal sexual function from sexual dysfunction; whether sexual dysfunctions exist outside of normative performance standards; whether or not we can understand female sexual dysfunctions at all, given that male sexuality has long been held as the standard for sexuality per se; whether there is such a thing as “female sexual dysfunction” as a unitary entity versus “female sexual dysfunctions” (just as there are “male sexual dysfunctions” and no one would know what to make of the term “male sexual dysfunction”); the extent to which objective signs versus subjective symptoms determine whether a dysfunction is present; the seriousness of the problems; who is to determine whether or not a woman is in need of treatment; what methods ought to be employed in the course of treatment; what ought to be the goals of treatment; and what outcome criteria—and determined by whom—would suggest that the treatment was successful. Hysteria: a popular diagnosis of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, primarily of women, later replaced by dissociative identity disorder and somatoform/somatization disorders THE VICTORIAN ERA Victorian sexual ethics were dominated by the belief that sexuality was in need of control—not expression. This was hardly a new idea. Over the previous 2,000 years or so, Western sexual repression had largely been justified and sanctified in terms of Christian teachings. Socially unacceptable sexual desires and behaviors were judged as sinful. However, a major shift occurred during the Enlightenment, when science substituted from religious teachings as the arbiter of sexual and other morality. Whereas some streams within Western traditions had long held that sex was a wife’s privilege and a husband’s responsibility (e.g., Jewish teachings, Puritan codes), during the Victorian era a variety of social and intellectual currents converged to create the new belief that sex was a husband’s privilege and a wife’s responsibility (Groneman 2000, Sussman 1976). In the post-Enlightenment era, for the first time beliefs about the need for sexual restrictions were no longer justified in terms of sin but rather substantiated by Victorian notions of the natural sciences. Specifically, male sexual excesses were to be avoided out of fear of “spermatorrhea,” ostensibly a disease characterized by an imbalance of bodily fluids in the male body, which in turn was caused by too much ejaculation. Krafft-Ebing, author of the lurid but influential Psychopathia Sexualis in 1886, pronounced that men were to ejaculate only when absolutely necessary for purposes of procreation; otherwise, they would be at risk of the ravages of spermatorrhea, including feeblemindedness, madness, and even death (Krafft-Ebing 1965). This line of thinking became an important part of the foundations of psychology. For example, Benjamin Rush, the great pioneer of the mental hygiene movement, fought for those suffering from madness to be seen as mentally ill and treated with compassion rather than as sinners to be subject www.annualreviews.org • Treatment of Female Sexual Dysfunction(s) Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) 2.3 CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. to punishment and exorcism. However, Rush was among those Americans who spearheaded and championed the fight against spermatorrhea. How is any of this relevant for female sexuality or for the treatment of female sexual dysfunctions? The role of the good woman in this narrative was to constrain not only her own sexuality but also that of her husband. The Victorian ideal was said to be “a lady in the parlour and a whore in the bedroom”—both roles suited to fulfilling the needs of her husband (Pearsall 1969). This is in keeping with the Victorian view of female sexuality as subsidiary to male sexuality. Male sexuality was perceived as the reference point for sexuality per se, and this view continues to permeate the mental health professions to this day. Male sexuality has been perceived since the Victorian era as more driven, more “naturally” in need of expression and release, and as the template for sexual desire. At times, this has been explained in terms of testosterone, biomechanical factors, evolution, or (more recently) neuroscience. Female sexual desire has been perceived as less driven/compelling and therefore, for better or for worse, in the “normal,” feminine woman, more responsive and therefore under better control. This means not only that female disorders have been diagnosed and treated in terms of deviation from whatever had been perceived at a given time as normal female sexuality, but also that normal female sexuality has been perceived as that which deviates from and obstructs male sexual needs. These themes continue to recur in modern and postmodern times. There was the occasional voice, most notably Ellis (1936), who would call for the study of women’s sexuality, recognize women’s own capacity for desire and orgasm, and campaign for female sexual equality and the liberation of women, but they were not prominent until well into the twentieth century. Victorian views of sexuality and its dangers permeated not only scientific and medical literature but also the novels of the time. If “good women” were to prevent men from succumbing to spermatorrhea, correspondingly, “bad girls” were represented in Victorian literature as those who, having been bitten, became vampires. These insatiable women could suck a man dry and leave him near death or, even worse, transform him, too, into one of the pale creatures of the night. We see this image represented in the silent films of the early twentieth century and in those of the 1930s as the irresistible vamps portrayed by Theda Bara, Marlene Dietrich, Jean Harlow, etc. (LaSalle 2000). (When they reappear in the more sexually conservative 1950s as the femme fatales Lana Turner, Barbara Stanwyck, or Ava Gardner, they are punished, usually by death, for their sexual temptation.) In summary, the early years of psychology and psychiatry correspond to a period during which Victorian ideas of male and female sexuality came to be explained in terms of what was or was not natural; in turn, ideas of what was natural and normal came to be explained in terms of biological science and were adopted by the founders of our fields. Please note that these nineteenth-century ideas about basic differences between men and women came to be accepted so automatically and uncritically that we continue to refer to men and women as “opposite sexes.” WOMEN’S PSYCHOLOGICAL PROBLEMS AS ROOTED IN GYNECOLOGICAL DISORDERS The Victorian woman’s psychological problems were assumed to stem from disturbances in her reproductive organs. This belief is suggested by diagnoses such as “hysteria,” from the Greek for wandering womb; or, in the twentieth century, “involutional melancholia,” defined as an endogenous depression triggered by the shriveling of the uterus at menopause. Both were listed in the first two editions of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders of the American Psychiatric Association (DSM, DSM-II; Am. Psychiatr. Assoc. 1952, 1968). The treatment of diseases linked or attributed to women’s sexuality, notably hysteria and nymphomania, was related 2.4 Kleinplatz Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 to which medical specialty held dominion over women’s minds and bodies from the nineteenth to the twentieth century: “The underlying assumption that women were dominated by their reproductive organs led some physicians to blame virtually all women’s diseases and complaints on disorders of these organs” (Groneman 1994, p. 349). Dissociative and conversion hysteria were particularly vexing; they remained in the DSM until 1980 and were then renamed and reconceptualized as dissociative identity disorder and somatoform/somatization disorders, respectively. Nineteenth-century treatments for hysteria varied from high-fiber diets, bloodletting, cold enemas, and oophorectomies to clitoral ablation and induction of paroxysmal convulsions (i.e., orgasms) by the physician (Groneman 1994). The latter was sensational enough to have become the subject of a 2009 movie entitled Hysteria starring Maggie Gyllenhaal. Unfortunately, the focus of the film, the ostensible development of vibrators and their popularity in the treatment of hysteria, was far from accurate. The treatments of hysteria and nymphomania were far more likely to be painful and punitive than pleasurable. Nymphomania: a diagnosis of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries for women who were very sexually active or displaying high sexual desires (derogatory connotation) FREUD AND THE DIAGNOSIS AND TREATMENT OF HYSTERIA IN PSYCHOANALYSIS Although it may not have encompassed what would be called Female Sexual Dysfunction today, Freud famously studied the origins of and treatment for hysteria. He concluded that the cause of hysteria was unresolved trauma, often child sexual abuse, typically incest (Freud 1896). He believed that abreaction or catharsis—that is, uncovering and dealing with the emotions that were denied expression during the original trauma—was a crucial ingredient in treating hysteria. He thereby introduced “the talking cure,” or what later developed into psychoanalysis. Freud presented his discovery at a conference in Vienna in 1896. Unfortunately for Freud, Krafft-Ebing, then at the peak of his fame, was in the audience and stood up (Masson 1984), saying, “This sounds like a fairy tale!” Kraft-Ebbing’s denunciation of Freud’s theory of the sexual abuse etiology of hysteria was devastating and risked destroying any chance that psychoanalysis would be taken seriously. Three months later, Freud withdrew the most controversial aspect of his theory of hysteria (incest as the primary etiology) in order to establish the credibility of psychoanalysis itself (Masson 1984). For the next 90 years or so, when women, and sometimes men, came forward saying that they had been sexually abused in childhood, the standard mental health professional’s response was denial: No, there was no actual incest, but rather a wish so strong and so deeply repressed for many years that the patient was incapable of distinguishing between fantasy and reality. (This notion that children fantasize about sex with their parents later appeared in Freud’s theory of the Oedipal complex.) Treatment, therefore, consisted of having the patient eventually acknowledge that she “wanted it” but had not actually had sex with the alleged perpetrator. This approach stood until 1983, when Jeffrey Masson, then curator of the Freudian archives, disclosed publicly the correspondence between Freud and Fliess, in which Freud related that he had never stopped believing his patients’ accounts. Freud had continued to treat them as survivors of sexual abuse, rather than as women who could not distinguish between fantasy and reality (Masson 1984). Other early psychoanalytic circles often focused on tangential links between women’s neuroses and their sexuality. For example, Wilhelm Fliess posited a connection between women’s menstrual cycles, sexually based neuroses, and nasal tissue (Freud & Fliess 1986). Fliess’s nasalogenital theory attracted some interest, if not popularity, until his treatment—nasal surgery gone awry—resulted in hemorrhaging rather than a cure for female sexual psychopathology. www.annualreviews.org • Treatment of Female Sexual Dysfunction(s) Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) 2.5 CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 FREUD ON ORGASM Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. Clitoris: the primary female sexual pleasure organ; the most densely loaded organ in the human body with nerve endings for touch Before leaving Freud, his comments on women’s orgasms are worth considering in context, if only because his theory has so often been misquoted. Freud (1905) wrote about the girl’s focus on her clitoris as her primary erogenous zone during the phallic phase (i.e., ages 3–5). It was rather radical for Freud in 1905 to acknowledge the center of female sexual pleasure, let alone as it is experienced in childhood. His candor about the clitoris being the location for female selfstimulation to orgasm until the (partial) resolution of the Oedipal complex was similarly startling. (A careful discussion of Freud’s theory of the Oedipal complex in girls and its repercussions for sexuality in adulthood is beyond the scope of this article. It is just worth mentioning that his theory has often been confused with Jung’s theory of the Electra complex or, worse, misunderstood as misogynistic.) Freud wrote that in adulthood, women must switch their primary erogenous zone from the clitoris to the vagina by virtue of the demands of procreation in marriage. This has often been misunderstood as a repudiation of “clitoral orgasms” in favor of “vaginal orgasms” in the “mature” woman. For Freud, it was not so clear cut. As he wrote, When at last the sexual act is permitted and the clitoris itself becomes excited, it still retains a function: the task, namely, of transmitting the excitation to the adjacent female sexual parts, just as—to use a simile—pine shavings can be kindled in order to set a log of harder wood on fire. (Freud 1905, p.143) Did Freud consider the “clitoral orgasm” as pathological? It does not appear to be so. It is not what Freud actually wrote, but how it has been misinterpreted that has led to unnecessary “treatment” of women’s orgasms. Similarly, self-styled psychoanalysts have cited Freud’s comments that homosexuality represented “an arrest in sexual development” (again, something that must be read in context) while ignoring Freud’s statement that “[homosexuality] cannot be classified as an illness” [Freud 1951 (1935)]. For Freud, same-sex attraction in men and women did not call for therapy. The interested reader is advised to study primary sources [e.g., Freud 1905, 1951 (1935)]. MID-CENTURY AMERICA During the first half of the twentieth century, psychodynamic thinking dominated the diagnosis and treatment of sexual problems. Although there was no treatment for sexual dysfunctions as such, the treatment for problems of a sexual nature or that could be traced back to psychosexual development was psychoanalysis. This treatment aimed at substantive personality changes rather than merely targeting symptoms, but it was time intensive and expensive. The understanding of normal sexuality per se was revolutionized by the work of Kinsey and his colleagues and their large-scale surveys of male sexual behavior in 1948 and female sexual behavior in 1953, to be discussed below. THE DIAGNOSES AND TREATMENTS OF WOMEN’S SEXUAL PROBLEMS 1952–2013: FROM THE OBJECTIVE TO THE SUBJECTIVE AND BACK AGAIN Diagnoses of sexual problems exist in social context. This is never more apparent than in the history of the inclusion or removal of female sexual dysfunctions and disorders in/from the DSM from 1952 to 2013. The following sections will cover changes in the DSM diagnoses of female sexual problems across the editions. These sections will be interspersed with other observations highlighting the early and current treatments for these problems. The role of social changes from the 1950s to the present in influencing diagnoses and treatment will be woven through as well. The changes in the DSM are summarized in Table 1. 2.6 Kleinplatz Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) CP14CH02_Kleinplatz Table 1 ARI 13:1 Summary of changes to DSM diagnoses of women’s sexual problems, 1952–2013 Edition Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. 19 December 2017 Year Changes to diagnoses DSM 1952 Included involutional melancholia, frigidity, dyspareunia, nymphomania. Homosexuality listed under personality disorders. DSM-II 1968 Homosexuality now listed under sexual deviations. DSM-III 1980 Homosexuality removed. Nymphomania removed and new diagnoses added of inhibited sexual desire and sexual aversion. “Psychosexual dysfunctions added, which now include inhibited arousal and orgasm disorders in men and women, plus dyspareunia and vaginismus in women. DSM-III-R 1987 Psychosexual dysfunctions renamed sexual dysfunctions. Inhibited sexual desire renamed hypoactive sexual desire disorder. DSM-IV 1994 No significant changes. DSM-IV-TR 2000 No significant changes. DSM-5 2013 Sexual aversion removed. Dyspareunia and vaginismus removed and replaced by genito-pelvic pain/penetration disorder (GPPPD). Female sexual arousal disorder and hypoactive sexual desire disorder now replaced by female sexual interest/arousal disorder (SIAD, also known as FSIAD). No similar collapsing of categories occurred for male sexual dysfunctions. The late 1940s and early 1950s correspond to a period of relative social conservativism in the United States. It is during this period that the first edition of the DSM was published by the American Psychiatric Association in 1952. It was not until 1980 that psychosexual dysfunctions were formally introduced into the DSM-III. Nonetheless, there were sexual diagnoses in the 1940s and 1950s, which were then listed in the first edition of the DSM under “Psychophysiological autonomic and visceral disorders,” which included nymphomania, dyspareunia, frigidity, and involutional melancholia. Women who wanted and sought out copious amounts of sexual activities were diagnosed as nymphomaniacs, whereas the corresponding diagnosis for men was satyriasis. (Both terms come from woodland creatures in Greek mythology.) The gender bias in the application of these diagnoses was readily apparent: Women diagnosed with nymphomania were subjected to prefrontal lobotomies in the 1940s and 1950s; neuroleptic medications and electroconvulsive treatment followed in the 1950s and 1960s. By contrast, men who sought out lots of sex were seen as normal men and did not receive diagnoses, let alone psychiatric treatment. The other major diagnosis of female sexuality in the mid-twentieth century was the amorphous frigidity. As suggested by the term, it referred generically to women who were sexually cold and unresponsive. More specifically, it referred to women who had difficulties with arousal or orgasm during heterosexual intercourse (and who consequently were seen to have low desire for “sex”). At the time, marriage manuals indicated that sex ought to result in simultaneous orgasms as the climax of intercourse. Women who did not achieve orgasm in this way were pathologized and sent for psychoanalysis. Kinsey’s 1953 research indicating that women did, in fact, have orgasms regularly, though not necessarily via intercourse, was very controversial (Kinsey et al. 1953). The women he had interviewed reported prolific sexual activity before marriage, particularly manual and oral stimulation that led to multiple orgasms. Kinsey’s critics suggested that he was deluded to believe women who obviously could not distinguish between an orgasm and a sneeze. His revolutionary findings led to the withdrawal of his funding in 1954, and it is widely believed that the resulting trauma led to www.annualreviews.org • Treatment of Female Sexual Dysfunction(s) Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) 2.7 CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 his premature death in 1956 (Bullough 1994; Pomeroy 1972, p. 382); his research also opened the door for future sex researchers to explore further and verify his findings. HSRC: human sexual response cycle MASTERS AND JOHNSON AND THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN SEX THERAPY Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. From 1955 to 1966, William Masters and Virginia Johnson conducted pioneering research on the physiology of sexual response in their laboratory in St. Louis, Missouri. Participants in their research were observed during sexual activity, and their physiologic responses were recorded on film and via electroencephalogram, electrocardiogram, electromyogram, together with monitoring of the galvanic skin response. In addition, Masters and Johnson developed two new instruments, the penile strain gauge and the vaginal photoplethysmograph, to monitor changes in blood flow/volume in the penis and vagina, respectively. In 1966, they published their findings, thus providing the first physiological model of what they called the Human Sexual Response Cycle (HSRC) (Masters & Johnson 1966). This four-phase model consists of excitement, plateau, orgasm, and resolution in both men and women. Even though it represented only the physiology of sexual response among some individuals willing to have sex in the lab while being observed and attached to a variety of recording paraphernalia, the HSRC became the template for normal sexual response. It became central to the development thereafter of the diagnosis and treatment of sexual problems. In 1970, Masters and Johnson published their follow-up text, Human Sexual Inadequacy, where they define sexual difficulties in terms of deviations in sexual response from the HSRC. This template came to be enshrined in the new field of sex therapy and later in the DSM. It is also with this book that Masters and Johnson introduced and ushered in the era of modern sex therapy. Their diagnosis and treatment model identified three female sexual dysfunctions: anorgasmia, vaginismus, and dyspareunia. Anorgasmia is defined as the inability to achieve orgasm; vaginismus refers to a spasm in the outer third of the vagina that prevents penetration; and dyspareunia is defined as pain during intercourse. These dysfunctions and their treatments are discussed further below. Masters and Johnson (1970) developed a new model for the treatment of sexual dysfunctions in men and women. Prior to them, psychodynamic treatment sought to understand the origins of sexual difficulties in the individual’s personality via long-term, insight-oriented psychotherapy. Masters and Johnson revolutionized the treatment of the sexual dysfunctions by introducing behaviorally based, short-term, intensive treatment of the couple rather than only the identified patient. Their program was built around 14 days of intensive treatment in Masters and Johnson’s offices in St. Louis, Missouri, whether or not the couple lived in St. Louis. The couple were to stay at a hotel for two weeks, isolated from the usual demands of family, household, and work to focus on nothing but their sexual relationship. Of course, this requirement meant that the couples were self-selected for those with exceptionally strong motivation, lack of small children, and higher socioeconomic status or the financial/family resources to put their lives on hold for two weeks. This hardly mirrors the situation for most couples, especially mothers and their responsibilities upon their return home. This issue is particularly salient given Masters and Johnson’s outcome criteria discussed below. The first two to three days of the program consisted of careful psychological and medical assessment by the male and female clinicians who formed a dual-sex therapy team. Masters and Johnson believed that sex therapy ought to be conducted by a man and a woman. Their rationale was that only a woman could truly understand how it feels to live in a woman’s body and the 2.8 Kleinplatz Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 nature of female sexual experience, and only men could fully appreciate male sexual experience (Masters & Johnson 1970). Similarly, in duplicating their own qualifications, one member of the co-therapy team was to have a medical background, whereas the other was to have a background in the mental health professions. The use of a dual-sex therapy team is expensive and scheduling can be unwieldy. Although very few sex therapists over the last 45 years have continued in the use of a dual-sex therapy team, much of the rest of Masters and Johnson’s program as introduced on the third day continues to provide the foundations for current sex therapy practice. After completion of assessment and feedback, the treatment would begin. Masters and Johnson believed that the etiology of the sexual dysfunctions was 10% organic and 90% psychogenic, generally originating in sex-negative psychosocial expectations. They regarded sexual functioning as any other sort of bodily functioning, not unlike urination, defecation, or respiration (Masters & Johnson 1986). The goal of sex therapy was to reduce any impediments, typically of a psychosocial nature, that might interfere with sexuality so that normal sexual functioning would resume. As such, their interventions were targeted largely at reducing the symptoms of the sexual dysfunctions. Their major clinical innovation, the introduction of sensate focus exercises (Masters & Johnson 1970), was intended to interrupt performance anxiety and has remained a staple of sex therapy ever since. Sensate focus occurs in two or more stages. The first stage involves approximately 20 minutes of one partner caressing the other, from head to toe, while excluding the breasts and genitals. Then the partner reciprocates. These exercises have been misunderstood, as though the goal were to get one another in the mood for sex, with each giving the other feedback as to how he or she prefers to be touched. On the contrary, the goal is to break the performance mindset (Apfelbaum 2012) that so hampers normal functioning. Masters and Johnson required that the mood be anything but conventionally romantic. The partners were to be entirely nude from the outset in a well-lit room. The purpose was not to arouse the one being caressed but rather for the toucher to touch for his or her own pleasure. Masters and Johnson were aware that much sexual interaction is about trying to please the partner. They wanted to allow each individual to enjoy touching for its own sake. After the patients’ initial experiments with sensate focus, the therapists would deal with whatever resistance had arisen in the process. Once any obstacles had been challenged and overcome, couples would be instructed in the second phase of sensate focus exercises, in which they were to take turns caressing one another all over, including but not focusing upon the breasts and genitals and with no attempt at orgasm. This phase is sometimes referred to as nondemand genital pleasuring. The therapy process consisted of continual daily assessment of the couple’s resistance to the exercises followed by a return to the endeavor. Once couples had become comfortable with this level of touch, therapy consisted of behaviorally oriented exercises, primarily systematic desensitization tailored to the particular dysfunction. The prototypic illustration of the treatment of female sexual dysfunctions in Masters and Johnson’s model is women with vaginismus. Briefly, the causes of vaginismus are complex, but they tend to include a history of trauma in the genital area including childhood sexual abuse or sexual assault in combination with being raised in sex-negative environments with little or no sex education. Women have often been told that penetration will be painful, just as childbirth will be afterwards. This combination of physical trauma to the genitals plus ignorance and justifiable fear of pain create the perfect constellation for the development of vaginismus. In treating vaginismus, the next phase of therapy after sensate focus exercises consisted of having the woman practice contracting and relaxing her pelvic floor muscles. She would then insert a series of dilators, graduated in size, into her vagina. Each phase in this process would be interspersed with daily therapy sessions over a two-week period of intensive treatment, to deal with any difficulties or resistance. Eventually, once she was able to accommodate the largest dilator, she www.annualreviews.org • Treatment of Female Sexual Dysfunction(s) Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) Sensate focus exercises: Master and Johnson’s primary innovation and touch exercises for the treatment of sexual dysfunctions 2.9 CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. would be instructed to straddle her husband and lower herself onto his penis, while he was to lie still beneath her. If this proceeded uneventfully, first she would be permitted to move above him and then he would be permitted to thrust, too. In the final stage of treatment, they would be told to engage in sexual intercourse in the missionary position. Once the woman was able to engage in vaginal containment of the thrusting penis in the missionary position, therapy was deemed a success and concluded. The success rate in Masters and Johnson’s treatment of vaginismus was virtually 100%. Their brief, behaviorally oriented treatment has remained the foundation for therapy of the female sexual dysfunctions to date. Interestingly, in 1974 psychoanalyst and sex therapist Helen Singer Kaplan suggested adding remote (meaning early or developmental) to immediate causes (e.g., performance anxiety) to the assessment process for sexual dysfunctions. However, she noted that in her practice, Masters and Johnson’s behavioral treatment protocol for the treatment of vaginismus was 100% effective at teaching women to open and close their vaginal muscles autonomically; no intrapsychic investigation or treatment was warranted, except in exceptionally rare, recalcitrant cases (Kaplan 1974). Similarly, Hawton & Catalan (1990, p. 47) later suggested, “Vaginismus is an excellent sexual dysfunction for trainee therapists to treat because the approach is reasonably straightforward and success is likely to result.” It is noteworthy that there was no measurement of satisfaction or subsequent frequency of sexual activity in the assessment of outcome. Even more strikingly, although their therapy protocol was ostensibly designed to break the performance-oriented, conventional sexual paradigm, the ultimate outcome goal in the treatment of the sexual dysfunctions in women (and men) was the ability to achieve intercourse in the missionary position. Aside from clinical or theoretical matters, Masters and Johnson’s tabulation of what constituted a successful outcome was subsequently criticized extensively, beginning with Zilbergeld & Evans (1980). They pointed out that Masters and Johnson defined “success” as the absence of failure. More specifically, after the two-week intensive treatment in St. Louis, if the couple did not contact Masters and Johnson to request further assistance for relapse at any time in the next five years, the case was counted as a success. Zilbergeld and Evans pointed out that this absence of follow-up as a criterion was hardly typical of the measurement of clinical outcomes. THE 1970S: THE REDISCOVERY OF THE CLITORIS AND THE RIGHT TO FEMALE SEXUAL PLEASURE From the late 1960s to the early 1980s, the confluence of social, legal, and pharmacologic changes led to a shift of emphasis from treating women’s sexual dysfunction to enhancing female sexual pleasure. The introduction of oral contraceptives allowed women to separate procreation from recreational sex effectively, privately, and relatively inexpensively; the dissemination of Masters and Johnson’s work surrounding the physiology of female sexuality (among others; e.g., Sherfey 1966) created an awareness of women’s capacity for sexual response, including multiple orgasm; and the “sexual revolution” of the late 1960s and early 1970s and the second wave of the feminist movement combined to create a new emphasis on women’s lived sexual experience quite aside from their function/dysfunction during sexual intercourse. Women’s self-help health collectives such as the Boston Women’s Health Book Collective first published in 1973 the now classic Our Bodies Ourselves, which has been in print continuously for 45 years (see Boston Women’s Health Book Collect. 2005). In 1983, the Federation of Feminist Women’s Health Centers published A New View of a Woman’s Body, which literally put the clitoris at the center of every diagram (see Fed. Fem. Women’s Health Cent. 1991). In 1976, Shere Hite published a survey of women’s accounts of their own sexuality that gave voice to what they 2.10 Kleinplatz Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 preferred in sexual contact (Hite 1976). Sexologists, especially female sexologists, including sex therapist Lonnie Barbach (1980, 1984, 2000) and sex educator Betty Dodson (1987, 2002), began to write about and offer group workshops on women’s sexuality. Each of these books and workshop leaders emphasized the role of the clitoris in women’s orgasms. If women who had previously been perceived as frigid were unresponsive during penile penetration, perhaps the culprit was the definition of “sex” itself, which had been equated with intercourse. In the early 1970s, these sexologists declared women’s need for better sex education, beginning with the “liberation” of masturbation (Dodson 1987). Women were more likely to have orgasms with a partner if they had already explored their own genitalia (Barbach 1980, Heiman & LoPiccolo 1988 (1976)]. They would thereby be enabled to attain orgasm alone; by recognizing the necessity of clitoral stimulation, they would be in a position to enjoy sexuality independently and to teach their partners what led them to orgasm. The Zeitgeist was about freeing women from the Victorian imagery of women as sexually passive and in need of men to awaken and arouse them. In other words, it was a dismissal of Sleeping Beauty tales in favor of a new narrative about women’s sexual empowerment and the rejection of traditional diagnostic categories and accompanying treatments. Barbach went so far as to question the diagnosis of anorgasmia. She argued that there was no such thing as a woman who could not have an orgasm—only one who had not had an orgasm yet. She coined the term “preorgasmia” in its stead, the “cure” for which was psychoeducational counseling and bibliotherapy, not treatment of psychopathology. Sometimes this cure might include group masturbation sessions led by Dodson herself, where the sheer act of watching and participating in communal internal and external self-stimulation were considered to promote women’s sexual freedom. Some conventional sex therapists were continuing to attempt to teach women how to achieve orgasm during intercourse. For example, Kaplan (1974) developed the “bridging” technique to help women by using methods of successive approximation. The idea was to stimulate the woman’s clitoris, almost to the point of orgasm, immediately prior to penile insertion. In subsequent episodes, her partner was to reduce the duration of this stimulation and commence penetration so as to eventually train her to have orgasms during intercourse. This objective was somewhat controversial at a time when women were considering not only that sex need not be preceded by foreplay, but also that sex might not require intercourse at all. Bibliotherapy: the use of assigned readings in sex therapy for psychoeducation and to encourage discussions in couples SEXUAL DESIRE DISORDERS AND THE FAILURE OF SEX THERAPY Later in the 1970s, sex therapists began to note that the most common sexual disorders, especially among women, were no longer the mechanical difficulties described and treated so effectively by Masters and Johnson in 1970 but were now desire disorders. Kaplan (1977) and Lief (1977) pointed out that these problems were more complex and difficult to treat. They could not be accounted for by glitches in the HSRC. The success rate for the treatment of these problems was dramatically lower than the earlier successes in the simpler mechanical dysfunctions such as vaginismus or orgasm problems. Low desire now took on a new psychosocial importance. Whereas in 1952 the DSM had included nymphomania, by 1980 there had been substantial cultural changes. After the sexual revolution, “too much sexual desire” was seen as an impossibility—or, at the very least, hardly problematic. In addition, the DSM itself had changed. Whereas the first two editions of the DSM had been theoretically based, more specifically based in psychoanalytic thinking, the DSM-III (Am. Psychiatr. Assoc. 1980) was ostensibly empirically based and atheoretical. As such, a genderbased/gender-biased diagnosis such as nymphomania was frowned upon and had to be removed. In its place, however, a new diagnosis of inhibited sexual desire (ISD) was introduced for men www.annualreviews.org • Treatment of Female Sexual Dysfunction(s) Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) 2.11 CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 and women who did not desire sex enough. Even the term “inhibited” smacked of too much psychoanalytic verbiage, such that by the DSM-III-R (Am. Psychiatr. Assoc. 1987), ISD was replaced by the more neutral-sounding hypoactive sexual desire disorder (HSDD). WHEN A WOMAN HAS A SEXUAL DYSFUNCTION, WHAT EXACTLY IS IT THAT REQUIRES TREATMENT? Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. By 1980, the DSM-III had begun to include psychosexual dysfunctions, which now comprised difficulties with arousal, orgasm, vaginismus, and dyspareunia as well as HSDD. But when women (and men) had sexual problems, what was the nature of the problem, exactly? Although the editors of the DSM claimed that they had now shifted over to an atheoretical nosology, the underlying but hidden assumption, consistent with the dominant cultural and heterosexist bias, was that sex itself is equated with intercourse. The most obvious illustration of this mindset in clinical practice is the link between coital anorgasmia, vaginismus and/or dyspareunia, and the development of low desire. Although we tend to speak of and treat these difficulties as disparate and discrete entities, one often leads to the other. The vast majority of women do not have orgasms as a result of penile thrusting during intercourse. The higher density of nerve concentration in the clitoris as compared to the vagina accounts for this difference between men and women during intercourse. Many women enjoy sexual pleasure but do not find intercourse per se arousing (Dodson 2002, Ogden 1999); given that they are not aroused, they may not lubricate and may therefore find intercourse painful and unpleasant. That, in turn, may lead to their shutting down physically and emotionally and even recoiling during intercourse. Yet our definition for sex itself remains intercourse; long after the 1970s, we are more likely than ever to refer to other sexual activities as “foreplay.” This means that from the DSM-III to the DSM-5, women who are not aroused during “sex,” complain of pain during “sex,” and who consequently have come to dread “sex,” will get diagnosed with and treated for at least three seemingly different but related sexual dysfunctions. It is revealing that the literature on sexual dysfunctions in lesbians is rather limited, with notable exceptions (see Hall 2012), and that there are no recorded cases of pain on penetration among women who have sex with women (Kleinplatz 1998). THE FEMINIST SEX WARS: FROM SEXUALITY AS EMPOWERING TO SEX AS DANGEROUS TO WOMEN AND GIRLS By the 1980s, the pendulum had begun to swing back toward greater sexual conservativism. Infamously, US President Ronald Reagan (1980–1988) had refused to even mention the word “AIDS” at the height of the American epidemic. Even advances in the field of sexology could be twisted to support conservative and prescriptive ideologies. For example, in 1982, Ladas, Whipple, and Perry released a book on the physiology of female orgasm entitled The G Spot, which rapidly became a massive bestseller [Ladas et al. 2004 (1982)]. The book was based on the findings three decades earlier of Ernst Gräfenberg, a European gynecologist and Jewish refugee whose work had been overlooked and lost. Gräfenberg had identified a sensitive area of tissue surrounding the urethra that could be palpated via the anterior wall of the vagina. As Ladas and colleagues began to study this area, they verified his findings and named the area “G spot” in Gräfenberg’s honor. They reported that some women were able to experience orgasm via stimulation of this broad area of tissue, too, rather than only via clitoral stimulation. Ladas and colleagues were delighted to be able to report on the multiplicity of ways that women might experience pleasure. 2.12 Kleinplatz Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 It was demoralizing to these sexologists when their book reignited the frenzy over which was the “correct” way for women to “achieve” orgasm [Ladas et al. 2004 (1982)]. Suddenly, arguments proliferated in the media as to whether Freud had been right in suggesting that “mature” women should have “vaginal” orgasms. The subtleties in Freud’s thinking had been lost, as had Ladas, Whipple, and Perry’s invitation to the buffet of sexual pleasures, replaced by the new dogma restating that women ought to have orgasms during intercourse, after all. Obviously, this reopened the door to heterosexual couples seeking treatment for women who experienced orgasm during self-stimulation, oral stimulation, the partner’s manual stimulation, but who reported that she was unable to “achieve” orgasm “during sex.” However, in the aftermath of the 1960s and 1970s, sex therapists were still most likely to prescribe psychoeducational counseling rather than recommending that she work harder to attain orgasms during intercourse. It was also in the 1980s that the sexual liberalism of the 1960s turned into the feminist sex wars. If the 1960s and 1970s had been about opening up female sexual options, the focus during the 1980s was upon the dangers of male sexuality to and for women. The discourse shifted from empowering women’s sexual freedom to the dangers of pornography and the treatment of survivors of sexual assault and child sexual abuse (Echols 1983; Rubin 1990, 2011). There was considerable debate about the impact of pornography on men and the likelihood that it would lead to violence against women (Echols 1989, Hollibaugh 1989). Politics made for strange bedfellows, and it was unusual to see that the supporters of Reagan’s Meese Commission on Pornography in 1986 included some leaders of the feminist movement. Jeffrey Masson’s 1984 restoration of Freud’s original thinking on the cause of hysteria helped to make it safe for women (and men) who had been sexually abused in childhood to come forward without fear of judgment or being trivialized. In the 1980s, considerable research (e.g., Finkelhor 1984, 2008), popular culture (e.g., Bass & Davis 2008), and clinical material (e.g., Courtois 1996, Herman 1992) focused on the long-term effects of childhood sexual abuse on women. Interestingly, although this literature delved into the impact of incest on trust, anger, anxiety, and other posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms, most of it paid scant attention to the effects of sexual abuse on sexuality. Exceptions such as Maltz & Holman (1987) were especially helpful to sex therapists in helping clients integrate sexuality into their lives. This work entailed encouraging incest survivors to redefine and reimagine sexuality on their own terms, that is, as an entirely different phenomenon from what had been forced upon them before they were old enough to understand or consent. The treatment of sexual dysfunctions such as anorgasmia, vaginismus, or low desire using traumainformed approaches allows the therapist to conceptualize the symptoms of sexual problems as normal or even healthy adaptations to sexual abuse and assault (Maltz 2012). In such models, the goal is not necessarily to target the symptom but to empower women to create sexual relationships based on choice and mutuality, so that the symptom becomes obsolete and dissolves. POLYPHARMACY, IATROGENIC SEXUAL DYSFUNCTIONS, AND SILENCE One other change in the 1980s outside the field of sexology had an important impact on the incidence, etiology, development, and treatment of sexual problems. By the mid-1980s, pharmaceutical companies had begun introducing more and more medications for a rapidly aging population. Even the youngest of the baby boomers had already reached midlife. The influx of new drugs for hypertension, high cholesterol, and psychiatric problems, among many others, was creating sexual side effects. By 1986, Masters and Johnson had doubled their original estimate of 10% organic etiology of sexual dysfunctions to 20% because of iatrogenic disorders (Masters & www.annualreviews.org • Treatment of Female Sexual Dysfunction(s) Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) 2.13 CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI Iatrogenic disorder: a disorder caused by medical, pharmacologic, or surgical intervention Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. SSRIs: selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (e.g., Prozac) SNRIs: selective norepinephrine reuptake inhibitors (e.g., Effexor) Polypharmacy: the prescription of multiple pharmaceutical products concurrently, especially common when patients are elderly and/or female 19 December 2017 13:1 Johnson 1986). For example, it was in the 1980s that the first of the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), Prozac, was introduced. The SSRIs, and later the selective norepinephrine reuptake inhibitors (SNRIs), would affect arousal, orgasm, and desire in most patients. Unfortunately, few physicians and even fewer patients were aware of their impact. Physicians have long been reluctant to discuss sexuality with their patients (Wimberly et al. 2006). Physicians occasionally warn men about the impact of their diseases (e.g., diabetes mellitus) or prescriptions on erectile dysfunction (a rather noticeable consequence, which prevents intercourse). The same disease processes and drugs that have an adverse impact on erections or desire in men can have the same physiological effects on women. However, given that these effects do not prevent intercourse in women—they only stop women from enjoying sex—physicians do not generally tell women that the drugs they prescribe will decrease lubrication, thereby causing pain, and will slow or prevent orgasm and reduce desire. Although polypharmacy has increased substantially since the 1980s, and more so in women than in men (Guthrie et al. 2015, Hofer-Dückelmann 2013), women are less informed than ever about the sexual side effects of common drugs (Moynihan 2011, Moynihan & Mintzes 2010). During the same period, advertisements have encouraged patients to “Ask your doctor.” Unfortunately, the last 35 years have seen a continuing decrease in the training of medical students about sexuality (Shindel & Parish 2013), with less readiness to deal with sexuality upon graduation (Wittenberg & Gerber 2009). This has left women feeling more alone with their sexual problems (Spring 2015). They report vaginal dryness, dyspareunia, secondary anorgasmia, and low desire with minimal suspicion that they are suffering from iatrogenic disorders. As such, they introject responsibility for their symptoms and feel inadequate or defective, while their therapists may not have the medical or pharmacologic knowledge to identify the underlying causes. (It is an odd time indeed when the sex therapist’s most important colleague is the experienced, curious, and knowledgeable pharmacist!) What is required is a better-integrated knowledge base among all clinicians dealing with sexual problems so as to conduct thorough assessments. Health care professionals need to know and determine when common drugs—from decongestants (which dry out all mucous membranes, not only watery eyes) to drugs for the ubiquitous acid reflux to second-generation antipsychotics—are creating sexual dysfunctions before telling patients that “it’s all in their heads.” We need to be especially attuned to the role of third-generation hormonal contraceptives on women’s sexual arousal and desire; these are the most commonly used contraceptives in North America, but women are rarely advised of their possible role in low desire (Burrows et al. 2012, Panzer et al. 2006). Unfortunately, as discussed below, women are less likely to encounter the comprehensive care required in the face of the increasing incidence of iatrogenic sexual dysfunctions. Here, the splintering of the field of sexual health care is the culprit. THE FRAGMENTATION OF THE FIELD AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THE TREATMENT OF WOMEN’S SEXUAL PROBLEMS In the early 1990s, a series of articles appeared in the literature foreseeing the emerging medicalization of human sexuality and with it the treatment of sexual problems (Rosen & Leiblum 1995, Schover & Leiblum 1994, Tiefer 1996). Over the next 10 years, the concerns expressed would be more than realized. By 1998, with the release of Viagra (discussed in detail below) the field had begun to splinter (Kleinplatz 2003). The professional associations for the training and continuing education of sex therapists and researchers such as the American Association of Sexuality Educators, Counsellors and Therapists (AASECT) were losing members, and journals folded. Simultaneously, new sexual medicine societies were springing up, including the International 2.14 Kleinplatz Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 Society for Sexual Medicine (ISSM), primarily populated by urologists, and the International Society for Women’s Sexual Health (ISSWSH), primarily populated by gynecologists (Kleinplatz 2012). Their journals focused on organic pathology and its treatment. The conceptualization and treatment of women’s sexual problems was no longer necessarily the domain of sex therapy, but might just as readily fall into the realm of sexual medicine. The nature of the interventions that a woman might encounter upon presenting with sexual concerns would depend largely on where she might be referred. In some cases, she might be referred to a practitioner with a background in human sexuality, trained to be comfortable with sexual matters and with conceptual, diagnostic, and treatment skills in the realm of sex therapy. Alternately, she might be referred to a sexual medicine specialist skilled in the organic aspects of genital dysfunctions but with little training in the intrapsychic, interpersonal, and psychosocial contexts in which sexual problems are generated, identified, and situated. Unfortunately, the crossover among these practitioners has decreased over time, with each attending separate conferences and reading different journals, such that interdisciplinary knowledge transfer has deteriorated. What has become less and less common is access to a clinician trained to provide comprehensive sexual health care to the patients/clients (Moser & Devereux 2012). The implications of the medical model as applied to sexuality are apparent both in the literature and in practice (Giami 2000; Leiblum & Rosen 2000; Tiefer 2000, 2001; Winton 2000, 2001). Clinical assumptions include that the problem lies within the person, especially his or her bodily parts, rather than in the relationship or the social context; that biomedical or biomechanical methods of treatment are appropriate, even when the origins of the problem have not been assessed or are intrapsychic or relational; and that the goal of treatment should be symptom remediation or control. The medical model tends to emphasize quantity, performance, and objective measures of sex (e.g., frequency of intercourse) over quality of sex and measures of the subjective experience (e.g., pleasure, satisfaction, intimacy) (Kleinplatz 2003, 2012). Articles began to appear, with some psychologists saying that in order for sex therapy to be seen as a science, health professionals needed to treat sexual dysfunctions based solely on objective signs (Althof 2001), whereas others argued that if there are no symptoms and no distress, health professionals ought not to diagnose, let alone treat, women’s “dysfunctions” (Nathan 2010). A backlash against biological reductionism appeared with yet more groups and more conferences, separate from the field as a whole. Most prominent among these was the New View Campaign, spearheaded by Leonore Tiefer. In 2000, an interdisciplinary group of 11 feminist sexologists met in California to develop an alternative to the increasing medicalization of the field and the soon-to-be-released DSM-IV-TR (Am. Psychiatr. Assoc. 2000). The Working Group for the New View of Women’s Sexual Problems (2002) released its own document, which focused on the contextual nature of women’s sexual problems. They recommended consideration and integration of contextual factors in conceptualizing and dealing with women’s sexual problems in therapy. THE MEDICALIZATION OF SEXUALITY AND THE TREATMENT OF “FEMALE SEXUAL DYSFUNCTIONS” In the 1990s, the treatment of female sexual dysfunctions was changed forever by a new treatment for a male sexual dysfunction. In 1998, Pfizer introduced Viagra (i.e., sildenafil citrate) (Goldstein et al. 1998), which quickly became the fastest selling medication in pharmaceutical history to that date (Loe 2004). It took some time to realize that compliance rates were less than ideal for Pfizer (Perelman 2000, Wise 1999). Although sildenafil citrate was extremely effective at creating harder and longer-lasting erections in men who already felt turned on, it would not generate erections www.annualreviews.org • Treatment of Female Sexual Dysfunction(s) Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) 2.15 CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. PDE-5: phosphodiesterasetype-5 inhibitor (e.g., Viagra, Levitra, Cialis) 2.16 19 December 2017 13:1 in men who had not been stimulated and were not sexually aroused (Goldstein et al. 1998). This meant that men would still have to communicate with their partners, and no pill could make that happen (Kleinplatz 2004). Nonetheless, the introduction of Viagra changed the discourse surrounding the etiology and treatment of the sexual dysfunctions (Hartley 2006, Loe 2004). In the years leading up to the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approval of Viagra, the marketing department at Pfizer worked to alter our collective understanding of the origins of what had been known as “impotence” and was rebranded as the less pejorative and more medical “erectile dysfunction.” Whereas Masters and Johnson had stated that the etiology of the sexual dysfunctions was 90% psychogenic and 10% organic, Pfizer was now stating that erectile dysfunction was 90% organic and 10% psychogenic. It is noteworthy that although the percentages were switched in the run-up to the release of Viagra, the mindset remained either psychogenic or organic, with no room for mind-body integration. The early astronomic sales of Viagra demonstrated how lucrative the business of treating sexual dysfunctions could be. From that moment, the search for a “little pink pill” or a “female Viagra” began in earnest (Moynihan & Mintzes 2010, Potts 2008, Tiefer 2001). The question was, what exactly was it that this new drug ought to treat? While that question was temporarily put on hold, the race was on among the pharmaceutical companies to release a drug that could be marketed to women ( Jutel 2010, Moynihan 2003). A total of seven new drugs were developed from 2000 to 2015 ( Jutel 2010, Tiefer 2015): Viagra for women (Harris 2004); Melanotan/PT141 (an alpha-melanocyte-stimulating hormone analog from Palatin Technologies), also known as Bremelanotide nasal spray (Angier 2007, Dibbell 2005); Intrinsa (Proctor & Gamble), approved in the United Kingdom and later withdrawn (Tiefer 2006); Libigel (Biosante) (Berkrot 2008); Androgel (AbbVie), off label (Wickman et al. 2014); Lybrido and Lybridos (Bergner 2013); and now Flibanserin/Addyi (Peterson 2010), discussed below. Initially, Pfizer began clinical trials on the use of Viagra in women. The assumption was that it would treat arousal difficulties in women that correspond physiologically to erectile dysfunction in men. Viagra is a vasodilator (Goldstein et al. 1998). The erectogenic drugs known as phosphodiesterase-type-5 inhibitors (PDE-5s; e.g., Viagra, Levitra, Cialis) work by dilating the blood vessels in the corpora cavernosa of the penis. The PDE-5s are thus very helpful drugs for penetration. As it turned out, at the physiological level, these drugs work in women just the way they do in men: They increase vasocongestion in the erectile tissues of the female genitalia (especially the corpora of the clitoris). However, in a society that defined sex as intercourse, swallowing Viagra made for a swollen clitoris (and being a vasodilator, it created a sensation of congestion in one’s genitals) but did not share the same signal value as an erect penis. It did not lead to “sex.” After eight years of clinical trials, Pfizer gave up. When the news emerged that Viagra would not have a comparable use in the treatment of women’s sexual difficulties as they had in men’s, a different narrative was required. Pfizer representatives now explained that men’s sexuality was simple—a matter of mechanics and hydraulics, whereas women’s sexuality was more “complicated” (see comments by Jennifer Berman, cited in Harris 2004). Beginning in the early 2000s, the race resumed for hormonal treatments and eventually, when these too proved ineffective, for drugs that would target women’s brains (Moynihan & Mintzes 2010). The media, particularly women’s talk shows and magazines, were replete with commentators who touted the new claim that sexual desire was all about testosterone, in both men and women. The narrative grew in popularity, despite the lack of a correlation between free testosterone levels and desire (Davis et al. 2005, Wierman et al. 2006). Several companies attempted to have their testosterone products approved by the US FDA or by Health Canada, most notably Proctor & Gamble’s Intrinsa testosterone patch for women in 2005. All applications were rejected by the regulatory agencies. Intrinsa was later approved by the European Union but was withdrawn Kleinplatz Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 in 2012. Some physicians continue to prescribe AbbVie’s topical testosterone AndroGel, approved for use in men, off label to women to boost desire, despite a lack of evidence of safety or efficacy. One of the slippery changes occurring along the way concerned the nature of what these various drugs were intended to treat. As indicated above, once Viagra became a pharmaceutical blockbuster, the temptation to find a correspondingly lucrative hit for the treatment of something in women proved irresistible. It remained unclear, however, what dysfunction or disorder pharmaceutical companies ought to target. As such, their new catchall target became the amorphous “female sexual dysfunction,” or “FSD” (Angel 2012). Questions about which of the DSM-IV (Am. Psychiatr. Assoc. 1994) female sexual dysfunctions (i.e., anorgasmia, female sexual arousal disorder, vaginismus, dyspareunia, HSDD) the prospective drugs were to treat went unanswered. This became reminiscent of the vague 1950s problem of frigidity. Flibanserin, a drug intended to increase female sexual desire developed by BoehringerIngelheim, later sold to Sprout, had an extraordinary list of exclusion criteria (cited in FDA 2015) for its clinical trials: depression, sexual aversion disorder, substance-induced sexual dysfunction, dyspareunia, vaginismus, a prior history of low desire; any condition, whether psychological or medical, which required medication in the last 30 days; partner’s organic or sexual dysfunction; pregnancy, breastfeeding, menopause, perimenopause, postmenopause, and “an extensive list of medications and drug classes” (FDA 2015, p. 16) including antidepressants and antianxiety drugs. In other words, the drug was developed, or at least marketed, as if HSDD were a biomedical disorder, existing in isolation from any psychosocial or interpersonal context. In 2009 and 2013 the drug was rejected by the US FDA and Health Canada. Thereafter, an interesting transposition occurred. Prior to a new application to the US FDA, the manufacturers of Flibanserin adopted the strategy of appropriating feminist discourse to create demand for the new drug and apply pressure upon the regulatory body (New View Campaign 2014, Tiefer 2015). Why, they asked, had a series of erectogenic drugs been approved for male sexual dysfunction (albeit the more specific erectile dysfunction) with no comparable panacea for Female Sexual Dysfunction? What about demanding that the FDA consider fairness to women? Sue Goldstein, an administrator who oversaw the clinical trials for the pharmaceutical developers of Flibanserin, argued (Goldstein 2009, p. 302), “Would anyone deny a man the right to an erection? Would anyone deny a woman the right to have her breast cancer or heart disease treated? . . . When is it really my turn?” The slogan for this new campaign was “Even the Score.” This tactic turned the tide. On its third application, Flibanserin was rejected, again, by the FDA advisory committee but approved nonetheless by the FDA amid considerable controversy (Woloshin & Schwartz 2016). It was released in October 2015. Unlike Viagra, which works on the arteries of the penis and is taken “as needed,” Addyi is a central nervous system depressant and must be taken daily. Immediately upon its approval, Addyi was acquired by the Canadian company Valeant Pharmaceuticals for $1 billion. Sales have been dismal, as have been post-market data, such that Valeant withdrew its marketing of Addyi in 2016 and was sued by Sprout (Ramsey 2016). Six months after the release of Addyi, a meta-analysis of satisfying sexual events (SSEs) found that the drug performed even more poorly than its manufacturers had indicated. In a study of 5,900 women, researchers reported, “Treatment with flibanserin, on average, resulted in one-half an additional SSE per month while statistically and clinically significantly increasing the risk of dizziness, somnolence, nausea, and fatigue. Overall, the quality of the evidence was graded as very low for efficacy and safety outcomes” ( Jaspers et al. 2016, p. 457). For those who might wonder why there is such a focus on a series of drugs for the treatment of female sexual dysfunction, the problem is that there is no funding of large-scale studies outside pharmacologic testing (Heiman 2002): “At present, rather too much attention is being paid to www.annualreviews.org • Treatment of Female Sexual Dysfunction(s) Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) 2.17 CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 possible pharmacological treatments for low interest/arousal problems at the expense of research on psychological and relational treatments” (Both et al. 2017, p. 25). CHANGES TO THE DIAGNOSTIC NOSOLOGY FROM THE DSM-III TO THE DSM-5: IMPLICATIONS FOR TREATMENT From Vaginismus and Dyspareunia to Genito-Pelvic Pain/Penetration Disorder Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. In 1980, vaginismus (discussed above) was added to the DSM-III (Am. Psychiatr. Assoc. 1980) as distinct from dyspareunia (i.e., pain on intercourse), which had been included since the first edition of the DSM (Am. Psychiatr. Assoc. 1952). The fear of pain associated with vaginismus and the tightening of the pelvic floor muscles immediately upon the commencement of attempted penetration can create a self-fulfilling prophecy and result in pain. Therefore, vaginismus can cause dyspareunia just as a history of pain upon penetration can lead to vaginismus. There are numerous causes of pain during intercourse, from herpes to episiotomy scars and from endometriosis to ovarian cancer. The treatment is dependent on determining the diagnosis. It takes a focused pelvic exam for the health care provider to determine what is causing the pain. Especially skilled gynecologists will attempt to replicate the pain in their offices to ascertain its origin. This takes time and patience as well as the training to persevere while collaborating with the woman in the diagnostic process. In the past, unremarkable medical findings would result in the patient being told, in essence, that there was nothing wrong with her and that the problem was all in her head. Unfortunately, the sex therapist’s endeavors are limited in helping a woman whose problem has been dismissed as psychogenic. Over the last 15 to 20 years, a new nomenclature has arisen. Many women have left their physicians’ offices feeling new hope upon being told that the problem is vulvar vestibulitis or provoked vulvadynia. When the woman is referred to the sex therapist, she assumes that the correct treatment awaits. She has not, however, been told that these terms are merely Greek or Latin for pain in the vaginal opening or vulva, respectively. She already knew that there was genital pain before seeing her physician; the new terminology does not add new clinical information. These terms are not diagnoses but merely descriptors of the symptom. They are akin to “sore throat,” a descriptor that says nothing about the origin of the pain, which could be a streptococcal infection or a virus or strain from overuse, among other things. Beginning in 1999, Binik and his team wrote a series of influential articles questioning whether the diagnoses of vaginismus or dyspareunia belonged in the DSM (Binik 2005, 2009a,b; Binik et al. 1999). Binik and colleagues pointed out that other types of nonspecific pain and the accompanying anxiety (e.g., headaches or back pain) were not included in the DSM. They called for a medical workup to ascertain the cause of the pain and to treat it. Ideally, in cases in which medical treatment is not sufficient, a multidisciplinary health care team including mental health professionals should be included to provide comprehensive health care. Binik asked why dyspareunia and vaginismus were singled out among pain syndromes to be classified as sexual-mental disorders rather than diagnosed and treated as any other medical problem. Why should pain in the genitals be stigmatized? Furthermore, he indicated that some cases of “dyspareunia” were not limited to pain during sexual activities but might also occur as a woman crossed her legs, walked, or engaged in sports. More importantly, argued Binik, when patients present with migraines, physicians cannot do much about the cause of the migraines but they can certainly treat the pain. Why were women with genital pain not receiving the same care and treatment (Binik et al. 1999)? By 2009, Binik (2009a,b) called for dyspareunia and vaginismus to either be removed from the DSM or, at the very least, to be integrated into one classification, namely genito-pelvic 2.18 Kleinplatz Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 pain/penetration disorder (GPPPD). In 2013, the DSM-5 (Am. Psychiatr. Assoc. 2013) was released, and GPPPD was included. The standard of care at present, at least in theory, is for the woman to be examined by a physician to determine the diagnosis; by a sex therapist to deal with the lack of sex education and corresponding anxiety as well as any history of trauma or other factors that might precipitate fear; and by a pelvic floor physiotherapist to provide hands-on treatment of genital-pelvic constriction (Bergeron et al. 2002). In actual practice, it is now rather common for women to be seen by a primary care physician or gynecologist who concludes relatively quickly that there is some sort of problem in the genitals related to intercourse. Rather than sorting out the cause of the pain and its relationship to penetration, the physician will refer the patient to pelvic floor physiotherapy immediately. The pelvic floor physiotherapist will then proceed to do a more thorough assessment, may provide hands-on (literally) treatment such as myofascial release, and will then introduce, instruct, and assist with dilator treatment. As originally recommended by Masters and Johnson (1970), once the woman is able to insert the largest dilator, she is ready for sexual intercourse. The physical therapy treatment facilitates the woman’s use of dilators. However, it fails to explore the concerns of the woman attached to the vaginal tissue. Is pelvic floor constriction a problem to be treated per se, or is it also an opportunity to provide psychoeducational counseling for the young woman who believes that enjoying “too much sex” will make her a “loose woman”? What about the woman who has been sexually assaulted and needs to deal with the psychological aspects of the aftermath? What about the psychological aspects of gynecological cancers and fear of death that can present as GPPPD? For decades, gynecological textbooks have indicated that even when a physician cannot perform a pelvic exam, he or she can diagnose vaginismus just by looking: The external genitalia of a woman with vaginismus will resemble a woman’s pursed lips saying “no.” Perhaps instead of teaching women how to override or “bypass” their feelings so that they can “tolerate a phallic size object” (Kaplan 1987, p. 99), we might consider listening to the unspoken message communicated via their bodies. Rather than training women to relax their muscles, with or without pelvic floor physiotherapy, we might want to pay closer attention to the feelings and cognitions that underlie their pain and constriction (Kleinplatz 1998, Shaw 1994). GPPPD: genito-pelvic pain/penetration disorder (formerly vaginismus and dyspareunia) FSAD: female sexual arousal disorder FSIAD: female sexual interest/arousal disorder (formerly FSAD and HSDD) From Female Sexual Arousal Disorder and Hypoactive Sexual Desire Disorder to Female Sexual Interest/Arousal Disorder A second major change from the DSM-IV to the DSM-5 is the collapsing of two distinct categories that had been in the DSM-IV, specifically female sexual arousal disorder (FSAD) and HSDD, into the female sexual interest/arousal disorder (FSIAD). FSAD had been introduced in the DSM-III in 1980 as inhibited sexual excitement and subsequently renamed FSAD in the DSM-IV. It had generally been treated with a focus on lack of lubrication during heterosexual intercourse by prescribing a lubricant. The subjective aspects of low arousal had typically been ignored clinically, even though the typical cause of lack of lubrication is inadequate stimulation (or lack of a woman’s preferred types of stimulation). In the DSM-IV and DSM-5, the corresponding arousal and desire disorders in men, namely erectile dysfunction and HSDD, remain distinct categories. It is noteworthy that in 1980, after the sexual revolution, part of the rationale for eliminating nymphomania and satyriasis was the rejection of gender-biased diagnoses. However, in 2013, was it politically correct to reinstitute male-female differences? What was the rationale for collapsing these diagnoses in women but not in men? What are the implications for treatment? A major issue is that women often present in therapy without being able to distinguish between lack of arousal and lack of desire (Brotto 2010, Graham 2009). When a woman complains of “not www.annualreviews.org • Treatment of Female Sexual Dysfunction(s) Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) 2.19 CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. feeling much during sex,” “not seeing what all the fuss is about,” or “not being as into sex” as her partner, it is initially unclear whether there is a lack of arousal, lack of desire, or both. There are concerns about operationally defining sexual desire, the ‘‘significant overlap’’ between arousal and desire (Brotto 2010, p. 221), and the notion that women’s sexual desire may be more fundamentally responsive than receptive (Basson 2001, 2002, 2010). It seems ironic that the new nosology takes us back to the classifications of the 1950s, in which the notion that men and women are essentially different predominated, together with the belief that women’s sexuality was both murkier and more complex than men’s (Kleinplatz 2011). The decision to collapse the two categories has led to considerable debate (cf. Balon & Clayton 2014, Graham et al. 2014). There had been arguments as to whether women would lose access to treatment for HSDD once these were collapsed into FSIAD. This disagreement seems ironic, given that treatments for both FSAD and HSDD have been weak (Leiblum 2010). In addition, there has been some question as to whether women or men can distinguish arousal from desire (Kleinplatz 2011). Obviously, in young, healthy men, an erection is the major cue for arousal—and with it, sexual desire. It is, however, the exceptions that prove the rule: Absent an erection, as can happen with age or with disease (for example with peripheral neuropathy in cases of advanced diabetes), men often report loss of desire. It is their partners who report missing any form of sexual interaction. Men are often quizzical in the face of partners who seek sexual activity when reliable erections can no longer be attained. It may take experience in sex therapy and in recognizing other emotional and physical cues before men can identify their own desire and capacity for orgasm as distinct from their (lack of ) erections. As was the case with vaginismus and dyspareunia, sometimes there may be a causal link between FSAD and HSDD. Low arousal during sex may lead to lack of satisfaction, which may result in a lack of desire for the next time. Correspondingly, engaging in sex without desire in order to please one’s partner or maintain relational harmony can backfire. Ironically, the recommendation that women should enter into sexual activity devoid of desire emerged both in sex therapy and in the popular press in 2001. At that time, Basson (2001, 2002, 2010) introduced a model that suggested that unlike men, many women were incapable of spontaneous desire but only responsive desire. These women were advised to “just do it” to keep their sex lives active notwithstanding their lack of sexual interest (Weiner-Davis 2003). As indicated by McCarthy & McCarthy (2014), when one choses to engage in sex on the odd occasion for the sake of the relationship but without sexual desire, it will be received as a goodwill gesture and perhaps reciprocated when necessary. But if one engages in sex without sexual desire more than 15% of the time in hopes that desire will emerge along the way, it will likely lead to resentment eventually (McCarthy & McCarthy 2014). The initially well-intentioned choice can affect the quality of sex and create the silent desire to “just get it over with”; that approach in turn can eventuate in a sexual relationship death spiral, where each unfulfilling sexual experience makes the poor quality of the next one increasingly predictable (Kleinplatz 2011). From this point of view, eliding arousal and desire is a clinical mistake. Although patients may not present with distinct complaints, it is the clinician’s responsibility to assess for and disentangle arousal from desire. Only by identifying the source of the difficulty will therapists be able to improve the quality of the sex and thereby replace dread with desire (Kleinplatz 2010, 2016). RECENT TRENDS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS Current trends reflect the continuing divergence in training and clinical orientation among health care professionals. New directions in sexual medicine include cosmetic procedures such as laser 2.20 Kleinplatz Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 treatments for tightening of vaginal tissues as well as labiaplasty to make one’s labia minora more symmetrical (though it is not clear what sexual dysfunctions these procedures are intended to treat); the “O shot”, an injection into the anterior vaginal wall, intended to plump it up to increase the likelihood of “vaginal orgasms”; and the use of Botox into the pelvic floor nerves to stop women with vaginismus/GPPPD from clenching their vaginal muscles and obstructing penetration (Pacik 2010). On the other hand, some sex therapists are attempting to reintroduce sensate focus exercises to new generations who are unclear as to Masters and Johnson’s original intent (Weiner & AveryClark 2017). Others are attempting to strengthen the field by integrating sex therapy with systemic psychotherapy models focusing on the relational aspects of sexual difficulties (Hertlein et al. 2016). Still others are introducing mindfulness techniques (Brotto & Goldmeier 2015, Brotto et al. 2013) in the treatment of GPPPD. Therapists are advised to be wary of reinforcing old, normative performance standards despite the use of appealing new mindfulness techniques (Barker 2013, 2017). Finally, some therapists reject the notion that such “disorders” as low desire are in need of treatment; perhaps they reflect good judgment consistent with the disappointing caliber of the individuals’ sex lives (Shaw 2012). In such cases, what is called for is promoting optimal erotic intimacy (Kleinplatz 2010, 2016, 2017). DISCLOSURE STATEMENT The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank Charles Moser, PhD, MD, for his helpful comments on an earlier draft of this manuscript. LITERATURE CITED Althof SE. 2001. My personal distress over the inclusion of personal distress. J. Sex Marit. Ther. 27(2):123–25 Am. Psychiatr. Assoc. 1952. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. Washington, DC: Am. Psychiatr. Publ. 1st ed. Am. Psychiatr. Assoc. 1968. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. Washington, DC: Am. Psychiatr. Publ. 2nd ed. Am. Psychiatr. Assoc. 1980. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. Washington, DC: Am. Psychiatr. Publ. 3rd ed. Am. Psychiatr. Assoc. 1987. 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Ther. 3(1):3–9 www.annualreviews.org • Treatment of Female Sexual Dysfunction(s) Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) Describes Freud’s beginnings in psychoanalysis, revolving around the roots of hysteria in trauma and its treatment via catharsis. Written by a psychodynamic therapist, adds remote causes to the understanding of sexual problems and emphasizes the assessment of the etiology of sexual problems. 2.23 CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. Represents the classic survey of female sexuality that redefined the image of women in the 1950s. Contains critiques of conventional sex therapy paradigms and asks master clinicians of different stripes to illustrate how they work with sexual problems. Provides an overview of the complexity and multidetermined nature of sexual desire difficulties; contains excellent case studies. Provides the original description of Masters and Johnson’s model of the human sexual response cycle. Defines sexual dysfunctions and invented the field of sex therapy as a brief, behaviorally oriented program for couples. Presents a popular cognitive-behavioral approach to helping couples work as a team in dealing with low desire in men or women; useful as an adjunct for sex therapy. 2.24 19 December 2017 13:1 Kaplan HS. 1987. The Illustrated Manual of Sex Therapy. New York: Brunner/Mazel. 2nd ed. Kinsey AC, Pomeroy WB, Martin CE, Gebhard PH. 1953. Sexual Behavior in the Human Female. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press Kleinplatz PJ. 1998. Sex therapy for vaginismus: a review, critique and humanistic alternative. J. Humanist. Psychol. 38(2):51–81 Kleinplatz PJ. 2003. What’s new in sex therapy: from stagnation to fragmentation. Sex Relatsh. Ther. 18(1):95– 106 Kleinplatz PJ. 2004. Beyond sexual mechanics and hydraulics: humanizing the discourse surrounding erectile dysfunction. J. Humanist. Psychol. 44:215–42 Kleinplatz PJ. 2010. “Desire disorders” or opportunities for optimal erotic intimacy. In Treating Sexual Desire Disorders: A Clinical Casebook, ed. SR Leiblum, pp. 92–113. New York: Guilford Kleinplatz PJ. 2011. Arousal and desire problems: conceptual, research and clinical considerations or the more things change the more they stay the same. Sex Relatsh. Ther. 26(1):3–15 Kleinplatz PJ. 2012. Advancing sex therapy or is that the best you can do? In New Directions in Sex Therapy: Innovations and Alternatives, ed. PJ Kleinplatz, pp. xix–xxxvi. New York: Routledge. 2nd ed. Kleinplatz PJ. 2016. Optimal erotic intimacy: lessons from great lovers. In Handbook of Clinical Sexuality for Mental Health Professionals, ed. S Levine, S Althof, C Risen, pp. 318–30. New York: Routledge. 3rd ed. Kleinplatz PJ. 2017. An existential-experiential approach to sex therapy. In The Wiley Handbook of Sex Therapy, ed. Z Peterson, pp. 218–30. New York: Wiley Krafft-Ebing RV. 1965. Psychopathia Sexualis. New York: Paperb. Libr. Ladas AK, Whipple B, Perry JD. 2004 (1982). The G Spot. New York: Holt LaSalle M. 2000. Complicated Women: Sex and Power in Pre-Code Hollywood. New York: St. Martin’s Press Leiblum SR. 2010. Introduction and overview: clinical perspectives on and treatment for sexual desire disorders. In Treating Sexual Desire Disorders: A Clinical Casebook, ed. SR Leiblum, pp. 1–22. New York: Guilford Press Leiblum SR, Rosen RC. 2000. Introduction: sex therapy in the age of Viagra. In Principles and Practice of Sex Therapy, ed. SR Leiblum, RC Rosen, pp. 1–13. New York: Guilford Press. 3rd ed. Lief HI. 1977. Inhibited sexual desire. Med. Aspects Hum. Sex. 7:94–95 Loe M. 2004. The Rise of Viagra: How the Little Blue Pill Changed Sex in America. New York: New York Univ. Press Maltz W. 2012. Sex therapy with survivors of sexual abuse. In New Directions in Sex Therapy: Innovations and Alternatives, ed. PJ Kleinplatz, pp. 267–84. New York: Routledge. 2nd ed. Maltz W, Holman B. 1987. Incest and Sexuality: A Guide to Understanding and Healing. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books Masson JM. 1984. The Assault on Truth: Freud’s Suppression of the Seduction Theory. New York: Penguin Masters WH, Johnson VE. 1966. Human Sexual Response. Boston: Little, Brown Masters WH, Johnson VE. 1970. Human Sexual Inadequacy. New York: Bantam Books Masters WH, Johnson VE. 1986. Sex Therapy on Its Twenty-Fifth Anniversary: Why It Survives. St. Louis, MO: Masters and Johnson Inst. McCarthy B, McCarthy E. 2014. Rekindling Desire: A Step-by-Step Program to Help Low-Sex and No-Sex Marriages. New York: Brunner/Routledge Moser C, Devereux M. 2012. Sexual medicine, sex therapy, and sexual health care. In New Directions in Sex Therapy: Innovations and Alternatives, ed. PJ Kleinplatz, pp. 127–40. New York: Routledge. 2nd ed. Moynihan R. 2003. The making of a disease: female sexual dysfunction. Br. Med. J. 326(7379):45 Moynihan R. 2011. Is your mum on drugs? When “de-prescribing” may be the best medicine. Br. Med. J. 343:d5184 Moynihan R, Mintzes B. 2010. Sex, Lies and Pharmaceuticals: How Drug Companies Plan to Profit from Female Sexual Dysfunction. Vancouver: Greystone Books Nathan S. 2010. When do we say a woman’s sexuality is dysfunctional? In Handbook of Clinical Sexuality for Mental Health Professionals, ed. S Levine, C Reisen, S Althof, pp. 95–110. New York: Brunner-Routledge. 2nd ed. Kleinplatz Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI 19 December 2017 13:1 New View Campaign. 2014. Fact sheet 3: feminism and “FSD”: the appropriation and misuse of feminist rhetoric by Big Pharma is reprehensible. Prepared for FDA Meet. Female Sex. Dysfunct., White Oak, MD, Oct. 27– 28. http://newviewcampaign.org/userfiles/file/3%20FACT%20SHEET-%20Feminism%20and% 20FSD.pdf Ogden G. 1999. Women Who Love Sex. Boston: Womanspirit Press Pacik PT. 2010. When Sex Seems Impossible: Stories of Vaginismus and How You Can Achieve Intimacy. Manchester, NH: Odyne Publ. Panzer C, Wise S, Fantini G, Kang D, Munarriz R, et al. 2006. Impact of oral contraceptives on sex hormonebinding globulin and androgen levels: a retrospective study in women with sexual dysfunction. J. Sex. Med. 3:104–11 Pearsall R. 1969. The Worm in the Bud: The World of Victorian Sexuality. Toronto: MacMillan Perelman MA. 2000. Integrating Sildenafil: its impact on sex therapy. Sex. Dysfunct. Med. 1(4):98–104 Peterson M. 2010. Boehringer sex pill fails to win U.S. panel’s backing. Bloomberg News, June 18. http://www. bloomberg.com/news/2010-06-18/boehringer-female-libido-booster-may-not-work-fda-staffsays.html Pomeroy WP. 1972. Dr. Kinsey and the Institute for Sex Research. New York: Harper & Row Potts A. 2008. The female sexual dysfunction debate: different “problems,” new drugs—more pressures? In Contesting Illness: Processes and Practices, ed. P Moss, K Teghtsoonian, pp. 259–80. Toronto: Toronto Univ. Press Ramsey S. 2016. Valeant is being sued by the backers of “female Viagra”— and its secret pharmacy is at the heart of the complaint. Business Insider, Nov. 2. http://www.businessinsider.com/sprout-investorsfile-lawsuit-against-valeant-2016-11 Rosen RC, Leiblum SR. 1995. The changing focus of sex therapy. In Case Studies in Sex Therapy, ed. RC Rosen, SR Leiblum, pp. 3–17. New York: Guilford Rubin GS. 2011. Deviations: A Gayle Rubin Reader. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press Rubin L. 1990. Erotic Wars: What Happened to the Sexual Revolution? New York: Harper Collins Schover LR, Leiblum SR. 1994. Commentary: the stagnation of sex therapy. J. Psychol. Hum. Sex. 6:5–30 Shaw J. 1994. Treatment of primary vaginismus: a new perspective. J. Sex Marit. Ther. 20(1):46–55 Shaw J. 2012. Approaching sexual function in relationship: a reward of age and maturity. In New Directions in Sex Therapy: Innovations and Alternatives, ed. PJ Kleinplatz, pp. 175–94. New York: Routledge. 2nd ed. Sherfey MJ. 1966. The Nature and Evolution of Female Sexuality. New York: Vintage Books Shindel AW, Parish SJ. 2013. Sexuality education in North American medical schools: current status and future directions. J. Sex. Med. 10(1):3–18 Spring L. 2015. Older women and sexuality—Are we still just talking lube? Sex. Relatsh. Ther. 30(1):4–9 Sussman N. 1976. Sex and sexuality in history. In The Sexual Experience, ed. BJ Saddock, HI Kaplan, AM Freedman, pp. 7–70. Baltimore, MD: Williams & Wilkins Tiefer L. 1996. The medicalization of sexuality: conceptual, normative, and professional issues. Annu. Rev. Sex Res. 7:252–82 Tiefer L. 2000. Sexology and the pharmaceutical industry: the threat of co-optation. J. Sex Res. 37(3):273–83 Tiefer L. 2001. The selling of "female sexual dysfunction.” J. Sex Marit. Ther. 27(5):625–28 Tiefer L. 2006. Female sexual dysfunction: a case study of disease mongering and activist resistance. PLOS Med. 3(4):e178 Tiefer L. 2015. Women’s sexual problems: Is there a pill for that? In The Wrong Prescription: How Medicine and Media Create a “Need” for Treatments, Drugs and Surgery, ed. J Chrisler, M McHugh, pp. 147–60. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger Weiner L, Avery-Clark C. 2017. Sensate Focus in Sex Therapy: The Illustrated Manual. New York: Routledge Weiner-Davis M. 2003. The Sex-Starved Marriage. New York: Simon & Schuster Wickman JM, Groves A, Wiggins L, Patel N. 2014. Androgen therapy in women. US Pharm. 39(8):42–46 Wierman ME, Basson R, Davis SR, Khosla S, Miller KK, et al. 2006. Androgen therapy in women: an Endocrine Society Clinical Practice guideline. J. Clin. Endocrinol. Metab. 91(10):3697–710 Wimberly YH, Hogben M, Moore-Ruffin J, Moore SE, Fry-Johnson Y. 2006. Sexual history-taking among primary care physicians. J. Natl. Med. Assoc. 98(12):1924–29 www.annualreviews.org • Treatment of Female Sexual Dysfunction(s) Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.) 2.25 Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 2018.14. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Reading on 01/23/18. For personal use only. CP14CH02_Kleinplatz ARI Presents an attempt to combat the increasing medicalization of female sexual problems by contextualizing their occurrence. 2.26 19 December 2017 13:1 Winton MA. 2000. The medicalization of male sexual dysfunctions: an analysis of sex therapy journals. J. Sex Educ. Ther. 25(4):231–39 Winton MA. 2001. Gender, sexual dysfunctions and the Journal of Sex & Marital Therapy. J. Sex Marit. Ther. 27:333–37 Wise TN. 1999. Psychosocial effects of sildenafil therapy for erectile dysfunction. J. Sex Marit. Ther. 25(2):145– 50 Wittenberg A, Gerber J. 2009. Recommendations for improving sexual health curricula in medical schools: results from a two-arm study collecting data from patients and medical students. J. Sex. Med. 6(2):362–68 Woloshin S, Schwartz LM. 2016. US Food and Drug Administration approval of Flibanserin: Even the score does not add up. JAMA Int. Med. 176(4):439–42 Working Group for the New View of Women’s Sexual Problems. 2002. A new view of women’s sexual problems. Women Ther. 24(1/2):1–8 Zilbergeld B, Evans M. 1980. The inadequacy of Masters and Johnson. Psychol. Today 14(3):29–30 Kleinplatz Review in Advance first posted on January 22, 2018. (Changes may still occur before final publication.)