Immigration Enforcement Policies, Labor and Housing Markets in the US: Evidence from Secure Communities Wilfried Adohinzin∗ May 2020 Abstract In this paper, I look at the effects of the Secure Communities- an immigration enforcement program on housing and labor market outcomes of undocumented immigrants and natives in the US. I use a difference in differences approach to document the direct and spillover effects of this program. Key words: JEL: ∗ wda3@illinois.edu (UIUC) 1 1. Introduction According to Passel and Cohn (2016), about 8 million undocumented immigrants belonged to the US workforce in 2015. Per these estimates, they account for about 5% of the labor force. Not only there has been a longstanding interest in the economic scientific literature on the social and economic impacts of immigration, but these also remain some of the most debated topics in public policy spaces (Menasce Horowitz (2014); Givens (2018) and Thompson (2018)). Over the last two decades, many policies tried to address this issue, which led to a rapid increase in deportations and immigrants detention in the US. In 2014, annual detentions and deportations increased respectively by 320% to 160,000 and by 400% to 200,000. In this paper, I investigate the effects of a large immigration enforcement policy, the Secure Communities (SC) on labor market and rental prices in US neighborhoods. The SC program was introduced in 2005 and rolled out over US counties until 2014. The main objective of this program was to facilitate the sharing of information between state, federal and agencies such as the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) related to undocumented immigrants. While some states enacted the policy before others, it was eventually adopted by all states and; according to statistics from the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC), under the SC program, over 450,000 undocumented immigrants were removed between 2008 and 2014. Therefore, the program was able to significantly reduce the stock of undocumented immigrants. Moreover, it had the potential to create additional "chilling effects", leading illegal immigrants to voluntarily out-migrate as they fear deportation. (Alsan and Yang (2018)). This paper leverages the plausible exogenous rollout nature over counties of the program to estimate its impact on employment outcomes and housing prices, using a difference-in-differences empirical strategy. How relevant are immigration policies for housing markets? Why do we care for such effects and what distinguishes these effects from effects stemming from population growth? Studying the impacts of immigration policies on labor and housing markets is relevant for many reasons. First, while traditional research on the effects of immigration on cities tend to focus exclusively on labor markets, there is a relatively small but growing strand of literature in urban economics that looks at the housing market as a potential channel through which immigration impacts cities. A few of these papers are Susin (2001), Saiz (2007), Greulich, Quigley, Raphael, Tracy, and Jasso (2004) and Ottaviano and Peri (2012). Second, the theoretical impacts of such policies on housing markets are mixed. On one hand, for a sudden decrease in the stock of 2 undocumented immigrants through deportation will lead to Second, there is abundant evidence suggesting that the characteristics of residents in a specific neighborhood are important factors that homeowners and renters value (Farley, Schuman, Bianchi, Colasanto, and Hatchett (1978), Taeuber and Taeuber (1965), Black (1999)). Third, w. Finally, while the literature on immigration relies more generally on shift-share instruments, the availability of a natural experiment such as the SC program allows us to have a cleaner identification of the causal effects of immigration on local outcomes. Saiz (2007) uses a "shift-share" instrumental variable approach and finds that an immigration inflow equal of 1% of a city’s population is associated with increases in average rents and housing values of about 1%. His results suggest that the impacts found for housing are higher than those found on labor outcomes. Ottaviano and Peri (2012) build a general equilibrium model and show a strong positive association between immigration flows and changes in average wages and average house rents for native US residents across states. Heterogeneity analyses reveal that immigration inflows affect positively both wages and rents for highly-skilled natives while reducing wages and increasing rents for low-skill natives. They calibrate the model using US data and show that it matches most of the effects observed in the data in the period 1990-2005. Their estimation strategy relies as well on shift-share instruments to control for the endogenous nature of immigration. A more recent paper by Sharpe (2019) using shift share instruments builds upon the Saiz (2007) by explicitly controlling for city-level initial characteristics that led to increases in immigration inflows and rents growth. The paper finds that the positive effect of immigration on rents from Saiz (2007) is attenuated. While the shift share instrumental variable approach seems to be the favorite empirical strategy, recent work by Jaeger, Ruist, and Stuhler (2018) has questioned its identifying assumptions. Therefore, a new wave of papers using cleaner natural experiments with more testable assumptions have started to emerge. One example that I follow closely is East, Luck, Mansour, and Velasquez (2018) that uses the SC policy as a natural experiment and looks at labor market outcomes. 2. Context and Policy Background 3. Data My analysis starts with a replication of the findings of the East et al. (2018) paper. Therefore, I first merge data on SC activation dates for each county with 2005-2014 American Community Survey (ACS) Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) (Ruggles et al. (2018)) to 3 reproduce their findings. In the second part of my analysis, I look at the housing market effects of the SC. For information on local housing outcomes, I use housing data (rental prices, house characteristics, etc.) from the ACS and the Fair Market Rent series (FMR) from the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) following Saiz (2007). The FMR in a given area refers to the average rental value of a vacant two-bedroom apartment and the dataset is available at the county level. I also collect county-level data on the activation on the SC from Congressional Reports and I supplement this data with county-level demographic characteristics from various data sources. The final dataset runs from 2005 to 2014. 4. Empirical strategy The staggered rollout of the SC policy across US counties permits us to use its timing to estimate the causal effects of the policy. However, a few concerns need to be addressed before analyzing these impacts. First, the rollout of the policy must be uncorrelated with countylevel characteristics before the enactment of the policy. Second, the validity of these estimates could also fail if immigrants were able to arbitrage over counties and self-migrate to places that had not yet introduced the new policy. A stronger requirement will be that the composition of treated and control counties must be stable across time. As East et al. (2018) mentions, the implementation of the enforcement policy over US counties was relatively fast. Moreover, Painter and Yu (2014) show that Immigrants are less mobile than the native-born population. Plus, since all counties eventually adopted the policy, the concern of immigrants moving between counties should be minimal. Third and most importantly, housing prices and rents in treated and control counties must have trended similarly in the absence of the program. Following East et al. (2018), we estimate the following basic difference in differences equation: yjt = α + βSCjt + X 0 jt γ + νj + ηt + εjt (1) Where yijkt refers to labor market/housing outcomes, SCjt refers to a county-level measure of exposure to the policy. For instance, if the SC program was implemented in January of year t in county j, then the exposure variable takes the value 1. Based on the month that the policy was implemented in a given year, I can provide a continuous measure of exposure to the SC policy. I also include in the model year fixed effects and county-level fixed effects to control for year-specific economic shocks and time-invariant unobserved heterogeneity. For more robust specifications, I may also include county-linear trends and add more controls to account for the housing crash. 4 5. Results 5.1. Effects of the SC on likely undocumented immigrants 5.2. Indirect Effects of SC on Citizens 5.3. Robustness Checks 5.4. Discussion 6. Conclusion 5 References Alsan, M., & Yang, C. (2018). Fear and the safety net: Evidence from secure communities (Tech. Rep.). National Bureau of Economic Research. Black, S. E. (1999). Do better schools matter? parental valuation of elementary education. The quarterly journal of economics, 114 (2), 577–599. East, C., Luck, P., Mansour, H., & Velasquez, A. (2018). The labor market effects of immigration enforcement. Farley, R., Schuman, H., Bianchi, S., Colasanto, D., & Hatchett, S. (1978). Chocolate city, vanilla suburbs:? will the trend toward racially separate communities continue? Social Science Research, 7 (4), 319–344. Givens, T. (2018). Immigration, race and populism: Politics and policy from colonialism to brexit. Greulich, E., Quigley, J. M., Raphael, S., Tracy, J., & Jasso, G. (2004). The anatomy of rent burdens: Immigration, growth, and rental housing [with comments]. Brookings-Wharton Papers on Urban Affairs, 149–205. Jaeger, D. A., Ruist, J., & Stuhler, J. (2018). Shift-share instruments and the impact of immigration (Tech. Rep.). National Bureau of Economic Research. Menasce Horowitz, J. (2014). Widespread anti-immigrant sentiment in italy. Ottaviano, G. I., & Peri, G. (2012). The effects of immigration on us wages and rents: a general equilibrium approach. In Migration impact assessment. Edward Elgar Publishing. Painter, G., & Yu, Z. (2014). Caught in the housing bubble: Immigrants? housing outcomes in traditional gateways and newly emerging destinations. Urban Studies, 51 (4), 781–809. Passel, J. S., & Cohn, D. (2016). Size of us unauthorized immigrant workforce stable after the great recession. Pew Research Center, 41 , 41. Ruggles, S., Flood, S., Goeken, R., Grover, J., Meyer, E., Pacas, J., & Sobek, M. (2018). Ipums usa: Version 8.0 [dataset]. Minneapolis, MN: IPUMS, 10 , D010. Saiz, A. (2007). Immigration and housing rents in american cities. Journal of urban Economics, 61 (2), 345–371. Sharpe, J. (2019). Re-evaluating the impact of immigration on the us rental housing market. Journal of Urban Economics, 111 , 14–34. Susin, S. (2001). The impact of the mariel boatlift on the miami housing market. Unpublished Working Paper. Washington DC: US Bureau of the Census. 6 Taeuber, K. E., & Taeuber, A. F. (1965). Negroes in cities: Residential segregation and neighborhood change.[in series] population research and training center monographs. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co. xvii. Thompson, D. (2018). How immigration became so controversial. Atlantic, Feb, 2 . 7. Figures 8. Tables 9. Appendix 9.1. Data Construction 7