is a reference grammar covering many
modern standard Korean ranging from
phonetics to syntax, and every effort has been
made to describe as simply and concisely as
This book
aspects of
possible the linguistic facts of Korean as
spoken
it
is
in Seoul. Korea.
The language
is set
out in a methodological
and orderly manner, with many examples, and
while the author has taken advantage of current
linguistic theory and descriptive techniques,
many of his technical terms are introduced with
explanations and illustrations from English
Korean
Grammar
H.B.LEE
material for readers
who are not familiar with the
details of present-day linguistics.
The book will be useful
not only to linguists in
general and specialists in Korean but also to
students and general readers
who
are interested
any aspect of the Korean language,
spoken by nearly 64 million people.
in
H.B.
Lee
is
Professor
of
Phonetics
now
and
Linguistics, Seoul National University, Korea.
SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES
Korean Grammar
Korean Grammar
HANSOL
H.
B.
LEE
Professor of Phonetics and Linguistics; and
Director of Language Research Institute
,
Seoul National University
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
1989
Oxford University
Press, Walton Street, Oxford 0X2
Oxford New York Toronto
Delhi Bombay Calcutta Madras Karachi
Petaling Java Singapore Hong Kong Tokyo
Nairobi Dar es Salaam Cape Town
Melbourne Auckland
and associated companies
6DP
Preface
This
a revised and modified version of
is
in
my
Beirut Berlin Ibadan Nicosia
Study of Korean
thesis ‘A
Syntax*, which was submitted to the University of
London
for the Ph.D.
degree in General Linguistics and Phonetics. Apart from the revision and
Oxford
is
a trade mark of Oxford University Press
Cc
Hansol H.
Lee 1989
B.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without
the prior permission
of Oxford University Press
British Library Cataloguing in Publication
make
modification of the original thesis to
Data
Hansol H. B.
Korean grammar.
Korean language - Grammar
Lee,
I.
1.
495.782
Title
PL9I3
ISBN 0-19-713606-0
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Hyon-bok, 1936Korean grammar.
Yi,
'
Bibliography: p. 195 Includes index.
I. Korean language - Grammar. I. University
of
London. School of Oriental and African Studies.
II.
1988
Title.
495.75
87-25027
ISBN 0-19-713606-0
Set
as possible, with plenty of examples.
suitable as a reference
grammar
by Moonyc Korea Publications
Printed and bound in Great Britain by
Biddles Ltd, Guildford and King’s l.vnn
Many
of the technical terms arc introfrom English material for those
readers who are not assumed to be familiar with the details of modern linguistics. I only hope that the book will be useful not only to students and
specialists in the Korean language and linguistics but also to linguists in
duced with explanations and
illustrations
general.
1
Originally presented as the author's thesis (doctoral University of London under the title: A study of Korean syntax.
School of Oriental and African Studies' -
PL91LY46
it
academic work, a change has also been made in the manner of presentation of Korean examples and materials: all Korean examples
are given first in the Korean orthography, i.e. the one used in the Republic of
Korea; this is followed by a phonemic transcription and, when necessary to
clarify an otherwise ambiguous structure, a morphemic transcription.
This book has been designed to be a reference grammar covering all aspects
of modern standard Korean, ranging from phonetics to syntax. While taking
advantage of current linguistic theory and descriptive techniques, the author
has made every eftort to describe grammatical points as simply and concisely
rather than a purely
Published in the United States
by Oxford University Press, New York
would
like to record here
my profound
gratitude to Professor R. H.
Robins of the Department of Phonetics and Linguistics, and Professor W. E.
Skillend of the Department of the Far East, in the School of Oriental and
African Studies (University of London), for their continued help and guid-
ance
in
the course of writing the thesis and
a format suitable for publication.
I
owe
later, in
revising
and recasting
it
in
especial thanks to Professor Skillend
for his warm friendship, and to Miss Diana Matias for the painstaking work
which she has put into preparing the manuscript for publication.
The author
tee
also wishes to express his thanks to the Publications
of the School of Oriental and
African Studies
manuscript of the book for publication and meeting the
tion. Finally, despite the inhibitions
for
full
Commit-
accepting the
cost of produc-
of oriental conventions, the author
feels
mention should be made of the lasting debt that he owes to his wife,
Justine, for the constant encouragement and assistance that she gave him
during his student days in London.
that
London
July,
Hansol Hyun Bok Lee
1986
v
Contents
Preface
v
Abbreviations
xi
Introduction
I.
The Korean Language
1.1.
passim
1
1.2.
Writing System
1.3.
The Type of Korean described in this Book
The Scope and Method of Analysis 7
1.4.
2
6
Phonetics and Phonology
II.
2.1.
Phonetics and Phonology
2.2.
The Korean Phonemes
10
10
2.3.
Phonetic Description of Korean Phonemes
2.4.
The
2.5.
Syllable Quantity
2.6.
Stress
Syllable Structure
Group
Juncture
Intonation
29
2.9.
Intonemes
32
2.10.
Transcription
33
Word and Word
Definition of
3.2.
Types of
3.3.
Word
3.3.1.
Words
39
Noun
3.3.3.
Adjective
3.3.4.
Adverb
41
3.3.5.
Particle
41
3.3.6.
Interjection
3.4.1.
3.4.2.
37
38
39
3.3.2.
3.4.
Classes
Word
Classes
Verb
21
27
2.7.
3.1.
and Stress
23
2.8.
ill.
20
40
40
Sub-classes of
41
Word
42
Classes
Sub-classes of Verbs
42
50
Sub-classes of Nouns
3.4.3.
Sub-classes of Adjectives
3.4.4.
Sub-classes of Adverbs
61
3.4.5.
Sub-classes of Particles
65
3.4.6.
Sub-classes of Interjections
59
75
13
Contents
viii
IV.
Contents
Structure of the Verb
4.1.
Elements within the Verb
4.2.
Stem
76
77
Structure of the Verb Stem
4.2.2.
Stem Classes
77
Passive Clause
6.3.6.
Causative Clause
4.3.2.
Honorific Suffix
4.3.3.
Tense Suffixes
4.3.4.
Humble
4.3.5.
Inflectional
83
Nominal Clause
6.4.3.
Adjectival Clause
173
6.4.4.
Adverbial Clause
177
VII.
96
Suffix
Endings
Final Endings
98
98
Non-Final Endings
Concatenating Endings
7.1.
Definition of the Sentence
7.2.
Major and Minor Sentence 186
Major Sentence 187
187
Structure of Major Sentence
Major Sentence Categories 189
7.3.1.
105
1
7.3.2.
1
V. 5.2.Phrase
1
Nominal Phrase 112
Nominal Head 113
Nominal Expansion 118
Nominal Phrase Embedded
Verbal Phrase
5.2.1.
5. 2. 1.1.
a Larger Nominal Phrase
121
Nucleus of Verbal Head
125
5. 2. 1.1. 2.
Satellite
of Verbal Head
126
122
Rules on the Distribution of Auxiliary Verbs with other Verbs within
Verbal Head
129
5.2.1. 1.2.3.
Exemplification of Verbal
VI.
Head
Expansion of Verbal Phrase
Elements of Clause
tO
.1.
KJ
.2.
Predicate
Subject
152
6.2.3.
Object
6.2.4.
Complement
6.2.5.
Agent
6.2.6.
6.3.
6.3.1.
Adjunct
149
149
152
152
153
153
Types of Final Clause
Transitive Clause
155
155
6.3.2.
Intransitive
Clause
157
6.3.3.
Descriptive Clause
157
6.3.4.
Equational Clause
160
148
Compound
Simple Sentences
Compound
7.5.1.
Elliptical
7.5.2.
Initiating
Type
Type
191
Sentences
192
192
Sentences
Minor Sentences
Part
I:
192
193
193
194
Part
II:
Korean Linguistics
General Linguistics
:
142
Index
j
6.2.
Propositive Sentence
Simple and
189
191
195
Appendix Index of Grammatical
145
and Non-Final Clause
Final
7.3. 2.4.
189
203
Suffixes
and Endings
209
131
Clause
6.1.
Imperative Sentence
186
Bibliography
128
5.2.1. 1.2.2.
Relational Phrase
7. 3. 2. 3.
7.5.
Classification of Auxiliary Verbs according to Concatenating
Restrictions
5.3.
Interrogative Sentence
7.4.2.
5. 2.1. 1.1.
5.2.1.
Declarative Sentence
7.3. 2.2.
7.4.1.
122
Elements and Structure of Verbal Phrases
Head of Verbal Phrase 124
5. 2. 1.1. 2.1.
7. 3. 2.1.
7.4.
in
186
Sentence
7.3.
4.3. 5. 3.
5.1.4.
170
170
87
87
4.3. 5.2.
2.
5.1.2.
163
6.4.2.
5.1.
5.1.3.
161
Types of Non-Final Clause 169
Internal Structure of Non-Final Clause
6.4.1.
78
Verb Suffixes and Inflectional Endings
Voice Suffix 84
4.3. 5. 1.
6.3.5.
6.4.
4.3.
4.2.1.
4.3.1.
IX
-
4
j
213
Abbreviations
A
Adjunct
act.
active
Adj./adj.
Ad j ec
t
i
ve/a d j ec t val
i
adj.cl.
adjectival clause
adj.(rei.)ph.
adjectival relational phrase
Adv./adv.
Adverb/adverbial
adv.cl.
adverbial clause
adv.ph.
adverbial phrase
Ag.
Agent
aux.
auxiliary
ani.
animate
C
(i)
(ii)
Consonant
in
chapter
II,
Complement
c.
coordinator
caus.
causative
cl.
clause
comp.
compound
concat.
concatenating
conj.
conj unctive
d.
descriptive
decl.
declarative
deic.
deictic
deriv.
derived/derivational
end.
ending
Exp.
Expansion
f.cl./nf.cl.
final
fmtv.
formative
fut.
future
clause/non-final clause
H
Head
hon.
honorific
impcr.
imperative
ina.
inanimate
infix.
inflectional
Interj./interj.
Interjection/interjectival
intr.
intransitive
md.
mdf.
modifying
mood
xi
Phonetics and Phonology
Abbreviations
A bbreviations
xii
N/n
N.ani.
N.ina.
N.hon.
N.num.
N.n.ind.
N.pl.
N.Cl./n.cl.
NP
Nuc./nuc.
Noun/nominal
Animate noun
Inanimate noun
Honorific noun
Numeral noun
phonetic transcription
)
translation
optional,
passive
Pcl./pcl.
Particle
hypothetical or unreal form
plus juncture within a transcribed passage (addition sign
tentative juncture within a transcribed passage
prefix
presump.
presumptive
progr.
progressive
prop.
propositive
Rel/rel.
relational
Satellite
suffix
St./st.
stem
sub.
subordinate
t.
tense
in
chapter
Verb/verbal
V.aux.
Auxiliary Verb
V.c.
Copula Verb
V.d.
Descriptive Verb
V.p.
Processive Verb
V.pl.
Plain Verb
V.hon.
Honorific Verb
V.intr.
Intransitive Verb
V.tr.
Transitive Verb
Verbal Phrase
voice
Z/z
Sentence
11 ,
Phonetics and Phonology
II,
passage
(period
Phonetics and Phonology
Form
selected by vowel
(i)
stress
in
harmony
chapter
II,
group boundary
transcribed
/ne'nala so’sig/
passages
(ii)
word boundary
nc nala sosig
,
passage
a/A
space in
sfx.
chapter
Post-vocalic/post-consonantal form
e.g.
vc.
transcribed
a
in
V/C-form
marker
tone markers
Subject
in
in a transcribed
stress
retrospective
Vowel
juncture
Quantity (length)
and
present
(ii)
(comma
elsewhere)
/:/
prfx.
transitive
P or SP
*
terminal
pres.
(i)
->
elsewhere)
phrase
V/v.
fill-in
(S)P
rewrite
*
processive
tr.
e.g.
elsewhere)
pasv.
VP
(i)
—>
+
P-
Sat. /sat.
]
phonemic transcription
(ii)
(
Nucleus
Object
S
[
noun
Nominal Clause
Nominal Phrase
numeral
retros.
/
/
Plain
num.
ph.
Symbols and notations
Non-independent noun
O
Xlll
in
in
Phonetics and Phonology
phonemic
transcription, e.g.
morphophonemic
transcription,
I
INTRODUCTION
1.1.
No one knows
for certain
THE KOREAN LANGUAGE
how long Korean
has been spoken and we have yet
to sec the results of historico-comparative studies on the origin of the Korean
its early development prior to the fifteenth century. However,
from what record we have in Chinese, we can assume that the Koreans tried to
express themselves by Chinese characters as early as some time between the
first and fourth century A.D. (Seungbog Cho 1967, Huisiing Yi 1955).
There have been several conflicting theories as to the origin of Korean and
its affinity to other languages. The Indo-European theory (Eckardt 1966,
language and
Aalto 1947) and the Dravidian theory (Hulbert 1906) are considered to be
hardly convincing. The Altaic theory (Ramstedt 1949, 1957-66) now seems to
be most widely accepted, and the Korean language is therefore classified as a
member of
the Altaic family along with Tungus,
Turkish (Sungnyong Yi 1954). Moreover, Panghan
Manchu, Mongolian and
(1983) and Kimun Yi
Kim
two leading Korean specialists working in the field of historicolinguistics, seem to share to a great extent the view put forward
by Ramstedt. Like other Altaic languages, Korean is predominantly aggluti-
(1972), the
comparative
native in morphological formations. However, there are
do not
readily approve of the Altaic theory
(Poppe
some
scholars
who
1955).
another theory which attempts to relate Korean and Japanese
(Kono 1944, Ono 1955, Lewin 1976). H. A. Gleason seems to recognize the
Korean language as forming a separate language family when he states that
There
is
yet
‘Korean comprises the Korean family and
is
somewhat
distantly related to the
Japanese family’ (Gleason 1961, pp. 468, 479). Korean and Japanese, whose
affinity has long been disputed, are strikingly alike in overall grammatical and
syntactic patterns rather than in lexis. Martin (1966) has presented some
lexical
evidence relating Korean to Japanese.
The Korean language
is spoken today by nearly 64 million Koreans, of
about 60 million live in the Korean peninsula and the remaining
4 million abroad, mainly in China, Japan, U.S.S.R. and U.S.A. It is the
official language in Korea as well as the medium of education from kinder-
whom
garten to university
level,
and of all
cultural activities including the press
broadcasting.
1
and
2
Korean
1.2.
Grammar
Chapter
five basic letters
WRITING SYSTEM
Koreans
mainly on the Chinese writing system
relied
until the 15th
century
3
were established and the twelve remaining consonant
were derived by adding to each of the
A
I
five basic letters
stroke or symbol which indicated other phonologically relevant phonetic
when they came to have their own alphabet. Although it is not known
exactly when the Koreans began to borrow Chinese characters, it is now
lation.
generally acknowledged to have been between the first and fourth centuries.
Apart trom using Chinese as a toreign language, the Koreans employed the
were taken as basic and the eight remaining vowel
D.
Chinese characters
in two different ways. First, they were used to represent, or
rather transcribe, Korean syllables which were phonetically similar to the
characters used, i.e., as phonetic symbols. Secondly, they were used to repre-
Korean morphemes or words which had translation equivalence to the
original reference of the characters or Chinese loanwords. These two methods
were often combined within a word, especially an inflectional word such as
verb, of which the stem was represented by the semantically
equivalent
Chinese morphemes and the sufhx(es) by the phonetically equivalent Chinese
sent
characters.
1.2.1.
The
A Iphabet
phonetic observations, of which three
different
Secondly,
basis,
‘Hunminjongum’
letters, to
in the
research in
/ hunminjAijim /,
the nation.
it
I
1
he king,
newly-created
a
who was
Korean
a distinguished
public. In his preface to
Hunminjongum,
the
king stated as the reason tor devising a new alphabet the inadequacy
and
inconvenience of the Chinese characters as a writing system for the Korean
language. Hence the name ‘Hunminjongum’, which means literally The
right
(The
first
were derived by
of these three basic
in its actual application.
of three positions,
purely phonetic
And
there
initial,
is suffi-
medial and
the syllable and the statements concerning the distribution of sounds
some
kind of preliminary phonological analysis of Korean according to a phonefar
removed from that of modern
linguistics,
even though
of Hunminjongum
sounds to teach the nation’.
Hunminjongum was unique in many respects and certainly deserves to be
more widely known and understood. First,
was based on the articulatory
1
found in the spelling princiwere to be combined, in
accordance with the prescribed rule, into syllable blocks and not in a linear
succession as in European languages. In other words, graphemes were, and
still are, arranged syllabically in such a way that each syllable has a distinct
geometrical shape. For instance, syllables like /mag/ ‘curtain’ and /nun/ ‘eye’
would be arranged in actual writing as follows:
third characteristic
ple decreed by the king, according to
/mag/
completed the alphabet in 1443 A.D. after years of
collaboration with a group of eight scholars, but he tested it for
making
letters.
I
letters
the three positions of a syllable, etc.) that the king had completed
:
«]-
<
n = m,
^
<
t-
linguist himself, actually
three years before
•
Hunminjongum, although formulated on a
was a phonemic alphabet
final, in
homorganic points of articuon the basis of
[i]
[a or a], — [i or uij and
modern orthography.)
cient evidence (e.g. the recognition
at
at
letters,
combinations of the three basic
has been discarded
letters
The
system as a means of transcribing Korean must have been most inadequate as
well as inconvenient. Inadequate or not, however, this practice
went on until
1446 A.D., when Sejong /sejog/, the fourth king of the Yi Dynasty, proalphabet of 28
manners of articulation
eleven vowel letters were likewise formulated
he did not actually use the term ‘Phoneme’ as against ‘Phone’ or ‘Sound’.
Since Korean and Chinese were very different from each other in grammatical
and phonological structure, as they are today, the use of the Chinese writing
mulgated
features or different
mic principle not
The Korean
letters
one or more additional
/nun/
n
u
n
:
=
n,
y
-
t=
a,
u,
which
is
letters
n = g
^=
n
Hunminjongum taken into consideration,
may be defined as a phonemic
alphabet based on phonetic principles and spelt syllabically.
With the three
characteristics of
the Korean alphabet of the fifteenth century
it
it
phonetic theory. That
shape of the basic letters was modelled on
the actual shape of the articulatory organs involved in pronouncing
the
sounds represented by the letters. For instance, the letter -i
[g or kj represents
the velar sound since
‘throat’;
the letter
v-
is
it
[n]
resembles the shape of the tongue blocking the
represents the lingual sound or dental/alveolar
sound in modern terminology since it resembles the tongue touching ‘the
upper jaw’, i.e., upper teeth or teeth ridge; and the letter u [m] represents the
labial sound since it resembles the shape of the lips, etc. In this manner the
;
Cf. Minsu Kim,
1.2.2.
to say, the
Chuhae hunminjongum (‘Hunminjongum
Annotated’), 1957,
The Present Alphabet
The present Korean alphabet of 24 letters or graphemes is essentially the
same as that of the fifteenth century, except that (i) four graphemes, 2 owing
to the change in the phonological system, are obsolete, (ii) the shape of some
graphemes has very
1
Cf. K imun Yi.
slightly
changed, and
(iii)
Kugo pWogipohui yoksajok von’gu (‘An
most important of
all,
the
Historical Study of Korean Spelling’),
1963.
2
Ung Ho, Kugo umunnon
(‘Korean Phonology’, revised cd.), 1968, pp. 285. Sec pp. 285-316
and their phonetic values.
for further details of these letters
Chapter
Korean Grammar
4
morphemic (since the formulation in 1933 of The
Unified Spelling System’ by the Korean Language Research Society), whereas
it had been mainly phonemic from the invention of the Korean alphabet
in
the fifteenth century until 1933. By ‘morphemic spelling principle’ is meant
one whereby every word or morpheme is represented by its base form. For
present spelling principle
is
instance, ^-<>1 /mogi/ ‘the neck’ <mog ‘neck’ + / ‘subject particle’ and SL?)
/mogi/ ‘mosquito’ are pronounced the same and may thus be spelt alike in
phonemic spelling, but in morphemic spelling, as is already clear from the
Korean spelling form, the word for ‘neck’ is given the shape -= /mog/ and it
appears
in that shape in any environment, thus standing in contrast to SL7]
/mogi/ ‘mosquito’.
The Korean alphabet of 24 graphemes currently in use is given below with
the transcription symbols shown between slant bars after each grapheme.
Vowel Graphemes
t/a/,
.la.
Semi-vowels
/)/
and /w/ are somewhat peculiar
semi-vowel /)/
is
in their
graphemic representation. The
represented by a stroke added to a pure vowel with which /]/
forms a diphthong as
illustrated
by the following examples and those given
in
1.2.2. (cf. p. 4):
/je/
1|
/je/
H
<
<
1
/]/
1
/j/
+
+
11
/e/
fl
/e/
The semi-vowel /w/ is represented graphemically either by -*-/o/ or “r/u/
depending on the vowel following with which /w/ forms a diphthong:
/wa/
/we/
/we/
4 <
-X~
4 <
4 <
/o/
/o/
/o/
+
+
+
>
/a/
fl
/e/
l
/i/
ii
/e/
l
/i/
or
(10)
t /ja/,
-r / u/,
/jo/,
5
/
]
/a/,
i
/jA/,
—
tt /ju/
,
<
4 <
/wa/ 4 <
/we/
/wi/
/o/,
/i/,
1
/i/.
oil
~r
/u/
T
/u/
+
+
~T
/u/
4*
/a/
]
Consonant Graphemes
c
H/b/,
Wn/,
^ /s/,
^/c/,
^/k/,
e/t/,
->/g/.
The order
in
a /l/,
c /Zero-g/,
a
/d/,
a:
^
/p/
o
at
is
the one
the syllable-initial position
number of the Korean phonemes
total
in a sense, not
system composed of interrelated elements
which eight are vowels,
the other hand, excluding
29, of
/€/
H
<
<
1
/a/
/a/
}
+
+
/k/
*rt
/{/
re
/p/
HU
/c/
/s/
<
<
<
<
<
XI
/g/ +
/d/ +
bi-labial
i
/[/
plosive
/g/
xz
/d/
W
/b/ +
u
/b/
X
+
+
X
A
/J/
/s/
X
/J/
/s/
it
is
on the one hand, and the abstraction and assignment of prosodic feaand over the phonematic units on the other. This can be exemplified
by the Korean consonant letters. Of the 19 consonant letters, the following 16
are chosen for the purposes of this discussion:
/i/
~i
particular,
tures to
i
Consonants
In
units
Vowels
a
(letters).
between the manner in which the
Korean alphabet is systematized and the theoretical tenet of the ‘Prosodic
Analysis’ as initiated and developed by the London School, namely, a multidimensional approach characterized by the establishment of phonematic
interesting to note the striking similarity
1
is
phonemes by digraphs or geminations:
/e/
letters. It
only a phonetic alphabet based exclusively on detailed
phonetic observations of the articulatory organs, but also a remarkably neat
two semi-vowels and 19 consonants (cf. 2.2). On
the four vowel graphemes representing diphthongs, there are only 20 graphemes, which thus gives rise to a situation in which there are nine more phonemes than there are graphemes. This discrepancy is resolved by representing
the nine
is,
fifteenth-
is
phonetically nothing and therefore phonologically redundant, but it is used
nowadays, as in the fifteenth century, to mark a syllable beginning with a
vowel. Syllable-finally, however, it represents /q/.
The
The Korean Alphabet and the Prosodic Analysis
The current alphabet, and for that matter, to an even greater extent,
century Hunminjongum, is not a haphazard collection of isolated
/j/.
-6-/h/.
f
which the vowel and consonant graphemes are given
used widely in Korea. The grapheme
1.2.3.
/rn/,
Voiceless
Voiceless
Voiceless
Voiced
unaspirated
aspirated
glottalized
nasal
h /b/
31
/p/
BH/p/
u /m/
v-/n/
alveolar
plosive
^ /d/
H/t/
tc/i/
velar plosive
n/g/
/k/
n /k/
1
J. R. Firth, ‘Sounds and Prosodies’, TPS, 1948, pp. 127-52; R. H. Robins. Aspects of Prosodic Analysis, 1957, pp. 1-12; J. Lyons, Introduction to Theoretical Linguistics 1968,
pp. 127-32.
,
Korean Grammar
Chapter
1
I
post- alveolar
x/c/
*/}/
affricates
alveolar
**/c/
a/s/
AA
fricatives
1
/§/
These 16 consonant letters can be described in prosodic terms as composed of
five phonematic units, each representing a different place of articulation, (i)
bi-labial,
(ii)
(fricative),
aspirated,
alveolar,
velar, (iv) post-alveolar (affricate)
(iii)
and four prosodic
(iii)
features,
(i)
and
voiceless glottalized,
(iv)
simplified considerably by symbolizing the
c
unaspirated’ letters o,
,
-i
a
,
and
voiceless unaspirated,
voiced nasal.
The
(v) alveolar
(ii)
phonematic units by the
thereby reducing the
voiceless
analysis can be
‘voiceless
number of proso-
.
4 THE SCOPE
.
AND METHOD OF ANALYSIS
The aim of this book is to present a basic grammatical analysis of standard
Korean, upon which an analysis of greater detail could be based.
The grammatical units set up for the purposes of syntactic description are,
in descending order of rank, ‘Sentence’, ‘Clause’, ‘Phrase’, ‘Word’ and
‘Morpheme’. These units are hierarchically related in such a way that every
unit, except ‘Morpheme’ which can not be analysed into meaningful smaller
units, consists of one or more units immediately below. Thus a word consists
of one or more morphemes, a phrase of one or more words, a clause of one or
more phrases, and a sentence of one or more clauses. Instead of regarding the
linguistic units given above as analytically consisting of one or more units
immediately below in rank, one can regard and define them synthetically as
units functioning within more inclusive units. The unit ‘Sentence’, however,
1
dies
from four
to three, with the
prosody
‘voiceless unaspirated’ treated as
unmarked term automatically ascribable
to the five
bolizing, by superscripts, the three prosodies as: h
q
-
-
‘glottal prosody’; n
phonematic
-
units.
an
Sym-
‘aspiration prosody’;
consonant letters may be
phonematic units and a zero or one of the
‘nasal prosody’, the 16
represented as consisting of five
three prosodies as follows:
a (/b/)
h (=
a
^
(/d/)
£<=
e/t/)
(/g/)
n (=
=t
H (=
/p/)
»>
/P/)
?;(= «/!/)
H (= n /m/)
H (=
v-
/n/)
will
be excluded from such a synthetic definition since
and most
inclusive unit.
/k/)
*(/j/)
k
A(/S /)
1!
*
The
hierarchical relationship
occur as a clause or a constituent of a clause (upward rank shift), or a clause
may be embedded in a phrase structure (downward rank shift). The total
distributional relations holding among the five units may be diagrammati-
shown
below',
w here the arrows
in the centre represent the
most
same unit ‘recursive rank
constituent of an expanded structure of the
distribution; the arrows returning to the
shift’, viz., a unit
or
*( = */c/)
taken as the largest
2
existing among the units does not preclude the possibility of rank shift,
and
phrase
level
of
the
word
bypass
a
may
For
instance,
upward or downward.
common
(= -n/fc/)
is
intermediate units, clause, phrase, word, can be
defined both analytically and synthetically.
cally set out as
q
The
it
occurring as a
same unit, e.g., a phrase found in larger phrase; the arrow's pointing
downward ‘downward rank shift’; and the arrows by-passing a unit ‘upward
\
a( = «/s/)
rank
shift’.
SENTENCE—]
t
1
.
3
.
THE TYPE OF KOREAN DESCRIBED
There are seven main dialects
Pyeongan Province
dialect,
and Hwanghae Province,
Province dialect,
The
(iv)
BOOK
-CLAUSES
t
1
in
respective administrative regions.
(ii)
IN THIS
Korea, which correspond roughly to the
They
(iii)
are
(i)
Hamgyeong Province dialect,
Gangweon
t
“WORD
Central dialect of Gyeonggi,
Chungcheong Province dialect,
(v)
1
— PHRASE3*
Gyeongsang
t
(vi)
Jeonla Province dialect and
capital city, Seoul,
is
(vii)
MORPHEME
Jeju Province dialect.
located in the heart of the central dialect zone,
and the type of Korean described in this book is the one spoken in and
around Seoul by educated people, often referred to as ‘Standard Korean’.
1
W. Haas, ‘On Defining Linguistic Units’ TPS 1954, pp. 60-8.
M. A. K. Halliday, ‘Categories of the Theory of Grammar*, Word
%
2
Hyonggyu Kim. Kugbsa
(‘History of the Korean Language’), 1956, pp. 2(X)-l.
be noted that Halliday does not recognize ‘upward rank
shift*.
,
17, 1961, pp.
250-4.
It is
to
8
Grammar
Korean
Chapter
Examples
(i)
(vi)
Sentence
#°1
^cj-
71^- o|
-S-M
snow
that
I
feel fine (lit.
‘my
(ii)
have been waiting for
I
mood
is
/gidalidAn nu:n/
falls (lit.
‘comes’) in plenty,
-£o]
7 |c)-£)cj
snow
‘As the
ufo,
(b)
‘the
snow
that
1
have been waiting
for’
good’).’
_o
*£o]
7]
that
u
(vii)
|
Upward rank
The word
have been waiting for
I
falls in
plenty’
shift
/jo:ta/
‘is
good’ bypasses the
/nae gibuni jo:ta/‘My
]
mood
is
good.’
mood
^r-
(</)
is
/gidalid.\n nu:n/ ‘the
snow
that
I
have been waiting
5Lu)
)
‘[as
it]
plenty’
falls in
7 ] h.
vfo,
/nae gibun/ ‘my mood’
Word
/gidalidAn/ ‘[that
I]
have been waiting
for’
\r /nu:n/ ‘snow’, °) /[/ subject particle
?&°1 /ma:ni/ ‘in plenty’,
-$.u|/oni/ ‘as
u}/na/T, —1 /e/ (<
ii)
^c
feels fine’
l-
/jo:ta/
‘is
good,
‘of’,
it
comes’
7]^- /gibun/ ‘mood’
Morpheme
7]cfel /gidali-/ ‘to wait for’,
u /-d;\-/ retros.t.sfx., x- An/ adj.cl.end.
l
it /nu:n/ ‘snow’,
vs/ma:n-/
‘to
°]
/i/ subject. pci.
be plenty’, °|/-i/ adv.deriv.sfx.
/o-/ ‘to come,
fall’,
vf/na/T, £]/e/(<
7 1-Jl- /gibun/ ‘mood’,
*4 /-ta/
(<
for’
^ /-ni/ non-final adv.cl.end.
)
ii)‘of’,
/jo:-/ ‘to be good’,
-da) decl.md.end.
reached.
The
unit
word
discussion of the unit
is
/ma:ni oni/
(c)
is
good.’
In this book, the syntactic description begins at the
ceeds through successively larger units,
$0
of phrase and functions
P
S
Phrase
(b)
level
as a constituent (predicate) of the clause
£ 0 $4
/nae gibuni jorta/ ‘My
(v)
(adjective) in
H.
Exp.
/gidalid.\n nu:ni ma:ni oni/
(iv)
word
Clause
(a)
(iii)
adjectival clause /gidalidAn/ functions as a
the nominal phrase
/gidalidAn nu:ni ma:ni oni, nac gibuni jorta/
‘As the
Downward rank shift
The
^°)
9
I
directly relevant to
is
chosen
morpheme is
i.e.,
word
level
and pro-
phrase and clause, until sentence
and the
verbs
of
as it
morphology
the
to serve as the basic syntactic unit,
restricted to
Korean syntax.
Chapter
II
The Korean phonemes
PHONETICS AND PHONOLOGY
(ii)
Consonants,
(iii)
II
II
are divided into the four different types:
Semi-vowels, and
(iv)
(i)
Vowels,
Suprasegmental phonemes.
Vowels
2.2.1.
There are eight vowels:
2.1.
/i/, /e/, /€/, /a/, /o/,
PHONETICS AND PHONOLOGY
/u/, /a/, /i/
Examples
There are two major branches
in the
study of the sounds of a given language:
Phonetics and Phonology. These two branches are related to each other
«1
/bi/ ‘rain’
”11
/be/
that they both study sounds of a language, but they differ in their viewpoint
and objective. Phonetics is concerned with actual speech sounds as we
pronounce and hear them, but in any person’s speech there are hundreds of
speech sounds and the differences between them are not always important or
significant. Phonology aims to systematize these speech sounds into a smaller
number of significant sound units called ‘Phonemes’. For instance, phonetics
will tell us that the plosive sounds occurring in ‘pin’, ‘spin’ and ‘bin’ are
different sounds: ‘p’ of ‘pin’ is a voiceless aspirated sound [p h ]; ‘p’ of ‘spin’ a
voiceless unaspirated sound [p] and ‘b’ of ‘bin’ a voiced unaspirated sound
[b]. But phonetics does not tell us much about the function of these sounds,
i.e., which is significant and which is not. It is phonology which does that.
Phonology observes that as [p] occurs only after the [s] sound as in ‘spin’ and
h
elsewhere, the plosive sounds never have the function of distinguishing
is [p
different words in English, and decides that the two sounds [p h and [p] are to
be treated as members or ‘Allophones’ of the phoneme /p/, and not as two
separate phonemes. On the other hand, the two speech sounds [p h ] and [b]
can occur in the same environment and distinguish pairs of words, e.g.
‘pin’
‘bin’. Therefore the sound [b] forms a separate phoneme /b/, instead
of being an allophone of /p/ phoneme to which [p] belongs. Notice that the
three speech sounds [p h ], [p] and [b] also occur in Korean but are phonemicized differently: [p h and [p] form two separate phonemes /p/ and /p/, e.g.
/pul/ ‘grass’ and /pul/ ‘horn’, whereas they form a single phoneme in English
]
]
]
shown
earlier, [b]
forms
yet
another phoneme /b/ with
In the following sections a brief description of Korean
given
first,
[b], e.g.
/bul/
phonology
2.2.2.
be
phonemes
will
be put between obliques and the phonetic symbols between
square brackets.
2.2.
The symbols
THE KOREAN PHONEMES
here used to represent the Korean
International Phonetic Association.
10
phonemes
arc those of the
‘rope’
H &1 /gAli/ ‘street’
Consonants
There are nineteen consonants:
/b/
/d/ /s/
/J/
/g/
/p/
/t/
/c/
/p/
/{/ /s/
/c/
/k/
/k/
/m/
/n/
/0/
/!/
Examples
(«)
/b/
/bal/ ‘foot’,
(b)
/p/
# /pal/ ‘arm’,
(c)
/p/
*£/pal/ ‘sucking’,
(d)
/d/
^ /dal/
(<?)
/t/
HlVtal/ ‘trouble’,
/t/
Tf/tal/ ‘daughter’,
U)
°1 Ht
l
(g)
/J/
(/i)
/c/
it /cal/ ‘to kick’,
(0
/c/
^/cal/
U)
/g/
/gal/ ‘to go’,
(A-)
/k/
<-t/ kal/ ‘knife’,
(/)
/k/
Xl / kal/ ‘colour’,
On) /s/
1
a /sal/
°1
^F/ipal/ ‘tooth’
‘salty’,
‘flesh’,
v
p /sal/ ‘rice’,
J£ l4^/botali/ ‘bundle’
^fzf/saja/
‘Well!’,
uf^/bacag/
‘closely’
^f/sagwa/
‘apple’,
'cM /sanqkwe/
Hf/bakad/
7
A /gag/
‘angle’
‘refreshing’
‘outside’
r£z|/josa/ ‘investigation’
»|*]7bisan/ ‘expensive’
/s/
(o)
/h/
^ /he/
00
00
/m/
's/mal/
/n/
\d/nal/ ‘day’,
(r)
/ij/
/satjA/ ‘shark’,
/!/
zjo] /gili/[giri] ‘length’,
‘sun’,
‘lion’
/gica/ ‘train’
z]
lJ
^ /god/ ‘soon’
Hi/ital/ ‘separation’
00
(s)
‘lute’
‘moon’, wU'e/bcdal/ ‘delivery’,
°1
/ib/ ‘mouth’
/ibal/ ‘hairdressing’,
u 5 l-/bipa/
v
s /jal/
followed by that of Korean phonetics. In order to distinguish
speech sounds or allophones from phonemes, the symbols standing for
f/ba/
-r-/bu/ ‘wealth’
cloth’
zi/gi/ ‘that’
‘fire’.
will
ti
‘pear’
il/bo/ ‘wrapping
:
as
/be/ ‘hemp cloth’
in
°1 sfl/ihe/
‘horse’,
H|
‘understanding’
°M-/ima/
t
‘forehead*,
#/sam/
‘three’
r/binu/ ‘soap’, Li/san/ ‘mountain’
A
<}/sai]/ ‘table’
U/il/ ‘one’
Korean Grammar
12
Chapter
13
1
2.2.4. 1.
Vowel Quantity and Stress
There are two semi-vowels, /)/ and Av/, which combine with vowels to form
Stress
not phonologicaily distinctive
the following diphthongs:
with pitch, which
is
However, there
a regular correlation between vowel quantity and stress.
Semi-vowels
2.2.3.
/jo/, /ju/, /ja/,
/ja /,
/je/,
/j e/,
In addition to the /iAinitial
are
all
Thus,
/wa/.
/wi/, /we/, /we/, /wa/,
and /wAinitial diphthongs listed above, which
is /ii/, which may be either rising or falling.
$ Af
/jc/ ‘Hey, you!’
*H/hajc/
if
‘
is
long
accompanied by
if
e.g.
[*sa:ram] ‘person’
=
[‘
wemsaram] ‘some person’
['gja:ijjeg] ‘competition’
=
jugjA:qjei]/
e fleet of stress
unstressed,
intonation.
on the
[ja*
ju:gjAqjnj] ‘free competition’
Quantity and
syllable quantity
is
discussed in 2.5 ‘Syllable
Stress’.
/joqgjo/ ‘religion’
-f-fr/uju/ ‘milk’
‘six’,
‘woman’
,
fl/wi/ ‘above, top’,
M /pj\/
^1
/dwi/
‘bone’
‘rear’,
/we:gug/ ‘foreign land’, V
-IM/bulkwe/
sfl/we/ ‘why’,
/gwasil/
The
short
domain of
fc
-$-/jog/ ‘swear, insult’,
/jug/
white’
£^ /honjag/ ‘engagement’
of/ja/ ‘Look!’,
*} /jAja/
‘is
is
it
we:nsa:lam/ =
*Hr ^ *l!/ja
^ al|/noje/ ‘slave’
Korean and therefore belongs along
speech, a phonologicaily long vowel
^*3/'gjA:gjeg/
/je/ ‘example, yes’,
*>/ii ja/ ‘chair*,
1
-*1
2.3.
^1
/gwi/
PHONETIC DESCRIPTION OF KOREAN PHONEMES
‘ear’
/gihwe/ ‘opportunity’
2.3.1.
Vowels
‘displeasure’
^ ^/hjAngwan/
‘fruit’,
-il'T/wAnsu/ ‘enemy’,
A
/'
tM-
in
also lexically irrelevant, to the
4^/’sa:lam/ =
Examples
°i
in actual
is
a (strong)’ stress, but
rising diphthongs, there
•4|
is
The phonetic values of the vowels are described first by reference to the I.P.A.
Cardinal Vowel scale and then, for those not familiar with the Cardinal Vowel
‘entrance-hall’
tl/jAijWAn/ ‘garden’
quadrilateral, by
4-1/saii/' ‘thanks*
means of key words, i.e., by reference to vowel sounds occurThe English vowel sounds referred to in the following
ring in other languages.
2.2.4.
Suprasegmental Phonemes
sections arc those of the British ‘Received Pronunciation’
/•i:/
long and short, are phonologicaily distinctive,
or second syllable of words. The long vowel is marKed by
Two degrees of vowel quantity,
mainly in the first
/:/ and the short one unmarked,
/gim/
‘a
/’e:/
/gi:m/
/'o:/=
e.g.
/’u:/
surname’
‘laver,
/]/
1
/e/
|
/’ a:/
{|
= r hi
= Cc-:]
seaweed’
=
=
[•<?-:]
u-:J
f/o/
/u/
[•*-:]
/a/
|
|
[
|
(
=
=
=
=
=
Ii-1,
/'e:/=
lc-1.
/'a:/
+
+
[A + l,
[?
(u
l
1
1
1
['<?-:]
/e/
= ('a-:)
/a/
with the
lips slightly
= [e —
= [a-]
]
rounded.
1
/»:/ = fui:]
/»/
=
|UJ
+
]
/sal/ ‘flesh’
/sail/ ‘to live’
L
^
/gujo/ ‘structure’
1
/gu:jo/ ‘rescue’
>i
^ /budoi]/ ‘inequality’, ‘dissimilarity’
/budoiq/ ‘immobility’
In the
open monosyllables pronounced
in isolation,
the long/short con-
usually not distinctive because the lexically short
of vowel quantity is
vowels are pronounced just as long as the lexically long vowels,
trast
/be/
^
cf.
U }|
e.g.
‘ship, boat’ [be:]
/be:/, ‘double, twice’ [be:]
/belo/ ‘by boat’ [bero]
/be:lo/ ‘twice as
much/many’
>
Cf. D. Jones.
An Outline of English
the Pronunciation
of English
,
Phonetics, 1956,
1962, pp. 83-5.
p. 12;
A. C. Gimson,
An Introduction to
1.
Korean
14
similar to the English vowel occurring in the
*i:J is
usually pronounced tense.
vowel occurring in words like ‘box’, ‘cock’ etc. is very different in quality
from the Korean /‘o:/ or /o/: the tongue position for the English vowel is
much lower than for the Korean vowel. Accordingly English people should be
careful not to use the English vowel as in ‘box’ for the Korean short /o/, e.g.
The unstressed short
words
[i] is
‘key’, ‘sea’ etc.,
and
a lax vowel pronounced
with a lower and retracted tongue position than for the stressed long vowel
[i:]»
±.
/
'
so/ ‘cow*
e.g.
/
^
’
i:l/ ‘affair,
‘
si:l/
/
business, work’
°1
‘thread’,
4/'i:ja/
n l*l / 'mirji/ ‘unknown’,
/
/gi
^1
‘
ja/ ‘reporter’
bo:mul/ ‘treasure’
bordo/ ‘report’
od/
‘clothes’
’
[
u
: ]
similar to the English vowel occurring in ‘soup’, ‘cool’ etc.
is
The unstressed
similar in quality to the English vowel occurring in words like ‘set’,
‘get’ etc., and pronounced tense. Notice that the English vowel is short and it
must be lengthened to sound similar to the Korean [' e:]. The unstressed short
e:] is
a lax vowel
pronounced with a lower and
for the stressed long vowel
’
/ ju:d/ a traditional Korean
-§*
retracted tongue position than
’
game
e.g.
[' e:],
wergug/ ‘foreign land’
Aje/ ‘yesterday’ M]
d] /
-
4} /u’san/ ‘umbrella’
/a/
2.3. 1.7.
’
serge/ ‘world’
like the
pronounced
English vowel occurring
tense.
The
unstressed short
position than for the stressed long
in
words such as
[e] is
‘cat’, ‘sat’ etc.,
and
a lax vowel with a higher tongue
[*er], e.g.
]
-V-sfl
/’ jergi/ ‘story’,
/’burce/ ‘debt’, A
1
/‘a:/
is
close to the English vowel occurring in ‘cock’,
except that the Korean /a/
etc.,
is
not pronounced with rounded lips
as the English vowel, e.g.
/'hcrbaij/ ‘liberation’
4
but the short /a/
etc.,
‘knock’
*tl
4
speakers from
The long
similar to the English central vowel occurring in words like ‘bird’,
is
‘heard’
1.8.
°)l/’e:/ ‘baby, child’
47
many
Seoul, conditioned, in almost every case, by the vowel length.
[\r]
is
tense.
e.g.
This vowel has two distinctly different allophones for
/‘e:/
is
/ ’gyorsu/ ‘professor’
/e/
2.3. 1.3.
and
a lax vowel pronounced with a lower and advanced
*
7
/*
is
tzjL / u:dko/ ‘to laugh and’
-
°\
short [u]
tongue position and weaker lip-rounding,
M] /' se:/ ‘rent’, £)/* hvve:/ ‘meeting’
*1
i\&. / ’ji:nbo/ ‘progress’
/u/
2. 3. 1.6.
’
[e] is
’
‘interest’
/e/
2. 3. 1.2.
*
/
,
3i‘l’/
[
15
II
lish
/i/
2.3.1.
[
Chapter
Grammar
/‘sire eg/ ‘policy’
l
/’bA:l/ [’bail] ‘bee’,
a
/‘sa:1/ [sa:l]
31
/'hA:n/ [’horn]
‘New
Year’s Day’,
‘old,
worn
g/*bAl/
[
bAl]
‘punishment’
II/'saI/ ['saIJ ‘theory’
out’
1.5.
/’jA:nsAl/ [’ja:nsAl] ‘speech’
2. 3. 1.4.
/a/
/’a:/
like the
is
is
English vowel occurring
similar to the English vowel as
in ‘car’, ‘father* etc.,
in ‘cut’, ‘luck’ etc.,
but the short /a/
or to the French vowel
in
‘bateau’, ‘chat’ etc., e.g.
/i/
2. 3.
u
pronounced with spread lips. In other words, it is a vowel
i:] is like
combining the tongue position of [’u:] with the lip position of [*i:J. The
unstressed short [i], which is pronounced with a lower and advanced tongue
[
[
*
Afxf /’sarja/ ‘lion’,
^f/’barm/
‘chestnut’
/ ’gargog/ ‘melody, song’
°l1f /" irbal/ ‘hairdressing’
Nf^/ba’da/
*
2. 3.
/o/
[‘or] is
similar to the English vowel as in
The unstressed
]
position than for
[*i:] is
similar to the English short /u/ occurring in ‘put’,
must be taken not to round the lips when aiming
The long [ »:] is tense and the short [ij lax, e.g.
‘took’ etc., but care
‘sea’
Korean
tense.
:
[»].
‘
/ ’girlim/ [‘gunrim] ‘painting’
short [o]
is
‘all’, ‘call’, etc.
and pronounced
a lax vowel pronounced with a lower tongue
position and weaker lip-rounding than for the stressed long [*o:].
The Eng-
i-/*di:l/ [*dui:l]
‘field’
/'aidil/ [’aidiul] ‘children’
—
/ni lin/ [niu’rin] ‘slow’
*
at the
Chapter
Grammar
Korean
16
In describing the phonetic value of the
Korean vowels
In the final position of a syllable, they are
(c)
Long Unstressed Vowel and Short Stressed Vowel
2. 3. 1.9.
II
1
pronounced without plosion,
e.g.
in 2.3.1. 1-8,
1
have dealt
4
vowels, e.g., I'i:] and [i]. This
only with the long stressed and short unstressed
However, there are two
qualities.
vowel
is because they represent extreme
as [i:] occurs only
such
vowel
unstressed
other types of vowels. The long
and the short
immediately before a plus juncture or a tentative juncture,
the syllable
in
V
position
the
in
usually
i] occurs
stressed vowel such as
jib/
[
jip
4 /mad/
^4
*
‘house’
]
[mat
'
]
‘taste’
/gugka / [guk'ka] ‘nation’
2.3.2.2. /p,
t,
k/
‘
[
structure (C,)
VC
(see 2.4, ‘Syllable Structure’), e.g.
Long unstressed vowel
4£-o| fcf/^imi +
(i)
u |.j~o||
These consonants, which occur only syllable-initially and never
finally, are pronounced with strong aspiration, e.g.
4 /pal/
4 /tal/
kind.Tma:uimi: + \l°:ta]
/’naijuijegado, ’dwenda/ ‘You may go later.
7 |.t^
[
'
*jo:ta/‘[Shel
is
[p al] ‘arm’
!l
[t
h
al] ‘trouble’
4/kal/ [k h al] ‘knife’
4 “ /capjo/ [c h ap hjo]
naijuijegado:, ’dwenda]
44 / ’jAgta/
aij]
h
Short stressed vowel
-£4
^-4
‘ticket’
‘sugar*
44 /satat}/ [sat
44 /sigkal/ [sik*k ‘kitchen
44 /SAgtan/ [sAk‘t an] ‘coal’
h
(ii)
syllable-
al]
knife’
h
jAgta] ‘to write
[
down’
'
/ ‘sinda/ ['siunda] ‘to use or write’
2.3. 2. 3. /p,
/ ‘tigmjAij/ [’tuiqmjAi]] ‘special order’
The phonetic value of the unstressed long vowel
like
[i:] is
close to that ot the
stressed short vowel like
unstressed short vowel like [ij, and the value of the
like
vowel
[*i:J. For further informalong
[j] is close to that of the stressed
2.3.2.
and consonant quantity, see
tion about the vowel
2.5, ‘Syllable
Quantity and
i,
k/
These consonants, which occur only syllable-initially and never syllablefinally, are pronounced with considerable tension in the articulatory organs,
and consequently they sound very tense or hard compared to /b, d, g/. These
consonants are very similar to the unaspirated /p, t, k/ in French, Chinese
and Russian,
e.g.
Stress’.
^/pul/
[p’ul] ‘horn’
4 /tai]/ [t’aq] ‘earth’
? /kum/
Consonants
4
°J4
°l
2. 3 2.1. /b, d,
.
g/ Bi-labial, alveolar and velar plosives
l
[k’um] ‘dream’
/ita/
[it’a] ‘later’
/ibia/ [ip
?p4/jAmta/
(a)
In the initial position, these
aspiration,
i.e.,
[p\ t\
pronounced very
4
/bal/ ‘foot’,
7
/gap/
,
(/;)
k‘]
lightly
or
pronounced with little or no
These are lax consonants and are
phonemes
[b, d, g].
‘river’
/jigim/ ‘now’,
7}
44
i.e.,
between vowels or /m,
4
/simbat]/
/singan/ ‘new publication*,
/jA:qgam/
c,
c/ Post-alveolar affricates
r
‘old
man’
n,
13 ,
i.e.,
1/
and a vowel,
[b, d, g], e.g.
Examples
/}/
44 /gabaij/ ‘brief-case’,
444 /sadali/ fsadari] ‘ladder’
1
.
These are similar both in tongue position and quality to the English affricates
occurring in ‘chin’ and ‘judge’, but unlike the English affricates, the Korean
/j, c, c/ are pronounced w ith spread lips.
d, g/,
these become fully voiced like the English /b,
*
2 3 2.4. /j,
soltly, e.g.
4 /dal/ ‘moon’
Between voiced sounds,
x|
wear’
are
.
and
t’a] ‘to
[jAmt’aJ ‘young’
is
a voiceless affricate with
but fully voiced
little or no aspiration in the initial position
and unaspirated between voiced sounds. It does not occur
syllable-fmally, e.g.
‘visit’
4 /jam/
4
[jam] ‘sleep’
/jib/ [jip'] ‘house’
Korean
18
Chapter
Grammar
l,
y]S_ /jido/ [jido] ‘map’
4 /iija/
si
/c/
[si:jaijl
‘market’
Like
/j,\:njeij/ [jsinjeo] ‘war’
voiceless
is
syllable-initially
and
it
does not
2. 3. 2.6.
[c''ck
1
/cat}/ [c"aij]
/h/
‘book’
‘window’
[x]
to /j/
4 /cam/
which
[s’jit't’a] ‘to
is lax.
wash’
*};4-4
This consonant occurs only
syllable-initially
before
[i]
[h]
or
[a\]
as the velar fricative
[j],
before /u/ or Av/, and
between voiced sounds. Elsewhere
it
is
realized as
4
/halabAji/ [harabAji] ‘grandfather’
4
/he/
^
/hj Aq/ [gAql ‘brother’
Q /him/
‘sun’,
[gim] ‘strength’
1
]
-f 4/huh\van/
[c’am] ‘time, space’
‘soil’
[wuwan] or [wuwan]
‘later trouble’
2. 3.2. 7.
/m/
/m/ =
[m], e.g.
Bilabial nasal
[ga.c’aj ‘fake’
‘tune,
melody’
it
44 /iisa/ ‘doctor’,
when followed by
[sjin]
2. 3.2. 8.
/n/
-sVsul/ ‘wine’
3 r
-.-
‘water*,
is
°l
4/ima/
‘forehead’
Ijim] ‘burden’,
^^/simjaq/
be
is a lax sound which should
These arc both alveolar fricative sounds, /s/
syllablenever
and
pronounced very softly. It occurs only syllable-initially
by a slight aspiration, e.g.
finally. Sometimes it is accompanied
4 /san/ ‘mountain’,
/mul/
^ /jim/
s/ Alveolar fricative
444
[g]
as the labio-velar fricative [wj or
[c’ada] ‘salty’
/gogco/ [gok'c’o]
4 /sin/
[i],
*£-/hig/ [xuik
44/ga:ca/
[simjaij] or [sjimjaij] ‘heart’
/n/ Alveolar nasal
realized as the palatal [p] before /i/ or /j/
and as
[n]
elsewhere, e.g.
/nim/ [pim] ‘beloved’
*114 /henjA/ [hcjijA] ‘mermaid’
V)
/josu/
/i/ or /j/,
is
‘tide’
palatalized,
i.e., [sj],
£/son/ [son] ‘hand’,
&/don/ [don] ‘money’
Tr/mun/ [mun] ‘door’
e.g.
‘footwear’
/busjAla/ Ibusjxra] ‘Break
[it].’
pronounced with a considerable tension
a voiceless, unaspirated sound
consequently it sounds very tense orchard
in the articulatory organs and
sun
sound as
This sound is similar to the English ‘s’
/s /
/i/ or /j/, e.g.
[h], e.g.
syllable-finally, e.g.
44 /cada/
/s/,
when followed by
‘seed’
realized as the palatal fricative
is
pronounced with a considerable tena voiceless unaspirated sound
consequently it sounds very hard or tense
sion in the articulatory organs, and
/s,
palatalized
/h/ Glottal fricative
before
is
2.3. 2.
is
[s’ji]
sometimes as the voiced
4
compared
and never
/s/
e.g.
/gica/ [gic''a] ‘train’
h
-JH1 /jugce/ [juk'c e] ‘body’
/c/
there?’
[c'*a] ‘tea’
45./ccg/
y]
[bis’an] ‘expensive*
[is’s’A] ‘Is [he]
44/sidta/
1
4
/s/,
4 /si/
and strongly aspirated
occur syllable-fmally,
4 /ca/
/issA/
[iija], ‘chair’
4 4 /si: jar)/
4*8
l^/bisan/
44
19
//
2. 3.2.9.
/q/ Velar nasal
is
m
compared
/[)/ is like
/sa
though
only syllable-initially and sometimes,
same
the
with
begins
syllable
syllable-finally too when the succeeding
‘sack’ etc. /s/, like /s/, occurs
rarely,
sound,
e.g.
/sal/
sound
q/
[sd:ij]
as in ‘sing’, ‘king’, e.g.
4/baq/
[baij]
£4 /suija/
/ij/
‘surname’
‘room’
[suija] ‘trout’
does not occur after pause or a consonant.
[s’al] ‘rice’
/silim/ [s’irium] ‘wrestling’
^
the ‘ng’
,
to /s/.
‘sprout’
/sag/ [s’ak
*14 /sAgia/ [s’Ak't’a] ‘to
2.3.2.10. /I/ Lateral
and Flap
’
)
rot’
The
/!/
phoneme
has two allophones,
[1]
and
[r], i.e.,
a flapped
‘r*.
For the
Grammar
Korean
20
elsewhere in this book (1] occurs
between a
[r] between vowels and
syllable-finally and after another /I/, and
t.c„
sound,
retroflexed
slightly
and
vowel and /h/. The Korean [1] is a clear
e.g.
back,
curled
slightly
tongue
the
pronounced with the tip of
sake of convenience
7
i
replaced by
(r] is
[r]
Any consonant can
/calo/ ‘by car*
4-s--
C
Any vowel or diphthong can fill the position V, but when
is present, the
occurrence of some diphthongs in the V position is restricted: the following
combinations are very infrequent.
‘shortcomings’
1
Semi-vowels
and /w/ are
and
[ii],
and
/u/, respectively,
pronounced very short,
i.c„
/m/
/wi/
)
s
/ii
/d/ n
'& /bj,\:l/ [bjo:ll ‘star’,
or
[l?p:l)
/l/
/[/
•f» /itiwa/ [mC'A) ‘what’
/d
when stressed and [m + 1-1 or
[)
1
1
V
/jo/
/ju/
/ja/
J
/%/
3.4.S.8),
which
is
usually unstressed,
is
is
common
very
in
verbal suffixes, such as
44 4/hasjAsda/, etc.
[
/«/ ‘of’ (cf.
particle
d
However, /s/ + /ja/ sequence
[’uti-mvl, [’lii + imy] or iu:mU + ] ‘duty’
[’i:ui+i-l or [’p-] ‘dissent’
Sj-Wiimu/
i:ii/
/je/
/j
/ja/
+
/%/
when
unstressed, e.g.
’
l
(
/c/
.
[ui:]
I
/J/
/j/-initial and /w/-imtial
The phonetic values of the second element in the
the diphthong /»/ may
However
2.3.1
in
given
that
as
same
diphthongs is the
be realised as [uii-J, [ui+i] or
(
I
-f -n- /uju / [gjul ‘milk’ or [glul
/wc/ ICul ‘why’
1
The
/je/
/j e/
+
/p/
[i]
e.g.
°12) /
f
/p/
like /i /
e.g.
u v /bag/ ‘room’
o
/b/ X
/]/
the formula exept /g/ and /!/
i.e., positions other than
‘quickly’
±e] /soli/ [sori] ‘sound’
^^/gjAlham/ [gjAr(h)am]
2.3.3.
in
44 /dali/ ‘bridge*
/gili/ [giri] ‘length’
A°]
C
/soijaji/ ‘calf’
-cf
-g-u|ol /dolmciji/ [dolmerjil ‘stone’
y
21
non-post-pausal positions,
in
those following a pause,
/gil/ [gill ‘road’
“sfe] /palli/ [p’alli]
II
the position
till
which can occur only
Chapter
realized as
Id
There are only seven consonants which can
and /!/.
fill
the position
C
1
:
they are
/b/, /d/, /g/, /m/, /n/, /g/
Examples
[c-1, e.g.
^/naii kutn/ [nac k’um] ‘mv dream’
v}2l
2.4.
/b/
/d/
Sf/bab/ ‘meal’, -r-^/buAb/ ‘sideline’
-2* /god/ ‘at once’,
#/bad/ ‘field’
/g/
^-/gug/ ‘soup’, ?} 4 /k.\gca/ ‘Let’s cut it.’
/m/:
/jim/ ‘burden’,
/gamsa/ ‘thanks’
:
THE SYLLABLE STRUCTURE
The canonical form of the Korean phonological
syllables
:
:
44
may be
4 /san/ ‘mountain’, £ 4 /sonja/ ‘grandson’
4 /sag/ ‘prize’, 44/jAggug/ ‘England’
/n/
represented
/ij/
for vowel, the nucleus, and C the
by the following formula, where V stands
consonant. The elements in the brackets
initial consonant and C the final
/!/
:
1
are optional:
Korean syllable structure:
(O) V (C
4 /sal/ ‘rice’,
*a4/milda/
‘to
push*
4-&.S./niaillo/ ‘to a village’
1
)
2.5.
SYLLABLE QUANTITY AND STRESS
Examples
(i)
v
(ii)
CV
(iii)
VC
(iv)
CVC
l
:
o]/j/ this\
:
4/na/T,
:
<yVal/ ‘egg\
:
4
/e/ ‘child’
/so/ ‘cow’
°fl
‘business’
4
/jAg/ ‘enemy’
/sal/ ‘flesh’ ,
/pjam/ ‘cheek’
4 ^ /j a: gw An/
‘eternity’
It
was stated
in
discussing ‘Vowel Quantity and Stress’
(cf. 2.2.4.1) that
a regular correlation between vowel quantity
long vowel
short
'
if
is
phonetically long
unstressed. This
Ung Ho. Kugb innunnon
if
it
is
and stress and that
accompanied by a (strong)
was a true statement about the
(‘Korean Phonology’). 1968,
p. 73.
effect
of
there
is
a lexically
stress,
stress
but
on the
Korean Grammar
22
Chapter
4 5-/' jAndo/
However, it cannot be a complete account of the overall
of stress because the stress affects not only the lexically long vowels but
also short vowels and consonants. In other words, the stress affects the syllable as a whole. The following is a brief description of the effects of stress on
lexically long vowel.
cf.
44
/'
A
cf.
phonetically longer than an unstressed syllable.
/' mo:ja/ [’ mo:ja] ‘mother and child’ the stressed syl-
stressed syllable
(
in the
A
b
stressed
open
syllabic with a lexically long vowel,
netically longer than a stressed
Thus
(C')V.
i.e.,
write down’
/' jA:gta/
[’p:k’t’a] ‘small’
(C
the lengthening of the final consonant in the stressed
r
1
)
tunately, this important observation has not been developed
any further,
Ramstedt himself or other scholars, as an important stepping stone
for additional research in stress, quantity and ultimately ‘Rhythm’ of Korean.
either by
(C')V:,
is
pho-
syllable with a lexically short vowel,
i.e.,
in
3.4 /'mo:ja/
¥.*1-
open
pronounced
44
:t’a] ‘to
‘fall’
V C structure is by no means new. G. J. Ramstedt mentioned
phenomenon in his Korean Grammar as far back as 1939, but unfor-
syllable of
this
is
jAk’
The observation of
is
word 3 4
lable /’mo:/ is longer than /ja/ which is unstressed.
Similarly, the word ¥-*}/' moja/ ‘hat’ in citation form
[’ mo:ja] where / ’mo/ is phonetically longer than /ja/.
Thus
[’
23
jAn:do] ‘mission, transmission’
*l¥./’jA:ndo/ [jo:ndo]
jAgia/
the syllable quantity.
(a)
[’
.
effects
II
2.6.
[’mo:ja] ‘mother and son’
/’moja/ [’mo:ja]
STRESS GROUP
1
‘cap, hat’
Group’ is an important phonological unit, larger and hierarchically
higher than the syllable, and serves as a basis for any serious discussion on
Korean ‘Rhythm’ and ‘Intonation’. It may also be called the ‘Rhythmic Unit’
insofar as it functions as a basic unit of Korean rhythm.
‘Stress
longer than / ’mo/, and / ’mo/ may be more accurately represented
phonetically as [’mo.], where the dot after [o] stands for ‘half long’.
/’mo:/
is
a stressed syllable can be effected by a vowel or a
depends partly on the syllable structure of the stressed
The lengthening of
(c)
consonant, and
this
syllable:
If a stressed syllable includes a lexically long vowel, it is the vowel which
occurs long and thus contributes to the lengthening of the syllable
regardless of whether the syllable structure is (C‘)V: or (C')V:C e.g.
(i)
The stress group is here defined as a strongly stressed syllable with or
without preceding and/or following weakly stressed or unstressed syllable(s).
In other words, a stress group may consist of one stressed syllable or one such
syllable plus
one or more unstressed
syllable(s).
f
,
(ii)
33
/'bo:jo/ [’bo: jo] ‘support’
43-
/’si:jo/ [’$i:jo] ‘founder’
44
/’jA:ngu/ [*ja:ngu] ‘research’
/’baujsoi]/ [ ba:ijsoi]] ‘broadcasting’
One stress group
If the stressed syllable includes a lexically short
structure, then the vowel
is
phonetically long or
long and the syllable as a whole
is
34 /’muA/ ‘What?’
34 & /’ muAjo/ ‘What?’
vowel and
is
e.g.
/gi*
d] d]
[i*
mi:]
(O)VC,
/’ bAl / I'bAl:]
/ ne
‘
‘Why
/'bam/ [’bam:]
4
ne/
‘Yes, yes.’
I
can do
it?’
are you leaving so suddenly?’
Three stress groups
‘punishment’
-It
cf.
'
44 /’ jal ’ga/ ‘Go safely.*
44 /na'lado ’halka/ ‘[Do you think]
4 444 ^Lfu] /we 'gabcagi tA’nani/
cf.'g /’bA:l/ [’bad] ‘bee’
4
/nAn’muAja/ ‘What about you?’
Urn/ ‘Of course.’
aIM /nAn' muAhagoinni/ ‘What are you doing?’
Two stress groups
if the stressed syllable with a lexically short vowel has
then it is the final consonant C, not the vowel, which
contributes
is lengthened, usually longer than the preceding vowel, and thus
syllable,
e.g.
of
the
quantity
overall
to the
4
34
4
the other hand,
the structure
344
Hi
of (C')V
more accurately half
longer than an unstressed syllable,
444 /sa’dali/ [sa’da:ri] ‘ladder’
°M /’ imi/ [*i:mi] ‘already’ or /i'mi/
On
Examples
/’
‘night’
1
ba:m/ [*ba:m]
‘chestnut’
*i!
\\4
Hyun-Bok
/ha Tia
s
's -t
z‘ 1
4
’du:l ‘sc:d/ ‘one, two, three’
/o’nilin na’li
'cubkuna/
‘It is
cold today.’
Lee, ‘A Study of Korean Intonation’, 1964, 3.10. For further details concerning
the stress group and various related problems see also 3.10.1-6, pp. 61-80.
Korean Grammar
24
*}aJM
zl
k
/gi’jA:njei]i
-jfvfxf
He came back
Chapter
dola’wadta/
kinnaja
soon as that war ended/
as
is
used to
2.6.1. Stress
Group and Word
cf*}
o\
/
riefl / ‘a gi'l c/
’
Slow tempo
/o’nilin
‘Oh,
is
‘five, six,
seven’
(c)
group of more than a word
/a’cimsinmuni jA’giita/
here.’
is
paper
morning
/to* wewasA/ ‘Why did you come again?’
Stress
2.6.2.
own,
*T ‘'f§-°]
[this]?’
It
is
clear by
now
one or more
Number of Stress Groups and
(ii)
the Position
that an utterance or a sentence consists of, or
stress group(s) in
/gu ’limi/
spoken Korean. But what
is
is
not
analysed
known
is
in
stress
groups
A
2.6.2. 2.
The
AAA
ASP
stress
group pronounced
at the
normal
Position of Stress within a Stress
Group
factors determining the position of stress within a stress group are (i)
(ii) Lexically long vowel; (iii) Attitude; and (iv) Emphasis.
Syllable structure
many words
tends to be broken into more stress
e.g.
*KMl
°
1
and
Factors
(i)
syllable
of individual words.
(ii)
are also important criteria for determining the stressed
ui^V
/o’nilin ’nalsiga ’jo:asA ha’ nile gu’ limi \\:bta/
‘As the weather is fine today, there is no cloud in the sky.’
Ml / ’tie/ ‘Yes’
P
S
in a
Length of Sentence
long sentence including
groups than a shorter one,
such as ‘Subject’ ‘Predicate’, ‘Object’,
/o’nilin 'nalsiga 'jo:asA ha’nile gu’limi \\:bta/
The number of syllables found in a
tempo varies from one to five or six.
a Sentence
given sentence.
A
(cf. 6.2)
nf.cl.
There are several factors which determine the number of
2.6.2. 1.1.
‘the cloud’
'ga/
tend to form a separate stress group in slow speech, although
they tend to lose the stress and become part of the preceding or following
stress group. In particular, the end of a non-final adverbial clause nearly
always indicates the stress group boundary, e.g.
stress
Number of Stress Groups
the sky’
etc.,
position of the stress within a stress group.
2.6.2. 1.
‘in
The elements of a clause
‘Adjunct’
groups a given sentence is to be analysed into and which
syllable in a stress group is to be stressed. Rules can be formulated whereby
one may predict the possible number of stress groups in a sentence and the
how many
/’ nalsiga/ ‘the weather’
cf. /’ nalsi
4
of Stress
into,
nalsiga joiasA hanile gu’ limiArbta/
e.g.
AA A
group of part of a word
Rules Governing the
’
4Tr°l] /ha’ nile/
/*mol ’la/ ‘You don’t know
/’a ’ni/ No, [not that]!’
AA
groups)
nalsigajo:asA ha’nile gu’ limiArbta/
(i) Particles (cf. 3.3.5) occur usually as part of a stress group except in a very
slow and emphatic speech when they can form a separate stress group on their
z
-g-Ef
stress
gu’Hmi ’Aibta/
Grammatical Factor
2.6.2. 1.3.
SE
'
groups)
’jo:asA ha’nile
that so?’
(&) Stress
The
the fewer stress groups there tend to be in a
Faster tempo (two stress groups)
/onilin
dasAd ‘jASAd ’ilgob/
(six stress
nalsiga
tempo (four
(b) Fast
(c)
group = Word
tempo of speech
e.g.
/o’nilin
The phonological unit ‘Stress Group’ and the grammatical unit ‘Word’
may include more than a
(cf. 3.1) do not always correspond. A stress group
it may consists of part of a word, e.g.
and
case,
the
usually
is
which
word,
(a) Stress
faster the
sentence,
(a)
25
Tempo of Speech
2. 6.2.1. 2.
The
a space
In the above examples of two and three stress groups
indicate the boundary between two successive stress groups.
II
2.6.2.2.I. Syllable
(i)
Structure as Determining Factor
If a stress group has the syllable structure (C)V (C)V(C) CV(C) C...
usually the second syllable which carries the stress unless the
it
is
first
Korean
26
Chapter
Grammar
syllabic has a lexically long vowel, in
which case the
first
syllable
is
The forward
occur
~r°\ /if a/ ‘elegance, grace’
o\A /a’gi/ ‘baby’
/mu' a/ ‘what’
o) v>) u| /a niAni/ ‘mother’
/ha’daga/ ‘while doing’
27
shifting of the stress from the second syllabic to the
words of (C)V CV(C)
stressed, e.g.
II
in isolation
or
C... structure
in citation, e.g.
first in
the
seems to be not infrequent when they
/ Tnoja / ‘cap’ (cf. 2.5(a)). Notice that
/mo‘ja/
is
2.6.2. 2.4.
Emphasis as Determining Factor
more frequent than /’moja/ even
as a citation form.
'
.£.£]-*]
i-.e 115.
This factor
is concerned with a long stress group, i.e., one consisting of many
and accounts for the way in which the speaker places the stress on a
word which he considers to be important within the stress group. For
/do’laji/ ‘Chinese bellflower’
/no‘lelo/‘in song’
ii *££]
syllables,
/hi maijenal/ ‘the day of hope’
instance, in -SLfrc-
/sa uldehagkjo/ ‘Seoul University’
hanile gu'limi Arbta/ ‘As the weather
’
SJ-jZ.
‘
sf /ji bAla/ ‘Pick ]it] up.’
*
*)
Yl*]?]-
sky’, /nalsi/ ‘weather’
/ga’ gesso/ ‘Will you go?’
and accordingly
ui
is
cf
/onilin’nalsigajoiasA
fine today, there is
and /gulim/ are chosen as the words
no cloud in the
emphasized
to be
stressed.
but
/ ‘sa:lam/ ‘man, person’
2.7.
‘Mr/Master Lee’
bo:gwanso/ ‘depository’
/’i:doljAij/
it
If
(ii)
/
’
a stress group has the structure
syllable
first
which
is
(C)VC CV(C) CV(C)
C...
it
is
the
first
stressed irrespective of the lexical vowel quantity ot the
syllable, e.g.
’
1
(
/ jAigta/ ‘to be small’
l
/ jAgta/ ‘to write
down’
/ ja:i]mo/ ‘foster
mother’
f
*
'
|
l
cf.
The
last
/‘jarjmo/ ‘sheep’s fleece’
/’jAijgugsadam/ ‘Englishman’
/‘AinjebutA/ ‘Since when?’
/’niAgsimnida/ ‘[He] is eating.’
/mA'gASsimnida/ ‘[He]
two examples show clearly how
(i)
(iii)
The
the syllable structure determines the
position of the stress.
2.6.2.2.2. Lexically
Long Vowel
This factor has already been discussed in relation to ‘Syllable Structure as
Determining Factor’ (cf. preceding section).
2. 6. 2. 2. 3.
The
Attitude as Determining Factor
attitude of a speaker, which
1
closely related to ‘Intonation’,
may deter-
of a
o]
•
group
*\
to
—
—
/./
three junctures are established by the
combined
criteria
features associated with the syllable immediately preceding
of the phonetic
and following the
junctures and the physical pause.
The plus juncture / + /, which may or may not be accompanied by a short
momentary pause, is realized as a slight prolongation of the immediately
preceding syllable. For example in /abAjiga + bage/ ‘Father [is] in the room’,
the syllable /ga/
and the phoneme /b/ after the plus
sound [b] or [p‘]. On the other hand,
in /abAji + gabaije/ ‘in Father’s briefcase’ it is the syllable /ji/ which is
prolonged and the /g/ after the plus juncture is realized as a voiceless sound
juncture
is
is
prolonged a
little
realized as a voiceless plosive
authoritative
associated with the syllable preceding the plus juncture
show a solemn authoritative
/a'ccsa/ ‘Why?’
/acc'sa/ ‘Why?’
/* accsa/ ‘Why?’
Terminal juncture
friendly
stress position
stress
Plus juncture / + /
Tentative juncture /,/
[g] or [k‘] whereas the /b/ in /gabaije/ is now fully voiced [b]. Perhaps it is
worth mentioning in passing that the pre-junctural open syllable is the place
where a lexically short vowel is realized as an unstressed long or half-long
vowel (cf. 2.3. 1.9). Thus /a' bAji/ and /a' bAjiga/ are phonetically realized as
[a’bAiji:] and [a bA: jiga:] respectively.
The tentative juncture /,/, which is usually accompanied by a pause longer
than that of the plus juncture, is realized as a prolongation of the immediately preceding syllable on a rising or falling pitch, whereas the pitch contour
is
within a stress group. For instance, the stress shifted
group in a
to the last syllable of a stress group, especially of a last stress
speaker
the
ot
part
the
on
attitude
friendly
and
warm
sentence, indicates a
towards a listener. On the other hand, the stress may shift to the first syllable
mine the
A sequence of phonemes may have two different meanings depending on
where one makes a short momentary break. For instance, the sequence
/abAjigabaije/ translates ‘Father in the room’, when it is pronounced as
/abAjiga bage/ with a short break between /ga/ and /ba/, but it means ‘In the
father’s briefcase’, if the same sequence is pronounced as /abAji gabaije/
with a break between /ji/ and /ga/. Such a break or pause is called ‘Juncture.’
There are three types of juncture in Korean:
(ii)
ate.’
JUNCTURE
attitude, e.g.
normal
3.10.3.3.
See Hyun-Bok Lee, ‘A Study of Korean Intonation’. 1964,
’
is
usually
level, e.g.
Grammar
Korean
28
JlAl ^
,
“
The
1
1
^
/kinA, bAljA/ ‘Cut and throw it away.
/kinA + bAljA/ ‘Cut it off/
/ganna, bwajo/ ‘See if he's gone.'
^ /ganna + bwajo/
Hi
O
Chapter
terminal juncture
or /gannabvvajo/
1
‘I
4-
think he's gone.’
^
It is
not necessarily, longer than that of the tentative juncture, and the rising or
the
falling pitch contour associated with the syllable immediately preceding
he
junctures.
other
of
case
the
in
terminal juncture is more extensive than
tentative juncture are not always
following sentences
/‘mAgko
‘[He]
transition are illustrated below:
may
A
‘[He]
1
and
tempo of speech or individual speech habit. The same is true of the contrast
between the plus juncture and junctureless transition. For example, in the
terminal juncture occurs at the end ot a sentence (ct. 7.1), and the plus and
tentative junctures occur usually within a sentence, marking structures
smaller than a sentence, i.e., clause, phrase or word. The contrasts of the plus,
and junctureless
'
to be noted that the plus juncture
contrastive or distinctive, the occurrence of one or the other depending on the
I
tentative, terminal junctures
— compound word
^i/bo'li
sal/ ‘barley and rice’ — phrase
/‘sankil/ ‘mountain path’ — compound word
7A / san 4- gil/ ‘mountain and path' — phrase
/bo'lisal/ ‘barley (grains)'
always accompanied by a pause, usually, but
/./ is
29
II
'idkedta./
4-
be having his meal [now].’
/‘mAgko, ‘idkedia./
may be
staying [there] after having his meal.’
la)
the plus and tentative juncture are distinctive, but they are not in the follow-
/o‘ nilacim, sinmunbwanni./
‘Did you read a newspaper this morning?'
'
ing examples:
*]"&
«}**[%:
(b) JL-|f
/o
‘
nil
(
4* )
acimsinmun,
‘Did/have you read
(
/ba'bil
SKI
this
‘
/\ a]
4-/,
'mAgko./
/ ‘ba.'bowa 4-/,
'
‘after eating’
gA: ji/ ‘a fool
and a beggar'
bwanni./
Similarly, the plus juncture
morning’s paper?/’
^ /bo’li
SH
c
4-
and a junctureless
'sal/ ‘barley
and
transition are distinctive in the
rice’
it /bo lisal/ ‘barley (grains)’
'
cimsinmun +/, 'bwanni./
‘Have you read a morning paper today?’
/o’
(d)
nil, a*
^
but they are not
in
^^/ki'nA
'H&X'A
4-
bA'IjA/ ‘Cut
/ki nAbAljA/ ‘Cut
’
/o' nil, a’cim, 'sinmunbwanni./
‘Did you read a paper today, in the morning.'
off.’
it
off.’
it
Note that the juncture and the stress group boundary coincide, i.e., every
group is followed by a juncture, whether plus, tentative or terminal.
Thus 6-fv
-gVha'na 'dul/ ‘one, two’ may be juncturally realized as
stress
l-
2(a)
£14
}
Ml 7 \ 7 o\
/nega’gaja(
(b) Vll7f
4-
7}o\
)
n dwenda./
‘You must
/ha'na 4- 'dul./
-§ /ha'na, 'dul./
go.’
sfM-
/ha’na. ‘dul./
slcf
dwenda./
/nega’gaja,
‘It
will
work [only] when/if you go/
From now on,
[are there].
the plus juncture
between two consecutive
3(a)
*3
#4*
the end of a sentence
-
/babil +/,
'
mAgko
4-
'idkedia./ ‘[He]
may be having
his
meal [now]/
/+/
stress groups,
will
and
be marked by the space given
the terminal juncture occurring at
and followed by the oblique
will
not be marked, to
simplify the notation.
(b)
/babil
‘[He]
4-/,
may
2 8
.
'mAgko, 'idkedia./
be staying [there] after having his meal.’
The plus juncture often serves to distinguish
word which does not include a juncture, e.g.
a phrase
.
INTONATION
The intonation system employed
from a compound
elsewhere
1
1
for
in this work is the one set up by the author
purposes not directly related to grammatical or syntactic
See Hyun-Bok Lee. ‘A Study of Korean Intonation’, 1964.
Korean
30
description. That
tunes were
to say, the following seventeen intonation
meanings
altitudinal
on the basis of the contrastive
(a)
ne/
(b)
is
originally abstracted
which they
Chapter
Grammar
31
II
si)
Awcjo/ ‘Why?’
/.we/ ‘Why?’
carry.
Falling Tunes
1.
Low
2.
High
3.
Full Fall / \ne/ ‘Yes’
Fall /.
‘Yes’
Fall /'ne/ ‘Yes’
Agasibsijo/ ‘Please go!’
Rising Tunes
4.
Low
5.
High Rise / ne/
6.
Rise /.ne/
(c)
Full Rise //ne/
A
A
’fe)
/'ga/ ‘Go?’
/’palliga/ ‘Go quickly?’
Falling-Rising Tunes
7.
Low
8.
High Fall-Rise /”ne/
Fall-Rise / -ne/
SH
(r/)
/"wegajo/ ‘Why are you going?’
/‘we/ ‘Why?’
Rising-Falling Tunes
9.
10.
Low
Rise-Fall /.ne/
High Rise-Fall /'ne/
(e)
11.
Low
12.
High
Fall- Rise-Fall / ..
Fall-Rise-Fall
sfl
r we/ ‘Why?’
Falling-Rising-Falling Tunes
/"nunjAgani/ ‘Are you going
ne/
/" ne/
Rising-Falling-Rising Tunes
13.
Low
14.
High Rise-Fall-Rise /"ne/
CO aefli
Rise-Fall-Rise /..ne/
/-gilejo/ ‘Is that so!’
Level Tunes
15.
16.
17.
Tune /.ne/
Tune /-ne/
High Level Tune /'ne/
Low
Mid
Level
(g)
Level
on one or more syllables, and the syllable at
mark is placed, is
which a tune begins, i.e., the one before which the tonetic
over a stress
realized
is
tune
intonational
strongly stressed. That is to say, an
Every tune
may be
groups
‘Is it
ZL \r
&***}
flying
away?’
realized
group, and consequently, there are as
stress
/nala'gamniica/
many
intonational tunes as there aic
(//)
/ginin-jA:njeqi
<kinnaja,
#4
dola, wadia/
in a sentence.
diagrammatic representations of intonational tunes, two
limit ol the normal voice range:
parallel lines indicate the upper and lower
- that of an unstressed syllable.
for the pitch of a stressed syllable and
In the following
stands
‘[He] returned as soon as the
war ended.’
first?’
Chapter
Korean Grammar
32
2.9.
In relating intonation to
17 intonational tunes
has been found that not every one of the
grammatically distinctive. In fact, for the type of
grammar
is
made
syntactic description
it
in this
book, only four kinds of intonational
contrast are found to be syntactically relevant. Accordingly, the 17 intonational tunes set up according to the altitudinal functions are here reclassified
into the four syntactically relevant classes, each having a distinct function as
the phonological exponent of syntactic categories and relations.
The four
intonation classes, termed ‘Intonemes’ to stress the grammatical or syntactical, rather
than
attit
udinal, function(s),
and
their
membership
are as follows:
where a morphemic transcription is used to show
the internal structure of grammatical forms more clearly, the transcription
system employed in this book is a phonemic one whereas the Korean orthography is in principle morphemic or morphophonemic in that every morpheme or word is uniformly represented by its base form wherever it occurs.
For instance the Korean words for ‘light’ and ‘comb’ are both pronounced the
same, i.e., /bid/ when they occur in isolation or are followed by a word that
begins with a consonant; but they are spelt differently in the Korean orthogin certain contexts
Except
raphy,
Intoneme LF (Low
(a)
Low
Fall, (b)
Intoneme FIF (High
(ii)
(r/)
(c)
High
High
Fall, (b)
Rise-Fall, (c)
Low
Fall-Rise-Fall
Fall):
‘comb’.
why
the above two words are spelt differently in the Korean
High
Fall-Rise-Fall
same
in
some contexts
is
because they are in fact pronounced differently in some other contexts, i.e.,
when they are followed by a particle that begins with a vowel. For instance,
before the subject particle /i/, these words are phonemically represented as
^°l/bici/
Full Fall,
Rise-Fall, (d)
‘light’;*!!
the reason
writing system even though they are pronounced the
Fall):
Low
**!
i.e.,
Now
(i)
TRANSCRIPTION
2.10.
INTONEMES
33
II
‘the light’; Hi °1 /bisi/ ‘the
comb’.
rule whereby one can work
phonemic transcription from the Korean spelling. The rules given
below are general and if we apply one or more of them to the Korean orthography, or to the examples given in the Korean orthography, the resultant form
will be a correct phonemic transcription, unless the particular example
involves an irregular morphophonemic change. Such cases of irregular
It
is
therefore necessary to give
some kind of
out the
(iii)
Intoneme R
(<i)
(cl)
(/)
(iv)
Low
Low
Low
High Rise, (c) Full Rise
High Fall-Rise,
Rise-Fall-Rise, (g) High Rise-Fall-Rise
Low
(/;)
Fall-Rise, (e)
Intoneme L
(a)
(Rise):
Rise,
change cannot be covered by the general rules listed here, but must be dealt
with individually as they occur. The most common type of irregular mor-
(Level):
Level, (b)
High
Level, (c)
Mid
Level
phophonemic change
u
Syntactical
contrasts exhibited
by intonemes may be exemplified as
follows:
(a)
iJ
7
I*
is
found
in
compound nouns,
e.g.
/nedka/ ‘bank of a stream’
</ne/
‘stream’
+ /ga/
‘side,
edge’
'S-^V/odan/ ‘inside of clothes’
Intoneme LF
A /nuga.ga/ ‘Someone is going.’
-r 7
Intoneme HF
A /nuga'ga/ ‘Who is going?’
-r-A
Intoneme R
A A /nuga ga/ ‘Is anyone going?’
Intoneme L + Intoneme LF
^31 ^icf/-mAgko .idta/ ‘[He] is eating.’
Intoneme LF 4- Intoneme LF
</od/(< os)
‘clothes’
4 /an/
‘inside’
]-
(b)
(c)
(d)
(e)
^31
‘[He]
Sl*4AmAgko
is
[in
«
idta/
the room] after meal (after having eaten].’
In the
compound word /nedka/, we have an extra phoneme /d/, or the
is known to Korean scholars, because the same phenome-
grapheme ‘s’ as it
non is indicated
Korean orthography by an additional ‘s’ letter called
This additional /d/ is something that cannot be
explained in terms of these general rules, whereas the change /g/ to /k/ is a
straightforward case. Similarly, the word /odan/ is not the form that one
would expect in the light of the general rules, i.e., /osan/.
To derive a phonemic transcription from the Korean spelling (or a morphemic transcription) one or more of the following rules must be applied.
in
/saisiod/.
34
1.
Korean Grammar
>
b/cl/g/j/s
/p/, /t/, /k/, /c/, /s/
consonant,
sive
>
ibgo
Chapter
when immediately preceded by
44
a plo-
4442c.
e.g.
/ibko/
‘to
koc
z\/;r/r/
44
2.
>
b/d/g/j/s
uj
/g a
°A
4 Ja:
4
-5*
m
frjA
dal
1
g > /g a iiipj A g/ a wa j|
>
*
/jAiltal/ ‘ten
>
>
baldal
gAljag
silsu
3.
to
d/g/j/s
CO ver’
months’
>
>
> /olsadam/
44 gamda
> /gamta/
\MI namge > /namke/
a verb stem ending in
>
gff/?s
/b/
>
44 gipda
5.
in the
m/n
9.
/gab/
>
— C/#,
/!/ or
4 Cff/Z^for >
//pr/tf
/gibta/
— C /#,
cf. rule 1)
3)
/ilda/ ‘to recite’
(>
e.g.
cf. rule 2)
/iita/ cf. rule 2)
1)
4 4
babmas > /bammad/
/m/, /n/, /q/ in the environment
—m/n, e.g.
(< /bammas/ cf.
‘appetite’
> /gimne/ ‘[She] is sewing.’
4 4 gAtdna > /gA:nna/ ‘Are you walking?’
"£*1 jAtjgug nalsi > /jAqguqnalsi/ ‘English
10.
n
>
CA n
li
>
/cAlli/ ‘a
>
^ 4 gr//
11.
d/t
>
44 4
4°1
12.
77 ^7 /
>
dadhida
gr///
weather’
e.g.
thousand leagues’
/jArllala/ ‘ten countries’
/gallal/ ‘day of departure’
/c/ in the environment -hi/i\
>
/dacida/
‘to
d >/j/
in the
environment -/,
be closed’
> /gaci/ ‘together’
> /guji/ ‘firmly’
Verb stem
^3L
—/or/—,
/!/ in the environment
4 4
1)
rule 5)
gibne
^
e.g.
cf. rule 1)
environment
>
‘price’
(>
in the
b/d/g
-?o] gwrf/
/gibda/
>
/b/
/calda/ ‘short’ (> /calta/
/ibda/ (> /ibta/ cf.rule
44
> /d/ in the environment — C/#, e.g.
4:2. gtf/go > /gadgo/ ‘is the same and’ (> /gadko/ cf. rule 1)
HMI /Msg<? > /bAdge/ ‘Take off [shirt].’ (> /b\dke/ cf. rule 1)
t/s/s/j/c
>
lb/ Ip
&4
‘Stay behind.’
environment
cf. rule 1)
‘flower’
> /m/, /l/, /n/ in the environment — C/#, e.g.
4 salm > /sam/ ‘life, living’
34 JAlmda > /jAmda/ ‘to be young’ (> /jAmta/ cf. rule
/w/Zgo > /halgo/ ‘to lick and’ (> /halko/ cf. rule 2)
4 7 anjge > /ange/ ‘Sit down.’ (> /anke/ cf. rule 3)
™
4
p/Zw
ill:
8.
‘to close’
> /simca/ ‘Let’s sow [seeds].’
4^1 s//ise > /sinse/ ‘Let’s put on [shoes].’
ti^jalbda > /jalbta/ ‘thin’ (> /jalta/ cf. rule 8)
^*4 ilpja > /ilpca/ ‘Let’s recite’ (> /ibca/ cf. rule 8)
#4 haltda > /halta/ ‘to lick’ (cf. rule 7 and 2)
vi* *1 gi/g// > /gilgci/ ‘[Does he] scratch?’ (> /gigci/ cf. rule
6 and
?i± jA/mso > /jAlmso/ ‘[You are] young.’ (> /jAmso/ by rule 7)
> A:bta/ ‘to lack’ (< A:bsta/ cf. rule 4)
«14
> /anta/ ‘to sit’ (< /anjta/ cf. rule 7)
&4
4.
1)
Im/lt/nj
>
when preceded by
cf. rule
stops’
if [it]
> /g/ in the environment -C/#, e.g.
nr 4 buAk > /buAg/ ‘kitchen’
44 nakda > /nagda/ ‘to catch [fish]’ (> /nagta/
4 sags > /sag/ ‘fee, wage’
4 dalg > /dag/ ‘chicken’
e.g.
y
(> /gadci/
/niAddAlado/ ‘even
k/k/gs/lg
‘a
/silsu/ ‘mistake’
/{/, /k/, /c/, /s/
> /kod/
>
)1
person to come’
/baltal/ ‘development’
/gAlcag/ ‘masterpiece’
or lb/lp/lt/lg/lm/bs/nj
u
7.
/salcib/ ‘a house to buy’
44 ol sadam
niAjdAlado
35
II
/l/e.g.
cal gorj> /calkoij/ ‘a ball to kick’
4 4 sal jib >
if*
when immediately preceded by a
morpheme in many Sino-Korean words,
/p/, /t/, /t/» /c/, /s/
word, and by a /lAfinal
final
Ha
6.
> /agpo/ ‘musical note’
clobge > /dobke/ ‘Help [him].’
/ww/p > /badci/ ‘[I will] take [it].’
midso > /midso/ ‘[1] believe so.’
agbo
-5H1
/gadji/ ‘[She] has gone.’
(> /nudtAlado/
wear and'
44
> Abta/ ‘to carry on the back’
4 4 SA.‘g dal > /sAigtal/ ‘three months’
°-l$L
>
final (n/I)h
jo:h- ‘to be good’
ma:nh -
‘to
+ g/d/j >
*f
be many’
^4 o///- ‘to be correct’
+
-go
+
>
-da
-ji
>
/(n/l)k, (n/I)t,
/jo:ko/
>
/ma:nta/
/olci/
(
n/f)c /, e.g.
e.g.
Korean
36
13.
Verb stem
alh ‘to be
ill’
be
ilP
<////-
14.
‘to
Verb stem
final
-£i|| jo.7i- ‘to
4
15.
d/t
u
tl4:
+ n/s >
final Ih
>
/s/
to
h
+ -ne > /alne/(>
-so > /also/ (>
-l-
+ n/s >
/dn/, /ds/,
4-
be good*
4- -so
-ne
followed by
/midso/
‘(1)
/jo:dso/
‘(It) is
/alle/ cf. rule 10)
WORD AND WORD CLASSES
/also/ cf. rule 2)
e.g.
> /jo:dne/ (>
> /jo:dso/(>
/jo:nne/
cf. rule 9)
/jo:dso/cf. rule
/s/, e.g.
> /misso/ (cf. rule 1)
> /jo:sso/ (cf. rule 1)
believe so.’
good.’
hi
/In/, /Is/, e.g.
be good’
when
Grammar
1)
3
Any form which
structure,
i
DEFINITION OF
.
WORD
exhibits the characteristics of
is
(i)
relative fixity
of internal
in larger structures,
and
(iii)
a word.
Relative fixity
)
1
freedom of positional mobility
(ii)
independence,
(
.
of in ternal structure
he internal make-up ot words cannot be altered or the components rein the case of words comprising more than one morpheme, the
order of morphemes is also fixed. For instance, in the following examples,
1
1
arranged, and
<
bisnaganda /binnaganda/ ‘[It] is going astray.’
naga- ‘to go out’ V.st. 4 -nda infix.sfx.
pusgwasil /pudkwasil/ ‘unripe fruits’
pus- ‘unripe’ prfx. 4 gwasit ‘fruit’ N.
bis- ‘astray’ prfx. 4-
-
$44
<
*
no internal alteration or re-arrangement is possible, except as already noted.
Also, no intra-morphemic interruption by other forms or junctures is possible in normal speech.
(
i i
Freedom of posit ional mobility
)
Words have the maximum freedom of positional mobility in syntactic strucThe best example of this criterion is provided by verbs, which when
tures.
appropriately inflected,
may
function in
many
different syntactic positions,
e.g.
V
as sentence predicate
4 4 c\
44^1
weguge gamnida
‘[He]
is
going abroad.’
V
V
as a non-final clause
¥-4
gamjj\n jota
‘It is
good
if
[you] go.’
V
V
as
an adjectival clause
ganin sadam
44
‘the
one who
is
going’
V
V
as a nominal clause
4°1
t!
4
garni svvibta
‘Going
is
easy.’
V
Except tor the change
in
the phonological shape which
37
is
due
to
morphophonemic alterations.
Korean
38
i.e.,
Chapter
never occurs except as part of a free
Independence
(iii)
All
Grammar
words may occur alone preceded and followed by the terminal juncture,
as a sentence, except adjectives and particles (cf. 3.3.3 and 3.3.5), which
pheme,
39
morpheme
or with another
bound mor-
e.g.
he
4-t*
rarely occur alone, e.g.
III
4 dal ‘moon’
‘sun’
namu
4
‘tree’
jAlim ‘summer’
5*44 pussalatj ‘calf love’ < pits ‘unripe’ prfx. 4- salai) ‘love’
4 4 hebsal ‘new [crop] rice’ < heb ‘new’ 4- sal ‘rice’
4 44 isarjjAg ‘ideal’ < isaij ‘ideal’ N + jAg adj.dcriv.sfx.
-
4
N
jib ‘house’
^H1 Anje ‘When?’
44
gilda
o ‘Oh!’
444
N
V
long.’
‘[It] is
Interj.
3.2.2.
cAncAnhi ‘slowly’ Adv.
Compound Word
morpheme and is uninterintermorphemic junctions is a compound word. One
of the components of a compound word may comprise a bound morpheme.
The majority of compound words are composed of two free morphemes and
those comprising three or more are very rare, e.g.
Every word which consists of more than one free
Phonological Criterion for the Definition of Word
3.1.1.
Most words have a
citation forms,
i.e.,
rupted by a juncture
on one of the first two syllables when they occur as
and have the potential of taking one when
stress
in isolation,
they occur in larger constructions, with the exception of particles
which usually occur weakly stressed or unstressed
4T
-
'jAtngu
a] *§* SMtl or /sa ul/
*
x] *y*
7\
ft
44*4 of 4 jalamogaj
‘Seoul’
$4
‘car’
so' liga
'
JLfr
+
-aji
4-
pul
oj
‘struggle’
4*§*4 ja doijca
l
‘rice’ 4*
‘structure’
tu J €1J
<
:
‘friend’
‘
^^l 7
4 ?H& napalkod ‘morning-glory’
44 salbab ‘rice food’ < sal
44 hcbsalbab ‘new rice food’
(2.6.2. 1.3), e.g.
‘research’
’cingu
gu'jo
(cf. 3.3.5)
at
'
cam
'
‘The sound
jota
cinguga o' nin
'
nal
‘the
is
-/
is
4-
kod
‘flower’
bob' rice [boiled] food’
heb- ‘new’ prfx. + salbab
<
jala
‘turtle’
+ mog
‘neck’
sfx.
jAukolipul Veronica kiusiana
e] -g-
4-
<
‘turtle-neck’
<
Jau
‘fox’
+
A:o//‘tail’
‘plant, grass’
&'S°] donpAli ‘money-making’
very good.’
day when a friend
diminutive
i
napal ‘bugle’
nominalizing
< don ‘money’
4-
6a/ to earn’
sfx.
coming’
4 4#
J
§-
-Sr
4°1
ja' dorjcalil
'
bon
'
ai
‘the child
who saw
the car’
3.3.
However, the phonological criterion of stress is not consistently applicable in
the definition of word since some words may have more than one stress for
emphasis and sometimes lose the stress altogether when occurring in longer
stretches of speech. Therefore the stress is only supplementary to the grammatical criteria given earlier.
3.2.
TYPES OF WORDS
1.
Every word which consists of a single free morpheme, with or without one or
more bound morphemes, is a simple word. The morpheme may be defined as
a minimal meaningful form which cannot be further analysed into smaller
units. A free morpheme can occur on its own, whereas a bound morpheme
Verb [V]
2.
Noun
3.
Adjective [Adj.]
3.3.1. 4.
[N]
Adverb
[Adv.]
5.
Particle [Pel.]
6.
Interjection [Interj.]
Ot the
Simple Word
CLASSES
Six main classes of words are set up for the subsequent syntactic description
on the basis of syntactic and/or morphological criteria. They are:
There are two types of word: simple and compound.
3.2.1.
WORD
six
word
classes,
only verbs are the inflected words and the
rest
are the
uninflected words.
Verb
Every word which includes at least a stem and an inflectional ending
a verb class word. Between a verb stem and an inflectional ending
(cf. 4.3.5) is
Korean Grammar
40
Chapter
III
41
3.3.4.
may
Adverb
be found one or more stem-extending suffixes representing such gram-
matical categories as ‘voice’, ‘honorific’, ‘tense’ and ‘humble’
when appropriately
majority of verbs,
type sentence
may occur
inflected,
The
alone as a major
bound forms and can never
but verb stems alone are
(cf. 7.2),
occur without an inflectional ending,
(cf. 4.3).
tence,
ftftft kakanni ‘[Did] [you] cut
-
4_VL ft
honorific
-si-
ft v\
4-
o- ‘to
come’
[it]?’
+
V.st.
-n tense
+
Ay/A'- ‘to
balgiomnika
-io- ‘humble’
4-
‘Is [it]
ft ft jal
ib
verb or another adverb as a
before a terminal juncture as a sen-
(c)
class word, e.g.
4-
[it].’
bright?’
<
‘[He]
‘[It] is
well.’
very good.’
handa
ftft aJ u
ft
going
is
‘[He]
is
doing very
well.’
cut’ V.st.
<
bo-
ft
ft- ft
nAimtdo bisada ‘[It] is far too expensive.*
anganda ‘[He] is not going far.’
ft ft ft m.\llinin
‘to see’ V.st.
ibnida inflx.end.
-
ganda
cam jota
ft
(b) ft-Y-M
‘[She] has seen
-as- tense
an adverb
°Hr
<
-ni inflx.end.
bosUsimnida
ft-g-ft cf
+
+
as- tense
is
(a) before a
before a particle, and
(/;)
e.g.
(a)
<
onda ‘[He] is coming.’
+ - da inflx.end.
-£*ft
may occur
Every word which
modifier,
(c)
ba/g- ‘to be bright’ V.st.
ft ft palli
‘Quickly.’
ftft salsa!
‘Gently.’
-bnika inflx.end.
3.3.5. Particle
3.3.2.
Noun
Every word w hich occurs
Every word which
may occur (r/)
before the copula verb
(b) before a particle (cf. 3.3.5), (c) before
(cf. 3.3.3), is
noun
a
class word.
may occur
(cf. 3. 4. 2. 2)
another noun,
Any noun
i(
‘to be’ (cf. 3.4. 1.1.1),
d
)
after an adjective
except non-independent nouns
alone as a minor sentence
(cf. 7.1
and
7.4), e.g.
on
ft- ft
sadam
ft cf
(b) ftftjL
bada
ft-fi-ft
ir. ft
ft ft ft
nJ-4
(c)
ida
‘[He]
is
UP
a man.’
nugu lAsimnika
Y-*T°] ft-§-ft v\
lo
‘to
jaju
ii
‘Who was
its
nolc
‘a
telebi baijsoij
ftft
JL
noun,
(b) after
an adverb,
a particle class word.
sani nobia ‘The mountain
-£*ft
ft
—
subject
(c) after
a verb,
A particle never occurs
Particles
form
Id
do
ft
ft4r
ii ft
—
high.’
‘[I]
caught a rabbit.’
object marker
ft ft Allindo
(b)
(c)
—
is
marker
ftftft tokilil jabad'ta
ft
song of freedom’
‘television broadcast’
is
ow n but always with one of the words mentioned above.
it?’
the sea’
after a
a small closed class, e.g.
i
(a)
(//)
{d) after a clause or a sentence,
handa
‘[She]
is
doing
[it]
so quickly.’
emphasis
gA/njinin anta
‘[It] is
not black [although
it
may
be
big].’
nin contrast
(d) Sr
ft ft
onsesaij
‘the
whole world’
(d) ftftft ft
3.3.3.
Yr ftd] a/dasipi nijAdne ‘As you know,
Adjective
Every word which exclusively precedes a noun or another adjective is an
adjective class word. The adjective class words do not normally occur alone
and constitute
I
am
late.’
sipi conj.pcl.
a very small class,
(e)
7] ft
jift gase gil/A ‘Let’s go.’
gi/jA sentence pci.
e.g.
3.3.6. Interjection
(r/)
ft
ft ft i
ft
(/;)
sc ca
*1)
ft
2-
ft
o]1t.
ft
ft
ft
‘a
sigan
Mii gy\d
new' car’
‘this
Every word which
time/hour’
‘Which one?’
Atiiseod
5L*\ han hA:n
‘Which new clothes?’
moja
‘an old cap’
juncture and
(/;)
may occur (a)
an interjection word
(a)
io
class, e.g.
‘Oh!’
old
by
itself
preceded and followed by a terminal
syntactically independent of other elements in a sentence,
‘Splendid!’
is
Korean Grammar
42
-g-ef
?M] it
A. M)
III
43
Examples
onda ‘Oh dear, there [he] comes!’
Anje gasejo cam ‘When are you going, by the way?’
x] 7]
(b) ofo]-^.
Chapter
aiga jAgi
y
4 gininjAinia ‘[She]
44 nali cada
cold’
£}
°1
young.’
is
‘It is
(lit.
<
jaIih- ‘to be young’
‘The weather
is
cold’).
<
+ -da
ca-
‘to
be cold’ + da.
SUB-CLASSES OF
3.4.
WORD
CLASSES
Copula Verb
3.4. 1.1.1.
The word
syntactic
classes set up in 3.3 are further divided into sub-classes by further
and morphological criteria.
The copula verb is a descriptive verb which is always found preceded by a
noun or a nominal phrase (cf. 5.1). There is only one copula verb: °] i- ‘to be’,
e.g.
Sub-classes of Verbs
3.4.1.
Three
§-°]
of verb-class words since the
more relevant and con-
different sub-classifications are required
sub-classes yielded by
one type of
classification arc
ducive to a simpler statement of certain grammatical relations than those
3.4.1. 1.2.
'Abalg-
^ nij
and Descriptive Verbs
perative
and propositivc moods
(cf. 7. 3.2. 3-4)
and
m is-
be inflected for the im-
suffixed
mood and cannot
be suffixed by the present tense
(</)
as V.p. ‘to grow’
gesi-
(a) as V.p. ‘to stay’
4]
swi- ‘to
is
the the honorific counterpart of
is-)
These verbs, as shown above, express two different, though related, meanings according to whether they are used as processive or descriptive
verbs, e.g.
-p ju- ‘to give’
‘to see’
d\nji- ‘to throw’
be big’
V.d. ‘to
(b) as V.d. ‘to be, to exist’
suffix.
Processive Verb
bo-
late’
(b) as V.d. ‘to be, to exist’
4| a)
1.2.
(gesi-
Hi *1
become
as V.d. ‘to be late’
(a) as V.p. ‘to stay’
by -n-/-nin- pre-
sent tense sfx. (cf. 4. 3. 3. 1.1. 1.2), whereas the descriptive verbs are inflected for
neither
bright’
be bright’
V.d. ‘to
(/;)
as
(b
Verbs are either processive or descriptive depending on the following mor-
may
b ) as
(a) as V.p. ‘to
3ki-
phological characteristics: the processive verbs
dawn, become
(a) as V.p. ‘to
and not
further sub-classifications.
Processive
a stone.’
There are a few verbs which behave as both processive and descrip-
(
3.4. 1.1.
is
tive verbs:
yielded by another type of classification. Sub-classes yielded by each of the
three different classifications are the results of cross-classifications
do/ ida ‘[This]
no/- ‘to play’
an-
rest’
(< anj -)
'il
°1
$-£)- nali bag'ta
‘to sit’
-°l
etc.
4-
‘The day
is
nali baijninda ‘The
-nin- pres.t.sfx.
4-
bright.’
day
is
<
balg- V.d.
dawning.’
<
4-
-da
balg- V.p.
-da
Examples
hanilil
+
°}°]
4-
-n- pres.t.sfx.
A
bonda
4-
‘[He]
is
looking
<
4*
Transitive
3. 4.
bo-
‘to see’
As an
-da infix.cnd.
aiga anninda ‘The child
-nin- pres.t.sfx.
at the sky.’
is
sitting
down.’
<
anj- ‘to
sit’
sitive
alternative classification,
(cl. 6.2.3).
verb can take one.
Descriptive Verbs
i?n
jA/m-
‘to
be young’
3. ki- ‘to be big’
gib
‘to
be long’
Intransitive Verbs
verbs are divided into transitive and intranon whether or not they have the potential of taking an
transitive verbs may take an object but no intransitive
1
verbs depending
object
-da.
and
All
I
he transitive/intransitive distinction of verbs
to a large extent by the distinction
Vl balg ‘to be bright’
transitive verbs lend themselves to
# jo
ble with intransitive verbs.
A
(
<
job-) ‘to be good’
ca- ‘to be cold’
etc.
C
I.
3. 4. 1.4 lor
is
paralleled
of passivity/non-passivity between them:
passive voice formation but it is not possi-
correlations between alternative sub-classifications
of verbs.
44
Korean
Chapter HI
Grammar
Examples
Transitive Verbs
4
4
niAg- ‘to cat’,
mil- ‘to push’
nidi ‘to press’,
4 dad-
buli- ‘to call’
pal- ‘to
‘to shut’,
gH
tn
A
< m\g-
u
)
}
44
7j|
abAjiga jabsusinda ‘My father
niMjninda ‘My brother
A] u] Ad ini gesini ‘Is there an adult?’
aiga inni is there a child?’
doijsetji
+
‘Is
same kind of respect to the subject of a sentence as is shown by
honorific verbs, but an honorific-suffixed plain verb is usually avoided if a
cake being eaten?’
voice sfx.
-hi- passive
+
-///'
In ilg- ‘to
4
A,
sa- ‘to stand’
jA:g-
read’
‘to
Examples of plain
is
available.
4
JaI- ‘to open’
4
e|
be small’
full
verbs are:
jat- ‘to be shallow’
lE 'so- ‘to shoot’
nop- ‘to be high’
41 swi- ‘to rest’,
dining.’
express the
Intransitive Verbs
sit’,
is
eating.’
Plain Full Verbs
corresponding honorific verb
& anj- ‘to
is
All plain verbs can be suffixed by the honorific suffix -si-/-isi- (cf. 4.3.2) to
-ni inflx.end.
A gi mskini
‘to eat’
Af-
4 t-4
nrujni ‘Are you eating cake?’
+
m.\g- ‘to eat’
o]
7\
°M4
3. 4. 1.3. 1.2.
qj l) } A
<
a)
°l
o] a_o)
Examples
l
ofu]
•o'
sell’
etc.
«}
45
b\li- ‘to throw’
hajah- ‘to be white’
etc.
etc.
Examples
Examples
^°l
4 4°H
<
anj-
44
v*\r4
iijae
+
‘to sit’
anninda ‘[He]
-nin- pres, t.sfx.
AndAgi nobta ‘The
°l
+
is
sitting
on a
<
chair.’
-da
hill is
high.’
4 4 °1
<
nop-
‘to
be high’
+
-da
As
Full Verbs
and
depending on whether or not they can occur alone as a senfull verb can occur by itself as a sentence but an auxiliary
verb can not so occur unless it is preceded by a full verb or some other element. Both full and auxiliary verbs may be further subdivided into
‘Honorific’ and ‘Plain’ verbs. Honorific verbs are those which express, in
addition to the lexical meanings, the speaker’s respect to the subject (cf.
‘Auxiliary’
1.1. verbs,
(cf. 7.2).
1.3.1.
6.2.2).
A
Verbs other than the honorific verbs are plain verbs.
Full Verbs
3.4.
There are only a few honorific
responding plain verbs.
full
verbs and they are
Plain Verbs
i\-r A jabsusi
‘to eat’
'A
‘to sleep’
4 ja-
1
41
4
A jumusi1
-nin- pres.t.sfx.
4-
is
reading a book.’
-da inflx.end.
4 SAnsciji ccgil ilgisinda
?!
reading a book.’
is
read’
+
-isi-
hon.sfx.
-f
-n- pres.t.sfx.
+ -da
Auxiliary Verbs
There are four types of auxiliary verbs:
inal
Auxiliary Verbs’,
gesi- ‘to be, to exist’
all
paired by the cor-
(iii)
m.\g-
(i)
‘Auxiliary Verbs’,
‘Post-adjectival Auxiliary Verbs’
(ii)
and
‘Post-nom-
‘Sentence
Auxiliary Verbs’. ‘Auxiliary verbs’ are those that occur after a verb inflected in
a concatenating form (cf. 4. 3. 5. 3). ‘Post-nominal auxiliary verbs’ occur only
after a nominal phrase (cf. 5.1), ‘Post-adjectival auxiliary verbs’ only after an
adjectival clause (cf. 6.4.3),
clause
(cf. 6.1
and
and ‘Sentence auxiliary
(iv)
verbs’ only after a final
6.3).
Auxiliary Verbs
Hie following is a list ol the twenty one most common auxiliary verbs given
under three different headings: those listed under (i) are processive, those
under (ii) descriptive, and those under (iii) both processive and descriptive
verbs.
Honorific Verbs
-^r-r
3. 4. 1.3. 2.
3. 4. 1.3. 2.1.
Honorific Full Verbs
3.4. 1.3.
ilg- ‘to
+
and Auxiliary Verbs
a second alternative classification, verbs are subdivided into ‘Full’
tence
A -fr
‘A teacher
<
3. 4. 1.3.
sonjAni ccgil iijninda ‘A boy
read’ V.pl.
ilg- ‘to
Processive Auxiliary Verbs
(i)
1.
iii
2.
4
-
boju-
‘to try [doing]’
‘to
do something as a favour’
Grammar
Korean
46
3.
eh
4.
4
1
clili-
4 t- AA
the honorific counterpart of ju-
6.
44
7.
A
/m//- ‘[to
ga-
continuation
do something] completely or thoroughly’
(b) unintentional,
when preceded by
when preceded by
to
become’ when
(a)
preceded by a V.d.
progression [toward a goal] from present to future or away
(b)
near-completion
in
J?-
4
and meaning,
ji- (a) ‘to
12.
A
from past to present or toward the
13.
l
H
ne- progression, completion,
V.tr.
14. *r clu- retention,
15.
A ha-
A4
(
i i
)
noh-
**
A
17.
when preceded by
and processive verb formative when preceded
auxiliary verb
something] completely’ as auxiliary verb
full
verb
verb
Examples
koeijinda ‘The flower
is falling.’
V
A
Verbs
4A
3!
A swega k\kA jinda ‘The iron
V
<
retention
wish
verb
progression as auxiliary verb
AA
to, to
as full verb
place or put down’ as
‘to
mandil- the same as ha-
^ sip- ‘to want
to full verbs, but they are different
a V.p.
formative
(b) progressive tense
18.
(a)
(/;)
(b) causative voice
a! is- (tf)
fall’
(a) ‘to go’ as full
preservation
A uxiliary
form
Form
(b) retention as auxiliary verb
(a) causative voice
Descript i ve
/mota-/) negation
b\/i- (a) ‘to throw’ as full verb
by a V.d.
16. 4Ӥ*
wither or
(b) ‘[doing
V.intr.
Full Verbs Identical in
‘to try [doing]’ as
(/;)
nob- completion, retention
na - progression, completion,
>
e.g.
(a) ‘to see’ as full
speaker
-%-
(
(b) passive voice formative as auxiliary verb
bo-
o- progression [toward a goal]
and
auxiliary verbs are identical in
distribution
from the speaker
10.
Auxiliary Verbs
3.4. 1.3. 2. 1.1.
Some
‘to
mosha-
‘to go’,
examples
V.p.
formative with the meaning
(b) processive verb
A ga-
go.’
Further details concerning the syntactic functions of auxiliary verbs and
will be found in the discussion of ‘Verbal Phrases’ (cf. 5.2).
V.tr.
meaning ‘progression or
become’ when preceded by a V.d.
dwe- (a) unintentional when preceded by a
8. El
a
a V.intr.
processive verb formative with the
(c)
47
V.intr. V.aux.
passive voice formative
//- (</)
III
-5r44 nAntn gaji motanda ‘You cannot
r/r- repetition
5. *£ salt- repetition,
11.
9.
Chapter
formative
when preceded by
kAk-
is
broken.’
V.aux.
‘to
break’
+
//-
pasv. vc.fmtv.
a V.p.
to’
n'a
32.44
cegil boala ‘Look at the book.’
V
(iii)
Processive
and Descriptive Verbs
19.
44 4
20.
JhAmosha-
21.
Antal- negation
4
-o"°l
A
negation,
44
cegil ilgA boala ‘Try reading the book.’
in
V
‘[to
be unable
<
to]’
^
ilg- ‘to
V.aux.
read’
+
bo-
‘to try
doing.’
imperative and propositive sentences
AA
J OIJiga cijAjinda ‘[A sheet of] paper
V.tr.
44 XL 44
sulil
masigo
idia ‘[He]
V.tr.
V.aux.
masi-
is
torn.’
V.aux.
cij- ‘to tear’, ji-ir-g-
4
Ji
aniha- negation
3.4. 1.3. 2. 2.
Examples
fi
e*
(i)
‘to drink’, is-
formative
The most common post-nominal
passive voice formative
is
Post-nominal Auxiliary Verbs
44 jighaThis verb
drinking wine.’
is
‘is
likely to,
/id-/) progressive tense
-
nin/in
,
man
worth [doing]’, V.d.aux.
always preceded by a nominal clause formed with the
-m/-im whose predicate
(>
is
auxiliary verbs are:
or
do may
is
intervene
suffix
The modifying particle (3.4.5.9),
between jig and ha otjigha-, e.g.
processive.
AAA (5L) AA niAgim jig(do)hada
‘[It] is
worth eating
(too).’
Grammar
Korean
48
Chapter
ha- ‘admission or recognition’ of the action or event represented by the
(ii)
predicate in the preceding nominal clause. V.d.aux.
The verbs
111
49
and CAgha-Zceha- occur only after an adjectival clause
formed with -nin and nZ-in and bAtiha- only after the one formed -//-//, e.g.
jatjha-
-
,
This verb
is
always preceded by a nominal clause formed with the suffix
and the modifying
particle nin,
man
°o
-gi,
or do occurs obligatorily before ha-, ha-
$8tK1
C
verb behaves as a processive or descriptive auxiliary verb according as to
whether the predicate of the preceding nominal clause
is
processive or
S~7]}L
1
mala ‘Don’t pretend
4 apin cAg( Ijhcsi bnida
i
bAnfdoJhcsda
clacil
Vi Ti
The modifying
3.
descriptive type, e.g.
u KT unin jatj(in)haji
particle,
was even nearly
‘[I]
handa
‘[He] does
come
too,
[1
admit].’
(cf. 3. 4. 5. 2)
ill.’
hurt.’
ninZin man, and do can occur within the stem of
,
,
the post-adjectival auxiliary verbs given above,
y-uf ogido
to cry.’
pretended to be
‘[I]
and the object
particle lilZil
can occur within the stem of the three verbs jaijha- c\gha-Zcehat
and bAtiha-.
As an alternative
o- V.p.
7]4t
5'1
hiiginin
6-fuf
hada
‘[It] is
white,
[I
admit].’
hii- V.d.
The ha- verb
in the
examples above can be replaced by the same verb as
may be rewritten as
occurs in the nominal clause. Thus the example sentences
-£.
7 ] 5-
analysis, all post-adjectival clause auxiliary verbs may be
treated as phrases consisting of the non-independent nouns such as jaij,
CAgZce , 1)ah etc., on the one hand, and the verb ha- on the other. This alternative
analysis will involve the setting
up of such words
as jatj, cwgZce, b \n
,
etc.,
as a separate sub-class of the noun.
£-4
ogido onda and hiiginin hiida
3.4.1. 3.2.4.
Post-adjectival Auxiliary Verbs
3.4. 1.3. 2.
The common
There are two sentence auxiliary verbs:
post-adjectival auxiliary verbs,
modifying particle
(n)in,
man do
,
all
of which
may
include the
sip- presumption, conjecture
(i)
within the stem, are as follows:
(ii)
(i)
-!>;-
£)
the predicate
(ii)
bo- presumption, conjecture
is
These auxiliary verbs occur only after a
,
-//-//,
or -nin
processive, e.g.
manha-
‘to
with
-tiittga (4.3. 5. 1.3.2),
which
the
(4. 3. 5. 1.4.1),
iKf
be worth [doing]’ V.d.aux.
‘I
l
\]
4
b\bha-
‘to
manhabnida
be likely
to’
worth
‘[It] is
seeing.’
m]
i
v
A
sKf
jatjha - ‘pretending
)
/
(v)
*i]
to’
‘It
common
The most
auxiliary
(4.3.5. 1.1.1)
verbs
and
occur
*>\
inflectional endings with
are:
-a/- a
(4.3. 5. 1.5.1),
-da
gasna boa /gannaboa/ ‘[He] is gone, think.’
bobnida /unninga bomnida/
I
think [they] are laughing.’
Lf
jAtipilinga sipda /j.\npilinga sibta/
[it] is
a pencil.’
Notice that the sentence auxiliary verbs sip- and bo- are identical
and bo- (cf. 3.4.1. 3.2.1).
-//-//, e.g.
looks like raining.’
V.p.aux.
d\ CAgha-Zceha- ‘pretending to’ V.p.aux.
bAtiha- ‘nearly [did]’ V.p.aux.
clause formed
-ji (cf. 4.3. 5. 1.5), e.g.
3. 4. 1.4.
in
form
to
Correlations between Alternative Sub-classifications of Verbs
Correlations between the sub-classes of verbs yielded by the
may be set out as follows:
sifications (cf. 3.4. 1.1-2)
(i)
Processive
V
Transitive
V
Intransitive
(vi)
final interrogative
or -IkaZ-ilka (4.3.5. 1.3.2), and arc
the auxiliary verbs sip-
V.d.aux.
biga ol bAbhada
(4.3. 5. 1.3.2)
^-u] v\ usninga
i suppose
This occurs only after an adjectival clause formed with
(
-bnida
-//-//,
e.g.
(iii)
sentence
)il°\
-Sr-b 7 ]-
This occurs only after an adjectival clause formed with the ending
v \ bol
-na
very restricted in inflection.
gem dishada ‘[It] seems that [he] has gone.’
gal dishada ‘[It] seems that [he] is going to leave.’
ganin dishada ‘[It] seems that [he] is going.’
g}s\
JiL
disha- ‘to seem or appear’ VxLaux.
This occurs only after an adjectival clause formed with - n/-in
if
Sentence Auxiliary Verbs
Descriptive
V
Intransitive
V
V
first
two
clas-
50
Korean Grammar
Chapter
or
^
Transitive
(ii)
l
V
Intransitive
ses ‘three’
-
Processive
Processive
V
Descriptive
C B! dasAS
V
A
i jASAS
°i
V
n f-vr
‘Five*
‘six’
jesun
3.4.2.
Sub-classes
Noun
of Nouns
words are first sub-divided into ‘Independent’ and ‘NonIndependent’ Nouns, each being further divided into smaller
sub-classes. As
an alternative classification, nouns are divided into ‘Animate’
and ‘Inanimate’ nouns, and as a second alternative classification,
they are divided into
‘Honorific’ and ‘Plain’ nouns.
class
°l -h
The numerals from
pound numerals, e.g.
°d
j
—
4i
A
<
Independent Nouns
.
sadam ‘man,
7H
ge
I
fraud
<
(ii)
Pronouns,
(iii)
Interrogative nouns,
further sub-
1.
1
.
/
ahin ‘ninety*
ahob
4-
4-
liana ‘one’
+ did ‘two’
‘nine’
Sino- Korean Cardinal Numerals
il pal ‘eight’
‘two’
T*
and
(iv)
Adver-
‘five’
^ jug
gu
‘nine’
41 sib ‘ten’
su ‘four*
5L o
4!
UT
‘six’
^
eil ‘seven’
V.
3.4.2.
Ja:1 ‘ten’
ja:1 ‘ten’
4- jAdAlb ‘eight’
ahin ahob ‘ninety nine’
# sam ‘three*
*1-
(i) Numerals,
nouns.
<
form of com-
das,\s ‘twenty five’
11 //‘one*
°I
idea’
Among the independent nouns are distinguished the following
bial
<
‘eleven’
to ninety nine are in the
‘eighty’
°)"S‘
3.4.2. 1.1. 2.
etc.
classes:
onward up
‘water’
A A salat) ‘love’
A scijgag ‘thought,
*§
‘ninety’
person’, °f°l ui ‘child’
‘dog’, 1) jib ‘house’
4-rf hand ‘sky’,
7 *1- gica ‘train’,
luma
ah in
‘eighty’
4- dasAS ‘five’
jAdin jAdAlb ‘eighty eight’
°1?iJ
< jAdin
Every noun which may occur alone as a sentence is an
independent noun. The
majority of Korean nouns belong to this sub-class, e.g.
°}-£*
eleven
simul
‘fifty*
‘sixty’
simil ‘twenty’
°i-rr
3.4.2. 1
\:l
jAdin
4r ja:1 did ‘twelve’
°i
‘forty’
ilh in ‘seventy*
jAd Alb ‘eight’
/)Ad\1 /
a hob ‘nine’
°1
mahin
s
4 ) -g- / t! swihin/swin
Vr ilgob ‘seven’
All transitive verbs are processive, but intransitive
verbs are either processive
or descriptive, or conversely, processive verbs are either
transitive or intransitive, but descriptive verbs are all intransitive.
51
SAlfhJin ‘thirty’
nes ‘four’
j]
V
III
beg ‘hundred*
c\n ‘thousand’
uum ‘ten thousand’
Ag ‘one hundred million’
Numerals
Numerals are those independent nouns which (i) typically occur
as an affirmative answer to a question such as
^ *IM ?}- mjA cimnika ‘How many [are
they]?’ and (ii) may be immediately followed
by a classifier (cf. 3.4.2.2.1).
here aie two sets ot numerals in Korean: ‘Korean
Numerals’ and ‘SinoKorean Numerals’. For numbers from one hundred onward,
only SinoKorean numerals are now in use.
Sino-Korean numerals other than those given
above are
pound numerals,
in the
form of com-
e.g.
.
I
°l 1!
/
sib ‘twenty’
A. sain sib
<
/
‘two’
+
sib ‘ten’
< sum ‘three’ + sib ‘ten’
sa sib ‘fourty’ < sa ‘four’ + sib
‘ten’
S'- sib o ‘fifteen’ < sib
‘ten’ + o ‘five’
°l 11 S. i sib o ‘twenty five’ <
sib ‘twenty’ + o ‘five’
N " ° beg ‘five
hundred’ < o ‘five’ + beg ‘hundred’
^
"d
‘thirty’
•vj
i
3.4.2. 1.1.1.
Korean Cardinal Numerals
liana ‘one’
# did ‘two’
ii *! 11
Ja:1 ‘ten’
simul ‘twenty’
‘
“1
s,x ’
A jug beg cil sib sa ‘six
+ beg
‘hundred’
HT-i1-w1) «f
//
+
hundred and seventy four’
cil ‘seven’
+
sib ‘ten’
cmi gu beg jug sib pal ‘1968’
+ sa
‘four’
<
jug
Korean Grammar
52
<
+ can ‘thousand’ + gu
‘ten’ + pal ‘eight’
//‘one’
+
sib
Chapter
+ beg ‘hundred’ + jug
‘nine’
‘six’
*4/
/
Korean and Sino- Korean Ordinal Numerals
3. 4. 2. 1.1. 3.
The Korean
ordinal numerals are formed by adding the ordinalizing suffix -ce
Korean cardinal numerals except ‘first’, which has the special ordinal
to the
form
CASce /cAdce/,
A
ljl
’l|
prefix
’ll
°A
’ll
na/ne
*1)
jA/je
dass\scc
T
T
x
]
-r^K-i-) uli(dil) 2 ‘we’
*1 ^1
— plain style
— formal style
(ft) jAhii(dil) ‘we’
M
H £)(-§-)
/ Ml n\/ne~ ‘you’
‘you’
C! darjsin ‘you’
‘fifth’
nAhii(dil) ‘you’
—
—
low plain
*fM) (#) jane(dil) ‘you’
high plain
U
J 4! if- daijsindil ‘you’ — low formal
Ja:Icc ‘tenth’
— *i-r ^ simul duce ‘twenty second’
nescc ‘fourth’
The Sino-Korean
d\
*H1 jane
sesce ‘third’
i\ ’ll
53
Second Person Pronouns
(ii)
e.g.
if ’ll dufljce ‘second’
III
Person Pronouns
First
(i)
(iii)
ordinal numerals are formed by adding the ordinalizing
je - to the Sino-Korean cardinal numerals,
Third Person Pronouns
°l / ‘this’
°1 ikidil ‘these
a. gi ‘he, she’
zl#
persons’
gidil ‘they’
e.g.
(near the listener or out of sight)
jeil
4] °A
‘first’
M
^ iL
*1]
*!
jesib o ‘fifteenth’
jepal sib ‘eightieth
jei ‘second’
*\]
°1
*11
^ jesib ‘tenth’
jAdil ‘they’
3.4.2. 1.1. 4. Distribution
(away from the speaker and the
jecil sib sa ‘seventy fourth’
listener)
The pronouns of, say, English are in fact very frequently expressed in
Korean by nouns or noun phrases. Typical examples are the noun
(Yl)
of Korean and Sino-Korean Numerals
The Korean numerals
collocate usually with the pure Korean nouns and the
Sino-Korean numerals with the nouns of Chinese origin in nominal phrases,
SAnscijfnim ‘teacher’ for ‘you’ (sometimes also ‘he/she’) and one of the deic-
e.g.
noun. For the difference between gi and ja, see
A f *4 dasas sadam
v \ Ai
+ sadam ‘man’
-2-
°v!
o
‘five
people’
<
das.\s ‘five’
tic
Korean num.
°l-ur
Kor. N.
in ‘five persons’
<
o
‘five’
Sino-Kor. num.
satn sib se ‘thirty years of age’
Sino-Kor. num. +
ii-S-
s'
<
4-
in ‘person’
< sam sib
‘thirty’
^ b l(n
°1 °1
i i
+ saP age’
i
ja
i
*1 °1
i
Kor. N.
*W
Pronouns
*1
Independent nouns which cannot be preceded by a numeral or adjective
may
(cf. 5.3.2)
(cf.
3.4. 5. 5), are
depending on
spoken
about: (i) First person pronouns, (ii) Second person pronouns and (iii) Third
person pronouns. The first and second person pronouns may be further distinguished in respect of the degree of politeness between the speaker and the
fall
into three categories of person
refer to the speaker, the addressee or person(s)/thing(s)
addressee, paralleling to a large extent the different speech styles
marked by
3.4. 2. 1.3.
"c
»
$ *ie
gi ‘that’ and ja ‘that’
and an appropriate
3.4.3. 2, e.g.
this person’
or that person
|
she or this person’
‘he,
)
she or that person’
‘he she or that person’
namja
J^jAja
/
gAS
‘he, this
man’
‘she, that
woman’
‘this (thing)’
gi gAS ‘this (thing)’
JA gAS ‘that (thing)’
Interrogative
Nouns
Nouns whose meanings vary according to whether they occur in interrogative
or noil-interrogative 4 sentences are interrogative nouns. In each of the fol1
2
3
J
the verbal inflections (cf. 4.3. 5.1).
,,
‘this’,
or an adjectival clause
precede them), nor by a vocative particle
pronouns. Pronouns
whether they
‘he,
zi°] gi
SAlhin sal ‘thirty years of age’
SAlhin ‘thirty’ Kor.num.
)
/
j
se ‘age’ Sino-Kor. N.
(although an adjectival relational phrase
(cf. 6.4.3)
bun ‘he, she or
bun
^
°]^
3.4. 2. 1.2.
/
gi
Sino-Kor. N.
M]
adjectives (cf. 3.4.3.2),
The alternant form nc occurs before the subject particle ga (3.4.5. 1), and na elsewhere, nc also
occurs as a contraction ol na + ii ‘of me, my’, ii being a particle. The same rule applies
to
-dit is a derivational sufliix expressing ‘more than one’.
nc occurs only before the particle ga and n.\ elsewhere.
By ‘non-interrogativc sentence’ is meant ‘declarative’ ‘imperative* or
‘prepositive’ sentence, (cf.
54
Korean
2
lowing examples the
first
Grammar
English meaning given
Chapter
is
associated with the
inter-
rogative and the second with non-interrogative sentence.
(c)
nu/nugu
t-4 muA(s)
4 mjAC
(cl)
4 M]
(a) nr / -r’t
(b)
*
1
-
Anje
4
44
‘who’
‘someone’
‘what’
‘something’
‘how many’
‘a few, several’
4 gwAn
‘[volume(s) of] book(s)’
‘when’
‘sometimes’
^l-t- gilu
‘[number of]
4
clc
‘[a set of]
4
ci
‘[inch] length’
4
4
SAtn
‘[sack of] grain’
mJai)
‘[number of] person(s)’
henni ‘Who did it?’
nuga
hedia ‘Someone did
$84
sS
-r 7 }
44
# 44
mjAclkelil sadci
^
3 .4 2
.
.
1
.4. >4 dverbial
‘ [
I ]
if
47
1
They
‘[head(s) of] animal’
trees’
machines’
etc.
Examples
are mostly
4 °d
jigim ‘now’
nouns of time and
place.
mil ‘tomorrow’
n*] 4
\je ‘yesterday’
‘horse two heads’)
4 ^44 Mai du mali ‘two horses’
44 4 J°*ji dasAdjarj ‘five sheets of paper’ ‘paper five sheets’)
‘[at] first,
for the
first
time’
7 7 1 gAgi ‘there’
jAgi ‘here’
^°1
^
(lit.
ceg du gu’An ‘two volumes of books’
4-t-
°1 *;!:!-¥-
44
44
namu j.\SAd gilu
telebi
gijAke ‘the day before yesterday’
tf-£rCAim
All classifiers can
ban de
‘a set
(lit.
of television’
combine with the noun su ‘number’
form compound
malisu /malisu/ ‘number of animals’
‘number of sheets of paper’
4'r
gWAnsu
/gwAnsu/
‘number of volumes of books’
4-r
jcnjsu /jaijsu/
Examples
3. 4. 2. 2.
to
nouns as follows:
44 ~r
sometime’
etc.
44
‘book two volumes’)
‘six trees’
1
4*11 Anje2 etc. ‘when,
I
therefore used only
several.’
as adverbs or as adjuncts (cf. 6.2.6) in the clause
onil ‘today’
*1
is
(lit.
structure are adverbial nouns.
*1)
bought
Mali
did you buy?’
Nouns
Nouns which can function
4
it.’
‘How many
and
‘[sheet(s) of] paper’
nugct
mjAclkelil sanni
^7|]-g7 ll
4
instance, mali ‘[hcad(s) of] animal’ refers to animal
with nouns that represent animals.
Examples
-T-
55
III
etc.
444 onili jinadia Today has passed.’ onil as subject (N).
gancla
am going today.’ onil as adjunct.
44
o/7/V
Non-Inclepenclent
Nouns which
‘I
4^r 4
Nouns
are always preceded by an independent noun, an adjective or an
into
(i)
Vs
4 jaijsuga manta
‘The number of sheets of paper
adjectival phrase or clause are non-independent nouns.
nouns are further divided
Examples
‘Classifiers’
and
(ii)
3.4.2. 2.2.
is
large
(lit.
‘plenty’)’.
Post-Modifiers
Non-independent
‘Post-Modifiers’.
Non-independent nouns which never occur unless they are preceded by an
independent noun, an adjective, an adjectival phrase or clause or a nominal
clause are post-modifiers.
3.4.2.2.I. Classifier
Non-independent nouns which typically follow a numeral or a numeral adjective (cf. 3.4.3. 1) are classifiers. Every classifier has reference, both syntactically and semantically, to a noun or a group of nouns, and when an independent noun and a classifier co-occur, as
in a
gAS ‘thing’
gos ‘place’
lI
H-5r
4^
4
/
‘person’
:
tjid ‘ability’, ‘guess’
iemun ‘reason’
45. dclo ‘as, like’
/ 44 mankim/manci ‘as (much) as’
nominal phrase specifying the
etc.
quantity of the referent (thing) indicated by a noun, they must agree. For
Examples
1
1
nu occurs before ihe particle ga and nugu elsewhere.
The noun ,tnje is a member of two different noun sub-classes: interrogative and adverbial
noun.
-r*
44
dl
4
our thing’
gAd‘ that which eats, thing to
ulie gA(l ‘ours,
niAijnin
eat, that fact that
one
eats’
Korean Grammar
56
n°1
gi /‘that person, he, she’
o]
°]
Chapter
i
-5r
onin
i
‘the
god ‘this
5
-
-g-ir t]
-
one who
/})
ge
‘dog’
±L so ‘cow’
coming’
is
etc.
place, here’
Inanimate Nouns
god ‘a pleasant place’
soli lemunimnida ‘It is because of
jilgAun
rcJKr^J C\ t}
nj) -g-o] <>}.§iemuniAsimnida
Si ?]
l) cf f7o.7?/‘
This was because we had no money.’
sflej- hah in ha delo hela ‘You do as you please.’
Htt H
-M.til 5 0 cf nega bon delo ida ‘This is as
d| 7}
saw it.’
°1 (]~unr'S X Snimankim jusibsio ‘Give this much.’
I
i
QmL haggjo
sun ‘mountain’
the sound.’
&*]
.
51
III
7}%-
^
jadorjea ‘motor car’
^^rJAtjbu ‘government*
jib ‘house’
ahob
ofig-
‘school’
bar) ‘room’
‘nine’
35 g;\s ‘thing’
Examples
l
1
^
ef mAgil
manci niAgAla
‘Eat as
much
as
you
7
////with the meaning ‘capacity, ability’ is preceded by an
formed with the inflectional ending -//-// ‘future/presump-
The post-modifier
adjectival clause
lHM) ge ege
bolcul
(<
anda
jul)
‘I
know how
to see
the other hand,
may
it
when jul
is
used with the meaning ‘guess, (the
‘to a mountain’
hagkjo e ‘to a school’
*§
^ #
3.4.2. 3.
Honorific and Plain
Honorific nouns are those which,
predicate. Honorific
itT ganjul aladia T thought
<y-#cf galcul aladia
Alternative Classifications
(cf. 3.4.2. 1-2),
tated by syntactic relations.
They
as subject or object of a
to,
in
addition to lexical meanings, ‘respect’
or associated with an object referred
to,
nouns.
Nouns
*! *1 jinji ‘food, meal’
malsim ‘word, speech’
SAtjham ‘name’
classifications are necessi-
'd
haninim ‘god’
o}n] w] abAtiim ‘father’
are:
\niAnim ‘mother’
(i)
Animate and Inanimate Nouns
(ii)
Honorific and Plain
H±°Y n Yl halabAnim ‘grandfather’
Ai A xxi SAnseijnim ‘teacher’
$
]
Nouns
etc.
Plain
3.4.2.3.I.
iaij ‘earth’
one of the two
and inanimate nouns are those
are those which colligate with ege' to, toward’,
allomorphs of a particle showing
‘direction’,
which colligate with e, the other allomorph. The syntactical distinction of
animate and inanimate nouns corresponds closely to that between animate
and inanimate objects referred to by nouns.
A nimate Nouns
v]
Nouns
Animate and Inanimate Nouns
Animate nouns
nA
‘you’
hagseij ‘pupil’
-&
os
*£
mal
‘human
of 6 ) (//‘child’
-ir
mul
‘water’
bA:l ‘bee’
‘clothes’
‘horse’
*>}<>}
ai ‘child’
jA.ngu ‘research’
salarj ‘love’
etc.
All honorific
nouns are paired by the corresponding plain nouns:
Honorific
ingan
by such
nouns. Plain nouns are negatively defined as those which are not honorific
of nouns into the independent and non-
two alternative
nouns express,
person referred
to the
Honorific
of Nouns
In addition to the sub-classification
independent nouns
had gone.’
he would go.’
that he
thought that
‘I
when occurring
sentence, tend to be in lexical concord with an honorific verb occurring in the
ganinjul aladia i thought that he was going.’
e"
Nouns
fact) that
adjectival clause endings (cf. 4. 3. 5. 2. 2), e.g.
7X \
ai ‘child’
[it].’
be preceded by an adjectival clause formed with any of the three
g
<
a dog’
^M] san e
3.4.2. 3.2.
On
‘to
but
tive’ (cf. 4.3. 5. 2.2), e.g.
-&
ai ege ‘to a child’
°1| 7 ll
°f °l
can.’
beings’
Nouns
malsim
^*1
jinji
Plain
Nouns
^ mal ‘word, speech’
bab
‘food, meal’
Korean Grammar
58
A
SAijham
i
°l-
l
H
Su
l
i7
u
1
t]
Him ‘name’
°}xr
-Ml ogee
-g-
Chapter HI
0M]
-2-^1 °1
t*
59
gimini baije gesiAjo ‘A soldier
41
mom ‘body’
is
in
the room.’
gesi- ‘to be’ V.hon.
abmim
abAji ‘father’
(Context: a daughter to her mother
halm ah im
halmAni ‘grandmother’
sight or earshot.)
coming home, the
soldier being within
etc.
3.4.3.
concord operating between the honorific nouns and the honorific verbs (cf. 3.4.1. 3. 1.1) is not as binding as some grammatical concords
like ‘Number’ or ‘Person’ are in many European languages. But as a rule, an
honorific noun occurring as subject or object tends to be used with an honor-
The
ific
Sub-classes of Adjectives
lexical
verb
or, if
such a verb
is
There are four sub-classes
‘Deictic Adjectives’
Numeral Adjectives
Numeral
(cf. 3.4.2. 1.1
abAnimi jumusinda ‘[My] father
N.hon.
\]
^ cf
xj x)
o]
‘The teacher
^ o]
is
is
sleeping.’
V.hon.
SAnscijnimi jinji/il jabsusinda
?}
N.hon.
-r
V.hon.
having his meal.’
7f Al uf
xVofl
halabAnimi jaije gasinda
is
41
/ x] / a] se/sx/sAg ‘three’
Ml
/
going to the market.’
H
gasinda
Nouns standing
in
the honorific suffix)
ga- ‘to go’ V.pl.
+
-si-
hon.sfx.
-f
-nda
concord with honorific verbs (including plain verbs with
are usually honorific animate, especially human, nouns,
but sometimes a plain inanimate
in the
<
noun
also occurs with an honorific verb as
following example.
u| 7f
.$_*] cf
A /M
osinda
‘five’
jAS
‘six’
cas
‘first’
<
o- ‘to
is
falling
come’
(lit.
V.pl.
+
numerous as compared
principle in concord with plain verbs unless
largely extra-linguistic, for the speaker to
verb in the sentence
noun which he uses
may
‘coming’).’
- si -
bi ‘rain’ N.pl.,
+ -nda
hon.sfx.
y
,
it
to honorific nouns, occur in
is felt
show
necessary, for reasons
an
which case the
respect to a person or
in his sentence, in
all
other nouns the numeral noun dasAS
l
JMI
gimini baije isAjo ‘A soldier
gun in
is
in the
‘five’
and j'asas
‘six’
are used.
Of these numeral
adjectives,
positionally freer than the rest
ban ‘one’, du ‘two’, se ‘three’ and ne ‘four’ are
and can occur before another adjective or an
adjectival clause (cf. 6.4.3) as well as before an [independent]
to the
Examples
ban bagscij ‘one
room.’
pupil’
N
‘soldier’ N.pl., is- ‘to be’ V.pl.
(Context: a daughter to her mother coming home, the soldier being out of
earshot.)
with
other numeral adjectives are positionally limited
be honorific.
y
,
,
,
dwe and
Examples
•? 0d°1
‘four’
The selection of one or the other of the three alternant forms of each of the
two sets se/sA/sAg and ne/nA/nAg is collocational: sa and n a collocate with
nouns such as mal ‘unit of measure’ or dwe ‘unit of measure’, e.g., sa mal
sa dwe n a mal, ha dwe. SAg and riAg collocate with nouns such as jan ‘cup,
glass’ or SAin ‘sack’, e.g., SAg jan SAg saui nAgjan tiAg SAm and se and ne
collocate with all other nouns, e.g., se ccg ‘three books’ ne gaji ‘four kinds’,
etc. das and Jas occur only with such nouns as mal and dwe e.g., das mal, jxs
y
object referred to by the
ne/nA/nAg
das
y
biga osinda ‘Rain
Plain nouns, which are
are as follows:
ban ‘one’
du ‘two’
N.hon.
‘[My] grandfather
-4)
mon members
N.hon.
tf oftr]
adjectives are those which are derived
from the Korean numerals
and occur before a classifier (cf. 3.4.2.2.1) or an independent
noun. The numeral adjectives form a small sub-class, of which the most com-
Examples
a} xg
‘Numeral Adjectives’, (ii)
and (iv) ‘Qualitative Ad-
jectives’.
3.4. 3.1.
u o]
in the adjective class: (i)
‘Interrogative Adjectives’,
not available, a plain verb with the honorific
suffix -si-/-isi- (cf. 4.3.2).
o}-u]
(iii)
?}
-f*
*1 xo
ban du bagscij ‘one or two
N
pupil(s)’
noun whereas
pre-nominal position.
60
Chapter
Korean Grammar
han jAlmin hagsci) ‘one young
?n£-
^
-f-
du sejib
‘who
(lit.
is
young’) pupil’
N
adj.cl.
Adjectives which occur in the interrogative sentence with one meaning and in
N
se nilgin
4)
‘three old
i
(lit.
‘who are
those which they have in the interrogative sentence, and the second
which they have in the non-interrogative sentence.
old’) people’
N
adj.cl.
Interrogative Adjectives
the non-interrogative with another are interrogative adjectives. These are
such adjectives as are listed below, where the first English meanings refer to
new houses’
‘two
3.4. 3. 3.
61
III
to those
2.
vi|
°)
.t'd
i
ne
adj.cl.
N
The numeral adjectives form ‘Compound Numeral
numeral or compound numeral (cf. 3 .4.2.1. 1.1), e.g.
jA'Jhan
-r s#/wi//
‘two’
4lu-
Adjectives’ with
< j*a:1 ‘ten’ N.num. + han ‘one’ Adj.num.
‘twenty two’ < si/m// ‘twenty’ N.num. + du
< jesun ‘sixty’ N.num. +
//e‘four’
-T"£r
(iii)
Q
(iv)
°]
musin
‘which’; ‘some, certain’
‘what*; ‘some, certain’
wen ‘what kind
of’;
‘some, certain’
AtAn ‘what sort of’; ‘some sort of’
Examples
Adj.num.
4] yevz//z //e ‘sixty four’
(ii)
a
‘eleven’
r/z/
a/i i/ At ai\
(i)
sonj\n ‘these four young boys’
A/in
itv] Ani
Adj.num.
gose ganni ‘Where
(lit.
‘which place’) did [he] go?
ah i gose gadia
<H|
somewhere (lit. ‘to some place’).’
did you do?’
$8 u] musin ilil hcnni ‘What (lit. ‘what work’)
something.’
C
did
‘You
ilil
hedia
musin
$S
‘[He] went
Deictic Adjectives
3. 4. 3.
There are three deictic adjectives, each representing a different degree of
‘Proximate/Remote’ category from the others in relation to the speaker(s)
and listener(s). Deictic adjectives can occur not only before a noun but also
before a numeral adjective, a qualitative adjective
phrase
(cf. 5.3.2)
or clause
(cf. 3.4.3.4)
(ii)
n gi ‘that’ (proximate to the listener(s) or absent
G-&
1-
Qualitative Adjectives
Adjectives which are not
members of any of
interrogative adjectives, are qualitative adjectives. Qualitative
and
from the scene of
4|
sc ‘new’,
•£*
on
^
‘entire,
hx:n
‘old,
whole’,
worn out’
we ‘only, lone’
discourse)
(iii)
4
ja
‘that’
etc.
(remote from both the speaker(s) and the
Examples
listcner(s))
3.4.4.
two deictics, / and gi can also occur as pronouns
gi as a pronoun has the meaning ‘he, she’, e.g.
I
he
first
°1
^
(cf. 3.4. 2. 1.2),
JA sc si
‘that
new
thread’ sc Adj.
gi
han sa.iam
‘that
one person’ han Adj.num.
N
*1
tt
A
^
efl
clothes’
fh\:n
moja
‘an old hat’
According to the distributional restrictions of adverbs in relation to other
words in the sentence, the following sub-classes are distinguished: (i) ‘Processive Adverbs’,
ja jilgAun nolc
adj.cl.
]
Sub-classes of Adverbs
N
D-
han
on sesaij ‘the whole world’
s] °Ht- we adil ‘the only son’
jib ‘this house’
^
od ‘new
Q ^
N
*1
sc
41
and
4
i
the three sub-classes, numeral,
adjectives are distributionally restricted to the pre-nominal positions only.
(proximate to the speaker(s))
°1
‘this’
3.4. 3.4.
deictic
(i)
/
or an adjectival
(cf. 6.4.3).
Jf
N
‘that pleasant song’
(ii)
‘Descriptive Adverbs’,
(iii)
‘Processive-Descriptive
verbs’, (iv) ‘Interrogative Adverbs’, (v) ‘Sentence Adverbs’
tive
Adverbs’.
and
(vi)
Ad-
‘Conjunc-
Korean Grammar
62
3.4.4.I.
Chapter
Processive Adverbs (Adv.p.)
3
Adverbs which typically occur before a processive verb arc processive
adverbs. The processive adverbs correspond in general to what in the traditional grammar are called the adverbs of manner.
^ jal
CAncAnhi ‘slowly*
*1
## so/so/
.
e]
.
.
Adverbs which may behave both as the processive adverbs and the descriptive
adverbs
n Amu
v]-V-
‘too
‘too.
palli ‘quickly’
as Adv.d.
.
‘very.
o\^ aju
Examples
‘for
good,
(lit.
‘Go
well’)
definitely, completely’ as
‘Read
s]
[it]
quicklv.’
V.p.
##
3.4.4.2.
Tc-tT
hwagsilhi
‘The wind blows gently.’
H -r
v$
v \ nA/nu
H-t*
general to the adverbs of degree in the traditional grammar.
ofif-
meu ‘very’
manta ‘There
are too many.’
nA/nu fadia ‘[She] slept too much.’
V.p.
Adverbs which may occur either before (i) a descriptive verb or (ii) a processive adverb are descriptive adverbs. The descriptive adverbs correspond in
^ p Ag ‘very,
nA/nu gipi jadia ‘[She]
Vl °l
n] ur-g-u] v\
aju L\na'simnika ‘Has
considerably’
°} :r
L
aju himnida
l
gajaq ‘most’
vi o]
‘[It] is
completely white.’
uj oj
u] l}
aju
mam hi niAgAsimnida
Adv.p.
‘[I]
men jo:ta ‘[It]
is
^
men
3
d)
3-A
.
4 4 4 Interrogative Adverbs
.
.
.
Adverbs whose meanings vary according as they occur
jal twinda ‘[He] runs very well.’
and
two such adverbs:
kiga dedanhi kida ‘[He]
is
extremely
tall.’
we ‘why’
V.d.
6*
t}|
Adv.p.
in
the interrogative sentence.
‘by the way, as
dedanhi palli niAijninda
|
‘[She] eats very fast.’
o\
V.p.
you know/ remember’
7f
mtga gajaq jal
71
han't
Adv.p. V.p.
(lit.
‘Who most
well
does
it?’)
‘Who does
it
in
the non-interrogative
sentence.
7|]
\tAke ‘how’ in the interrogative sentence.
‘somehow’
-t*
in the interrogative
non-interrogative sentence (cf. 7.2) are interrogative adverbs. There are
Adv.p. V.p.
7\
V.p.
have eaten very much.’
very good.’
V.d.
u l|-i"
good?’
V.d.
Examples
$4
[he] left for
V.p.
‘very, greatly’
‘extremely, very*
slept too soundly.’
V.p.
Adv.p.
etc.
“II-t-
as Adv.p.
V.d.
v] -7-
cam
much/many’
Examples
balami so/sol bunda
Descriptive Adverbs (Adv.d.)
dedanhi
fairly
‘definitely, clearly’
V.p.
*=-}*]
Adv.p.
Adv.d.
‘quite, fairly’ as Adv.d.
Allin ilgA
‘a'c-
as Adv.p.
as Adv.d.
.’
saqdaqhi ‘remarkably or
m-^v-6-)
V.p.
d|
.
‘very, extremely’ as
jal gala ‘Farewell!’
processive-descriptive
much’ as Adv.p.
etc.
7\A
Some
meanings depending on whether they are used
gweqjaqhi ‘very much’
b]
plenty’
‘in
adverbs.
processive-descriptive
are
adverbs show slightly different
gipi ‘deeply’
ol
‘softly, gently’
manhi
V* °1
4 4 3 Pro cessi ve- Descrip live Adverbs (Adv.pd.)
as processive or descriptive adverbs.
Allin ‘quickly’
‘well, nicely’
.
63
III
in the non-interrogative sentence.
best?’
Examples
s}|
vf
we anona ‘Why
doesn’t [he] come?’
64
Grammar
Korean
wc boadci
hacIo
^
oj fg
<h|
‘How
l KYwill
do
‘You saw
v\ jAijguge AtAke
[it],
by the way.’
4 V. A ~ir M c f
[it]
7o
////<
65
III
Examples
gamnika
eg
you getting to England?’
are
^ ^1
‘I
#c]
7)]
Chapter
e] 3L
-g-
^ *1 -g
of
-
A JA Ogug gibgo bullansAlil boa la
N
N
ke h cbogesimnida
‘Sec England and France.’
somehow.’
-fof*H -g-e-jc): *}cf
°lb-£igogin sa:saIu giligo uahage bull\ja handa
3.4.4. 5.
Sentence Adverb (Adv.zJ
Adverbs which typically occur either at the beginning of a sentence or after
the subject if there is one, and have a reference to a preceding sentence,
whether uttered by the same speaker or by someone else, are sentence
A
adverbs.
sentence adverb which occurs
phonologically by a tentative juncture
g Ana
it
‘but,
in a
sentence
is
usually
melody should be sung slowly and
A -§--§•
n-b
‘And he
marked
y *\
A
gibgo, ginin sauIH tAnadta
1
^1 7 \
5F-b
gamja tonin boliga piljohamnida
H±£-
N
however’
‘[They] need
°l
gilAni ‘therefore’
some potatoes or
dAguna ‘furthermore, on top of
that’
in contrast to that, in spite
b
of that’
3.4.5.
iUke halsu isimnida
this way.’
it
-bb°l
r
‘In
N
barley.’
°lfr ul v \ tonin,
^ 7H
‘Or you can do
harni/mjA ‘furthermore,
ani ‘by the way, why’
ll
gracefully.’
Seoul.’
left
(cf. 2.7).
SI to ‘and, furthermore’
6 K1
Adv.
Adv.
‘This
god, tiAnin undotji bujokada
-t
other words, you lack exercise.’
Sub-classes of Particles
Examples
Particles are divided into the following nine sub-classes according to their
oK^-Sr
giUna, jatjgunin gesog saw Ad) a
4)
‘But the general kept
on
syntactic functions:
fighting.’
(iii)
*3 n0v s8
zlz] L f
nan in giUna silmarjhed'ta
cf
,
S.
‘But
I
(i)
‘Agent Particle’,
‘Conjunctive Particle’,
(ix)
‘Modifying
‘Subject/Complement
(iv)
Particle’,
(ii)
‘Object Particle’,
‘Adverbial Particle’, (v) ‘Vocative Particle’,
(vi)
‘Adjectival Particle’
and
(vii)
‘Sentence Particle’,
(viii)
Particle’.
was disappointed.’
xl o]
‘On top of
dAguna, ainin mogi maltadia
that, the child
was
thirsty.’
3.4.5.
1.
Subject /Complement Particle
The subject/complement particle marks a noun or a nominal phrase either
subject or as complement (cf. 6.2) of a clause: 7 /°] ga/i V/C-form.
as
1
)
3. 4.4.6.
Conjunctive Adverb (Adv.conj.)
Adverbs which may occur
comparable units, or
cally
(i)
as a coordinator
(ii)
at the
between two or more syntactibeginning of a sentence with a reference
to a preceding one, are conjunctive adverbs. Like sentence adverbs, a conjunctive adverb standing at the beginning of a sentence is often marked phonologically by a tentative juncture. The most common conjunctive adverbs
are:
Examples
M-r-^f
b^f namuga
nob'ta ‘The tree
is
high.’
S
o]
bega apida
S2
‘My younger brother has a stomach ache.’
(lit. ‘My brother stomach is sick.’)
«)]
y\
of- sr
cf doijsciji
S,
gi/igo ‘and’ ‘afterward*
Sl'b tonin
‘or’
god ‘namely,
in
other words’
Here and elsewhere the notation ‘V/C-form’ is to be read: ‘Of the two alternant forms sepafirst form occurs after a vowel-final form and the second form after
a consonant-final form. In this case, for instance, ga form occurs after a vowel-final noun and
i form after a consonant-final noun.’
rated by a slant line, the
66
Korean Grammar
Chapter Ul
There are two other particles occurring only as the main subject marker
(cf. 6.3.3):
kesA
and
(cf.
is
A a]
kesA,
which
to
expresses respect
A
K
V
u
'Hi
it
is
(cf.
shown by the speaker
«
AA
mime
to the referent of a
The director
is
3 *&
4
coming.’
‘[He]
N.hon.
°u t!
v\ bjAge
ji
o]
A a]
T ~r
‘[It]
hi °0V *>]
N.hon.
‘making the wall wear
(lit.
Ag.
4 ab\nim kes\ jumusimnida
c]
ipinda
V.caus.
was eaten by a
V.pasv.
cat.’
4 °1 H cf gojaijiege mAgiAdia
7
°1|
1]
Ag.
S
‘[My] father
is
asleep.’
°f °] 3*
csa
sometimes used
is3.
body or
4
a cat eat
Ag.
noun representing a group, social
hwesa ‘company’ or haggjo ‘school’, etc., e.g.
Sfjn <H) a]
uli
‘[She]
S
3.4.5.2.
il
-c-^l
hagkjoesA usirjhcdia
is
V.caus.
dressing a child.’
A <£ cf
‘making a child
(lit.
a:l hike
\api\dta
Ag.
V.pasv.
was caught by an
‘[He]
V.caus.
[it].’
cf aihante ipinda
%} t!
after an inanimate
institution such as
-pe]
made
‘[She]
paint’,
A A A A gojaijiege niAki\dia
4.
\1
cilil
painting the wall’
is
H)
‘Hi
S
AA
V.pasv.
‘[Her] clothes were caught by/in the door.’
Ag.
sajaijnim kesA osimnida
osi gAlliAdia
Ag.
related, e.g.
4
34 X} cf
°1
-hr °fl
one being ke (cf. 3.4.5.3
3. 4. 2. 3. 2) and honorific verbs
particles, the other
which, like honorific nouns
3.4.1. 3. 1.1)
Examples
A esA.
one of the two honorific
3. 4. 5. 4),
noun
<H|
67
to
wear
clothes.’)
adult.’
‘Our school has won.’
Adverbial Particle
3. 4. 5.
Object Particle
Particles
4 he object particle marks a
noun or a nominal phrase immediately preceding
as ‘Object’ of a transitive clause
(cf. 6.3.1): -£/-§- lil/il
V/C-form.
stitute
which may occur after a noun or a nominal phrase and with
an adverbial relational phrase
(cf. 5.3.1)
adverbial particles are further divided into
(i)
it
‘Directive Particles’
and
‘Quotative Particles’ on the basis of their distribution.
Examples
3.4.5.4.I. Directive Particle
#§
caijil
dadanni ‘Did you shut the window?’
The
V.tr.
71
1.
4#
gicalil
modtad(a ‘[He]
could not catch the
directive particles can occur only after a
<H|
/<HM| /
l
I
Particle
he agent particle marks a
a nominal phrase immediately preceding
2.
<H]
°1]
e (after an inanimate noun),
d|
These
ke
ege (after an animate noun),
haute (after an animate noun
(after
gAjiege
3.
in the colloquial style
of speech),
e.g.
beggar’
‘to a
a\
‘Hi
l
_?-c]
N. inanimate),
AdiesA oni ‘Where are you
<H|H]4 egesA ‘from’ (after N.animate),
t
T*
‘H]
‘A
1
1
the king’
Au
an animate honorific noun).
particles occur also as ‘Directive Particles’ (cf. 3.4.5. 4).
‘to
(e)sA ‘at, from’ (after
!
’HI
H)
(°\})a]
as ‘Agent’ in a passive or causative clause (cf. 6.3. 5-6):
‘HI
See
nominal phrase.
'
3H1 waijke
noun or
a
dale to the moon’
?iM|
AA
Agent
noun or
'H|
e/ege/hante/ke\o, toward’,
train.’
V.tr.
3.4. 5.
/
Hi
A
letter
A.
a\
y\
#cf
came from my
3.4.5. 3 tor ihe distribution
e.g.
coming from?’
e.g.
cingu egesA pjAnjiga wadia
friend.’
of these
particles.
con-
are adverbial particles.
The
(ii)
4.
AA A
hantesA ‘from’ (after N.ani.
5. / P-sLlo/ilo
‘to,
toward,
of any
in colloquial style), e.g.
A nugu hantesA olka ‘From whom will
A
5.
Chapter
Korean Grammar
68
V/C-form
as, with, by’
it
ll
1
\];cf
AA
jAijgAjaijUo tAnanda ‘[She]
A *<K°-5. $rA hwejaiji/o pobca ‘Let’s choose
A
A:
A gicato ganda
egelo
6.
A
‘A
*fM]
‘to,
‘[I]
am
going by
come?’
(after N.ina.), e.g.
(a)
/ago (after any quotation ending
Jil
leaving for the station.’
AAA
4] iiL
it
°1 $!-§-
with wood.’
[him] as president.’
train.’
hantelo
ganda
to a horse.’
‘to,
Amma hantelo
y\^\
8.
*LA /
toward’ (after N.ani.
Iosa/Hosa
in
colloquial style),
gala ‘Go to your
‘as’ (after N.ini.)
V/C-form.
\
cj*|-
9.
A/ A
wa/gn-a
AA A
A
‘Shall
11.
12.
^rA
hago
10.
$}
A&
e.g.
‘with’
V/C-form,
aiwa nonda
‘[She]
A
died of
illness.’
playing with a child.’
$$-A JAi CAlAtn heboa ‘Try and
do
as he does.’
noun or
tcmune ‘because (of)’ < tcmun
U^l ape' in front of’ < ap + e
^HI dwie ‘behind’, ‘after’ < dwi -f e
K}]-g-<H]
which are composed of nouns followed by a
4-
hagkjoe gagediago jagsoked'ta
would go to school.’
nominal phrase followed by a vocative particle is syntactically
in a sentence, where it may occur (i)
initially, (ii) immediately after a sentence adverb (cf. 3.4.4.5), if any, or (iii)
finally. The construction N/NP + Vocative Particle, which will be named
‘Vocative Phrase’, is often accompanied by a tentative juncture, or a terminal
juncture in which case it can stand by itself as a minor sentence. Just like the
and a vocative
(cf.
4.3.5), vocative particles distinguish
0
/ oi
A
/ °\
(low plain style)
Zero// V/C-form (high plain or
A
V
ei
medium
style)
jA/ijA V/C-form (formal style)
directive particles such as:
girl’s
name)
balgin dala ‘Bright moon!’
(= a man’s name)
WAnbogi ‘Wonbog!’ (= a man’s name)
doijsu Zero ‘Dongsu!’
t!-^ 0
]
A^A
e
namjuja ‘Nam ju!’ (= a
AA
Tr
cingujA ‘Dear friend!’
'd
‘Darling miss.’)
AA giliun nimijA ‘My dear!’
A bogiorja pa/liwa ‘Bogdong, come quickly!’
(lit.
,
AA
directive particle like
<H]
e.
^-o-°l*
Quotative Particles
The quotativc
particle
may occur after any stretch
sfl^Kl
‘By the way, Bogdong,
AA AAAA
of speech as well as a word
‘By the way,
speech
particle occurring in a sentence agrees in speech style
ani bogiorja,
why
wean gani
don’t you go?’
ani ‘by the way’ Adv.z.
3.4. 5.4. 2.
e.g.
a
A^rA
this.’
compound
a consonant),
A A nan in caijsunilago hamnida
“Changsun” ([People] call me Changsun).’
7}^A^L
°1|
-S-"r
be called
in
Examples
‘It is
may
is
any quotation ending
A / A ju/a V/C-form
e.g.
Besides there are what
namulago handa
with the verb inflectional ending.
HA boda ‘than’,
A HA ^ iboda jAg'ta ‘[That] smaller than
^HA
najboda hwanhada
brighter than daylight.’
is
igAsi/
independent of other sentence elements
styles,
‘as, like’, e.g.
^1-
(after
verb inflectional endings
°1 °VA A A sungjMjhago ijagihalka
we have a word with the policeman.’
A
A °] A *3
vowel except a clause or sen-
3.4.5.5. Vocative Particle
‘with’ (in colloquial style), e.g.
caIa/h
-
in a
^
C^ ’^*
e.g.
is
The
“wood”.’
‘[He] promised that he
jarjgwanilosA ma/hedia ‘(He) spoke as a minister.’
A -8- tfjMiji/osA samaijhessAjo ‘(She)
as a quotation.
jiLgo (after a clause or sentence ending in /a/), e.g.
mummy.’
/ SL5L#] Iosa/Hosa ‘with, by’ (after N.ina.) V/C-form.
*]
Hago
7
A^r
‘My name
e.g.
(c)
7.
AA^
it
V
*o -£°l
paliga malegelo nalla
it
e.g.
AA
M-t-sI-TL
‘[We] call
(/;)
toward’ (after N.ani.),
fly is flying
is
namulo mandiL\dta ‘They made
or sentence and marks
class, phrase, clause,
quotative particle appears in the following three shapes.
tence ending in /a/),
L> A
A^3~
69
III
A ani wcangani bogiorja
why
don’t you go, Bogdong?’
I
Korean
70
Grammar
Chapter
Conjunctive Particle
3. 4. 5. 6.
There are two such
particles which occur either as the coordinator between two or more
nouns or nominal phrases, or as the subordinator between two final clauses,
are conjunctive particles.
sub-classes:
The conjunctive
‘Nominal Conjunctive
(i)
44
particles are divided into further
Particles’
and
(ii)
‘Clausal Conjunctive
Particles’.
The verbs
Particles
The nominal conjunctive particles occur as
more nouns or nominal phrases. There are
two or
three nominal conjunctive par-
of’, 51 s.
hear
moli-
in the final clause
‘to
ho-
!
such
in
‘to see’,
44-n}
(
clause
(-cr)
*}*!)
4
444
show me a book or a newspaper.’
The nominal conjunctive particles, although identical in form to the directive particles wa/gwa and hago (cf. 3.4.5.4.1), and the modifying particle
(cf. 3.4. 5. 9) respectively, are,
however, different from the latter in dis-
tribution as well as in meaning; the nominal conjunctive particles occur
between two or more nouns, and the directive particles and modifying partioccur only after a noun and are not followed by another noun but by
words of other classes such as a verb or an adverb.
cles
‘As you know
4 S 4 4^
a
let
is
us go.’
-g-uf
shining
hega hicinda man(in)
it
is
‘a
teacher and a pupil'
44
SAnscijgwa gadta ‘[They]
left
-4
,
I
am
^3*4-44
busy.’
4 43!^
°F °1
‘As you saw the child was
r
,
3. 4. 5. 7.
The
sipi aiga
apASSO
which typically occur at the end of a sentence are sentence partiThere are two sentence particles: ^.4 gi/jA ‘exclamator’, J8. jo ‘speech
style modulator’. The particle giljA occurs only after a major sentence (cf.
7.1-2), i.e., the one ending in a verb inflected with a final ending (cf. 4.3.5. 1)
and renders it exclamatory. The particleyo occurs after a major sentence endparticles
ing in a verb inflected with -a/- a, -//or -gun of the
or -de of the high plain style
44
medium
vrir
(cf. 4.3. 5. 1.3),
medium speech
and
after
style,
or -ne
any minor sentence,
or high plain speech style to the level of low formal
44
21 4 nali cubsimnida giljA ‘What a cold day
444
22.4
janedo nilgAnne
particles
of which the
occur as the subordinator between two final
subordinate relation to the second.
first is in
‘You have grown old too!’
4 44 4
21 4 uliga gabsida giljA ‘Let us go!’
Z
-f-o]
The clausal conjunctive
giljA
Z
-r e]
leaving with a teacher.’
Clausal Conjunctive Particles
it is!’
~Z
445.
Adv.
(cf. 6.1),
boadta
cles.
44 4 44 SAnscijgwa gaci Unanda
am
daijsini
ill.’
Sentence Particle
with a teacher.’
V
clauses
nali cub'ta
cold.’
style, e.g.
SAnscijgwa hagserj
N
4 aS -4
r
44 °1 5.4444
elevating such
Examples
3. 4. 5. 6. 2.
‘to
etc., e.g.
MP but he was sad.’
44 4 4 44 4 44 4M 4 janega alda sipi nan in bapine
^
‘Please
‘[I]
aware
% did-
‘He became an
sa:lamg\va doijmul ‘man and animal’
‘The referee and a player are quarrelling.’
4 §*§- 5.4
4 °. ccgina sinmunil boj\ jusio
4
be
ginin miniiwAni dwe,\simnida man(in) silp.\simnida
4-r4 ir4 4ir namuwa mulgwa hanil ‘the tree, water and sky’
4 4 s|\jL 4 "r 4
4 simpanhago SAnsuga clatugo iel'ta
na/ina
know,
44 jimjagha- guess’,
44 4 imi nijAsimnida man(in) gabsida
^o]
£.)
processive verbs most
‘to
niki- ‘to feel or realize’,
4444 444-4 44(-&)
Examples
The
al -
are:
‘to
‘Although the sun
‘or’
inflected for the low plain
(cf. 4.3. 3. 1.1. 1.1).
a
be ignorant of’,
already late but
h|
preceding the particle sipi are
and can be
Furthermore, the present time reference for such verbs
^ 5S-S-4 44
n
4 7\
na/ina V/C-form
found
‘It is
‘and’
hago ‘and’
4/°14
mood only.
(of)’, 5.
°1
wa/gwa V/C-form
may occur
expressed by the neutral tense
ticles:
474
that
commonly
the coordinator between
but’
‘as’
limited to a few processive verbs
is
sfjn
sipi
declarative
Nominal Conjunctive
3.4.5.6.1.
particles:
4(tt) man(in) ‘although,
The
71
111
^oy
ou nu:n j
,
Wg a
jC)
Z (medium)
Z
(low-
formal)
snow
is
melting.’
Korean
72
ntj}
*)
Grammar
Chapter
& giman duji jo ‘Why don’t you stop
it?’
Z
The
(low formal)
H '§•'?-&.
l
nali Aclubkun jo it
ing particles
Z (medium)
Z
^ °1
$ Ml iL
A:mne jo ‘There
jAnpili
(high plain)
Z
(low formal)
y\t)]SL sanilo
Z
is
no
pencil.’
meaning
certain
(high plain)
1.
nan in
(low formal)
[as
I
remember].’
ganda
ZL 7 \
‘Quickly?’
Si
jo may occur also within a sentence, after the sentence elesubject, object, complement, etc., especially in women’s speech,
Si jcga jo,
S
^ o]
°t-°lTT-£-
mil gap jo
P
a}]
j>_
‘I
will
nr^] 5L naege nin jusio ‘Give [it] to me (though not to others).’
naege adverbial relational pci.
go tomorrow.’
^4 ankonin
SOP
‘[I]
want to
2.
4
man
is
nominal phrase followed by the adjectival particle is syntactiequivalent to an adjective, i.e., occurs in the pre-nominal position. There
#_v] ccijman boni ‘Are
}
°]
T4
1
°1
A\
}>.
ig\si jimman
nA jj jAnpil ‘your pencil’
/m you’, jAnpil ‘pencil’
(lit.
‘the contents
ncjoij ‘content’
‘pen of you’)
melody of the new
nolc ‘song’, gogjo ‘melody’
‘the
else).’
canda
‘[He] kicks the ball only far (not accurately).’
44^1 ti>
of the book’
cegii ncjoij
sc nolcii gogco
goijil niA/liman
niAlli ‘far’
ccg ‘book’,
sc ‘new’,
dwenda
becomes only a burden (nothing
^44 44
irid
v}] -g-
£}
you reading books only (not newspapers)?*
C
Examples
sj
O
44
^1 ii ‘of’
‘This
H B]
form
concat.
nA/nan gani ‘Are you going alone?’
a
only one such particle:
don’t want to walk).’
S
*iji3
cally
I
‘sitting’
‘only, solely’, e.g.
Adjectival Particle
noun or
sib'ta
down (though
ango /anko/
4 4 44
A
sit
iaininjo, cisi/il jo, si/hAhe jo
‘This child does not like cheese.’
handa
‘[He] speaks well (though not clearly).’
uf<H] >H]^r
7}
kind (though not bright)’
is
Adv.
e.g.
m]
‘[She]
S2
ma:lil jalin
particle
3. 4. 5.8.
not).’
‘[She] eats apples (not pears).’
maim in jo:ta
giga
*44
°1
e.g.
going (though you are
sagwanin niAijninda
Adv.
?]*_£.
am
‘1
O
palli jo
like
,
S
c]-
N
ments
three particles nin/in
meaning of the preceding element.
to the
nin/in V/C-form, emphasis, contrast,
^7-c*
cegjo ‘Book?’
The
first
can also occur after an adverb, an adverbial relational phrase
(cf. 5.3.1), a verb inflected with a concatenating ending (cf. 4.3. 5.3) or even
within a verb stem (cf. 3.4.1. 3. 2.2). The modifying particles modify or add
man and do
gade jo
was going to the mountain,
‘[He]
which are not members of any of the sub-classes described in
members of the sub-class ‘Modifying Particle’. All modifycan occur immediately after a noun or a nominal phrase func-
tioning as subject, object, or complement, and the
(low formal)
Z
Z
particles
3.4.5. 1-8 are the
dark.’
is
Modifying Particle
3.4.5.9.
Z (medium)
Vl 0
73
111
‘
7 }x]
dabaije
man
adv.ph.
to a tea
‘Do you go only
song.’
47
]
vj}
‘[1]
ig- -&}?)]
room
i&-f<*[4 hviji
just did not allow
him
Adv.
gasio
(not elsewhere)?*
man mot age haj\d'ta
to run (though
iwiji concat.
1
form
approved of other things)’
Korean Grammar
74
3.
JL
do
°1-
0 ]~V-
weir,
‘also, too, as
-r-u)
aido uni
‘Is
Chapter
e.g.
10.
‘even
ijecugkudo handa ‘Now
[he]
even plays football.’
°A
palli ‘fast’
apilodo ganda
apilo
y\
cinda ‘She types
Adv.
tajalil pallido
*]
‘It
goes forward
1
SH] jA.imjAijina wanne
/ °1t=**1 dinji/idinji
1.
bj a:lmada nalil bonindid haj\d\a
kaji
^(-*1
from, beginning with’,
e.g.
sajinbutA boa/a ‘Look
at
the photo
Two
3.4.6.
1.
Hi
joca
??
H
up
‘even,
ne
A
to’, e.g.
2J
A
hahnAninin golcijoca apAdta
^1
S2
S,
-M.
‘cr’
°]
-g*
commonly
[unj] or [tu]
°f°k
nnvA [mwA or
//m] ‘what!?’
‘ha ha’ (laughter, pleasure or pity)
im [mm] or
or
[/>/:]
‘min’, ‘yes’
[mmm]
‘hum’, (expression of distaste, sneer)
etc.
‘as for, in particular’, e.g.
ijAijhwajamallo kog boajahanda
3.4.6. 2.
Introductory Interjections
°\ a ‘Ah!’
this film in particular.’
A4
-V.
n
|-
of anything better, even though unsatisfactory’,
AA
e.g.
41
aigu ‘Oh!, Ouch!, Goodness!’
ja/hja ‘Hey!’
A#- jAbo
O
at
the moment).’
now!’
swi ‘Hush!’
A /A
calado masj. \la
‘Have some tea (for lack of anything better
2-
“I
A ja ‘Well,
ef5L lado/ilado V/C-form
‘tor lack
new
(expression of hesitation)
or more
liui]]
^ h\h\
°1
efJL /
The ‘Response
and ‘Introductory
reference, but just initiate a
O
9.
on the basis of
(formal style)
‘Yes’
g1 him [mm]
jamallo/ijamallo V/C-form
‘One must see
class
‘Yes, that’s right’; ‘Really, is that so?’
‘Granny even had a headache.’
°l
word
gilse ‘well, presumably, possibly’
itj
°|-
8.
e.g.
AnigAsidinji sabsida ‘Let us buy anything.’
do not involve such a
a [a or a]
-r-o]
*1
l
no matter what’,
Response Interjections
TM]
u tt
‘any,
gilc ‘Yes’ (plain style)
S
7.
V/C-form
sub-classes are recognized of the interjection
first.’
bulkaji nagadia ‘Even the light has gone out.’
l*
as ten people have come.’
Sub-classes of Interjections
‘even, as far as’, e.g.
L
many
Interjections’ involve a reference to the preceding sentence
O
6.
‘As
O
Interjections’
‘first,
not satisfactory).’
the presence or absence of reference to the preceding sentence.
S
but a
is
form
‘Every star seemed to gaze at me.’
5.
AA A
A ~ ^ A -& *1
‘every, each’, e.g.
^ uf c f A A
it
S
3.4.6.
mada
ufcf
too.’
‘You go (though perhaps
tf swega jallado jinda ‘The iron can also be cut.’
jalla ‘cutting’ concat.
4.
^ °] A
fast too.’
‘to front’ adv.rel.ph.
as’, e.g.
S
O
it?] 5.
d-|
though unsatisfactory, as [much/many]
A A A AA janena gage
°H1
75
A / o] uf na/ina V/C-form
the child crying also?’
S
III
‘Hey, you!’
jAbosejo ‘Hello, you!’
etc.
sentence.
Chapter IV
11
IV
4.2.
STRUCTURE OF THE VERB
STEM
The stem of a verb
is defined as that element which is found first in the verb
and followed by any of the five elements, i.e., voice suffix, honorific
tense suffix, humble suffix or inflectional ending.
structure
suffix,
This chapter deals with the internal structure of verb with a special emphasis
on inflection, by virtue of which verbs play a
Korean syntax.
importance
role of central
Structure
4.2.1.
Verb stems are either simple or compound, and some simple stems
preceded by a
4.1.
The elements
Suffix’,
(iii)
‘Honorific SufTix’,
(vi) ‘Inflectional
and
inflectional
‘Tense Suffix
(iv)
Ending’ occurring
‘Verb Stem*,
(i)
(cs)’, (v)
in that order.
‘Humble
Of these
(ii)
‘Voice
Suffix’
six elements,
of
set
7\ ga ‘to go’
ending are optional elements. The elements directly relevant to syn-
2. o- ‘to
*\ ja- ‘to sleep’
niAg-
-f-
‘to eat’
joh-
‘to
be good’
Qo} jaba
‘Catch
[it].’
<
jab-
‘to catch’ V.st.
etc.
4.2.
1 .
1
.
1
.
+
-a inflx.end.
The
set
prefixed simple stem consists of a verb root
of class-maintaining derivational
1
<
(i)
-as- past t.sfx.
4-
<
+
jab-
*)-£] *]
<>}
<
jab-
£]
A
o]
+
-hi- pasv.vc.sfx.
-a inflx.end.
4
3! jis- ‘at
(ii)
+
]
^
‘[He]
-as- past t.sfx.
+
-a.
(iii)
4
-sao-
humble
sfx.
-si-
captured.’
4-
jidbab-
‘to
violently’, e.g.
trample down’
<
jis
balb- ‘to stamp on’
4-
y*AS- ‘secretly’, e.g.
*]
hon.sfx.
-as-
4
<
jab-
-bnida inflx.end.
-hi-
+
-§-
4-
did-
‘to
hear’
sipAlA- ‘deep blue’
<
si- 4-
p \/ \h-
‘blue’
61- ‘early’, e.g.
-si-
+
oldwe-
‘to
be precocious’
<
ol-
4 dwe-
‘to
become’
-ASges- t.sfx.
(v)
x]
ci- ‘up,
*1 Tl
1
76
j\s-
-a
-g-ir']
4-
<
‘deep, very’, e.g.
si-
^
4-
japisiAdkesaomnida
may have been
random,
^-g- j Adi id-' to overhear’
(iv)
(v)
^
japisiASA ‘[He] has been caught.’
-hi- pasv.vc.sfx.
and a member of the closed
of which the following are
[it].’
japiASA ‘[He] has been caught’
(iii)
(iv)
T
jab-
prefixes,
illustrative.
3! §)
jabasA ‘[He] has caught
(ii)
Prefixed Simple Stem
functions of verbs with
which they are found or external distributions of a clause in which such verbs
occur as predicate. In its minimal form a verb may consist of a stem and inflectional ending, and its maximal form may comprise all six elements, e.g.
(i)
be
come’
no/- ‘to play’
tactic structures
inflectional endings determine various syntactic
may
prefixes.
units.
in-
and functions are (a) verb stem, ( b voice suffix and (c) inflectional ending. Verb stems and voice suffixes determine different types of
predicate (cf. 6.2.1) and consequently different types of clause (cf. 6.3.1), and
closed
Simple stems comprise only one verb root and the majority of verb stems are
simple. The verb root is that part of the verb stem which is not subject to a
further morphemic analysis, i.e., cannot be divided into smaller meaningful
ending are the obligatory elements, one never occurring
without the other. All other elements found between the stem and the
flectional
and
stem
member of the
Simple Steins
4.2.1. 1.
ELEMENTS WITHIN THE VERB
found within the verb are
that are
of the Verb Stem
in
R.
upward’,
cimil- ‘to
e.g.
push up,
to well up’
H. Robins, General Linguistics, 1964,
p.
<
258.
ci- 4-
mil- ‘to push’
Korean Grammar
78
(vj)
*\
ca- ‘greedily, irrationally’, e.g.
x]
A
cAmAg-
<
‘to cat greedily’
Chapter IV
4.2.2. 1
ca -
+ niAg-
‘to eat’
.
1
. 1
Diphthongization
.
In colloquial speech, specially of fast tempo, stem vowels /i/, /o/
etc.
frequently reduced to semi-vowels as
an /a/- or
4.2. 1.2.
Compound Stems
consist of
bosalpi- ‘to look after
S-A
oga-
‘to
come and
uvV gAmbulgbutjab-
vr
‘to
‘to
go’
<
two verb
<
o- ‘to
be dark red’
grab’
<
bo-
<
roots.
‘to see’
+
salpi- ‘to observe
come’ + ga-
g.\m- ‘dark’
but- ‘to stick’
+ jab-
+
‘to
‘to
go’
/a/-initial suffixes
/u/
+
+
/o/
+ /a/
/[/
The compound stems
Stem Classes
In
depending on whether the morphemic forms of
stems are invariable or variable when combining with various verbal suffixes
‘Variable’ sub-classes
The classification of verb stems into V-stems and
C-stems makes it possible to make an economic statement about the way in
which various suffixes are added to stems.
or inflectional endings.
V-Stems
+
/-a/
/-a/
+
/-a/
more
4.2.2. 1.2. Variable
3
bo -
A
count’
All /-final stems, except the
may
follow.
AA jibe ganda
<
<
ga-
‘[I]
-n- t.sfx.
boasimnida
bo- +
-as- t.sfx.
am
+ -da
+
-f
(cf. 4.2. 2. 1.2.2),
appear
in
the
/-
or ending:
s. U- ‘to float*
3
open’
si- ‘to
Jr,
s.\do ‘even if [you] write’
A
s \la ‘Write!’
*1
cf.
\di gao ‘Where are you going?’
A
stems
/A/-initial suffix
use or write’
3 si- ‘to use or write’
3.3
‘[I]
going home.’
inflx.end.
have seen
it.’
ibnida ‘inflx.end.
<
>
si-
+
>
si-
+ -Ado
-a l
sio ‘Please write!’
33 sigo ‘writing’
4. 2.2.1. 2. 2.
°1|
//-final
‘to lock’
‘to tear
Examples
«
as follows:
irre-
gi- ‘to crawl*
etc.
7\3
morphemic shape
Examples
dawn’
A
two
allomorphs when followed by an
nr ju- ‘to give’
‘to see’
°i
involve various changes in
i-dropping Stems
4.2. 2. 1.2.1.
3 so- ‘to shoot’
‘to go’
A\ sc- ‘to leak’ ‘to
more
etc.
the invariable V-stems does not vary,
spective of the suffixes or endings that
A{ se- ‘to
to occur
3. ki- ‘to grow, to be big’
Invariable V-Stems
ga-
/boa/ and /jua/ tend
V-Stems
The variable V-stems
Azl jamgi-
The morphological make-up of
A
> /gjA/ ‘to crawl’
> /bwa/ ‘to see’
> /jwaAo give’
careful speech, however, /giA/,
ti
4. 2.2. 1.1.
/a/
frequently than the diphthongized forms.
less
1.
or ending.
> /jA/
> /wa/
> /wa/
/a/
/bo-/+
/gi-/
catch’
Verb stems are classified into two major classes on the phonological basis:
‘V-Stems’ and ‘C-Stems’. The V-stems end in a vowel and the C-stems in a consonant. And each of the two major classes is further divided into ‘Invariable’
4.2.2.
and /u/ are
are followed by
Examples
/ju-/
and
shown below when they
bulg- ‘red’
etc.
4.2.2.
79
ga-
+
li -final
Stems
-o inflx.end.
The following two //-final stems appear in the allomorphs comprising an
additional /!/ when followed by an /A/-initial suffix or ending:
o)ii
///- ‘to
puli
arrive or reach’
‘to
be blue’
80
Chapter IV
Grammar
Korean
*1-
Examples
HHa on
o|2_s-|
*
o|iL
<
arriving’
do, to say’
‘to
camha-
+
Hi-
ha-
be nice or pretty’
‘to
-
-§**1-
81
<*} ?>\
jA'.nha- ‘to be soft’
^
jAtjha- ‘to decide’
toijha- ‘to pass’
ililAsda/WWAd'ta/ ‘[They] arrived [there].’
etc.
<
///-
cf. y] y]
o] a.
<H]
+ -da
gAgie ilimj An ‘When
-as- past t.sfx.
-f
tg
[you] reach there.’
Examples
< haj- + -a (> he)
camhaj Asda/camhesda ‘[She] was nice.’
-as- past t.sfx. + -da (> camhesda)
haj a/he ‘Do and’
4. 2.2. 1.2. 3.
The
u -dropping Stems
cf
//-dropping stems appear in the
AAinitial suffix or ending. There
is
alloniorphs
//-less
only one verb of
< camhaj-
when followed by an
this type:
^ pit- ‘to draw
<
(water)’.
-f
S- /*<}*)]-£ jAijhajAdo/jAijhedo ‘Even
£)-<*]
jAijhaj
The verb stem dweExamples
in
p \do
pugo
£]:£
cf.
-rJH
4. 2.2. 1.2.4.
Some
1
vfs,
‘even
if
‘drawing’
stems appear
-Ala
draw
boneA
< pu +
-go
4. 2.2. 2.
become’ also has the coalesced form
allomorphs when followed by an
in //-final
/a/-
The
^ s.
bu ip
*1
cili- ‘to pierce’
hili- ‘to flow’
y}*L gali- ‘to divide’
o] e.//i- ‘to
41
l0 carry’
4
l0 call’
be early’
dweA
bone
do not involve any change
in
shape
in
combining with
cij- ‘to tear’
bAS-
‘to
take
SAk-
‘to
mix’
niAg-
^
sim-
‘to
sow’
ib- ‘to wear’
‘to eat’
olf, to
undress’
*]
jAg-
‘to
be small’
etc.
Examples
Examples
bullAla ‘Call [him].’
bitlL\SA ‘call [him]
-r-^T! bulimjAn
vowel
(see 4.3. 0.2)
is
‘if
bull-
and’
<
is
+
buli-
[you] call [me]’
the verb stem
in
<
<
°]
-Ala
+
+ -mjAn
o or a the a allomorph of the a /
,
^U
*§*
-asa
buli -
^ -§* v\
^>7
5/7/7
igAsil ciji/ka ‘Will [he] tear this?’
simni ‘Are you sowing seeds?’
jibi jAggun ‘The house
^3 °]
form
1
4.2.2. 2. 2. Variable
is
small.’
C-Stems
used: S.&. moti- ‘not to know’, -§*£} molla.
The variable C-stems involve various changes
4.2.2. 1.2.5.
for
Invariable Q-Stems
invariable C-stems
pali- ‘to be fast’
If the last
dwe
for instance,
‘to send’.
etc.
cf.
in,
C-Stems
4.2.2.2.I.
^
^
^
<
it].’
[water]’
or ending:
na p.
‘to
colloquial language, and similar coalescences occur
for
decide [on
various suffixes or endings:
cali- ‘to cut’
Jut
+
pi-
[you]
-doubling Stems
//-final
initial suffix
<
p\la ‘Draw!’
ifle]-
if [1]
+ -Ado (> jAijhedo)
in
shape as follows:
ha -Stem
4.2.2.2.2.I.
The verb stem ha-
‘to do, to say’
and
all
1
-dropping Stems
other verb stems ending in ha- have
the allomorph haj- occurring before a / -initial suffixes or endings, and the
All /-final verb stems
form that occurs after the haj- or haj- final verbs is A-form according to the
rule of vowel harmony (cf. 4.3). The sequence ajA of haj a sometimes coalesces into r, thus giving rise to he. However the full form haj a is used more
often in a slow and formal style of speech as well as in written language, and
the coalesced form rin colloquial language.
by a
suffix
appear
zb gad- ‘to plough’
ad- ‘to know*
^
in the /-less
allomorphs when they are followed
/s/, /b/ or /o/:
or an ending which begins with /n/,
gA.i- ‘to
hang’
^ nal- ‘to
^ mal- ‘to roll or stop’
fly’
pal- ‘to
sell’
etc.
Korean Grammar
82
Chapter IV
Examples
83
4.2.2.2.2A b -final Stems
‘Do you know?’ < a:l- + -ni
a:sio ‘Do you know?’ < a:l- +
a:ni
oJ-l)
oj-x]
a:bnida
4
[
4
[I]
know.’
<
a:l- -F
<
+
-o
know.’
I ]
a:l-
hon.sfx.
+
-o
/?-final
<
a:lado ‘though
[I]
nub-
A#
+ -go
<
know’
//-final
allomorphs occurring before a
V-initial suffix
-bnida
-s*
a:/-
stems have
or ending:
7
a:lgo ‘understanding’
cf.
Some
-si-
a:l-
A
+ -ado
‘to lie
gakab
gib ‘to
down’,
-fr
dob-
‘to help’
be near’, ifrgubmend or darn’
‘to
‘to grill’
etc.
Examples
Stems
4.2.2. 2. 2.2. s -dropping
5-°- A
Some
s-fmal verb stems appear in the s-less allomorphs
lowed by a
they are fol-
doumjAn
‘If
^
build’
gis- ‘to
Notice that
draw or mark
i:s- ‘to
j\:s- ‘to stir’
[a line]’
cf.
-§•
JL
dobgo
dob- + -inika
dobse
jida" Build
jMa
*]
A
‘in
[it].’
<
+
jis-
order to build’
<
jiasa ‘building and’
will help.’
‘Let us
<
When forms beginning with a/a are added to verb stems with a //-final allomorph, ua is regularly contracted to wa: yr nub- ‘to lie down’, -YA]////wa;
and it the vowel before the -b-/-u- is a or o the allomorph a of a / is used (and
the Korean spelling adapted accordingly):
-.\la
+
jis-
//s-
A -b A jisninda ‘[He] is building
A A Jtsja ‘Let us build [it].’
+
-Ua
-asa
[it].’
AA gakab- ‘to be near’
-h~
If thes-less
allomorph ends
in the
dob-
‘to help’
/-final
allomorphs occurring when followed by a
V-initial suffix or ending:
^
A
did- ‘to hear’
A
gA.d-
‘to
walk’
-|-
mud-
‘to
ask’
kcdad-
A
dowa
A° \naa
Stems
stems have the
5-
y
4.3.
Some //-final
AAA gakawa
vowel a the a allomorph of the a/x form
used: \tnas- ‘to be better’,
4. 2. 2. 2. 2. 3. di-final
< dob + -go
< dob- -f -//
help.’ < dob + -se
‘helping’
‘[I]
Examples
c
<
is
%rA dobji
is
dob- + -imjAn
when
C-form)
(initially
etc.
(see 4.3)
<
the stem dob- is realized as dou-, the following ending
automatically replaced by the V-form since the stem is no
longer a C-final stem, i.e., dob- + - imjAn > dou- + -mjAti.
connect’
A bus- ‘to pour’
cf.
[you] help’
_V.Au] v} dounika ‘Because [you] help [me]’
V-initial sulTix or ending:
A jis- ‘to
•3-
when
understand or
‘to
realize’
VERB SUFFIXES AND INFLECTIONAL ENDINGS
Following the description of verb stems in 4.2, verb suffixes and inflectional
endings arc discussed in this section. In connection with the discussion of
verb suffixes and inflectional endings in the succeeding sections and subsections, the following general points
relevant to all suffixes
sid- ‘to load’
1.
and
may
be
made
at
the outset, as these are
inflectional endings.
V/C-form
etc.
mul\la
‘Ask!’
mulimjAii
mudgo
^rA mudja
-g-_V.
here are
suffixes
cally conditioned
-g~o)e]-
cf. -g-jl
some
and inflectional endings which have two phonologiforms or allomorphs, the one occurring after a stem or a
stem plus suffixes ending in a vowel, and the other after a stem or a stem plus
suffixes ending in a consonant. All such two-form suffixes or inflectional endings will be represented by the notation ‘V/C-form’, which stands for ‘PostVocalic Form’ and ‘Post-Consonantal Form’ as in
I
Examples
-s-
< mud-
‘If [he]
asks’
4 -Ala
-
< mud- +
‘asking’
‘Let us ask.’
muddolog
‘So that [he] asks’
imj\n
A
/ SLX] -m7-ini V/C-form
Korean Grammar
84
where
-ni
and
the V-form
is
iiM boni
^i]
‘As
[1]
see
jabini ‘As
-ini the
C-form,
< bo +
grab [it] <
[it]’
-ni
1
[I]
some
Chapter IV
c.g.
4.3. 1.1.
V-form
+
-ini
The
C-form
Passive Voice Suffix
passive voice suffix
found only with a
is
phonologically conditioned allomorphs:
two phonologically conditioned forms, V-forms and C-forms, as explained earlier (cf. 3.4.5. and footto be noted that
is
It
85
transitive verb
stem and has four
-hi-, (iii) -//-
(i) -/-, (ii)
and
(iv) -gi- m
particles also have
(i)
-/-
after stems ending in p,
t,
k, h, V,
e.g.
1
< d\p- ‘to cover’ + -/&°] hulti- ‘to be hackled’ < hub- ‘to hackle’ + -/ti °] kwki- ‘to be broken’ < k.\k- ‘to break’ + -/*l °l sahi- ‘to be piled up’ < sah- ‘to pile up’ + -/d \pi-
note there).
2 a/\-form
.
Some
suffixes and inflectional endings have two different forms or allomorphs, the selection of which is conditioned not by the V/C-form contrast
of the preceding element but by the type of vowel found in the preceding
syllable,
by vowel harmony
i.e.,
believed to have been extensive
century Korean,
now
is
and regularly observed
or
-
which
is
^
niAghi- ‘to be eaten’
the two forms of a two-form suffix or inflec-
when
a-form occurs when the preceding vowel
the preceding vowel
to this vowel
harmony
is
haj Ala ‘Do
H
rule
is
the past tense suffix
(iii)
(cf. 4.3.3), e.g.
it.’
"e
it.’
<
so-
jUASAdo ‘[He] gave
[it]
but’
sl-SSH-S- hajASAcfo ‘[He] did
[it]
but’
is
a tendency
+
-as-
and /bad\do/
(iv)
+ -Ado
+ -as- + -ac/o
<
< haj- + - as- + -Ado
e
l
stems
-hi-
+
‘to close’
+
‘to eat’
’
<
koj-
-hi-
-hi‘to insert’
+
-hi-
(cf. 4.2. 2.2.2. 3),
<
be drawn’
(4.2.2.1.2.4)
and
after the
e.g.
kil- ‘to
draw’
-//-
-f
< /m:/- ‘to earn’ + -//buffi- ‘to be called’ < buli- ‘to call’ + -//diffi- ‘to be heard’ < did-/dil- ‘to hear’ + -//\:lli-
nowadays
to use the
‘to
be earned’
just as
‘even
is
n, s,
c and nh,
e.g.
S7
kinhgi- (/kin ki-/)
if
Voice Suffix
gamgi
m,
in
-^ 7 1
x
com-
stems ending
< gam- ‘to wind’ + -giangi ‘to be embraced’ < an- ‘to embrace’ + -gipcasgi- ‘to be snatched’ < peas- ‘to snatch’ + -gicocgi- ‘to be chased’ < coc- ‘to chase’ + - gi
° \7]
A-form rather
it!’ is
-gi- after
'$?]
ju-
you receive it’ as /bada do/.
In the following discussion of suffixes and inflectional endings, details
concerning each element are given as follows: (i) its membership, (ii) any restrictions on its distribution with verb stems, (iii) any restriction with other
non-stem elements and (iv) some examples.
as /jabala/,
voice
< dad< niAg-
and /-doubling stems
-H- after /-final stems
tf-final
b
soasAcio ‘[He] shot but’
1
<
4: 3. 1.2.
kinh-
‘to
‘to
be wound*
‘to
disconnect’
be disconnected*
+
- gi-
Causative Voice Suffix
The
causative voice suffix may be found with any type of active verb stem,
processive (both transitive and intransitive) or descriptive, with the exception
ol the copula verb /- ‘to be’, and has the following phonologically conditioned allomorphs: (i) -//-, (ii) -/-, (iii) -gi- (iv) -hi-, (v) -//-, (vi) -hi-/-hu-.
a three-term system: ‘Active Voice’, ‘Passive Voice’ and ‘Causa-
Of
unmarked, and the passive and
The passive and causative voice suffixes are mutually exclusive and only one voice suffix, passive or
causative, is found with the verb stem at a time.
tive Voice’.
be closed’
‘to
^•^1 kojhi- (/ koci /) Vo be inserted
it.’
In colloquial speech there
The
+
carry [on the back]’
ii'Sj ki/li- ‘to
than a-form even after the /a/ vowel. Thus, /jabAla/ ‘Catch
4.3.1.
e.g.
-os-Aas-, o/a -form
&
mon
‘to
(/b(w)e-/, /b[o]-/ or /bi-/)
/a/, /u/, /i/, /e/, /e/, /§/
always followed by A-form and not a-form
niAgAla 'Eat
Ab
-/-
be carried [on the back]’
‘to
^*1
jabala ‘Catch
ef
Abhi-
+
‘to see’
in b, d, g, j,
dadhi-
in
-ala/- Ala, a/A- form
$}•<*]
stems ending
s|
bo-
0*^1
The only exception
as-/-AS -,
-hi- after
be seen’
not only very restricted but also rather loose in appli-
/a/ or /o/, and A-form
/j/.
‘to
<
tional ending, designated V//A-form’,
is
<
-&°1 boi
the fifteenth-
modern Korean. Of
cation in
(ii)
The category of vowel harmony,
rules.
be covered’
‘to
these three, the active voice
causative voice are
marked by
is
relevant voice suffixes.
(i)
-u- after
stems ending
h ]-t- bin- ‘to empty’
*11-?-
<
sen-
‘to
sc- ‘to
keep
in
<
i
or
e,
-
bi ‘to be
vigil* (lit. ‘to
dawn’ +
-u-
e.g.
empty’
+
-u-
cause dawn to break’)
Grammar
Korean
86
-/-
(ii)
in
ending
after stems
g
<
cui- ‘to cause
niAgi- ‘to feed, to
-g/- after
<
on
cause
/ftfg/- ‘to
+
make
make
A
SAghi- ‘to cause
•^•^1
mughi-
in
<
/?,
<
&A
-
-f
In actual constructions, however, their voice status is easily determined by the
presence or absence of object(s), since passive verbs occur without an object
whereas causative verbs occur with one or more objects (cf. 6.3. 5-6), e.g.
-/-
Ig
^°1
...
to
i0
-o
<
and
<
to decay’
...
<
<
bAS
+
lid- ‘to graze’
mat-
undress’
‘to
+
Not
-gi-
+
-
gi
- gi
g-final stems, e.g.
+
be wide’
SAg-
read’
-/?/-
+
-hi-
decay’
‘to
< mug-
some d- final stems
+
<
all
A T
A:AA /joijilil nallinda/
-r
majhi-/majhu-
< maj^*1
<
It
nij
‘to
+
be slow’
i.e., -/-,
-hi-,
verb stems
- gi -
and
‘to stay [idle]’
(cf.
+
4.2.2.2.2.3)
-hi-
and some
fly’
+
+
-li-
-//-
active verb stems can be suffixed by the passive and/or causative
Honorific Suffix
4.3.2.
V/C-form, which may be found
suffix, with the exception of the
honorific verb stems, which already have the honorific element built into them
(cf. 3.4.1. 3. 1.1). The class meaning of the honorific suffix is the ‘Respect’ shown
There
is
only one honorific
AAA
-//-
gasinda ‘[He]
AA A A
[something] correct’
‘[It] is
Abhinda
‘[She]
-]
jab-
AA
‘to
going.’
<
ga-
+
‘If
-hi- pasv.vc.sfx.
A £] A A
+
go’
‘to
daijsini jabhisimjAn
capture’
?]:*]•#
is
+
-si-
<
^
you are captured.’
-si-
+ -mj\n
iisaga hwanja/il sa/lisiAsda
Consequently some
sal- ‘to live’
AS-
<
+
-li-
caus.vc.sfx.
jibisibsio ‘Please pick
jib ‘to pick up’
+
-
isi
+
-
+
[it]
-si-
+
-as- past t.sfx.
on
shows
+ -da
up.’
bsio
active verb stems, transi-
occurring with one of these
carried
occurs,
‘The doctor has saved a patient.’
down’
passive voice suffixes are identical in
seen.’ or ‘[He]
‘[It] is
it
+ -nda
homophonous
when
4.3.3.
Tense Suffixes
There are four basic tense suffixes and one retrospective tense
e.g.
T boinda
A
suffix, -si-/-isi-
by the speaker to the subject of a clause or sentence in which
passive/causative suffixes are indistinctive as to passivity/causativity
they occur alone,
caus.
However, those active verb stems lacking the suffix-derived pascan still have the passive/causative voice formed to some extent by means of auxiliary verbs in a phrasal form (cf. 3.4.1. 3. 2,
- hi-/-hu
-li-.
in particular,
-
as meanings.
-hi-/-hu-
noted that some causative and
is
form,
tive
+
be correct’
‘to
the paper.’
many active stems which are not
paired by the passive and/or causative counterparts formed with relevant
voice suffixes. A good dictionary should give full details of such verbs, as well
<
/ ^^(•^r-T-) n\}hi-/n\jhu- ‘to slow
flies
with any verb stem or a verb stem plus a voice
mil- ‘to
‘to get
‘[He]
5.2.1. 1.2.3).
...
/
pasv.
voice suffixes, and consequently there are
-hi-/-hu- after /-final stems, e.g.
^*]
—
-hi-
(cf. 4. 2.2. 1.2.4), e.g.
ul- ‘to cry’
l
°]
(vi)
seen.’
is
boinda ‘[He] shows a book.’ — caus.
AA/jorjiga nallinda/ The paper is flown.’ — pasv.
sive or causative counterparts
make ... cry’
walk’ < gA:d- ‘to walk’ + -//make
‘to make ... flow or drop’ < hili- ‘to flow’ +
‘to
+
undertake’
-/?/-
ilg- ‘to
<
‘to
some
after
lie idle’
<
&A *4 /ccgi boinda/ ‘The book
^ °]
to remain’
...
gi
n,\lb- ‘to
ulli- ‘to
hilli-
+
gi
[something]’
nalli- ‘to fly
I
-f
‘to eat’
5, e.g.
ib- ‘to wear’
after /-final stems,
l
niAg -
flies it.’
/cegil
to read’
...
cause
‘to
/-doubling stems
e gAlli-
/,
make
to undress’
...
stems ending
%]*} ilghi- ‘to
T*
tf,
to undertake’
...
ibhi- ‘to clothe’
A
<
to graze or pluck’
...
V3*l nAlbhi- ‘to widen’
'e
-
[shoes]’
cause
‘to
bASgi- ‘to
-hi- after
AA
in /w, w,
remain’
cu- ‘to dance’
to eat’
...
-i-
shoes.’
flown.’ or ‘[He]
‘[It] is
87
are put on.’ or
makes [someone] put on
nallinda
cause [someone] to put on [shoes]’
sin- ‘to put
matgi-
A
make
behind, to
‘to leave
‘to
<
to dance’
...
stems ending
namgi-
< nam-
-li-
^ A A singinda ‘[Shoes]
or after those ending
+
Z?o- ‘to see’
A°]
>y 7] singi- ‘to
(v)
c,
/,
‘[She]
^°1
^•7)
(iv)
vowel other than
in a
e.g.
,
2i°l boi ‘to show’
(iii)
Chapter IV
(i)
[it].’
the back.’ or
makes [someone] carry [someone] on
Basic Tense Suffixes
(a)
the back.’
Zero
(b) -n-/-nin-
and present tense
V/C-form, present tense
neutral
suffix:
e.g.
Korean Grammar
88
-as-/- as-
(c*)
Chapter IV
a/A-form, past tense
89
Direct Tense
future tense
(d) -ges-
Compound
Simple Tense
( i
i
Retrospect i ve Tense Suffix
)
The
(b) Present
-di-/-d.\-
(e)
may be reduplicated and/or combined with
give the compound tense suffixes as follows:
past tense suffix -as-/- as1.
future tense suffix -ges to
(/)
-asAS-/-ASAS-
(g)
-asges-/-ASges-
(/?)
asASges-/-ASASges-
The
Neutral Tense
(a)
may combine
(b) Past Progressive
(c)
Past Tense
(c)
(d)
Future Tense
(d) Past Progressive
(e)
Past Perfect Tense
the
with any tense suffixes ex-
(/)
Past Presumptive Tense
(g)
Past Perfect Presumptive Tense
Retrospective Tense
cept the present tense suffix -n-/-nin-. Restrictions on the distribution of the
tense suffixes with verb stems and other suffixes will be described in the rele-
Simple Tense
vant sections dealing with the tense system.
(a)
Present Retrospective Tense
(b) Past Retrospective
(d) Past
Korean
The category of tense
in
‘Retrospective Tense’.
The
two major types,
falls into
direct tense, or
‘Direct Tense’
Presumptive Retrospective Tense
and
Compound
simply ‘Tense’ for short, refers to
On
Tense
Future Retrospective Tense
(c)
Tense System
4.3.3.
Future Progressive
Presumptive
V/C-form, past perfect tense
V/C-form, past presumptive tense
V/C-form, past perfect presumptive tense
retrospective suffix -di-/-dA-
Tense
Tense
Present Progressive
(a)
Tense
the other hand, the
(a)
retrospective tense refers always to a past event as reflected by the speaker and,
(b)
Present Progressive Retrospective Tense
Future Progressive Retrospective Tense
(c)
Past Progressive Presumptive Retrospective Tense.
1.1.
Direct Tense
the actual time of the action or event denoted by verbs.
in the interrogative sentence,
by the addressee,
at the
time of utterance,
e.g.
Direct Tense
4.3.3.
rr°l
H-°]
#c
Ir 0 l
_$_^1
l-
bond onda ‘Spring comes.*
bond oasda ‘Spring came/has come.’
bond oni ‘Is spring coming?’
Simple Tense
4.3. 3. 1.1.1.
4.3. 3. 1.1. 1.1.
Retrospective Tense
-g-ol
|r °
JLt]
£}•
1
If °]
-§-^]
v\
The
bond odAla ‘Spring came [1 remember].’
bond oasdAla ‘Spring had come [I remember].’
bond obdika ‘Was spring coming [as you recall]?’
Tense, direct or retrospective,
is
either simple or
compound according
to
manner in which it is formed. The simple tense is formed with the tense
suffixes and the compound tense is constructed with an auxiliary verb. In
words,
Korean tense
represented at two different
iliary
verb construction
at
is
levels;
in
at the
the syntactic (phrase) level. All
are constructed with the auxiliary verb
are
all
progressive tenses.
two different ways and
word level, and by aux-
constructed
by suffixation
is-
tenses
‘progressive tense formative’
The complete system
below to serve as a point of reference for
compound
ol
Korean tense
later discussion.
its
mood
the
other
neutral tense lacks any time reference and
cial styles as
and
is set
that
Neutral Tense
occurrence
It
used exclusively
is
morphologically unmarked
restricted to processive verbs suffixed by
style’ (cf. 4.3. 5. 1.4.1).
gada
be big’,
y\v\
aA
]
cf
gada
°H
in
‘to go’,
uj-
niAgda
‘to eat’, etc.,
the present tense form
It
in
such spe-
-da ‘declarative
should be noted
malgda
‘to
‘to go, [I]
be
4. 3. 3. 1.1. 1.2.
whereas
all
descriptive
(cf. 4.3. 3. 1.1. 1.2), e.g.,
Fiv\ kida
clear’, etc., e.g.
go/went.’
<
ga-
‘to
go’
+
-da
*fc]- jA.Isi ejada ‘[1] sleep/slept at ten.’
and
out
is
processive verbs are listed in Korean dictionaries in the neutral tense
e.g.
verbs are listed
‘to
is
diary, poetry, etc.
ending of the low plain speech
all
lorm,
monologue,
Present Tense
Present tense suffix: -n-/-nin- V/C-form, Zero
<
ja-
‘to sleep’
+ -da
90
Korean
Grammar
Chapter
The present tense is formed in two different ways according to the type of
verbs and inflectional endings involved: (i) processive verbs occurring with
-da ending form the present tense with the present tense suffix -n-/-nin-\ (ii) all
descriptive verbs as well as those processive verbs occurring with an inflectional ending other than -da
form the present tense with Zero. The present
tense has present time reference, and with processive verbs it may indicate
‘present progressive’ or, when accompanied by an adjunct of future time, it
has future time reference,
Future Tense Suffix:
masi-
SItt L
'a °1
is
A
-2.
-r A y\
d)
‘We
will
warm.’
^
d| 7 \
(b)
-da
-
past tense
(a) ‘simple past’,
as/-A's -,
a/A-form
first
per-
$f
‘I
will
do
it.’
uliga n eil sages i bnida
buy [it] tomorrow.’
nega m \ggesni ‘Will you
eat it?’
darjsindili gida/igeso ‘Will
you wait
[for it]?’
c) y\
u fwimAn ig a OCi osigesda
.g.
g
‘Granny might come soon.’
o)\
^-31-g-c) cf haggjoe n ijgesibnida
‘You/he may be late for school.’
}.
A gicaga nijgesibnika
A AA
d] °d
formed with the past tense suffix -#$-/- as- and represents
completion of an action or event in the past, always with
is
SHI
i.e.,
the train going to be late?’
‘Is
$-g-c| cf gibuni johisigesibnida ‘You
may
be feeling
fine.’
adjunct of past time reference,
i.e.,
continuation to the
Vi °1
°1
‘I
unaccompanied by an
if
IrSt^ 0 Alien) gili jobasda ‘The road was narrow
‘This llower
A
was red (yesterday).’
A jagnjAne boasibnida
$ -g- e] cf
-g-
did the
work
last
(before).’
(Aje) ikoci bulgAsibnida
&AZA
A A d|
it
‘I’ll
is res-
tomorrow’
bind
it
at night’
Past Perfect Tense
o/aAouu
Past perfect tense suffix: -asas-/- asas-,
past perfect tense refers to (a) ‘remote past’ or ‘past-past’,
completion of an action or event
=£ °]
it
to the suffix -ges-, e.g.
AA A neil halida will do
£) A bame mukilida
4.3. 3. 1.1. 1.5.
The
(*i *$)
compared
e.g.
Simple Past
(°j *fl)
also a future tense suffix representing ‘intentive future’ but
when accompanied by an
adjunct of past time reference, (b) present perfect,
present time of the past event, with processive verbs
*[I]
and represents
sentence with a
in the interrogative
r u| ef
tricted in distribution
descriptive verbs but, with processive verbs, only
*1
suffix -ges- y
in the declarative
Presumptive Present or Future
-fi/ili- is
A'&A
occurs
Past Tense
Past tense suffix:
(a)
it
nega hageso
a}
A^r°)
The
when
A AA *}.$_
AAkk °l
-
4.3.3. 1.1. 1.3.
formed with the future tense
is
Intentive Future
d]
< dAb- ‘to be warm’ + Zero 4* -sibnida
hanili pulida The sky is blue.’
A^°] nr
< puli- ‘to be blue’ 4- Zero + -da
A sbA sega unda ‘The bird is singing.’ < id- ‘to sing’ 4- -n- +
44-g- A^rA sagwalilniAgninda ‘[He] is eating an apple.’
< niAg- ‘to eat’ 4- -nin- 4- -da
A °a A \i A A neil tAnabnida i am leaving tomorrow.’
< i Ana- ‘to leave’ 4- Zero 4- -bnida.
S. $-A to oji i will come again.’ < o ‘to come’ + -Zero 4- -ji
ge's -
sentence with a second person
pronoun as subject, (b) presumptive present or future otherwise, e.g.
(a)
A nali d.\bsibnida it
]
-
son pronoun as subject or
giga midi l masinda ‘[He] drinks water.’
drink’ 4- -n- + -da
‘to
he future tense
(a) ‘intentive future’
AAA
A
<
e.g.
91
Future Tense
4. 3. 3. 1.1. 1.4.
I
II
jinandale
ilil
expressed or implied,
saw
it
last year.’
(a)
it is
i.e.,
[the
time earlier than some past time, either
the verb involved
is
processive or descriptive, (b)
‘simple past’ with descriptive verbs, in which case
except that
‘[I]
when
at] a
it
somewhat more emphatic than the
is
similar to the past tense
latter, e.g.
Past- Past
hesibnida
hanguge gasAsda
had gone/has been to Korea (and is here now).’
A A hanguge gasda
‘[He] has gone to Korea (and is there now).’
cf
d|
month.’
‘[He]
(b) Present Perfect
cf.
A
A
AAfrAA
$8
u
Tfr
-vrA
‘[He] has
had
ilil
sinmunil boasibnida ‘I have seen the paper.’
hesibnida ‘I have done the work.’
°f
his
supper [and
is full].’
A *1 A
-$.£!<£!
‘Uncle had
babil niAgAsibnida
cf. of
A *] A
A ajAsiga osjASAsda
come (and
is
not here now).’
A ajAsiga osj xsda ‘Uncle has come (and
is
here now).’
Korean Grammar
92
§* a]
sf
?|
<*}
^
?r
MT
W0651 jAm nj a h asj.\s<\sibn ida
The
‘[Mother] had been very worried (not now).’
-g* a]
u f mobsi jAtnnjAhasjAsibnida
^^
cf.
93
Chapter IV
past perfect presumptive tense has the
perfect tense but in addition
it
same time
reference as the past
expresses ‘presumption’: (a) past-past pre-
sumptive and (b) simple past presumptive,
e.g.
‘[Mother] has been worried/
4s] ?\
°1
(a)
tr]
d\ gilASAsibnida ‘This bridge was longer
idaliga gijAtien
Past-past Presumptive
hanguge gasASgesda
before.’
of*]
(b)
Simple Past
§“ °1
U1
*1
o] vd
midi
cam
#
c]
uf
/;;////
d.\ wasasji
o]
dAWAsda ‘The water was very
a////
i\ /d
c
Zl
gone
to Korea.’
T
‘[Mother] might have been worried.’
‘The water had been/was very hot.’
cf. -g*°]
*| 7f
-g- a]
‘[He] might have
21T ajAsiga osj xsxsgesda ‘Uncle might have come.’
mobsi j unnj. \hasj. \SASgesibnida
vSfrM
hot.’
^
cfc]7f
d a gibssAsibnida
j Alien in
idaliga
‘This bridge might have been longer before.’
4.3. 3. 1.1. 1.6. Past
Presumptive Tense
(b)
Past presumptive tense suffix: aL21 /
The
-asges-/-ASges- % a/a- form
same time
past presumptive tense has the
but in addition
it
tt°]
‘t!
4.3. 3. 1.1. 2.
d°l
‘The road
(j Alien) gi/i
£°]
T
-?V
This flower may have been
?|uj
^ -3* U T
oil
1
$ 2}
‘[He] might have
(b) Present Perfect
31
‘You
21 -S~
^
m-S'M
(before).’
first
there
is
l|
progressive tenses, are formed by
(cf. 5.2. 1.1.2).
red (yesterday).’
4.3. 3. 1.1. 2.1.
Present Progressive Tense
-a-
it
V.st.
last year.’
M T j inundate i/il
done the work
last
It
csgesibnida
+ -go
°\ u
month.’
<
isda
4.3. 3. 1.1. 2. 2.
M T sinmun il bosjASgesibnida
V.st.
seen the paper.’
T babil mAgAsgesibnida ‘He may have had
his supper.’
+
is-
pres.t.sfx.
SiT acimil niAggo isda
+ Zero t.sfx. + -da
-§•
is-
‘[He]
is
having breakfast.’
Past Progressive Tense
+ -go
is-
^•o]
-9-ji
+
<
past t.sfx.
[
is-
+
*1
numi ogo
is^xsji ‘It
-as- past t.sfx.
+
was snowing.’
-ji
person pronouns never occur with the past presumptive tense unless
in the
ing in -mjAn
l
all
with proccssive verbs or processive verbal phrases
isAsji
The
which are
(Aje) ikoci bulgASgesibnida
Presumptive
may have
n
-a
a3
tenses,
jagnjAne boasgesibnida
‘[You] might have seen
*1
Tense
two-verb verbal phrases consisting of a verb inflected with the concatenating
ending -go and the auxiliary verb is-. The compound tense is possible only
jobasgesda
may have been narrow
J
°1
)
(
Compound
The four compound
7
<3!)
$ t] nnt u cam dA\vAS,\sgesji
may have been very hot.’
expresses presumption: (a) ‘past presumptive’, (b) ‘present
Past Presumptive
(
if
‘The water
reference as the past tense
perfect presumptive’, e.g.
(a)
Simple Past Presumptive
7\
‘If
same sentence a non-final adverbial clause such
as the
one end-
4. 3. 3.1. 1.2.3.
Future Progressive Tense
‘if’, e.g.
LT°- ld
m u f nega gasimjAn, nado gasgesda
TS.
you had gone,
1
might have gone
too.’
V.st.
+ -go
is-
4-
Like the future tense, the future progressive tense represents “‘intentive future” progressive’
4. 3. 3. 1.1. 1.7.
Past Perfect
Presumpti ve Tense
Past perfect presumptive tense suffix: -asASges-/-ASASges- , a/A-form
fut. t.sfx.
and “‘presumptive present or future”
‘Future Tense’, 4.3.3. 1.1.4., for details).
4] ?\
‘I
^ -§*
will
31
nega ccgil
be reading a book.’
ilgo isgesda
progressive’ (see
94
$ cf jMjgugilo ogo
^
‘[He]
may be on
way
his
Chapter IV
Grammar
Korean
isgesda
Hi
4-
V.st.
go
-
Past Progressive Presumptive Tense
‘[She]
iSASgesibnida <
is-
4-
T
-Asges- past presump.t.sfx.
retrospective tense
mood
adjectival
is
of the low plain speech style
and adverbial clause
(cf. 4.3.5.1.4.1-2)
as well as in the
(cf. 6.4.2-3).
1
recall].’
do not occur with the
past retrospective tense, e.g.
Hi ir A A *niAliga ca/bAsibdida
A
niAliga calbibdida ‘[His] hair
can occur with the past retrospective
mood
A &A
4.3. 3. 1.2. 1.3.
The
was short
[I
recall].’
tense, e.g.
had become short
recall].’
[I
future retrospective tense, formed by adding to verb stems with the future
u]
of the low plain style
(cf. 4.3. 5. 1.3.2).
ir 0
Therefore,
forming part of the retrospective tense system along with the retrospective
and three compound retrospec-
y\
-2.2U-]
siJL
^]
°]
biga ogesdAla
like raining
?!
[I
[I
e.g.
recall].’
would run too
midi cagesde ‘Water might be cold
aI A hanili malgesdAn
[I
thought].*
thought].’
‘Would the sky be clear [you thought]?’
As shown by
tive tenses.
retrospective tense suffix
4.3. 3. 1.2.1.
suffixes
the second example above, the future tense suffix -ges-
formal speech
Simple Retrospective Tense
looked
‘It
cf gido twigesibdida ‘[He]
]
tff-xf
A
tense suffixes proper. There are four simple
and the
4.3. 3. 1.2. 1.4.
style’.
-
and the
di are discontinuous, being separated by - ib ‘high
Such discontinuity also occurs between other tense
retrospective suffix
when
they co-occur with -ib-.
Past Presumptive Retrospective Tense
Present Retrospective Tense
4.3. 3. 1.2. 1.1.
The
present retrospective tense, formed by adding to verb stems with the Zero
one of the retrospective endings,
present tense suffix either - di-/-dA - or
to a past event as recollected by the speaker or,
sentence, by the listener,
^ °1
niAliga calba jiAsibdida
Future Retrospective Tense
there are four inflectional
y
these four inflectional endings, called ‘Retrospective Endings’, will be taken
°}°1
A
A A fr
tense suffix -ges- either the retrospective tense suffix or one of the retrospective
,
of the interrogative
e)
‘[His] hair
endings which represent the retrospective tense. They are -de/-dAnde of the
declarative mood of the high plain style (cf. 4.3.5. 1.3.1), and -di, - de and -cIah
if
it
iefers
occurs in the interrogative
spective endings, refers to
speaker or
aiga aid Ala ‘The child cried
e!?r c u f dali balgibdida
l
3^1
jibi kidi
listener, e.g.
e.g.
uJ xl
-£-°l
A
4. 3. 3. 1.2. 1.2.
formed by adding to verb stems
suffix, or one of the retroa presumptive past-past event as recollected by the
past presumptive retrospective tense,
with the past presumptive, either the retrospective
[1
remember].’
The moon was
‘Was the house
large, [as
bright
you
[I
remember].’
recall]?’
Past Retrospective Tense
doni A.'bsASgesdAla
A
A AA A
°)
The match
m tt C
1
A
might have started
A H A. u
l
money
past retrospective tense, formed by adding to verb stems with the past
4.3. 3. 1.2.2.
[I
thought].’
sihabi sijagdweAsgesibdida
[I
thought].’
aid Hi sawASgesdi
‘Might they have fought each other
tense suffix either the retrospective suffix or
refers to a past-past event as recollected
$A
‘[He] might have been short of
°Hf.ol
The
[as
endings, refers to the presumption of an event in the past or past-future,
Besides the retrospective tense suffix -di-/-dA-
A °1
bAlsA gigega gojaiji nasdAla
with a processive verb formative,
A
The
l
However, a descriptive verb which has formed a processive verbal phrase
e.g., the auxiliary verb ji- (cf. 5. 2. 1.1. 2 and
-ibnida
4-
formed by adding to verbs inflected with a direct
tense suffix the retrospective tense suffix, of which there are two allomorphs
-di-/-dA-. -di- occurs only in the declarative and interrogative mood of the
high formal speech style (cf. 4.3. 5. 1.1) and -d\- in the declarative and inter-
as
Tr A
l
J A:nJ C1) 1 kitnasdAn ‘Was the war over [as you recall]?’
*8 o]
5.2.1. 1.2.3),
rogative
JL *oVo
Retrospective Tense
4. 3. 3.
The
A
A ^1 A
cf. A £] A
a! ^ M-y- u
jAmhwalil hago iSASgesibnida
might have been ringing.’
l
1.2.
4|
Descriptive verbs
past presump.t.sfx.
is- 4-
A
‘The machine was already out of order
to England.’
A
4.3. 3. 1.1. 2.4.
M]
95
Compound Retrospective
[as
you
recall]?’
Tense
one of the retrospective endings,
by the speaker or the
listener, e.g.
The compound
retrospective tense
is
formed by adding
to the direct
com-
96
Grammar
Korean
pound
tense either the retrospective suffix -di-/-cl\- or
endings. There are three
compound
one of the retrospective
retrospective tenses.
four different allomorphs conditioned both phonologically and morphologi-
(a)
S
present progressive retrospective tense, formed by adding the retro-
-
(cf. 4.3. 3. 1.1. 2.1),
refers to a past
progressive event as recollected by the
-o-/-io-
V/C-form: before inflectional endings
spective suffix or a retrospective ending to the present progressive tense
speaker,
(b)
bnida
,
-na,
-
mj,\n -my a,
y
aM
*1
/o.-g- -ob-/-iob-
-g*
-
]
,
,
[I
“) jl
aiga / wigo isd.\n
°1
‘Was the child jumping around [as you
4. 3. 3. 1.2. 2. 2.
(c)
recall]?*
*]-_$_
-sao-
C-form: before the same inflectional endings as
Future Progressive Retrospective Tense
or a retrospective ending to the future progressive tense, refers to a
past progressive presumptive event as recollected by the speaker or the ad-
suffix
Any
of these forms
c] £f goijbulil
hago isgesd\la
Sf#
jAtnfnvalil
[I
suffix
thought].*
hago
-
past progressive presumptive retrospective tense,
*Kf-M c \
\} °1
Mr
u]-g-
"n
‘HI
Asi
‘Might
4.3.4.
]
A
formed by adding the
presump-
Humble
[he]
gigjaije
gago
at the
fr
c]
[1
The
is.xsgesdi
have had been going to the theatre
[as
a]
<£[
effect
you remember]?’
of lowering the status of the speaker against
bilil
appears
in
rain!’
d \L\bhisi.\ssaoni
and the humble suffix, both employed
are different from one another in that the
-si-/-isi- (cf. 4.3.2)
honorific suffix directs the speaker’s respect to the subject of a sentence,
shown by
suffix directs
the
humble
it
suffix
to the addressee.
is
speaker’s status against the addressee(s),
°]
‘The teacher
*4 SA/iscijnimi
is
coming.’
-si-
And of
course the
the result of degradation of the
e.g.
osinda
hon.sfx.
[Context: a child speaking to his friends.]
1
suffix
(very) cold.’
neljAjusiobsosA ‘Please give us
a} _$_u] ccgil
to express the speaker’s respect,
shown by the former
toward the latter to a greater extent than is possible by means of the high or
low formal speech style alone. The humble suffix, though hardly used nowadays in normal speech, is, however, not infrequently employed in religious
The humble
‘It is
between Honorific and Humble Suffix
honorific suffix
the addressee, thereby increasing the degree of respect
services as well as in the literary language.
and (d) cannot be preceded by
found between them simultane-
have spoilt the book’
whereas the humble
has the
caobnida
thought].’
Suffix
suffix
the
ijisiASsaona ‘although you have forgotten’
i>]
4.3.4. 1. Difference
moon
respect
The humble
is
may be preceded by
iL koci bulgsaobjijo ‘Flowers are red.’
m
e.g.
is,\sgesd.\ia
nali
-^1 *-^*1
q)
‘as [you]
da HI hogo
(c)
-.
(/;)
except for the present tense
Adi/o gasiobnaika ‘Where are you going?’
¥:°]
presumptive event as recollected by
might have had been looking
‘[She]
suffix,
sao - and saob - of
?M|
l
retrospective suffix or a retrospective ending to the past progressive
the speaker or the addressee,
a verb stem or a stem plus a
ously, e.g.
recall].’
Past Progressive Presumptive Retrospective Tense
tive tense, refers to a past-past progressive
-
n-/-nin -, but
c]
4.3. 3.1.
and/or a tense
- si-Aisi -
the honorific suffix unless a tense suffix
isgesdi
‘Might [she] have been telephoning [as you
may occur immediately after
voice suffix, and - o-/-io - and - ob-Aiob - of (a) and
honorific suffix
‘[He] might have been studying,
(tf)
C-form: before inflectional endings - naida and - naika
dressee, e.g.
2.2.3.
listed in
(d) 4-g- -saob-
future progressive retrospective tense, formed by adding the retrospective
'o-T-il-
,
recall].’
°}°] '4
The
]
V/C-form: before inflectional endings
naida - naika -msw, -ji(jo), - go - dslado
joiji l cigo isdsla
‘[They] were ringing a bell
*J
-/?/, - a(jo)
e.g.
‘I*
The
97
cally, e.g.
Present Progressive Retrospective Tense
4.3. 3. 1.2. 2.1.
The
Chapter IV
The sentence particle jo
the
humble
suffix.
is
compulsory when the
inflectional
endings -a and - ji are preceded by
98
Korean Grammar
ofo] y\
aiga gaobnicla
7f-g-u| cf
The
child
Chapter IV
is
4
going.’ -o- ‘humble sfx.’
[Context: a child speaking to his teacher.]
2- *] ~S"4
2-
-
The grandmother
Ad XS u
°1
The
-2-^
teacher
is
coming.’
-si-
w 44
u 44
«A 4
o_
h
‘hon.sfx.’
These
4
lT
-
/ -g-L)
7f
\
-bnika/-ibnika
/ fr A ]
4
bsidaZ-ibsida
/
-ff
x] _o_
/
to give the following inflectional endings:
V/C-form
V/C-form
V/C-form
V/C-form
bnidaZ-ibnida
bsioZ-ibsio
inflectional endings will be discussed in turn in the following sections.
suffix is similar in
function to the high and low formal speech style
inflectional endings as they both show the speaker’s respect to the addressee.
4.3.5. Inflectional
4. 3. 5. 1.1.1.
4T
(a)
Endings
he inflectional endings which are the
elements occurring within the verb
grouped into three different categories on the basis of the syntactic functions which they enable verbs to perform. They are (i) ‘Final
Endings’, (ii)
‘Non-Final Endings’, and (iii) ‘Concatenating Endings’. A verb inflected with
a Anal ending can function as the predicate of a final clause, the one
with a
I
imperative
l
[Context: a child speaking to an adult.]
The humble
interrogative
These three classes of suffix combine
4 4 SAnserjnimi osibnida
is
mood sfx.
mood sfx.
-ka
-
4
halniAnimi osiobnida
coming.’ -si- hon.sfx. -o- humble sfx.
[Context: a servant speaking to her mistress, showing respect for both
the subject and the addressee (mistress).
\l °]
99
last
/
444
(b)
are
Declarati ve
style
-
Mood Endings
(7-)fr
44
naida
An
and
,
-bnidaZ-(s)ibnida V/C-form
archaic form
whose use
is
restricted to the literary
religious service
Examples
non-final ending as the predicate of a non-final clause, and the one with
a
concatenating ending as a concatenating form in the verbal phrase structure
44
7 } u] cf
7 |] -g-
^
-g-
it]
uf
bami gibnida The
-4
7
( ,)
$44
night
cf gclil coc(s)ibnida
-g
cf
god Lwagesnaida
is
long.’
They
‘[1]
are chasing a dog.’
will leave soon.’
(cf. 5.2.1. 1.2.1).
4.3.5. 1.1. 2. Interrogative
4. 3 5
.
1
.
Final Endings
Five speech styles, and in each speech style four kinds of mood,
are distinguished by the final endings: (i) ‘High Formal’, (ii) ‘Low Formal’, (iii)
‘High
Plain’, (iv)
4. 3. 5. 1
. 1 .
‘Low Plain’ and
‘Medium’
(v)
styles.
4 v\ /
(a)
u
(b)
444
-
,
44
is
conversation between strangers, by younger people to their elders, and by
people of lower social status to those of a higher one. All inflectional endings
ol the high formal styles except - naida and - naika consist of
an ordered
(a)
(
b
u
4
4
4
/
-g- - b-Z-ib -
-ni-
suffixes,
which
)
The
4.3. 5. 1.1. 3.
mood
-si-
volitive sfx.
-di-
retrospective sfx.
4 -da
gift
is
naida
in 4.3. 5. 1.1.1.
is
coming?’
[he] not
job(s)ibnika
‘Is
the road narrow?’
‘When
did he come?’
and interrogative mood endings -(s)ibnida and
optional.
Imperative
-(si)bsio/-( isijbsio
Mood Endings
V/C-form
The imperative mood ending
sfx.
declarative or propositive
-
V/C-form
\nje osixsnaika
Is/ in the declarative
-(s)ibnika
-bsio occurs almost always preceded by the
mood endings of any speech style canhonorific suffix
not occur with a tense suffix except the Zero present tense (cf. 4.3.3), e.g.
- si-Z-isi -.
wfe]
(c)
444
are:
high formal style sfx.
indicative
cf.
4 4 we anobnika ‘Why
4 44 4
*1)
,
sequence of three
naika an archaic form,
Thu
$1]
the most polite form of speech whereby the speaker
expresses respect toward the addressee(s). It is used on formal occasions,
in
style
v\ - bnikaZ-(s)ibnika
Examples
High Formal Style
The high formal
(>*0 -§-4
Mood Endings
mood
sfr
444
4 4 x]
j?_
All imperative
palli hasibsio ‘Please
^ -T- 4 A
]
Sl
do
hanaman jibisibsio
[it]
quickly.’
‘Please take only one.’
100
Grammar
Korean
4.3. 5. 1.1.4.
of speech
joijilil
style,
mood
I
101
anjibio
‘Are you not going to pick up the paper?’
A Vo
saiji jAgso ‘Is the table small?’
0 l
V/C-form
Like the imperative
tive
Mood Endings
Propositive
-bsida/-ibsida
Chapter
endings,
all
propositive
mood
endings, irrespec-
can not occur with a tense suffix except the Zero present
4.3.5. 1.2.3.
Imperative
Mood Endings
tense, e.g.
1.2.
id ^1*1
^ °l
-§-^1
lie)
^
T CAtiCAnhi bobsida ‘Let
gad gilisibsida ‘Let
a) v\
/ SlZL -oAio
a)
(i
us see
[it]
slowly.’
-
us draw
[it]
together.’
-guljA (with processive verb stems only)
(b)
Low Formal Style
4.3.5.
The
low'
mal
style.
formal style
It
is
is
Imperative sentences formed with one of the imperative
lower and consequently
less polite
the style most often used between equals
than the high
for-
and by superiors
to
people of lower status. However, it is hardly used by children.
Unlike the inflectional endings of the high formal style, those of the low
formal style, as well as all other lower styles, are single morphemes representing both the categories of speech style and mood simultaneously.
(a)
/
Declarative
A
-so
homophonous
declarative
with them,
mood
endings. However imperative sentences,
e.g.
%\ A ]
juiilil
\sa diso
hasio ‘Be careful.’
‘Help yourself
(lit.
‘take quickly’).’
J2.
maimdelo haguljA ‘Do
Propositive
Mood Endings
as you please.’
-oAio V/C-form
C-form
(after stems with
Zero
t.sfx.)
4.3. 5. 1.2.4.
1.3.
preceded by a non-Zero
t.sfx.
when
There
no propositive mood ending
is
for the
low formal
mood
other
endings already described. The high formal propositive
ending - bsidaAibsida without the honorific suffix -$/-/-/$/-,
the exponent of the low formal propositive mood, e.g.
,
Examples
nado haljul ao ‘1 know how
muli malgso ‘Water is clear.’
M*5L
0]
dali tASgitljA
°1
4.3.5. 1.2.2. Interrogative
The moon
has
to
do
[it]
A
*
-g °]
4c
too.’
‘Let’s
\
T
Mood Endings
sungjAijhante maL\bobsida
ask the policeman.’
4.3.5.
High Plain Style
The high
plain style
is
lower and less polite than the low formal
those of a lower one.
t.sfx.)
These endings, although identical in form to those of the declarative mood,
from the latter intonationally. Interrogative sentences formed w ith one
of the interrogative mood endings are characterized by Intoneme R, w hereas
declarative sentences formed with one of the declarative mood endings are
characterized by Intoneme LF or HF (cf. 7. 3.2.1. and 7. 3.2.2), e.g.
4. 3. 5. 1.3.1.
Declarative
Mood Endings
differ
1
it]
ufA]
neil Ia nasio ‘Are
mood
be treated as
style,
and
is
used by older people to younger, and by people of higher social status to
so C-form (after stems with Zero
4) °J
may
risen.’
/ SL& -oAio V/C-form
-
style, paralleling
it
occurs with a processive verb)
&
endings are
though characterized by the same type of intonation as declarative sentences
are, i.e.. Intoneme LF or HF, are often distinguished from the latter by (a) a
higher and more abrupt pitch contour and (b) a stronger stress associated
Mood Endings
(b) T*^) -gidjA interjectival (always
-s*
mood
not always distinguishable from declarative sentences formed with one of the
-T^t-34. 3. 5. 1.2.1.
V/C-form
so
you leaving tomorrow?’
(a) 41
(b)
u
(c)
tfl
-ne
41 / -§-41
-
mseAimse V/C-form
(promissive)
-de (retrospective ending)
(d) vl 41
-dAnde (retrospective ending)
Korean Grammar
*02
Chapter IV
Verbs with the ending -mseAimse can have as their subject the
pronouns
*We\
by the speaker. -mseAimse
tention’
only,
na
i.e.,
uli
‘I’,
first
person
and indicate ‘future promise’ or ‘innot found with any tense suffix except
sfl
*1
is
~T~
‘[It] is
of
totally out
nega hejumse ‘I will do it for you.’
gib hi jaH gade ‘[She] went there in a hurry [I recall].’
nuA i'sdAtule ‘[He] was lying in bed [I remember].’
1
H
-guna
(d) n/'-f
promissive
interject ival
(cf. 4.3. 5. 1.3.1),
person pronouns only, and
sight.’
-?H]
S
-maAima V/C-form,
Like -mseAimse
aju anboine
°vi
if ^1
A *4
etc.,
the Zero t.sfx., e.g.
4) 7\
of /
(c)
The
interjectival
-maAima can
(a) *4
-
na
Mood Endings
ending - guna which expresses emotions of various kinds on
,
occurring with processive verb stems, but no such restriction applies
-g-7]- -
ngaAinga V/C-form
(c)
fc 7 \ -ninga (after V.p. only)
(d)
7} /
a
/*§?]• -IkaAilka
aa
*1]
o]^.^}
v
I-
?)]
£l*e
V/C-form
—
uncertainty
4] y\
>4 <Lv\
(after a verb)
good?’
Mood Ending
(a)
M
41
.2.4]
4.3.5. 1.3.4. Propositive
‘Come down.’
dAbguna ‘It is hot!’
ganinguna ‘(You) are going now!’
endings such as
may
°]e|- -ila (after
*\
1.4.1.
4. 3. 5. 1.4.
The low
r
Low
mase
*HI ca hanjan base
jLuf -njaAinja V/C-form, after V.d.
{d) c] /
4
/ u] -di/-de/-d \n retrospective
]
first
three endings, -ni
‘Let us not
send
‘Let us
youngsters,
[it].’
have a cup of
tea.’
t\c]
is
more
colloquial
male or female, and
it
Declarative
-da
(b)
-la
Mood Endings
is
iie|| •§•
(</)
(found only with -dA-
y
retros.t.sfx.)
and more used between close
used usually by adults
6-}-
c
I
in talking to
‘Is
there any sound?’
blue?’
d
niWAsil hadi ‘What did [he]
nolelil
Imperative
oj-Ef / o\ Ef -ala
(b) A\ Ef -gAla
it
AnigAsi calbinja ‘Which one
4U
4. 3. 5. 1.4. 3 .
‘Is
o]
o|
also the standard style of written Korean.
(a) i4
soliga naninja
pul inj
the lowest style of speech in Korean, used by adults to
is
jani ‘Are you sleeping?’
Plain Style
children, between children, between intimate friends,
4. 3. 5.
ending
e.g.
Tie) y\
is
-(i)lila
Mood Endings
friends than -ninja or - njaAinja which
v\M] boneji
plain style
a noun) and A^|h]-
also be listed under this heading.
,
Ji4|
remember].’
Mood Ending
e.g.
*|
[I
ije
(c) uf /
Of the
-se y
>41
blooming.’
-ninja after V.p.
swige ‘Rest now.’
neljA oge
is
-ni
(/;)
°]
4
l
Interrogative
4. 3. 5. 1.4.2.
e.g.
4] 4] ije
1-]-
7]4r"Y'
takes -nin- form only
nega saotna ‘1 will buy [it].’ (lit. ‘1 will buy and come.’)
n*do kASguna ‘You have grown up too!’
nali
*1]
Interjectival
is
when
when it
suffix, e.g.
gobd Ala ‘The flower was pretty,
A
Imperative
-ge t
g-tjE]- koci
ST*
AnigAsi johinga ‘Which one
]-
^lcf koci pinda ‘The flower
^•o]
°]
The ending -guna
combines with the present tense
it
^fo]
sinmunil i/gAsninga ‘Did you read the newspaper?’
v\ jAijmal ulAsiika ‘Has she really cried [I wonder]?’
?i xl-ir
4.3.5. 1.3. 3.
(after V.d. only)
*nje boasna ‘When did you see?’
^-g- 7
o]
*§*
*o
when
o]
v-
first
the part of the speaker, must be preceded by a non-Zero tense suffix
(after V.p. only)
(b)
have as the subject the
not preceded by any tense suffix except Zero.
is
occurs with descriptive verb stems.
4.3. 5. 1.3. 2. Interrogative
103
hadah ‘Did
Mood Endings
A Ala
a/A-iorm
do
is
[she] sing [as
short?’
you recall]?’
you recall]?’
[as
104
(c)
Korean Grammar
(found only with
v|s]- -tiAla
-
‘to
Chapter IV
come’)
(
The ending -a/a A Ala may be suffixed to any processive verbs, but -gA/a to
only a few verbs, such as -ga- ‘to come’, -ja- ‘to sleep’, is- ‘to stay’, etc., e.g.
b
*] -ji
The
hJ o] ef
i]
AA
<H|
af
°1 ^]
cf
^1
t\
A:
-
ja
,
form
to the declarative endings,
(cf. 4.3. 5. 1.2.2), e.g.
°AA dini nagago isA ‘It the adult going out?’
nega majasji ‘Am not right?’
I
Imperative
4. 3. 5. 1.5.
-a A a
Mood Ending
Mood Ending
a/A- form
This ending is usually, but not always, distinguished from the homophonous declarative ending by (a) a higher and more abrupt pitch contour and
[it].’
(/;)
A mil bueija ‘Let
Medium
4.3.5. 1.5.
hat.’
gjohwee gag da ‘Go to the church.’
Hi on Ala ‘Come here.’
A A e) ewesAnil da hajda ‘Do your best.’
in
M- 7 kn
A\ 7 }
e.g.
-g-°l
two endings, although identical
from the latter intonationally
Ef
A cajja ‘Let’s find
d] °i
3.
first
A €-°]
mojalil bASAla ‘Take off your
Propositive
4. 3. 5. 1.4.4.
suspective
arc different
coca/a ‘Follow [him].’
SL
105
us post
[it]
tomorrow.’
a stronger stress associated with
A
Style
it
ASA a nja jo ‘Please
o] a\
A
(cf. 4. 3. 5. 1.2. 3), e.g.
sit
down/
(lit.
‘quickly
sit
down’)
jal niAgA ‘Eat carefully.’
The medium speech
style is between the high plain and low plain styles and is
used by elders to those younger where the high plain is felt to be a little too
high and the low plain style a little too low. It can also be used between equals
whose relationship
not so intimate as to require the low plain style.
All inflectional endings of the medium style can function as endings of the
low formal style when they are followed by the particle jo ‘speech stvle modu-
1
.5.
1
Mood Endings
(b) 7
]
-ji
Verbs suffixed by this ending are hardly distinguishable from those suffixed
homophonous imperative mood ending since they are identical not
by the
ending,
suspective
°1
-gun interjectival
(c)
I
he ending -gun,
Zero tense
restriction
°}-
0
l
A
-8'°] ctiga
A
°4
AA
1**1
£°1
-guna
(cf. 4.3.5. 1.4.1),
tf 0 }- ije
q)
id a ‘The child
is
‘Let’s play
now/
ulido neljA gaa ‘Let us go
down
too.’
doni manltji ‘[He] has plenty of money.’
soni gobgun ‘[Your] hand is pretty.’
Interrogative
Mood Endings
Non-Final Endings
The non-final endings
crying.’
gudugajal maja ‘The shoes fit me
nugajA/ASA jo ‘Someone has opened
4.3. 5.2.
well.’
[it]/
A / A -oAa
a/A-torm
are classified into three different types according to the
syntactic functions which they enable verbs to perform: they are
Clause Ending’,
Ending’. Unlike the
(ii)
‘Adjectival Clause Ending’,
final
and
(iii)
(i)
‘Nominal
‘Adverbial Clause
endings, the non-final endings do not distinguish
the five styles of speech.
non-final endings
may
be preceded by an appropriate voice suffix and/
humble suffix is only rarely found with the
or the honorific suffix, but the
non-final endings.
(a)
nola
AA
must be preceded by a non-
The
4. 3. 5. 1.5.2.
*11
-i*e] 5.
when occurring with processive verb stems, but no such
applies when it occurs with descriptive verb stems, e.g.
T-t’A
-r
like
e.g.
suffix
A
-&°]
q/a- form
However, apart from the context of situation which is usually the only clue
leading to the distinction of imperative and propositive mood, the presence
of a hrst person pronoun uli ‘we’ serves as the marker of the propositive mood
A / A -n A a a/a- form
(tf)
-uAa
only in intonation, both being characterized by Intoneme LF or HF, but also
in the pitch/stress feature associated with the imperative ending (4.3. 5. 1.2. 3).
Declarative
.
Mood Ending
Propositive
is
lator’ (cf. 3. 4.5. 7).
4.3.5.
4. 3. 5. 1.5.4.
Any
restriction
on the occurrence of tense
non-final endings will be noted in the relevant sections.
suffixes
with the
106
Korean Grammar
Chapter IV
Nominal Clause Endings
4.3.5.2.1.
other tense
-
There
is
difference,
both distributional and semantic, between the two
nominal auxiliary verbs.
whereas
-gi
-§ 4
b°1
4T
-gi are different in their distribution
-mAim
only with -ha-
occurs only with -jig ha
(cf.
janin ge
4t-
7
4 y\
S-Ai'A
D
‘the sleeping
44
time or
-mAim
3.4. 1.3.2. 3), e.g.
dog’
biga onin didhada
‘It
looks as
if
it
is
raining.’
(ii)
listening
ii*
44
This
4 JJ-°1
‘the
4-§- *1
‘fi-
(i)
of the meaning of a verb to which
‘actual process’ in the case
good
good
4
1
is
it
is
of a processive
4
4
picked up’
[for
i
4*11 uldAti
johda
the retrospective tense suffix -ds- or the
ane ‘the wife who, [I remember], cried/was
weguge gasdah jaijgun
who had
‘the general
like writing this letter.’
been abroad
Like -nin, the ending -nAin
balgim
and CAgha-£
bright’
crying’
may occur
[as
1
remember]’
with auxiliary verbs didha -, jaijha
(cf. 3.4.1. 3. 2. 3), e.g.
4-
ftios
bon CAghanda
‘[She] pretends that she did not see [you].’
(iii)
-//-//
may be
presumptive,
Adjectival Clause Endings
There are three adjectival clause endings and any verb suffixed by one of them
has the same syntactic function as an adjective:
-nin
small cap’
44 44
44^1
lamp being bright (that the lamp is bright)’
AA jwdirji balgi ‘[the degree of] the lamp being
‘a
past tense suffix -as-A as- plus -d\-, e.g.
reason].’
ipjAnjilil sigiga
to write’ or
Vf-g- jAinditji
some
moja
ja:gin
gi:n gaij ‘a long river’
The ending -nAin may be preceded by
balg- ‘to be bright’ V.d.
4.3. 5.2.2.
3.4
ipj\njilil simi johda
is
^7 4
letter
ran/has run’
I
with descriptive verbs:
4-c*
tr °1
‘Writing this letter
°1
man who
iwin sadam ‘the
jibin do:l ‘the pebble that
utt
to.’
‘degree’ in the case of a descriptive verb, e.g.
4 *1
°]
refers to the present time, e.g.
it
I
emphasizes
-gi
verbs
4 44
ma.ii
refers to the abstract side
added whereas
-lAil
present
suffixed to
any verb and
refers to the future time or
e.g.
-o-tt
4^*
°H gojjiljibil ai ‘the child who will
4°1
'Ait
u
)l
dali balgil ic ‘the time
may be preceded by
when
the
pick up a ball’
moon
is/may be bright’
the past tense suffix -as- A as- very freely
and by the
future tense suffix -ges- only rarely, e.g.
(ii)
(iii)
/
-c*
e / *§
-nAin
-//-//
V/C-form past/present
V/C-form
44-S-
^4
future/presumptive
•§*
°Hr
3 -T-
jalasil
three adjectival clause endings are different from
tribution with verbs, (b) in time reference
when
one another ( a )
in dis-
they are not preceded by any
1
As an
ad if
‘the
son
who might
have grown up’
juggesil gjAiju
‘the situation in
The
1
with processive verbs:
3. 4. 1.3. 2.2),
Semantic difference
-c-
refers to the present
with the
(cf. 3.4.1.3.2.2), e.g.
midim jighada ‘[His] word is worth
sdubgi nin hada it is dark, admit.’
44
<H-vM4r
(i)
and
never found with any other tense suffix
-nAin may be suffixed to any verb but its time reference varies according
which it is suffixed: with processive verbs it refers to the
past time or to an action or event that has been completed, but with descrip-
tive
The endings -mAim and
verb, or
It is
to the type of verb to
(a) Distributional difference
(b)
in distribution
(ii)
endings:
t
in progress.
y
gi
some
suffixed to processive verbs only
is
an action or event
and occurs with auxiliary verbs didha-Jarjha- and CAgha- (cf.
mi Aim V/C-form
(b) 7|
-nin
(i)
to
u
with tense suffixes and (d)
with the adjectival auxiliary verbs:
There are two nominal clause endings and any verb suffixed by one of them
has the same syntactic function as a noun.
(a)
suffix, (c) in distribution
107
exception, -nin
the verb jug- ‘to die’,
may
e.g.,
which you might
feel like
dying’
be preceded by the future tense suffix -ges- when they occur with
juggesnin sadam The person who may be dying’.
1
Korean Grammar
08
may occur
-//-//
b\nha-
6.
manha -,
with adjectival auxiliary verbs clklha -,
b.\bha-
and
5.4
(cf. 3.4.1. 3. 2. 3), c.g.
4 4 4 t 4 dacil huili esc/a
hurt.’
Adverbial Clause Endings
t.sfx.,
are not preceded by
with the
suffix
any tense
other than -n/-nin-
final inflectional
ending - da
while others
suffix
pres. t.sfx.,
y
(cf. 4. 3. 3. 1.1. 1.2).
which
is
The time
may be
4
.
44 rr
-2-4 janenin gago nanin
4fe-
am
I
4 «*§* 4 3 4 21 4-
found only
reference of
2.
4
4 °1 4
3-
acini il ruAggo fiagesda
Zero
SA.'nsu ijo
4
more
$5
3.
jiM
‘I
will
do
it
*}3 (4
/
(
4)
/ it
V/C-form
J
rH
4-
5
A 44
4
(
the
‘at
after breakfast.’
a player
and coach.’
343
n
10.
smiled.’
]
but also,
...
44
a}
////
)
‘as
soon as
hago(sA) tAnaja
11.
leave.’
44
‘[It]
ih
.
4 44 44
b ega
i
Zero
t.sfx.
in
order to
live.’
V/C-form,
e.g.
take
it
m \g \sda
jib\silpund\lA da
but also ate
it all.’
They
(lit.
ija
7]
is
\
These endings occur
‘whether
in
double form,
‘while going comes’).
...
or’
e.g.
3 y] 4 4 7 4 ogA/ia gag Ana ‘whether
4 € T- 4 hesdinji an hesdinji
§} Tr 4
see while listening.’
‘whether [she] did
4
/
[it]
or [did not do
-mj \n/-imjAn V/C-form
4 -& -gAdin
salajjAsda
rose.’
(lit.
4 -gAna
1
‘wakes up and stops waking up’)
disappeared as soon the sun
e.g.
gadaga onda
coming back while on the way’
4 / it 4 -naAina V/C-form
12.
wakes up’
to’;
to V.p. only, e.g.
4 444
1
order
i’
&(4 )-din(ji)
time, while’; Zero t.sfx., e.g.
dilimjAnsA bonda
[he]
‘in
(
-da(ga) interruption, transference’,
‘[She]
-mja (nsa)/- imj a (nsa
same
4(4)
t.sfx., e.g.
44 keja malja
4
V/C-form
~/j AgO/“ilj Ago
the better.’
it,
444 44
4 -ja ‘as soon as’ Zero t.sfx. [This usually occurs in double form, with the
second -ja suffixed to the verb mal- ‘to stop’.] E.g.
4
see
I
e^r44 / iHr4 4 -IpundAlA /-UpiukIaIa
‘not only
e.g.
44 kumil kumjAjani ‘Are you sleeping [while] dreaming?’
-£4
t.sfx., e.g.
sega no l el U hesimjA koci usAsda
i£-o|
do the job and then
‘Let’s
4
4
4 4 a\
)
elj Ala
4 3 4tt4 sad/jAgo niAgninda ‘[We] eat
9.
is
-go(sA) ‘and then, afterward’ (after V.p. only); Zero
4 >r
4.
it
and flowers
‘Birds sang
i
a noise.’
the more’; Zero
...
/ -^-4 -l(j)A/-il(j)A
‘Not only did
44
makes
T'4 bolsurog johda ‘The more
-S'4-4
8.
‘the
These endings are suffixed
t.sfx., e.g.
koci ida ‘[He]
-mjA/-imjA V/C-form ‘and’,
/
onda
coming.’
il -jo ‘and’ (after V.c. only);
°1
it
^4 -goja
‘You are going and
*14-
t.sfx.
444 -IsulogZ-ilsulog
e.g.
7 1-3
until/so that
[it]
^ 4^4 /
V/C-form
A3
JL-go ‘and’,
t.sfx., c.g.
beggar goes away.’
-ge ‘until, so that’ Zero
‘Beat
pre-
an adverbial clause ending not preceded by a tense suffix is determined by that
of a final clause with which the adverbial clause occurs.
1.
so that’ Zero
3 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 soliga nage
verb suffixed by one of the following adverbial clause endings has the
same syntactic functions as an adverb. Some adverbial clause endings, mark-
ceded by a tense
‘until,
‘Let’s wait until the
Any
ed Zero
-dolog
109
4 4 4 4^-4 4 4 4 4 gAjiga gadolog gidalija
was almost
‘[I]
7.
4.3. 5. 2.3.
Chapter IV
3 4 *&
)
[they]
calbimjAn johji
4fr
4 4 bog Ad in
‘[It] is
or go’
it].’
.
when
)
#4
come
good
malil hela
if
‘Tell
it
*
is
c g
‘
*
short.’
[him]
when you
see him.’
NO
1
Korean Grammar
-ajaZ-Aja a /a- form
3.
-laja (after V.c.)
o^o.
t
>j a 0
Zero
‘only
)
t.sfx.
if,
Chapter IV
only when’,
e.g.
18.
i
^ o]
jug H mAgAja nasji
get well only when/if you take some
j
‘[You] will
^
3-B.5L
‘As the house
ur
j.
V/C-form,
B.S. / SLB.S. - miloZ-imilo
‘as, since,
because’,
e.g.
manhda
many rooms too.’
jibi kimi/o baijdo
large, there are
is
Ill
pills.’
19. v| (7/\) / ^.c|(^]-) -ni(ka)Z-inifka)
14. (t-]a
a
a
a
^
jepin cegilaja ‘Only
^ °1
°l|?r
if
a pretty book.’
it is
-(d \l)ado/-Aclo tf//i-form
)
uf a]
\
V/C-form
<d
ilado/V/C-form
i
Ij
Had
*| i£]-_v_ / -?r x
/
- maijjAij/-i/maijjAij V/C-form
/ vf
/ \r# -ndilZ-indil V/C-form
‘even if/though’
-Ijiauja rj /- iljiAnjAi]
*1
V/C-form Time: ‘when,
l
20.
u] l|
‘As
I
-g-
Cause: ‘because,
as’;
a] 6f^] a]
as, since’, e.g.
dasi bini jotjSAhasibsio
apologize once more, please forgive me.’
(
H -g-
(
'
B. L v\
7]
l
‘[1]
was happy
mb}
cf nA/il bonika gip.xsda
to see you’
‘because
(lit.
I
met
you’).
-bd] -ninde (after V.p.)
mollasdA/ado ‘Even
if
you did not know’
21.
A ^ *§ uo
1'
‘Even
if
&
hega jjAsilmaijjAij
is the moon.’
*£°1
^
-
15.
d] /
9] y\
‘...
is
1
-dwe ‘may/might
s)
-naZ-ina V/C-form
Tf d]
‘[She]
...
but’
...’
e]
-
vf /
^-C\goqbulH haninde we uni
are you crying?’
5 1 '6l
l kiga kinde iutj'tutjhaguna
*']-*V'
6
tall and [yet] plump.’
$}]
-jiman
'A Tf g An man
|
am working — why
‘I
°]
‘although
£*d] -ndeZ-inde (after V.d.)
dali isda
the sun has set, there
buja indil At.\hge he
* d]
‘Even though [he] is a rich man, what can he do?’
nr A \ °J
‘and’ (topic introducer)
^
7}s]
<H]
but’
‘You
{
*}
may go
i
o^o]
?|]
tif
to the party but
pa: tie
gad we jamjAtihage
isA/a
behave yourself.’
16.
Although
endings.
form,
17.
77
identical in form,
The former occurs
-
naZ-ina of (15) and -naZ-ina of
double form whereas the
latter
are different
occurs
Every verb ending
*]
£}-
*)
it
is
snowing
nu:ni ojiman cubji
it
is
‘The bride
’}
/
-lj
\nmanZ-i/j
V/C-form ‘might/would
...
4} #.VL
Si cf sajini
many photos
Zero
a]
- a(s
\)Z-A(sA
*\ Z o]
(b)
Jl -go
Concatenating Ending
II
(c)
4]
-ge
Concatenating Ending
e.g.
III
-
aZ-A a a- form: Concatenating
A \ ( A]
manhi/j Annum hanjaijdo \:bda
The concatenating endings
but there isn’t even one.’
Processive verbs
may end
ff/ii-form ‘and then; as, since, because’;
6
rtf
]-
°i
A
‘Buy a stamo and stick
\\ o|
*[I]
v[°l
am
A]
upjolil sasA
it
bud A/a
on.’
malgasA gipida
happy as the weather is fine.’
(
?] «h cj-
nali
EL?]\
3.*!
are not
a
con-
1
and
‘[It]
-//, e.g.
is/gets boiled.’
isda ‘[She]
dfo]2f kige hajA/a
kiji
anhda
found preceded by any tense
suffix.
any of the four concatenating endings, and
in
sa/ma jinda
SKf sa/mgo
Tr°]
is
Concatenating Ending IV
(d) *] -ji
t.sfx., e.g.
r JHi-
Ending
(r/)
descriptive verbs in -aZ-A y -ge
o\X\ /
inflectional endings
not.’
is
V/C-form,
‘There might have been
one of the following four
(cf. 5.2.1).
\nman
but’
in
catenating form, which occurs in the head structure of the verbal phrase
sin bun in isina sinlaijin A.bguna
there but the bridegroom
is
anhda
not cold.’
eJ-£-
x
Concatenating Endings
in single
e.g.
<>]
‘Although
Q
(1 1)
4. 3. 5. 3.
in
is
‘Make
‘[It] is
boiling
it
loud.’
not big.’
it.’
Chapter
V
Examples
PHRASE
jib
*)
ai|
house’
‘[a]
se jib
*]
V
*1
‘[a]
new house’
‘that new house’
*11
u alimdaun jasc jib
ja sc jib
V
—
The phrase
two or more words and may be substituted by a word
of similar syntactic function. There are three types of phrase in Korean: (i)
‘Nominal Phrase’ (ii) ‘Verbal Phrase’ and (iii) ‘Relational Phrase’.
consists of
,
5.1.
The nominal phrase
is
1
whose
syntactic function
identical with that
is
of one or more of its constituents. For instance, an English phrase ‘fresh milk’
is an endocentric construction since it has the same syntactic function as the
noun
In the
‘certain beautiful
lit.
‘beautiful that
new house’
ah i alimdaun han se jib
one new house’
examples given above, the noun jib ‘house’
is
the head
and the subor-
5.1.2. words preceding the head constitute the
dinate
expansion.
Nominal Head
is
a construction
V
lit.
NOMINAL PHRASE
an endocentric construction consisting of a noun or
its syntactic equivalent as head and one or more subordinates as expansion.
A nominal phrase is syntactically identical to a single noun. An endocentric
construction
113
\
The exponent of the nominal head is (i) a single noun, simple or compound,
(ii) two or more nouns linked with or without coordinators, or standing in
apposition, (iii) a nominal group, or (iv) a compound numeral.
5. 1.2.1.
Noun
Single
Any noun can
fill
as
Nominal Head
the position of the nominal head, whether
or non-independent, simple or compound,
it
is
independent
e.g.
‘milk’; e.g., in
°1
i
Drink milk.
x)
koc
Drink fresh milk.
<>\xt
‘fresh
5.1.1. milk’ occurs in the
‘drink’. In the
same
syntactic position as ‘milk’,
phrase ‘fresh milk’, ‘milk’
is
called ‘Head’,
dinate’, or ‘Expansion’, the term used in this
after the verb
i.e.,
and
‘fresh’
^
°j2-,
‘Subor-
Hi
*t*
book.
‘this flower’
j,\
$1
.\/ii
g,\s
du gWA/i
4)
anin ce
Ai *§-£-£*
-fr
h
\:n
gabaij
pidin hanil
V
‘that old brief-case’
‘[the]
blue sky’
‘Which one?’
<
in a nominal phrase may be divided into two major
and ‘Expansion’. The order of occurrence of the two
constituents is fixed, head always following expansion, except in careless
and/or informal conversation where the Expansion-Head order may be re-
sauI ‘Seoul’
‘which thing*)
‘pretending to know’
n
‘Wide Seoul Stadium’
N.comp.
\lbin SAulundoijjaij
SAulundoijjaij
Elements ancl Structure o f Nominal Phrase
(lit.
‘two volumes’
+ undorjjaij ‘stadium’
The elements occurring
constituents, ‘Head’
versed, e.g.
Hi
jAtipil jAgi inn in ‘the pencil
71
H
The usual order of
*)
7
1
<*?
*3
the
which
is
linking of two or
phrase
in
JAgi inn in j.\npil
is:
Nouns
fill
the head position of the nominal
linked by Coordinator(s)
Nouns may be linked by a conjunctive particle (cf. 3.4.5. 6 and 3.4.5. 6.1) such
wa/gwa ‘and’ and na/ina ‘or’ or by a conjunctive adverb (cf. 3.4.4. 6) such
and ion in
jz*#*}
Qz}
i-Hr
i
‘or’
as the coordinator, e.g.
sewa gojaiji *a bird and a cat’
sangwa namu ‘the mountain and tree*
7 VjT
«l| mulgwa gaijgwa be
‘water, river and
0
4) s\
12.10, p. 194.
112
that
as
as giligo ‘and’
H.
more nouns
effected either by coordinator(s) or paratactically, unless they
apposition.
5. 1.2. 2.1.
two constituents of the above phrase
Leonard Bloomfield, tungunge. 1950,
may be
there.’
Exp.
Exp.
1
The
stand
*1
Two or More Nouns as Nominal Head
5. 1.2.2.
ship’
Korean Grammar
114
A] f-°]
uf
L
§*
l
^
SAulina doygjAij
cana k\pi
?\ ^1
‘tea
a
-S.
ion in
//r/Y
*1)
7v
o
tf4l
N
and summer’
mole ‘tomorrow or the day after tomorrow’
‘spring
‘General
7
i
There
no theoretical
is
limit to the
number of nouns
to be linked by coordi-
>-°J
nators and functioning as the head in the nominal phrase, but in practice they
rarely exceed more than three in all.
5
. 1
.
2 2 2
.
.
Nouns
.
^
N
1
Gang Gamchan’
linked by Parataxis
one another phonologically by appropriate intonations,
A
$
T!?*
mj -Y-4} uliii
xfej-
d 'jacc, 'gogi, .scrjSAn ‘vegetable, meat and fish’
jArjhwa jA:ngig, .mujoy ‘film, play and ballet’
examples above, every noun except the
In the
frequently,
last
one, which
may
accompanied by
either
be realized
Intoneme LF
or,
ii-r
more
nouns have potentiality of taking the coordinators,
same construction as nouns linked by the coordinators, e.g.
°F
1
'
.
The order of N and N may sometimes be reversed, especially when
name and given name, resulting in N 2 + N e.g.
2
includes both family
y
meat and
o*
41?
jAijhwa (wa), jA:ngig (gwa), .mujoy
and giligo ‘and
of the coordinators, na/ina
1
‘or
and ionin
‘or’
1
only.
he structure ot nouns linked either by coordinator or by parataxis
set out as follows:
may be
N
:
(c)
N'(c)
...
5
.
1 .
2 2 3
.
.
Nouns
.
occurring
N
2
N
‘the plaver,
Yu Inho’
1
1
N
2
Nouns standing in apposition are superficially similar in construction to
those linked paratactically (cf. 5. 1.2. 2. 2) since both constructions lack the
coordinator(s). But in fact they are different from each other in the following
Nouns
(i)
apposition are not capable of taking a coordinator between
in
N and N
1
2
whereas nouns linked paratactically have the potentiality of
taking a coordinator between every two member nouns.
,
Examples
apposition consist of two immediate constituents,
N
l
and
N
2
,
most often filled by a family name, a given
name or by both, and sometimes by a nickname, and N : by a title or other
nouns descriptive of N Less frequently, both N and N 2 may be represented
by nouns other than personal name and title, e.g.
in that order.
N
any number.)
Nouns in Apposition
in
SAnsuju inbo
1
respects:
N"
(the superscript n refers to
N
2
ju inbo sausu
cannot
summarily
N*(c)
°v!x
N
be added between nouns linked paratactically. In other words, the coordinators that may be added between paratactically-linked nouns are wa/gwa* and’
T
fr
play and ballet’
to be noted that
is
(a)
Nouns
in
apposition
1
is
1
4)
sl? 'gimgjosu
ov -gim .gjosu
‘Professor Kirn’
gimg wa gjosu
cf. *
1
.
*4
fr
JH-p ban gjosu
jun
dctoijn/Aij
Han
1
‘Han Professor’)
‘President Yun (lit. ‘Yun President’)
‘Professor
1
jaygun gay gamcan ‘General Gang Gamchan’
N
cf.
It
U ^}
fish’
hp
N
]
,
7V
4b?
jacc(wa), *gogi(\va) .scijSAn
?(-4),
2
hangjosu ‘Professor Han or -ban .gjosu
dl-f-ej JundetoynjAij ‘President Yun’, or -jun
detoynjAy
fr
Paratactically linked
‘film,
N
1
,
is
1
‘vegetable,
my senior’)
1
Intoneme R.
thus resulting in the
‘Youngchul,
jalay begiusan ‘Our pride, Mt. Paegdu’
1
,
with any nuclear Intoneme,
(lit.
Nouns in apposition usually form a single stress group (cf. 2.7) and are
spoken consequently with a single intonation. However, when they
are realized as two stress groups, N and N 2 each forming a stress
group, N is usually marked by Intoneme L, e.g.
e.g.
/
nr
‘Gang Gamchan General’)
gay gamcan < gay surname + gamcan given name
gim noin ‘Old man Kim’ (lit. ‘Kim, the old man’)
N
°MH, jL? 1,
2
nouns do not include the coordinator(s) and arc linked
Paratactically-linked
to
(lit.
ii
j a ijcaI SMibe
‘[my college] senior, Youngchul’
°)
115
gay gamcan jaygun
4J"?
or coffee’
o]^ bom giligo jAlim
VW
Chapter V
‘Seoul or Tokyo’
(lit.
(b)
Nouns
in parataxis
A}*h
a
1
cf.
v
sa.gwa, .ba:m
4(5})
,
and chestnut’
ba:m
‘apple
tysa.gwafwa),
.
1
Korean Grammar
6
1
There
Chapter V
an international as well as juncturai contrast between the two
constructions. The first of two nouns standing in apposition is usually
(ii)
is
marked by Intoneme L and followed by
is
usually
marked by
Nouns
4?
Nouns
(ii)
-ja in ho *s.\nsu
‘the player,
Yu
In ho’
u
)
in
apposition
e.g .o] 6^
*3 7 jer c/oijca , hi. hcijgi
‘motor car and airplane’
1
as -Ju|
itself
is
an endocentric construction, has as
,
4*5*
journey’, but an appositional construction like
test
Kim Bogdong’ can
be rewritten as
4"?
o-
its
5. 1.2.4.
n
3
whereas that of the
junbi ‘preparation for journey’ cannot be rewritten
junbi j\heij which is either meaningless or means ‘preparation
gimbogiot) jaijgun ‘General
structure:
:
altered,
general reversible. For instance, a nominal group,
jaijgun gimbogioij.
The nominal group, which
N N N
N
which N n or the
in
is
-£-u )jAheij
a] *3
journey or
Nominal Group as Nominal Head
member nouns cannot be
the order of the
nouns
in parataxis
4,
!
rewritten as
gimbogioijii jaijgun ‘Kim Bogdong’s general’ without
apposition
in
44"
5. 1.2. 3.
4i? gimboglorj jatjgun ‘General
44--o*4
changing the original meaning.
Examples
"4-o-
N
but an appositional construction 4^-5*
*
(b)
junbi
adj.ph.
Kim Bogdong’ cannot be
Intoneme LF/I1F or Intoneme R and followed by tentative juncture.
(a)
jdicijii
plus juncture, whereas with
member noun
paratactically linked nouns, every
$4
4 a34
117
Compound Numeral as Nominal Head
...
in
N
last
in the
sequence
the head
is
preceding N" the subordinate(s). The subordinates
as consisting of the last
noun
subordinate(s), and so on,
4 *3
ir
4
j
N
1
N
(lit.
two or more numeral nouns, may
function as the head of the nominal phrase. A compound numeral may be
followed by a classifier (cf. 3.4.2.2.1) and with it constitute a ‘Compound
Numeral Expression’, which is itself an endocentric nominal phrase with the
classifier as head. The first constituent of a compound numeral expression
must be represented by a compound numeral adjective (cf. 3.4.3. 1) and not by
The compound numeral, which
a
compound numeral (noun)
4 4 4.
4 4 migug jAtjbu sic eg
N
NN
<
‘American government policy’
2
4-5T j\:ngu
if its last
number
N
2
N
3
N4
completion of the drawing of the research plan’
‘research plan drawing completion’)
(
a\
)
sasibo (wah)
in
forms a separate
last
one, which
group
(i)
differs
every
member noun of a nominal group, if it
normally marked by Intoneme L, except the
be accompanied by any intonation. Iowcver, a nominal
apposition, every
stress
may
group,
from nouns
member noun
is
in
apposition
except the
in that:
‘forty five
won)'
(
hundred and sixty seven volumes’
sambegjugsib cil ‘367’ compound numeral + gwAn ‘volume’, classifier
‘ninety one (heads) [of sheep]’
o\$r *\(u\?])ahin ban (malt
<
<
ah in han
compound numeral
*91’,
adjective
To express the number or quantity of the
lowing construction is most frequently used:
N + Compound Numeral
+
/M7//‘head\
classifier
referent of a noun, the fol-
Expression
Examples
o| a]
one has the potentiality of taking the
thereby resulting in an adjectival phrase
last
subordinate relation to the immediately succeeding noun, whereas
nouns in apposition have no such potentiality. For example, a nominal group
4 *3 -sr H j\heij junbi ‘preparation for journey’ can be rewritten as
in
e.g.
five’
I
adjectival particle (cf. 3.4.5. 8) //‘of’,
standing
one, two, three or four,
compound numeral
(< sasib + o) 4- wah monetary unit, classifier
4 ^ -v 4 4 (4 ) samb eg jugsib cil (g wm)
sasibo ‘forty
5.1. 2.4.1.
Like nouns
is
‘three
geh weg jags a ij walljo
1
consists of
‘journey preparation’)
(lit.
‘Englishman’
N
‘the
as the
N-
1
44
4
H
it
:
1
44
further analysed
e.g.
Afer jMjgug sa.iam
7
other nouns
head and other nouns preceding
as the
‘preparation for a journey’
4-r
may be
all
dictj junbi
N
°1^
and
o
vi
ceg isibo
gw An
N
‘twenty
4-0*
4
five
°d
volumes of books’
4 Ai
c
fl
jadoijca j
(lit.
‘books twenty
\llj<\SAd
N
l
‘sixteen cars’
(lit.
‘cars sixteen sets’)
de
five
volumes’)
1
1
Korean Grammar
8
^ o]
^.-g-
*4
joiji
'
Chapter V
simul han jay
Af
N
‘twenty one sheets of paper’
(lit.
H
‘paper twenty one sheets’)
# ganin sadam ‘the man
of °] jibe
°1]
‘the child
The construction
N
Compound Numeral
4-
Expression
may
A f 5 l-ir
one described above, the following endocentric
also used, though less frequently:
is
Compound Numeral
°1
^
A
T! -1
Expression +
isibo
ii
+ N
-
Vi
A
c l) ^1
i
ZL
(lit.
‘twenty
five
#-°l
simul/wn
will pick apple(s)’
(lit.
‘apple picking
girl’)
(lit. ‘a
cow which
is
old')
^
A tt
-^ 7-
jAlm in
giligo AjApin sinbu
young and beautiful bride’
bride who is young and beautiful’)
-£
aelJL d|<y gY'g A vl
<H*ll
Aje bon giligo mil manual CAtjnjAn
‘a
(lit. ‘a
‘twenty one sheets of paper’
jarjiijoiji
c
N
young man
‘the
5E4r
it
Nominal Expansion
5.1.3.
child’)
c
N
—•§• ?!
‘home coming
(lit.
volumes’ books’)
‘sixteen sets’ cars’)
(lit.
‘going man’)
Adjectival clauses linked by coordinator.
d deii jadoqca
ja ///as
‘sixteen cars’
who
gWAnii ceg
‘twenty five volumes of books’
(lit.
ai
coming home’
^ nilgin so ‘an old cow’
*2:
N
A
on in
going’
M sagwalil ial cxnj a
‘the girl
alternative to the
construction
is
is
be best de-
scribed as a special type of appositional construction.
As an
who
119
who
^f ef
whom
I
saw yesterday and
*! Hi palgan
will
meet tomorrow.’
ion in pa lan jAnpil
c
The nominal expansion
up to three adjectives, (ii) up to two adjectival clauses (cf. 6.4.3.2), (iii) one or more adjectival relational phrase (cf.
5.3.2), or (iv) a combination of up to three adjectives and an adjectival clause.
consists of
(i)
‘a
red or blue pencil’
1
.3.
1
.
Adject ive(s) as Nominal Expansion
Any adjective and any combination of up to
expansion of the nominal phrase, except that
and
(i)
may occur as
the deictic and interrogative
mutually exclusive, and
two or more
deictic or interrogative adjectives do not occur at a time. There is no fixed
order in which adjectives are to occur within the nominal expansion except
that a qualitative adjective (cf. 3.4.2.4), if present, must come last in the
adjectives
series,
(cf. 3.4.3.2
i.e.,
A
*1
A)i\
3.4.3. 3) are
immediately before the head,
JA ccg
sc jib
‘that
‘[a]
JL A} Ani gojaij
—
>4)
An j
paper which
is
large
ZL s] JL
to -c*
*[
large
and
clauses
‘a
new
locality?’
a ] cer tain
than the semantically identical single adjectival
<>)
jdm in giligo
A -jr
young and beautiful
AjApin sinbu
cf.
°j °j
A. -f
Cl.
bride’
\mko AjApin sinbu
j
new book’ (han Adj.num.)
Cl.
uVo
Nominal Expansion
(cf. 6.4.3)
may occur
as the
nominal expansion.
consists of two adjectival clauses, they are linked either
by a coordinator such as giligo ‘and’ or ion in
complicated’)
thin [sheet of] paper*
7
n-
l
I
A
sadami
mam in bogcapan gAli
CL*
CL
Up to two adjectival
When the expansion
is
thin’)
Cl.
locality?’
mn sc C€g
‘a
and
gAli
to be noted that adjectival clauses linked by a coordinator or by para-
taxis are far less frequent
(sc Adj.qual.)
f
Adjectival Clause(s) as
-£°) kin jalbin jorji
Shtt
(lit. ‘a
It is
:
clause, e.g.
e.g.
jl*} Aniscgojarj ‘Which
a})
5. 1.3.2.
‘Which
^
(ii)
book’ (ja Adj.deic.)
new house’
(lit.
the
red or blue’)
sadam i manhin bogcapan
t] e]
vsir
is
crowded (and) busy street’
‘the street where people are numerous and which
‘the
three adjectives
pencil which
Adjectival clauses linked by parataxis
A Hf °1
5.
(lit. ‘a
‘or’,
or by parataxis,
‘the
cf.
crowded and busy
A f Hi °1
A-
ZY
street’
A
sadami
mamko bogcapan g.\li
e.g.
Cl.
3.
^
Chapter V
Korean Grammar
Adjectival Relational Phrase(s) as Expansion
5. 1.3.
One oi more adjectival relational phrase (cf.
may occur as the nominal expansion.
°1
each consisting of
N +
ii y
*§• <H|
zl
Adj.
nominal expansion consisting of two or more adjectival phrases exhibits
IC (Immediate Constituent) structure as follows:
(lit.
l
N
ii
2
N
ii
3
a*
ii
beautiful
‘this
new
car’
adj.cl.
young man from Seoul’
‘that who-comes-from-Seoul young man’)
‘that
1
N
ca
Adj.
gi s Aides a on CAijnjAn
M
A
its
alimdaun sc
i
Adj. adj.cl.
5.3.2),
121
—
*1
5.1.4.
‘a
han johin sc
tini
Adj.
Adj.
adj.cl.
jib
Adj.
new house’
certain nice
Nominal Phrase embedded
in
a larger
Nominal Phrase
A
more complex nominal phrase may comprise an NP as its head, and every
NP includes two expansions, the one belonging to the embedded NP
and the other to the larger NP of which the embedded NP occurs as head, as
shown by the following formula:
such
4.
Although
theoretically unlimited, the number of adjectival relational phrases
found in a nominal expansion is in general not more than three in all, e.g.
oj u] u)
uf sj
U
A -1
l>
l
i
gjojugii
°f u] 7 ]
him
oj
‘the
NP
NP
‘[my] friend’s uncle’
1
->
NP
->
Exp.
H
1
1
+ FP
+
Exp.
Exp.
+
1
separating Exp. from Exp.
TiT^I
‘the
gjosuii jAtnguii gjAlgwa
of the professor’s research’
results of research of the professor’)
'I
1
Very often a tentative juncture occurs after Exp.
a\ x] Atn.\niii abAjiii sajin
t})
y\
sl
a] -g-
o|
1
,
a] e]
in
the above formula, thus
e.g.
nega bon
‘the results
(lit.
H
power of education’
‘[my] mother’s father’s photo’
r
+
Exp.
H
‘my mother’
dorjmuii ajAsi
^nr-2)
a
awam
naii
NP
,
Exp.
SAulii gxli
Exp.
1
H
1
H
cinguii ajAsiii SAnseijii tal
‘the streets
of Seoul that
I
saw’
‘[my] friend’s uncle’s teacher’s daughter’
ojxfs)
There is a tendency, especially in spoken language, for the particle ii to
drop when a series ol it occurs in the nominal expansion, leaving as many as
would be required to avoid ambiguity. For instance, the two examples given
above may be rewritten
alimdaun,
jAjaii
Exp.
Exp,
mogsoli
H
1
1
H
‘the beautiful
woman’s
voice’
as:
cingu(ii) ajAsiii SAnscij(ii) tal
nominal phrase of the structure Exp. + Exp. + H may in some
instances be subject to more than one structural interpretation and conse-
A
gjosu ii jA:ngu(ii) gjAlg \va
1
1
quently give rise to semantic ambiguity. For instance,
5. 1.3.
Up
Adjectives
and Adjectival Clause
to three adjectives
and an adjectival
lor the restrictions stated in 5. 1.3.1,
as Expansion
clause, occurring in
may occur as
alimdaun jAjaii mogsoli
any order, except
the nominal expansion,
e.g.
‘the beautiful
woman’s
voice’
may
be interpreted in two different ways depending on where the first 1C cut is
made; with the first cut coming between Exp. and Exp. the nominal translates ‘the woman’s voice which is beautiful’, but if it is made between Exp.
and H the same phrase translates ‘the voice of the beautiful woman*. The
two different 1C cuts may be shown by the following diagrams.
1
,
A
1
-1
tt
^ 'd han sigsikan
Adj.
1
See R.
S. Wells,
CAijnjAn
adj.cl.
Language, 23/2, 1947. pp. 81-117.
‘[a]
braye young man’
1
1
,
122
Korean
Grammar
Chapter V
(i)
one to three
consists of
alimdaun
Jaju
T^P
mogsoli
J[
‘the
woman’s voice which
is
beautiful’
more
H
1
-
phrase,
lH
Exp.
ture
NP
^±e
alimdaun
Jaju
is
may be
set
‘Satellite’
the
is
V2 V*
V'
Exp.
V.aux.
Where
to
an
NP
NP
1
as
its
refers to the structure
(i)
i.e.,
structure of Exp.
4-
Exp.
H
a tentative juncture
is
Exp.
1
4-
ii
‘of’ Pckadj.;
NP comprising an
whereas that of (ii) refers
of an
H
is
manner shown by
analysable into succesthe diagram.
As
embedded
NP
spoken language
and
this
at least,
(i)
V.aux. n
V.aux. 2 V.aux.(Satellite)
Head
the verbal head consists of
1
two or more
or of one or more
full verbs,
*}-o).
in
in
Nucleus only
v)i>|
stated
frequently found between Exp. and Exp.
the nominal phrase comprising an
ture serves to distinguish, in
4-
type where Exp.
sively smaller constituents in the
earlier,
‘woman’ N;
beautiful’ adj.cl.; Jajq
head,
verbal phrase struc-
verbs plus one or more auxiliary verbs, every verb except the
be inflected
analysis ot
The
last one must
one of the four concatenating forms (cf. 4.3. 5. 3) as required by
the immediately succeeding verb. Apart from a modifying particle (cf. 3.4.5.9),
a plus juncture or less frequently a tentative juncture, no word of any class
can intervene between any two elements within a verbal phrase, e.g.
full
NP
The IC
embedded
1
Nucleus
of the beautiful woman’
‘the voice
H.
is
satellite.
out by the following diagram.
Expansion
alimdaun ‘(who/which)
mogsoli ‘voice’ N.
which consists of one or
consisting of an adverb or an adverbial
Adv./Adv.ph.
1
mogsoli
u_
verbs and
full
The expansion,
an optional element and so
auxiliary verbs.
123
7\c f nAttiA gada
-7-0)
rn
‘to
go
over’
cf j a p a g UA niAgia
<
nAtriA ‘crossing’
‘to catch, grill
and
4-
gada
‘to
go’
eat’
phonological fea-
the former from the
(ii)
Nucleus
4-
latter type.
Satellite
gago
sibia
‘[I]
want
to go.’
Nuc. Sat.
5.2.
VERBAL PHRASE
<
The verbal phrase, despite its central importance in Korean syntax and indeed
in grammar as a whole, has been given an incomplete and unsystematic treatment up to now. Even when a discussion of the verbal phrase as such was
*] o]
attempted, which was very
AA
<
rare,
way that a complete picture may be shown.
and especially the external distribution, of the ver-
bal phrase is exclusively determined by the inflectional ending suffixed to the
verb of such a phrase. For instance, a verbal phrase may function as a clause
or sentence on its own when its last verb is inflected with a final ending, or as
any non-final clause such as nominal, adjectival or adverbial clause when
it
4-
7 cf jib a jida
]
sibia ‘to
w ant
?
to’
be picked up’
‘to
jiba ‘picking up’
4-
jida pasv.vc.fmtv.
mWa gago sip A hago
7 kn.
Nuc.
ing of the verbal phrase in such a
syntactic function,
‘going’
Nuc. Sat.
it
hardly went beyond two- or three-verb
phrases and was fragmentary. This chapter attempts to describe the structur-
The
gago
‘to
4-
(iii)
be wanting to go running’
sip a ‘wanting to’
Expansion
A
4-
4-
hago
<
id'ta
Sat.
iwiA ‘running’
‘proc.v.fmtv.
4-
4*
gago
Head
jal hada
‘to
do [something]
well’
< jal ‘well’
Exp. Nuc.
is
suffixed with a non-final ending. This, however, will be discussed at the clause
and the present section
level
is
devoted entirely to a discussion of the internal
structure of verbal phrases.
*i-v?*
“M AA Allin
iwiA gada
The
verbal phrase has two immediate constituents, ‘Expansion’ and ‘Head’,
in that order. The head is further analysed into ‘Nucleus’ which
go running quickly’
H
Elements and Structure of Verbal Phrases
occurring
‘to
Nuc.
Exp.
5.2.1.
<
‘going’
idia progr.t.fmtv.
Allin ‘quickly’
4-
hviA gada' to go running’
4-
hada
‘to
do’
Chapter V
Korean Grammar
124
l
gago sipA haj\do
°K>
S*l
°]~r
aju
niAlli /vvm
Exp.
gago s ip a hago
Nuc.
hit a
adv.
are
‘to
be wanting to go running very
<
aju
+
sip a
‘very’
hago
+
Head of
m.\/li ‘far’
iel'ta
+ iwixgago
be wanting
‘to
made
all
‘to
go running’
One
Verbal Phrase
The satellite, consisting of one or more auxiliary verb(s), is
bound and therefore unable to perform any syntactic function
rather unique.
except for the
I
it
TK}
is
<
occurs. Accordingly, by the criterion of syntactic function, the
nucleus
subordinate to the
is
satellite.
For instance,
gago sipA handa
7\3L
Nuc.
in the
verbal head
wants to go’
‘[he]
twfo
%}
<
1
. 1
.
1
.
1
satellite.
On
the other hand, the function of the verbal head as a whole in
various syntactic positions
‘[He]
nilgd boinda
fi
5.2.
ganda
.
running away’ (goes running)
is
M
jAlm-
‘to
is
<
nilg- ‘to get old’ V.p.
‘[She] looks young.’
be young’ V.d.
Transitive
The nucleus
looks old.’
‘[Fie]
jAlmo boibnida
and
Intransitive
Nucleus
of two different types, transitive and intransitive, according to
it. The nucleus which includes one or more tran-
the type of verbs included in
is
a transitive type and
of a single transitive verb.
the satellite that consists of two auxiliary verbs cannot occur on its own and
perform any syntactic function unless it is preceded by the nucleus, here
represented by gago ‘going’, which can occur on its own independently of the
of intransitive verbs
is
On
syntactic function
its
is
(i)
b \:mil jaba ganda
O
V.intr.
V.tr.
Nuc
‘[They] are taking the tiger with them’
adj.
‘the friend
who
wishes to go’,
(lit.
cl.
NT'S*
and
(c) its
function as an adverbial clause as
in
They have caught the
ti 0 }*
H
tiger
and
are going away’).
habit anja niAgAnni
O
V.intr.
V.tr.
Nuc.
‘Did you eat your supper sitting down?’
1
C. L. Bazcll, ‘The Fundamental Syntactic Relations’,
1
1.
same
as that
an intransitive type and has the same syntactic func-
Nucleus of Transitive Type
is
the
the other hand, the nucleus which consists only
tion as an intransitive verb, e.g.
determined exclusively by the satellite, or to be
more precise, by the inflectional ending suffixed to the last auxiliary verb in
the satellite. Thus, (a) the occurrence of gago sip \ handa as a complete sentence, (b) its function as an adjectival clause as in
gago sipA hanin cingu
A
iwi- ‘to run’ V.p.
sitive verb(s)
Sat.
the concatenating
as the nucleus of a verbal phrase.
is
JrH
(the last auxiliary verb of) the satellite
satellite
may occur
niAtjdil - ‘to be bruised’, etc., e.g.
which determines the external distribution of the verbal head and ultimately the entire verbal phrase in which the
is
one,
last
most frequent, a two-verb nucleus less frequent, and a
three-verb nucleus is very rare. Descriptive verbs may occur as the exponent
of a one-verb nucleus but no multiple-verb nucleus may include, or consist
entirely of descriptive verbs, with the exception of two-verb nuclei of which
the second verb is boi- ‘to be seen, to be shown, to seem’, a passive verb derived from bo- ‘to see’ V.tr. The first position of such a nucleus may be filled by
any descriptive verb or by some processive verbs such as nilg- ‘to grow old’,
preceded by the nucleus which is syntactically free. This
criterion justifies taking the nucleus as central and the satellite as subordinate
to the former. In respect of the syntactic function(s) of the verbal head as a
whole, however, the satellite is central and the nucleus only peripheral, since it
itself unless
in
to.’
possible by the satellite.
to three processive verbs (cf. 3.4. 1.1),
form
to’
1
by
each inflected
he wishes
Nucleus of Verbal Head
5. 2. 1.1.1.
far’
In Korean, as in other ‘Turanian’ languages, ‘Expansion’ (or subordinate/
determinant) regularly precedes ‘Head’ (or determine ), e.g., adjective precedes noun, adverb precedes verb, and so on. However the relation obtaining
between ‘Nucleus’ and ‘Satellite’, the two constituents of the verbal head, is
syntactically
if
cl.
one-verb nucleus
5. 2.
cannot go even
25
Sal.
H
1.1.
mod ganda ‘[He]
1
126
Grammar
Korean
^ s*
7
43 °i
H
L
^
gakuja
*} kocil siniA
O
Chapter V
V.tr.
ntAggo sipji anhda /mAgko
7]
Nuc.
V.tr.
‘I
Nuc.
‘Let us plant flowers
SNs
T-H
and look
¥^3:4
after them.’
puijil
gUA
O
V.tr.
Nuc.
lire-
t'H
and served the
Every auxiliary verb
O
V.tr.
is
‘I
gjA
gadia
verb in the nucleus niAg-
‘to eat’.
adds to or modifies the meaning of
4i 7 )
&*4 ntAggo
sipji
don’t want to eat’ the two auxiliary verbs sip- ‘to want to’ and
anh -,
(iii)
Some
they occur,
example
in
meaning of the nuclear verb
auxiliary verbs determine the type of the verbal head in which
Thus
verbal head of processive type or of descriptive type.
i.e.,
a
verbal head consisting of a descriptive verb and the auxiliary verb j/-, e.g.
*}o}
7 ]o]
-ji for
niAg- ‘to eat’.
Nucleus of Intransitive Type
(ii)
full
negation, add their respective meanings to the
masinda
drinking wine lying down’
‘wine lying pouring out is drinking’).
‘[He]
(lit.
(ala
anhda
V.intr. V.tr.
concatenating ending
selects the
in the satellite
the verb(s) in the nucleus. For
bread.’
nuA
*44! *4 sulil
,
concatenating ending -go for the
V.tr.
(ii)
‘[She toasted, cut,
don’t want to eat.’
anhda negation,
the auxiliary verb
anta/
sibci
Sat.
the immediately preceding verb sip- ‘to want to’, which in turn selects the
jal/a noad'ta
V.tr.
127
‘[He] went crawling’
jaga jinda
^lcf
‘crawling went’).
(lit.
becomes
‘[It]
small.’
V.aux.
V.d.
V.intr. V.intr.
twiA
\
*?]
onda
‘[He]
is
coming running’
(lit.
‘running comes’).
7^v\
4]^
anja
is
a head of processive type
such as ga-
V.intr. V.intr.
swiA
galka
7}jl
<4 *4
V.intr. V.intr. V.intr.
‘Shall
(lit.
we
down and
sit
rest
‘sitting resting shall
we
before we go?’
The
gago
isda
V.p.
V.aux.
ojuf
jaga
^] j?
go?’)
V.d.
cf.
5. 2. 1.1. 2. Satellite
and behaves syntactically
of Verbal Head
On
Si *4
‘[He]
is
jigo
going.’
isda
tactically as a descriptive verb
such as jag-
catenating form, except for the
last
of descriptive type
may
is
be found within a
V.aux. for negation,
satellite
auxiliary verbs that
theoretically unlimited. For instance,
may be repeated any number of times,
a/*/?-,
4M
But
in practice
A
not
more than
general statement
tions of auxiliary verbs
may
be
five
made
44*4 gugo
sipda
of the verbal head:
want to go’
it
is first
is-
‘progressive tense forma-
transformed into a processive type by means of one of
the processive verb formatives such as
be inflected. For
ha -,
//-,
dwe-,
etc.
Examples
*]-o]-
7]
ojuf
jaga
V.d
v(-
satellite, is to
‘[I]
V.aux.
V.p.
tense unless
Every auxiliary verb in the satellite determines the concatenating form
which the immediately preceding verb, whether it is a full verb in the
nucleus or another auxiliary verb in the
be small’. For instance, a head
any more than a descriptive verb can, and consequently neither a descriptive verb nor a verbal head of descriptive type can have the progressive
(i)
in
‘to
like
tive’,
as follows with regard to various funcsatellite
and the
a head of descriptive type and behaves syn-
cannot be directly followed by the auxiliary verb
auxiliary verbs occur in the verbal head.
which constitute the
7 fjL
as in the following
example with multiple negations:
7 K2.
&*) &*) &*)...#*]
gago sibci and and and ... and anta
‘[1] do not do not do not ... do not want to go.’
< gago ‘to go’ V.intr., sibci ‘to want’ V.aux.
small.’
the other hand, a verbal head consisting of a processive verb
is
The number of
becoming
*jaggo isda
auxiliary verb sip- ‘to want to’
one.
‘[It] is
V.aux. V.aux.
which is the optional element in the structure of the verbal head
consists ot one or more auxiliary verbs, each inflected in the appropriate consatellite
as a processive verb
‘to go’:
jigo
isda
‘[It] is
becoming
V.aux. V.aux.
gago
sip a
hago
isda
in-
V.p.
stance, in the following verbal head.
‘[He] wants to go’
(lit.
‘He
is
V.aux. V.aux. V.aux.
wanting to
go’).
small.’
128
(iv)
Some
auxiliary verbs supplement
mations of voice and
fi-
Grammar
Korean
pasv.vc.fmtv.,
tense,
i.e.,
Chapter V
and extend the morphological
for-
passive voice formation by the auxiliary verb
and progressive tense formation by the auxiliary verb
51 c]-
jinda
Auxiliary Verbs of Group
V.tr.
V.aux.
mAggo
isda
V.tr.
V.aux.
[being] torn.’
‘[It] is
Any
‘[He]
in
the concatenating form
1.3]-ha-
2.
'Qxt mandil-
to
of A uxiliary Verbs according
Concatenating Restrictions
each group
will
be discussed
in
turn as regards other relevant features.
iliary verb.
Any
Auxiliary Verbs of Group
I
in
the concatenating form
1.
3£ bo-
5.
u] e] bAli-
9.
j2.o-
ju-
2.
6.
3.
$ sab-
I, i.e.,
-a/-.\ (cf. 4.3. 5. 3).
SLtfdili-
4. d]
7. *] ji-
noh-
10.
11.
5. 2.1. 1.2.3 for
8.
14 na-
12.
1.
°f u l3l aniha-
7}
ga 4 nc-
3.^1 dwe-
III
are processive
examples.
2.
form
it:*} mosha-
IV,
i.e.,
3.
'it
-ji (cf. 4. 3. 5. 3).
mal-
a nucleus, or a nucleus plus a satellite, of both processive
]
type,
whereas mal- follows only that of processive type.
verb, but not
are processive
I
examples.
descriptive. If
or ends
it
is
be followed by any other auxiliary verb, but if it is descriptive, the entire
verbal head is also descriptive and may be followed by a descriptive auxiliary
may
Any
dwe-
II
auxiliary verb of this group requires the immediately preceding verb to
be inflected
1.
in
$1 is-
the concatenating form
2.
II, i.e.,
-go
by a processive auxiliary verb unless
(cf. 5.2.1. 1.2.1.
5.2. 1.1. 2.2.
(cf. 4.3. 5. 3).
1
and
it
is first
5.2.1. 1.2.1.3).
See
transformed into a
as.//-,
5.2.1. 1.2.3 for
ha-,
mandil-, and
examples.
Rules on the Distribution of Auxiliary Verbs with other Verbs
within Verbal
^ sip-
and descriptive
whose
verbal head
descriptive type, depending
processive type by taking a processive formative such
Auxiliary Verbs of Group
A
in, aniha- or mosha- is either a processive or a
on whether the preceding verb(s) is processive or
processive, the entire verbal head is also processive and
other auxiliary verb. See
5. 2.1. 1.2. 1.2.
to
-ge (cf. 4.3. 5. 3).
aniha- and mosha- are auxiliary verbs of both processive and descriptive type
whereas mal- is a processive type. Accordingly aniha - and mosha- may lollow
dc-
satellite,
5. 2.1. 1.2.3 for
i.e.,
auxiliary verb of this group requires the immediately preceding verb to
satellite consists of,
I
111,
Auxiliary Verbs of Group IV
and may follow a nucleus, or a
of processive type, with the exception of ji which may
follow a nucleus, or a nucleus plus a satellite, of both processive and descriptive type. A verbal head whose satellite consists of, or ends in one of the auxiliary verbs of group
is itself a processive type and may be followed by any
group
All auxiliary verbs of
nucleus plus a
group
be inflected in the concatenating
auxiliary verb of this group requires the immediately preceding verb to
be inflected
See
5. 2.1. 1.2. 1.4.
Any
5. 2. 1.1. 2. 1.1.
III
a nucleus plus a satellite, of both processive
In this section auxiliary verbs will be classified into four different groups
according to the concatenating form in which they require the immediately
preceding verb, full or auxiliary, to be inflected, and then each auxiliary verb
in
5. 2. 1.1. 2. 1.3).
and may follow a nucleus, or
and descriptive type. A verbal
head whose satellite consists of, or ends in, one of the auxiliary verbs of
group III is itself a processive type and may be followed by any other auxAI1 auxiliary verbs of
Classification
5. 2. 1.1. 2.1.
and
group requires the immediately preceding verb
auxiliary verb of this
be inflected
eating.’
is
5. 2. 1.1. 2. 1.1
examples.
5. 2.1. 1.2.3 for
5.2. 1.1. 2.1. 3.
cijA
d we- (cf.
29
is
(cf. 4.3. 3. 1.1. 2), e.g.
xjuf
formative such as ji-, ha -, mandil and
See
1
Head
classification of auxiliary verbs into the four different groups on the basis
of the morphological restrictions imposed by the auxiliary verbs on the immediately preceding verb (cf. 5. 2. 1.1. 2.1) shows in which of the four concatenating forms a verb, full or auxiliary, must appear when followed by an
The
I
hese auxiliary verbs are descriptive and
nucleus plus a
of processive type only.
A
verbal phrase
whose
satel-
consists of, or ends in,
scriptive type such as a nib a- ‘negation’ or
However,
it
be preceded by a nucleus, or a
one of the two auxiliary verbs of group II is itself
descriptive type and may be followed directly by an auxiliary verb of de-
lite
a
satellite,
may
is first
it
of
mosba -
‘negation’
(cf. 5. 2. 1.1. 2. 1.4).
cannot be followed by an auxiliary verb of processive type unless
transformed into a processive type by taking a processive verb
all
auxiliary verb. However,
it
does not specify
in detail
what type of verb may
precede or follow a particular auxiliary verb, which, as auxiliary verbs are not
concatenated in a disorderly manner, is vitally important for the correct
understanding and generation of verbal heads, especially of long and com-
130
Grammar
Korean
plex type.
Chapter V
the distinction of verbs, whether full or auxiliary, into
the
processive and descriptive types that is directly relevant to the
manner in
which auxiliary verbs combine with one another and with full verbs
in the
It
is
nucleus. The statements
may
hey
I
1
Si*)
:
I
magei anke mandilgo sipA handa
would
‘[He]
make
like to
it
not clear.’
etc.
on the distribution of auxiliary verbs with other
verbs in the verbal head structure, as conditioned by the
criterion of the
processive/descriptive distinction of verbs, have already been made at
relevant places in the sections dealing with the four groups
of auxiliary verbs
(cl. 5. 2. 1.1. 2.1).
Yy'xVx
(/)
131
be brought together here and collapsed into a single
The
satellite structure,
may be
x/y expansion
in practice
which
rarely repeats itself
it
is
optional,
is
open-ended and therefore the
number of times, although
repeated theoretically any
more than
five
times in
all.
In the application
of the above rules the following restrictions must be observed:
rule as follows:
-
p
(ii)
X
y'x
//-,
->
3
ha-, dwe-, etc., Processive fmtv., e.g.
X
y'p
Yx - Y p
1
The
Nucleus
Satellite
verb
(i) and (ii) are to be read: ‘if a descriptive full or auxiliary
followed by a processive auxiliary verb, the latter must be one of the
restrictions
is
processive verb formatives, ji-, ha-,
The abbreviations used
X =
in the rule
above
Y
Processive fullverb(s)
=
Y =
y =
x
(
1
Processive auxiliary verb
Descriptive full verb(s)
1
and
y'y
y
*
1
y
rule
to be read
is
may
to right as follows:
left
1
1
,
x y
1
The nucleus
,
1
Thus
(tf)
X
,
,
:
{b)
X
y'x
(c)
X
x‘x-y
‘I
7 1|
1
,
,
rriAgke
^.*1
1
:
(d)
Y
x'y
1
(e)
Y
y’x
1
*1
‘[It]
malga jigo
\n*l
has not
mosha aniha-
)
..
..
aniha- aniha
>
...
by aniha -
...’
Y
handa
‘I
y'y 2
lit.
X
:
y'y 2 y 3 :
lit. ‘1
want to make him
‘[She]
would
eat.’
like to eat.’
-5^1- x
Vf*l
[It] is
bagei motaji anta
l
not not bright’
^ JL
^*1
do not not want
(It is
bright.)
?£c]-
to eat’
(I
mogko
want
sibi'i
and anta
to eat.)
application of the rule given earlier in conjunction with the restric-
on the choice of an appropriate concatenating form and any limitations
which will be mentioned in the exemplification of each auxiliary verb in the
tions
following section will generate correct verbal heads, subject only to collocational restrictions.
eat.’
:
:
and y 2 y-
.
^ cf niAgci moiage hago sibia
1
:
hago sibta
trtAgko sipa
want him not to
(
\
Examples
,
The
x'y
1
1
,
x y X'x 2 y'x', y'x 2 y'y 2 x'y'x 2 y 2 x'x 2 y'x'y 2 x 2
the following sequences are possible:
>
ri
y
.
X or Y
2
!
-
1
1
1
5
1
be followed by x or y in the satellite, either of which may in its
turn be
followed by x 2 or y 2 or y or x respectively, x
2
2
y x and y in the satellite
structure are free to combine in any order and in any direction, i.e.,
vertically,
horizontally or diagonally, as indicated by the arrows, e.g.
1
}
y
1
2 are used for reference.)
from
2
)
not occur,
The above
etc.’
This restriction is to be read: ‘if a descriptive full or auxiliary verb is followed by one or more descriptive auxiliary verb(s), y may be represented by
mosha- or aniha- unless y is preceded by sip- ‘to want to’ when mosha does
Descriptive auxiliary verb
(The superscripts
dwe
are:
i* 7 l)
become
*4 magi'i
clear.’
5. 2. 1.1. 2.3.
idia
‘[It] is
Exemplification of Verbal
Head
getting clear.’
anke dweAdia
Examples of verbal heads will be divided into two types, (i) those with simple
and (ii) those with compound satellite. Simple satellite consists of
one auxiliary verb, and compound satellite of more than one.
satellite
132
Chapter V
Korean Grammar
5. 2. 1.1. 2. 3.1.
Verbal
Heads
£4
with Simple Satellite
Ajcf jalla jj\dia
X
With the Group
5.2.1. 1.2.3. 1.1.
Auxiliary Verbs
I
(/;)
M. bo- V.p.aux. ‘to try [doing] [to see
1.
M
X
boaclia
il^
how
‘[He] has read/tried reading
44
’
[it]
ilgA
will try
‘[I]
and read
rju -
4
x
V.p.aux. ‘to
jibAjulka
X
—4
3.
do something
‘[Shall]
pick
[I]
[it]
someone
up
dili-
for you?’
(e)
V.p.hon.aux.
do something
‘to
‘I
for
someone
will find the
book
4 #4
ntAg- ‘to eat\
-g-
•§•///-
for
you
‘The flower
[sir].’
cry’, if e] nolli- ‘to
‘to
gugsufil ntAg a
nollj\
de/mi
X
x
*4
mi-u]
an
l>
°(-
!
‘[He]
likely to
become
4
£m//- V.p.aux. ‘to
X
4444
4
.
aJu]
r/\
apt \du\jimnika
is
much 9
’
-7-
y\c\ aj\siga n IgA
>y-o\
7\
44
S.
4 44
y}
9.
is
getting old.’
x
4 busane docakajA ganda
x
to present or to-
from past
SL o- V.p.aux., progression [towards a goal]
wards the speaker
’
4 IV -o -4
7]jE.-g-
44
sfl
noinin
itil'toijan
gidolil
he wad'ta
X
‘The old
x
Tl-S-
end.’
4°
1
man
44 44 mi gaci haj\
wad'ta
X
10
‘[He] went to bed straight away.’
.
‘We have worked
x
noli- V.p.aux., completion, retention
This auxiliary verb
b\li\dci
‘You pressed
it
completely, didn’t you?’
hi 7) ii
44
is
usually preceded by
4 44
V.tr. only, e.g.
gogilil jalla
‘Have you cut the meat up [and
passive voice formative
when preceded by
5flr///i/
cigA jinda
X
x
The
44
a V.tr.
picture
is
(being) taken
’
x
has prayed for the past two days.’
do something completely, or thoroughly’
V.p.aux.
*] o| a] cf-
‘My uncle
ganda
‘[We] are getting near Pusan.’
x
//////, \
«|
’
continuation
them without
getting very dark?’
it
ga- V.p.aux., progression [towards a goal] from present to future or
4A
‘to
eating noodles again
‘Is
x
noasimnika
X
4 a] o]
meaning
away from the speaker or near-completion
^44 /alii salma ntAga sad/a
^ 4 444./" /M/Mrf/a
//-
to].’
a V.d., plus the
red.’
X
X
^
’\*k kalml-
8
x
‘[We] boiled eggs and ate
44
tease’,
W€ USA satmi ‘Why do you keep on laughing 9
X
4
is
x
‘Did you tease him too
salt- V.p.aux., repetition,
*\\
don’t try
koci bulg a jigedia
x
Y
X
denda
X
$4
I
when preceded by
Y
bul- ‘to blow’, etc.
44
44
7.
4
4
4
"^4
if
x
behave flippantly’,
6.
x
going well [even
processive verb formative
as a favour’
1
5.
find [myself]
dc- V.p.aux., repetition, continuation
^
to]?')
jal ga j in da
a]
7}
‘[I]
he co Notability of this auxiliary verb is very
limited compared with salt-,
which may collocate with almost any verb.
Verbs which collocate with dearc:
you don’t intend
‘progression’ or ‘to become’
X
4
find yourself sitting [even if
X
as a favour’
x
ccgil caja di/igesimnida
4.
for
sit?’
x
lying.’
[it]
7
-
anja jini ‘Can you
‘Do you
(lit.
bogedia
when
V.intr.
X
X
2.
a] u]
x
uua
broken/cut.’
x
unintentional, or independent of the will of the subject,
preceded by
is]’
it
‘[It] is
133
^r44
M-M/i ala
X
noala
x
left
x
it
in
the cut-up state]?’
‘Find about
it
first
of
all.’
together.’
1.
1
Ana-
This
V.p.aux., progression,
or soar’,
‘to rise
7
s}|
completion
found with a limited number of
is
£ sos
£(>}
j*
AAjala-
‘to
A0
This
A
O
C
+
+
blossom’,
3] pi- ‘to
etc., e.g.
V.tr.
+
sip- in
‘The child has grown
ha-
x
»g*4-
found with a limited number of
‘to do’, o] 7
AA
d|
$A
gjAttdjA negedia
X
V.tr.
AA
such as
gjAttdi-
‘to
7\
‘[I]
hS
A
aiga sugce/il he
is-
^
doing
home work
his
With the Group
5. 2. 1.1.2. 3. 1.2.
1.
is
II
[it]
[and will be
5d c f
jibdjidko
idta
‘It
was snowing’
(lit.
Q
sip- V.d.aux. ‘to
A ha-
A
V]
[and he can finish
it
alone].’
(/;)
A
AA
'c-
‘[They] are building a house.’
22.
d|
JL
mother wanted
When
and may thus take
AA
*HI
^
u
it-t
make
§•§
V.d.
syntactically equivalent to
at least
X
x
the baby sleep.’
A
*11
AA A
(
jage
make
‘to sleep’ V.intr.)
pulil ntAgke habsida
trtalil
O
O
‘Let’s
A/tiAninin
l-
to
send some
‘[I]
(b)
dom 'd bon ego sipAdia
X
x
the horse eat grass.’ (ntAgke" to eat’ V.tr.)
When
£.
y
A -i*
preceded by a V.d.
A 7H
A mA
solild jAgke hajAdia
O
money
have bought
A
it
Y
volume down’
V.tr.
+
sip-
a
oNt
ix 7 H
cegsarjil
x
(lit.
‘made the sound
may either (i) remain unbecome a complement by means of
lil/il by the complement particle ga/i.
nobke han
O
‘Are you
may
AA
at last.’
y
would without sip -, or
the sequence
is
when preceded by
ailil jage Itaja
O
y
small’).
2.
making the
Y
't
x
table [to be] high?’
Aikntandil- V.p.aux.
(ii)
the replacement of the object particle
Thus
V.p.
preceded by a V.p.
°M-8-
object of a transitive verb followed by sipit
have some bread.’
negation
X
changed as
when preceded by
causative voice and processive verb formative
to wish to’
to,
sago maladta
The
like to
go over the mountain?’
to
A trial- V.p.d.aux.,
i would
Auxiliary Verbs
111
formative
‘[He] turned the
3.
sib'ta
verbal head that includes ha- in the satellite
(a)
X
‘[His]
have some bread.’
one object. 11 the nucleus of such
a verbal head is the transitive type, there may be two objects but if it is an
intransitive or descriptive type, only one object may occur:
is\d'ta
X
‘Do you want
like to
V.p.aux.
a transitive verb
n Am a gago sibso
7 \5L
niAgko
With the Group
(a) causative voice
x
X
y
‘The snow was coming.’).
want
would
C
‘Let’s
2.
‘I
y
°AilA nu:ni ogo
v: °]
sib'ta
nenda
Auxiliary Verbs
X
parji
ntAgko
all right].’
V.d.aux., progressive tense formative
e*
A 31
5. 2.1. 1.2. 3. 1.3.
can stand
X
‘The boy
potjil
e.g.
x
S-
*1]
equivalent to a descriptive verb occurring with C.
A i *IA
endure’,
1.
°1
is
O
^ jis- ‘to devise, compose or make’, etc.,
win’,
igi- ‘to
\
syntactically equivalent to a transitive verb, whereas the
in (ii)
Examples
up.’
ne- V.p.aux., progression, completion
is
sip-
sip-
(i) is
same verbal head
rising/coming out.’
is
+
+
V.tr.
V.tr.
135
x
X
A
such as
A sal- ‘to leave’,
‘The sun
A A aigajala nadia
7\
)
(ii)
(i)
V.intr.
grow’,
hega sosa nanda
X
12.
Chapter V
Korean Grammar
134
exhibit
two
different syntactic patterns:
This auxiliary verb is identical to haemphatic than the latter.
in
every respect except that
it
is
more
136
Grammar
Korean
(a)
When
preceded by a V.p.
*)“&
7 MI
-r 7 f
1.
also
occur in interrogative sentences
gage mandil.\nni
O
make
X
(b)
O
X
x
X
When
preceded by a V.d.
•§•*§*
?MI
3
vj-g. o] j£.
Y
if
o)
oj-
is
expressed by a
may
first
aniha o\
o|
‘Make
gudu/il gA/nke
x|
6}
o|-
l)
anihanda
x
‘This child does not walk yet/
ofu)
1
coijil soji
Y
mandiUdo
x
fire
the gun.’
x
hagkjoga m.\dji a/mi
x|
7\
‘[He] did not
anihedia
X
the light brighter.
J2.
Y
iainin ajig gAdci
*}v\
‘Isn’t
the school far?’
y
mosha-
you make your shoes dark/
%x
'A *\
-X *\
l
^T
nollasA didci motajAdia
X
dwe- V.p.aux.
3. £|
noun
X
x
O
‘Even
*4
£. 7
O
-Y-t’-S*
°H1
2.
T balil balke mandil.da
7I|
the subject
the ear go?’
^]]
///^/ zm/iY r/oz?// frA./ge mandiUnni ‘Who has made you earn
money 9
O
if
person pronoun.
-&§*
H-M-
137
exception to the complementary distribution mentioned above, mal-
ca/il
‘Did you
Chapter V
x
‘Frightened, [she] could not hear/
‘independent of the
(a)
will
or intention on the part of the subject’
when
T xV
preceded by V.p.
*3
M
7H
°ll
c f jibe
oge dwexdia
X
t°f u
l
1
7
5|
1]
]
3.
-g-u) uj
iL-jI
(/;)
‘processive verb formative’ with the
3*°] 7 f
meaning
ix 7I)
nobke dwelka
7
?! H)
1
‘Will he
become’ when pre-
become important?’
clear,
has
negation’ while
sonal
if
mosha- expresses
the subject
noun or nouns,
is
W
ith
the
(ii)
(i)
‘inability or incapability’
2.
-5r<4
3.
^
Of
mos/ta - V.p./d.aux.
zzw/-
V.p.aux.
-
—
it
ol
‘regret’
on the part of the speaker
for
something
tgmal4r-g-
not?’
T-7-x)
‘Please
d] <y
negation
be unable
negation
‘to
on the part
x
Group IV Auxiliary Verbs
aniha- V.p./d.aux.
1.
y
represented by an animate noun, especially a per-
°MI JL
sulil saoji
masejo
X
5. 2. 1.1. 2. 3. 1.4.
motada
6-j-T oz/zV z?rz// ' foci
being unfavourable otherwise.
ban Hi malke dweAdci
sky has become
Jg-
semantic difference is observed between aniha- and mosha -, both
of which are used to form negative constructions, aniha- expresses ‘simple
x
Y
x|
slight
the subject
T
-f-
not clear today [regrettably]/
‘It is
A
V.d.
Y
The
x
it/
‘to
x
Y
halabAjiga bosige dweAsimnida
so happened that [my] grandfather saw
ceded by
vi o|
did not intend to]/
X
‘It
motanda
‘[She] cannot go to the theatre/
x
come home [although
to
&A
7 7f
of uf gigcaije gaji
X
xi
happened
‘[I]
Jg.
y\ x|
<h|
the three auxiliary verbs listed above, aniha-
7
and mosha- are
in
do not buy wine and bring
u|a| v\ neil i.\naji
a] vfx|
to’
M
u
i>T
//an in gaji
X
com-
plementary distribution with mal- in relation to the types of sentence; that is,
aniha- and mosha- occur in declarative and interrogative sentences only,
whereas mal- occurs in imperative and propositive sentences only. As an
5.2. 1.1. 2.3. 2.
x
Verbal
it
with you.’
mabsida
X
x
ma/ka
‘Shall
‘Let us not leave
I
tomorrow.’
not go?’
x
Heads with Compound
Satellite
Following the illustration of verbal heads with simple satellite (cf. 5.2. 1.1. 2. 3.1 ),
illustrative examples of those with compound satellite are given below under
Korean Grammar
138
Chapter V
Xxyy
iwo separate headings, X and Y, the former representing the nucleus of processivc type and the latter that of descriptive type.
X
5.2. 1.1. 2.3.2. 1 .
d|ji
Xxyy
kabulA dego
Heads with Two Auxiliary Verbs
‘iM
7)|
gJ-Ajcf
m.\g,\ boge hasinda ‘[He] allows me
y xx
s]ojuf
Verbal
X
X X
X
anadci
idci
‘[You] were not behaving flippantly, [were you?].’
Type
X
(i)
139
x
and
to trv
eat
’
[it]
no/go
sip,\
X
y
huge dweAdia ‘[He] has come
x
to like playing.’
x
X yxy
x
didko sip hago isAdia
\
X
UgAjUA sanninda ‘[She]
X
X
x y
x
X
x
X
would
like to trv
and wear
Xyy
is
x
(iii)
y
is
not
X
sitting.’
'[He] does not want to
Verbal
x x x x
lie
down.’
-g-o)
d]*]
7||
X X X
‘[I]
had him want to
ulge
X
x x y
‘[He]
made him
drowsy.’
ae)
x
x
gago
y x
xfe]
x
leave her crying].’
(
SM
i
v)
X
x x
Verbal
x
^
crying’).
7|]
^cf
x
y
like to find
himself standing
it
[somehow ].’
^*1
and anad'ta ‘[He]
did not dislike to be lying down.’
y
Heads with Five Auxiliary Verbs
xxx
*1 *1
?*M1
xxx
X
nearly finished’
(lit.
‘is
being drawn’ [and]
‘Do not allow
X xxxyx
y
go on
dwego sipA handa
\
e|_-il
x
to
-r<H
4
usAnAmgj b\ljAjiji anke hajA ju Ala
jalla bAligo sips lianda
X
SJU
Ajoj
Xyyy
almost done).
Xx
s)ji
nitA idko sibci
idia
X x x y
H he] picture is
*}*]
x
would
Xyy y
y|.
and make her cry [and
7}3L
uf/fl
X
^o).
nV-fo]
giljAjjA
[it].’
&o}z\
-6*M
making her not
dU
‘[He]
mandiU noa bwa
x]
11
gJ \ndjA nage
x
y
X
‘Try
keep on touching
X
x
x
x
y
‘Stop wishing to destroy [it] completely.’
go.’
Heads with Three Auxiliary Verbs
-g-7l|
to
y
busj\ dego sipA haji malge
x
y
‘try
-y-*|
Xxxyx
X
do not want
Heads with Four Auxiliary Verbs
(lit.
Xxyxx
jolgo idke mandiUdia
Verbal
y
‘[1]
a deji anke hajA boa/a ‘Try to stop her crying on and on.’
X x
x
x
x
gago sibke hajsdia
(ii)
x
oiji
being drawn.’
c]
Xyy
^
X
‘was wishing to hear’).
it
X|
X
it’ (lit.
7 i]
manjigo idko sibci anta
‘The picture
‘[She]
sibci anta
7}jZ.
&
sl*l
y
idci aula
nubko
y
to hear
Xyy
Xyyy
o^cj.
*5"
x
wanted
l
[it].’
sM
a) ,2.
x
Qjz
anko
‘[She]
jolgo idci anke dweAdci ‘[He] has managed not to be drowsy.’
‘[I]
y
-1F|
XyX
again and again [for you].’
-&u|-
gilimi gilj,\ jigo idia
Xyy
[it]
Xyyx
bogo sibla
ib,\
reading
x
S.3.
°J<H
is
y
x
‘[She]
would
like to cut
it
off.’
7} A
[it]
oj. 7
||
x
x
to be laughed
*d
^3L
away
[for her sake].’
^<>1
japjAgaji anke hejugo sipA handa
X
x
x
x
x
y
‘[She]
wants to make him not to be arrested and taken away
his sake].’
[for
X
Grammar
Korean
140
44
x y x x x
AJ o|
0) J7
/g/a //ego
X
J]
x
x
y
made
*]
Chapter V
uj-g- ol
Yxyy
uf
44
haji anke mandih\d'ta
x/'/jm
x
‘[They]
ox 7
\lj
want
to
overcome
[pains].’
44 #44
422.
jigo sibci anAd'ta
\
Y
x
[her] not to
x
y
y
become young.’
‘[She] did not wish to
Yy
x x
141
4*1
444
SMI
^ofE}.
jobci anke mandi/ \ noala
5.2.1. 1.2. 3.2.2.
Verbal
(i)
Y
Y Type
#o\
X x
Y
Yyxy
4
malga jj<\
Y
x
aM
b.\li\dia
44
l
Y
x
Y
3.4
5//;//7/
x
y
Y
Y
‘Do you want
i* *1
They
‘It
44
?***]
making
‘[It]
big.’
somehow became
Y
get high.’
it
Verbal
x x x x
44
Y
x x x y
y
(lit. ‘It is
not not
Y
Verbal
44
4
d\o]
x x v
madke
Y
\ y x
x
4^ 4 4
it
‘[He]
is
making
anke
It
‘Let us not
make
^4
sfcn.
a go sibia
x
y
make
like to
[her] not to
be
late.’
&4 44 4^ H4 444
x
[it]
lit
y x x x
44 4
to
4
vi H)
Y
Y
become famous.’
x
y
it
become
w-4
short.’
44
galj\bd anke he ju a bolka
her.’
y x y x
x
y
‘Shall
't
x
wanted
y
44 4
to
L
ts dl
x
x
would
Y
bright.’
Y
jum \i]hage dwego sips han
Y
x
x
y
‘Do you want
make
otcj-
x
jiji
‘[She]
haj\ jugo idia
Y
\
i4
x
x
x
u
malja
calba jige hago sipa haj\dia
‘Let us try to
xxx
Y
x x y x
*£4
balgajige he boja
Y
Y
Heads with Three Auxiliary Verbs
x x x
x
Y
big’).
‘I
(ii)
44 T4
44
44 44
nil
big’
all).
Heads with Four Auxiliary Verbs
Y
#4
somewhat
that bitter (after
all
not not not bitter.)
is
silpA jige hajAjuji
anta
Pci.
not
It
not long.’
(iii)
let
not not high’).
and and anta
(lit.
2.]*
‘Don’t
become
has
Yyyy
siji
it
x
(4)
ill’).
4 44
<$4
*4 &4 &4 &4
‘It is
4
d]
y
y
is
are
x
ktji anci(nin)
Y
red?’
it
y
anke dweAdia
Y
5i*l
make
Yyyy
nobci motage haj\la
Yyv
to
444
y
wish to become not
ill’ (lit. ‘1
x
y Pci.
y
has become somewhat high’
‘It
44
x
not to be narrow’).
nobci anci(nin) anke dweAdia
(lit. ‘It
41*22.
it
Y
/wgo
44
gilji
become young?’
try to
44 &4(4)
^v]
kige mandilgo idia
Yyx
I
Yyyx
x
44
don’t wish to be
‘I
‘Shall
it
Yyxy
clear.’
x
4<H
j.\mke dwe\ bolka
Yxy
has become completely
‘[It]
x
x
y
make narrow' (lit. ‘Make
4^4 <#4 b]xl ^4
apiji anke dwego sibia
‘Don’t
Heads with Two Auxiliary Verbs
1
try to
4 4! 4 4
x
y
‘[She] wishes to
not to
feel itchy?’
44 44
tt4
bulpjA/ihaji anke
Y
x
make you
dwego
x
become
sipA haji
x
\
not uncomfortable.’
her sad.’
Korean
142
Y
4
y x x y
jalci
anke mandilx noko
Y
x
y
Y
44
7
*1
D
solilil jAmjAtn
jagke hela
it
VH.p.
y
not thin.’
44
4
4-4
‘Make the sound [become] small(er)
_
4*4 jal janda
gradually.’
‘[He] sleeps well.’
V.p.
-T-
4 4
^1
444
vr
#4 balami solsol bida midi a
4
hetjbokage dweA gage hajAjuge d\ve\d'ta
xxx
Y
x
VH.p.
x
‘The wind blew gently.’
‘I have managed to make [him] happy (for them).’
-£4 s\jl
t\ji
44 #4
nobke dwego sip a hago idci anta
Y
x
x
y
y
y
‘[He] is not hoping to become important.’
*44
44 $4] *}]
gAtnci anke he noko sip a jjxdia
Y
x
x
x
y
y
i find [myself] wishing to make [it] not to be black
Yxyxyy
Yyxxyx
[and keep
1.2.
Yyxxxy
of u
it
444
4
A
V.d.aux.
Adverb as Verba! Expansion
descriptive adverb occurs with a verbal head
u H-t-
>yoj
4
4°
y
make
The expansion of a
verbal phrase
descriptive adverb,
(iii)
$4 ?s44 men" joci anadia
l
I
be
ill
[to
the degree that’ (cf.
H
44
44
>T4
baiji
if
Ji44
4
may consist of (i)
a processive adverb,
(ii)
a
(cf. 3.4.4.1-3), (iv)
a
head the post modifier mankim/manci ‘as 3.4.2. 2.2), or (v) a relational phrase which con-
its
5. 2. 1.2. 3.
“
A
processive-descriptive adverb
processive or descriptive,
44 44
4-r
as,
bojAsimnida
k.\
looked the
tallest.’
may occur
Processive Adverb as Verbal Expansion
processive adverb occurs with a verbal head which
Av
o
is
with any type of verbal head,
e.g.
nAtnu
mala
jaji
‘Do not sleep too much.’
4 n Amu joke mandil.\dia
44
i!
4
sarfdaijhi swibci
'
§°
le]
Adverb as Verba I Expansion
V.d.
of processive type,
‘[1
V.p.
4 nr
is
‘[She] looks very old.’
V.p.
Processive- Descriptive
1.2.4.
whose nucleus
was not very good.’
V.d.
of the noun j ujdo ‘degree, extent’ and the particle lo ‘to, towards,
with, by’ (cf. 3.4.5.4.1), or (vi) an adverbial phrase (cf. 5. 2. 1.2.6).
A
descriptive
dedanhi joba jjxdia
"V.d.
P*g nilgA boinda
44 4 & 4ir4 4 gajarj
sists
5. 2. 1.2.1.
‘[It]
is
(cf. 5.2. 1.1.1), e.g.
remain
4
a processive-descriptive adverb
nominal phrase which has as
whose nucleus
be seen, to seem’
‘to
‘The room has become very small.’
[her] not to
Expansion of Verbal Phrase
‘to
id'ta
V.p.
slowly.’
type or ends with the verb boi-
like that] for her.’
or
Descriptive
5. 2. 1.2. 2.
it
hago
V.d.
-£-4
Y
x
x
x
y
‘[The doctor] wanted to
as’
CAtiCAtii
anke he noajugo sip\dia
apiji
5. 2.
44
‘[They] are doing
that way].’
4
V.p.aux.
V.d.
Heads with Five Auxiliary Verbs
x x x x x
44
4 d|
isAdi a
4
Verbal
(iv)
44
-S'
143
x
was making
‘[She]
±4
444
4f- 4
H]
Chapter V
Grammar
of processive type or
Av
e.g.
o
44 44
-2.
"m
4
it
‘[She]
made
it
too good.’
V.p.aux.
is
very easy.’
V.d.
satjdaijhi
masigo ogedci
V.p.
1
44
Ji
4
$4
midi paid h HJa jjAdia
V.d.
‘He
will
come
very drunk.’
V.p.aux.
VH.p.
‘Water has become impure [very] quickly.’
5. 2.
A
Nominal Phrase as Verbal Expansion
nominal phrase of the structure Adj./adj.cL + mankim/manci may occur
Korean
144
Chapter V
Grammar
before a nucleus of descriptive type and,
less frequently,
A Vu V
o o *1
before one of proces-
T!
saijdaijhi
a!
VHf
x)
ef d]
H
make
[it]
‘[They] are
coming
quite slowly.’
(satjdatjhi ‘quite, considerably’ Adv.p.d.)
as bright as this.’
nollal
id'ta
V.p.
adv.ph.
inumkim balke haja
V.d.
‘Let’s
CMicwnhi ogo
sub.
sive type, e.g.
°1
145
mankim
~
k,\
°1 x d"u*
jjxdta
l)
inumkim
&-A]
°1
7/
kekisi sige d\ve.\dta
H
sub.
V.p.
V.d.
‘[It]
has
J
\r°l
r>-
become
l
T*l
adv.ph.
as big as to surprise [me].’
ifv)
become so able
imankim ‘this much’ NP)
‘[You] have
nuni bail manci jadia
(
as to write as clearly as this now.’
V.p.
£.jg.
«£}•£]
U| e]
*1
‘[He] has slept [so long] that his eyes are swollen.’
v\ usiid jMjdolo palfi jis
H
sub.
b
\li
\dta
V.p.
adv.ph.
5. 2. 1.2. 5.
‘[They] built
Relational Phrase as Verbal Expansion
[it]
ridiculously
fast.’
(usiid jMjdolo ‘as to be laughable’ rel.ph.)
A
relational phrase of the structure Adj./adj.cl.
before a nucleus of descriptive type and,
+
jmjcJo +
less frequently,
/o,
may occur
before one of proces-
Mii
;i
u| *4
gij \ijdolo bisage haj.ulo
-V.
?l|
The
an exoccntric construction consisting of two immediand ‘Relatum’ occurring in that order. An ‘Exocentric
Construction’ is a construction which does not share the same distribution as
any of its constituents; e.g., an English prepositional phrase such as ‘in the
house’, which can occur in the sentence ‘1 le is in the house’, but where none
of the words making up the phrase can alone replace the phrase in the same
sentence. The axis is most commonly filled by a noun or a nominal phrase,
but in some relational phrases it may also be filled by other relational phrases
V.d.
‘Even
if
[you]
make
that expensive.’
[it]
*1
4
bj.ujwwne galjMjdolo apige d\ve\dia
V.d.
‘[She]
became so
‘to
ill
that she went to a hospital’
the extent that she went to a hospital’).
A
o
;>
i
)
or a clause.
nollal j \ijdo/o m.ujninda
much
is
The relatum
?M1 bam
x
V.p.
‘[He] eats so
relational phrase
ate constituents, ‘Axis’
m*4oj|
(lit.
RELATIONAL PHRASE
5.3.
sive type, e.g.
[\
is filled
kaji
‘till
by a particle,
e.g.
evening’
axis relatum
as to surprise me.’
<dv]j2_
j,\gi
lo
‘to this place’
axis relatum
5. 2. 1.2.6.
Adverbial Phrase as Verbal Expansion
The adverbial
phrase, which
is
Two
an endocentric construction consisting of a
head and (i) a descriptive adverb, (ii) a processivedescriptive adverb, (iii) a nominal phrase (cf. 5. 2. 1.2.4), or (iv) a relational
phrase (cf. 5. 2. 1.2. 5) as its subordinate, may occur before a nucleus of procesprocessive adverb as
its
-r
i\
*4tT nivujal
sub.
H
adv.ph.
handa ‘I
V.p.
le
does
it
very
well.’
(men
‘very’
Ad v.d.)
Relational Phrase’ and ‘Adjectival Relational
Phrase’.
5.3.1.
Adverbial Relational Phrase
The adverbial
sive type, e.g.
»•’}]
types of relational phrase are distinguished on the basis of their syn-
tactic functions, ‘Adverbial
relational phrase has as
quotative particle or
3. 4.5. 6. 2).
(iii)
its
relatum
a directive particle,
(cf. 3.4. 5. 4.1,
(ii)
a
3.4.5A2,
may occur either alone as minor
commonly as adjuncts in the clause structure. Some adverphrases may be followed by a modifying particle (cf. 3.4. 5. 9).
All adverbial relational phrases
sentences or more
bial relational
(i)
a clausal conjunctive particle
(i)
Grammar
Korean
146
Chapter V
Directive Particle as Relation
4
a!
‘Hi
c
jibe tdia ‘[She]
1-
44
44
at
home.’
The
bakilo gaja ‘Let’s go out.’
namulo mandU\d'ia
<& *4
Kl Hi
is
(ii)
2l<4 lAtidAtiSA
_
-S*
(lit.
‘[They]
man
bolsu
made
Adverbial Relational Phrase as Axis
adjectival relational phrase
it
with wood.’
*1
*Hl
-fr
44
4r*! SAulesA
—
44<H|
do gani ‘Do you go
7fu] gigcaije
-^4<H]5L
axis
ends
an adverbial relational
in
a particle.
sosig ‘the news [of] from Seoul’
adj.rel.
only in London.’
it
ii
its
itself
adv.rel.
id'ta
Pel.
‘One can see
which has as
phrase ends in two particles since the axis
‘to out’)
147
?))
a] o
*|
]
to the theatre too?’
cinguegesA
ii
pj.\nji ‘a letter [of]
from a friend’
adv.rel.
Pel.
adj.rel.
mdf.
o]
(ii)
Quota live
44
44- AOiAniege
SL^JL
<
H|
‘He says that he
will
gamsa
Air. b]
come
country side
to the
c]
too.’
jasigilo
ii
doli ‘duty [of] as a son’
adv.rel.
adj.rel.
inilago bulinda
it
jel 44s]
silver.’
7]
cfl
$\ gjojarjgwa
ii
gin
adv.rel.
(iii)
Clausal Conjunctive Particle as Relation
£#<44
OL^i-S-
gicegil
‘I
boadhonan dasi bogo
saw/read the book but
<4
‘a
*14°1
si °]
5.3.2.
adj.rel.
SLjL
<4*1
n.\do aldasipi sigani
I
‘a
sib'ta
would
like to read
again.’
it
S14
\:f/ta
‘As you know, there
is
no
time.’
Adjectival Relational Phrase
The adjectival
relational phrase has as
its
relatum the adjectival particle
ii
‘of*
an adjective, i.e., occurs as subor(cf. 3. 4. 5. 8), and is
The
axis of the adjectival relational
NP.
or
dinate to a succeeding noun
phrase or an adverbial relanominal
a
noun,
a
either
phrase may be filled by
syntactically identical to
tional phrase, e.g.
(i)
N
or
*4
4
NP
4
as Axis
naii ca
‘my
car’
(lit.
i of
car’)
N
444
4^1 jMjgugii gorjWAn
‘parks of England’
N
*}-£-
vfo]
jg-
j.dmin
nalii
kum
NP
‘young day’s dream’
‘thanks [of] to mother’
adj.rel.
-v^-4
‘We call
•ia-a-
ii
adv.rel.
gido sigole ogediago ban da
ig.\sil
u] <h |
Particle as Relation
A |'e
as.
vh\
(lit.
‘the
dream of the days when we were young*)
long talk (of) with the principal’
dchwa
Chapter VI
VI
all
j
clauses are referable to one of the two types. Every final clause has
predicate inflected with a final inflectional ending
CLAUSE
(cf. 4.3. 5.1)
its
and occurs by
a major sentence, whereas every non-final clause has
itself as
49
its
predicate
and may occur
a minor sentence or more commonly as part of a major sen-
inflected with a non-final inflectional ending (cf. 4.3. 5. 2)
either by itself as
tence, e.g.
The
clause
be defined as an endoccntric construction which consists ot a
head and one or more other elements preceding the head as its
may
predicate as
its
expansion. The predicate, which
clause structure, consists of a
full
or non-final inflectional ending
verb or a verbal phrase inflected with a
(cf. 4.3.5).
As
N
preceded by
the copula
is
or NP,
‘to be’ (cf. 3. 4. 1.1.1),
/-
^
final
may be expressed by
a predicate
a single verb, the minimal form of a clause in Korean
where the verb
4-^°)
the only obligatory element within the
is
Final Clause
(i)
is
always found
hanili mag'ta
<H]
The
sky
is
clear
1
.
P
simninda ‘[They] are chewing gum.’
P
7ft gjohwee gani ‘Are you going to the church ?
P
a
h- 14 cegil bobsida
‘Let’s look at the book
P
4
a single verb, except
is
which
s!4
k\tnil
1
|
e.g.
1
.
(
i
)
Predicate as Clause
-?-Tr
*f
(ii)
u 14 josimnida
N/NP +
.
Copula Verb
Non-Final Clause
(ii)
‘[It] is nice.’
^u] cf jago sipA hamnida
+1 o)
jr.
1
‘[Someone] comes
-£-4 ornla
‘[He] wants
4^ 4
to sleep.’
as Clause
i-
^ fr
jAnpilida ‘[This] is a pencil.’
^-°] c palgan koc ida ‘[It] is a red flower.’
hanili
h
.°~
n kA/nil sibitnjA
\
at jg°]c]-
^4
7 ft-
o||
NP
u*
Expansion + Predicate (Head) as Clause
4 Si 4
3r°l
AfcVo]
koci pi \dia
The
7\
SO
gega
;
‘A dog
many
are
is
uf^
aj.
chasing a
t>)
71
*
gojarjilil
have headache
gum’
cegil
bom
‘[He]
who
is
going to the church’
‘looking at the book’
6.2.
ELEMENTS OF CLAUSE
The elements of the clause are (i) Predicate (P), (ii) Subject (S), (iii) Object
(O), (iv) Complement (C), (v) Agent (Ag.) and (vi) Adjunct (A). Of these six
conninda
elements, only P
P
is
obligatory and the
rest
optional.
cat.’
of 5x cf
Predicate
nanin onil nrdiga apida
S'
‘I
gjohwee ganin
P
people.'
6.2.1.
c
clear’
V
P
7 t)
‘while chewing
is
flower has blossomed.’
Adv.
S
the sky
P
P
S
apt manta There
sadami
\&4
of-T
‘if
P
l-
(iii)
malgimj\n
P
A
S2
P
today.’
Any verb or VP which is inflected with a final or non-final inflectional ending
may occur as the predicate of a clause. There are six different types of predicate distinguished according to the type of clause in which they occur; they
are
6.1.
FINAL
AND NON-FINAL CLAUSE
(i)
Transitive Predicate’,
Predicate
1
,
(iv)
tive Predicate’.
The clause
is
of two major types, ‘Final Clause’ and ‘Non-Final Clause’, and
148
(ii)
‘Intransitive Predicate’,
(iii)
‘Equational Predicate’, (v) ‘Passive Predicate’ and
‘Descriptive
(vi)
‘Causa-
1.
Chapter VI
Transitive Predicate (P.tr.)
6.2.1.
The
Grammar
Korean
150
of (a) a transitive verb
transitive predicate consists
of transitive type,
one which includes
i.e.,
at
(cf.
canda
gorjil
<>}
5|
sadami dweAdi a
uf giga
C
3.4. 1.2) or (/;) a VP
least one transitive verb
P.eq.
‘He has become a man/
in the
nucleus but does not include the passive voice formative ji- (cf. 3.4.1. 3.2)
the satellite. Every transitive predicate may occur with an object, e.g.
-g-g-
o]
3.y\
151
in
o]
o]
o]
midi Alimi dwego
o| v\
s] 31
C
‘Water
‘[He] kicks the ball/
is
becoming
id'ta
P.eq.
ice.’
P.tr.
6.2. 1.5.
¥
*1
t*
The
P.tr.
book
‘[He] has not read [the
tomorrow’s
for
passive predicate consists of (a) a passive verb,
cluding the passive voice suffix
lesson].’
The
Predicate
(P.intr.)
and
composed of
3.4. 1.4)
3.4. 1.2
or (b) a
VP
i.e.,
‘[She] sat
one whose nucleus
is
mative ji-
and which does not include a causative
such as ha- or mandil-
(cf. 3. 4. 1.3. 2)
&&e]. anjAdia
(a) a processive intransitive verb (cf.
of intransitive type,
intransitive verbs only
voice formative
i.e.,
the voice formative
of
intransitive predicate consists
one including
in
the satellite, e.g.
juiiga killinda
y\
down/
^-o]o)
Tj-cf
nuASwigo
id'ta
‘[1]
am
in
bed
was caught, bound and taken away/
resting.’
U f-T* 7
*]t}
}-
namuga jalla jinda
Descriptive Predicate (P.d.)
i.e.,
(r/)
a descriptive verb (cf. 3.4. 1.1) or
(
The
descriptive predicate
may occur
is
with two sub-
jects, e.g.
ginin
is
cH /Vo]
kind’
(lit.
‘his
S
heart
Every predicate which consists of
man was
not rich’
(lit.
(a) a causative verb,
(cf. 4. 3. 1.2)
i.e.,
causative predicate of phrasal type which includes a causative verb in the
S
‘The old
in
double causativity
§-*1 -&
imsigil niAgija
(cf. 6.3. 6. 7), e.g.
‘Let us feed [him].’
P.caus.
P.d.
man money was
not plenty’).
cl i! nolljAd'ta
°H*|-
‘[She]
made
the child play.’
P.caus.
6.2. 1.4.
Equational Predicate
£- u]y\
(P.eq.)
^ i?
-g-
yt *]
*4
sonjAga Aigul il bulkiAdta
P.caus.
The equational
3.4. 1.1.1) or
^J-o]
dweo)
predicate consists of either the copula verb
‘to
become’
uf jaijmi Ida
C
P.eq.
V.p.,
or a
‘[It] is
VP
a rose.’
a verb including
or (b) a verbal phrase of causative type,
one including a causative verb in the nucleus and/or a causative voice for(cf. 3. 4. 1.3. 2 and 5. 2. 1.1. 2. 3. 1.3) in the satellite, is a causative predicate.
nucleus results
jAtjgami doni manci anadia
S
‘The old
cut.’
Causative Predicate (P.caus.)
the causative voice suffix
A
P.d.
nice’).
is
«£*]
.£.0]
being
mative
maimi jota
S
‘He
6.2.1. 6.
i.e.,
l
is
)
auxiliary verbs other than the causative voice formative as satellite,
a descriptive predicate.
‘The tree
V.aux.
P.pasv.
b a VP of
one including a descriptive verb as nucleus and one or
A predicate which consists of
0 }-fr 0
drawn/
P.pasv.
‘[He]
V.tr.
more
[being]
is
japiA mukiA gad'ta
‘[They] are playing/
idci
oiuf
descriptive type,
‘[His] attention
P.pasv.
P.intr.
6.2.1. 3.
a transitive verb in-
i.e.,
a verbal phrase of passive
V.pasv. V.pasv.
no/go
4)jl
(/;)
at least
in the satellite, e.g.
P.intr.
ipo}
or
(cf. 3.4.1.3.2
P.intr.
a!*1
(cf. 4.3. 1.1)
one passive verb in the nucleus but excluding
and 5.2.1. 1.2.3. 1.3) from the satellite, or one
including a nucleus of transitive type (cf. 5.2. 1.1.1) and the passive voice fortype,
6.2. 1.2. Intransitive
Passive Predicate (P.pasv.)
UgA noci anad'ta
a!;
T
with dwe- as nucleus,
‘to be’ (cl.
e.g.
‘The
girl
blushed’
(lit.
‘reddened her
face’).
Korean
152
^§
-
•§*
6
d]
vr
)-
^
Grammar
Chapter VI
Algulil bulkige hajASSO
is
the girl blush.’
(lit.
‘made the
girl
redden her
C\
uTg-
7\t]]
uf sungjAijil
i
V.aux.
The
the policeman go running.’
(mandiUdia
subject
commonly expressed
is
(cf. 3.4. 5.9).
In
by a noun or
or by a
(cf. 3.4.5. 1),
9
spoken Korean,
just
NP
plus the subject particle
noun or NP plus a modifying particle
a noun or NP occurs frequently as S
without being accompanied, by one of the particles mentioned above,
u 7\
biga onda
l
‘It is
5
*
±
e.g.
raining.’
The agent occurs both
the passive clause
A \ Hi tt
-
is
t- °15L
due
arc
to
come?’
is
make
A
$J?I-
t>]
o] 7 }
is
//////( cf. 3.4.5. 2),
or by a
Just like the element S,
NP
alone,
calil
expressed by a
noun or
NP
in
NP plus a modifying particle (cf. 3.4. 5. 9).
spoken language, be expressed by a noun or
tanda
‘[She] rides, in a car.’
4
#-§-
we
eat?’
c l- sinmunil)
‘Shall
[I]
make my
mala
‘Don’t
make
agent
sister
wear
[it]
also?’
the child eat
[it].’
P.pasv.
friend.’
6.2.6.
Adjunct
(a)
(cf. 3.4.4.4), (c)
an adverbial noun
(cf. 3.4. 2. 1.4), (b)
an adverbial relational phrase
an
(cf. 5.3.1)
is, however, differentiated from the latter by its
transformed into the element S of the passive clause corresponding to the active clause in which such an agent occurs, e.g.
inability to be
bonda
‘[1]
am
reading the newspaper.’
O
(i)
Adverbial
Noun
A
d]
as Adjunct
A ncil jAijgAjaije gagesso
A
Complement
‘I
is
or by
construction to the element O,
‘Are you sending the heavy briefcase too?’
The complement
N/NP plus the
N/NP alone, e.g.
expressed by
nominal phrase may sometimes be followed by the object particle lil/il (cf.
3.4. 5.2) for emphasis, or by a modifying particle (cf. 3.4.5.9J with additional
meaning. The element A expressed by N/NP + lil/il, although identical in
Ad] u| mug Aim gabarj do boneni
-ir
obligatory. However, the element Ag.
cingu hante budhlljAdia
was held by a
interrogative adverb
NP
O
"U-Srii
in
(cf.
or (d) a nominal phrase expressing ‘Distance’ or ‘Duration of time’. Such a
tmvAsil niAgilka ‘What shall
A -g-
The element Ag.
plus the agent particle
noun or
O may,
O
Jf
‘[She]
plus the object particle
O
^}-§-
6.2.4.
ai niAgiji
The adjunct may be expressed by
l-
NP
Ag. P.caus.
e.g.
^} c
complement
P.caus.
Ag.
commonly
the
[it].’
nui do ipilka
nj-Bf
is
may be
(cf. 3.4.5.9),
the child eat
Object
object
/-
water.’
‘[It] is
letter.’
y-¥* ^}d]
The
a man!’
a i ege niAgiji mala
Ag.
P.caus.
a}e|-
S
6.2.3.
particle
causative clause
(in Pcl.mdf.)
no
mulida
passive and causative clauses.
in
Ag.
o\o]
‘There
pjAnjifga) A.'bia
0 ]^
expressed by a noun or
A o] A
<h] ?1]
ol su:lam in mjAcinja
‘How many people
is
modifying particle
‘Don’t
^ °1 *4
dweAdkuna ‘You have become
day.’
C
e.g. -i*
high.’
S
s&A
in the
particle or a
‘The mountain
becomes the
the night
expressed by the copula verb
is
and the agent
3.4. 5. 3) only,
occurring
S
r
the predicate
'din(i)
‘If
Agent
o} o]
nobso
sani
nA
S
dwemjAn
C
C
S
-
C
caus.vc.fmtv.)
6.2.5.
ga/i kesA or esA
naji
S
occurs without the particle,
Subject
6.2.2.
bami
44=-°!
When
P.caus.
made
s]
wiA gage mandii\dta
Nuc.
‘[They]
-Vo]
face’).
(hajASSO caus.vc.fmtv.)
«] o)
modifying particle (cf. 3.4.5.9). Like Sand O, the element
sometimes expressed in spoken language by N or NP alone, e.g.
w}°]
P.caus.
made
‘[They]
53
particle ga/i or a
V.aux.
V.caus.
1
commonly
expressed by a noun or
NP
plus the subject
will
go
to the station
tomorrow
.’
Grammar
Korean
154
A] 7)
°j °A °]
<}u} jAini jAgi
Chapter VI
provides the basis for analysing the clause as an cndocentric construction
CAUCAnhi ganda
A
woman
‘A
Interrogative
(ii)
the basis of the degree of cohesion with
Adverb as Adjunct
<& 7 KI
sfl
we hagkjoe angani
4
Why don't you go
to school?*
A
°\
*
H 5.
41
it 2|
A
all
\t.\ke
P as head and other elements as expansion. Secondly, on
that consists of a
going there slowly.*
is
(
i i i
)
[it]
n.\do palli hcla
6.3.
TYPES OF FINAL CLAUSE
quickly somehow.'
A dverbial Relational
Phrase as
Six different types are distinguished of clauses according to
A djunct
predicate (6.2.1) functioning in them,
of -x]
o|]
-y-
Q
A
‘I
(iv)
go
with
[here] in the
*6H|
y]
will
acime nuga isaso
morning?'
oj
-/f
‘Who was
41
H £) (#)
nvil j.ujgAjaije gagesso
6.3.1. Transit i ve
simni(lil) hviAdia ‘[He] ran ten
T|
A
li.'
-r-^1 it
understood as positionally
(
JrLyf-y-M-
-§-)
telebilil dusigan(il)
4i\i°]
7
fl
7\
*) 7 1 A ]
is
‘Really he
onil
wc angani
4
Why do you
LfJiL
o] Lg
4
)
M]
A]
cf Aje
if-?r
Somehow
1
6.2.7. Interrelations
also did
among
[it]
nado AtAke se:siganil
interrelations obtaining
hed'ta
among
A
A
4]
free except
°l
the elements of the clause
may
P and optional elements,
S,
y\
Tr
-g-
it]
be stated
°a*S-
worked hard
I
?i °]
try
P.
A
is
to
be
is
kicking a
),
e.g.
ball.’
P
ailil
conninda
O
P
A
there.’
Y* °] 3S
^
ASA
Aje gin in jArjmal
ilil
O
mani hedia
P
yesterday.’
O, C, Ag. and A.
And
this criterion
marked (emphatic)
7}
%] o]
-g-
v\
is
brought into focus,
-a
v \ nega ccgil
SO
ilgA
e.g.
bolka
P
and read the book?’
£] o]
of binary opposition of
obligatory/optional occurrence, the six elements are divided into the obligatory elements
+ (O) +
‘The boy
gega jAgisA
fit
the
where restrictions are introduced. Most
SO
#
chasing a boy
element
first
‘Shall
of a Clause
different ways. Firstly, using the criterion
P and has
structure of an
type,
which are
quent than the unmarked one, are (0)(S)P, P(S)(0) and P(0)(S),
which the
three hours yesterday.'
the Elements
The elements and
transitive clause are: (S)
Transitive clause structures of
A
4
‘Causative
not go today?*
A A
two
°1-
t
ZL
e.g.
f
it.
S
The adjunct does not always occur singly. A sentence or a clause may include
any two or more of the four different types of adjunct, which have been de-
in
in
sonjxni goijil can da
-§•-§•
‘A dog
The
O
Multiple Adjuncts
<4 4]
(/)
transitive clauses lend themselves to passive transformation (cf. 6.3.5. 1
boadkuna
A
-£- 1
Clause’ and
In the discussion of the six different clause types, the element
have a week ofiT
‘You have watched the television for two hours.'
scribed in 6.2.6,
the type of
‘Intransitive Clause’, (c) ‘Descrip-
(/;)
(e) ‘Passive
transitive clause includes a transitive predicate (cf. 6. 2. 1.1) as
unmarked (non-emphatic)
X
A
6.2. 6.1.
(i)
other clause elements occurring
Clause
potentiality of having the element
= measure of length: A mile)
n juil(il) noni ‘Will you
h| -g-
(a) ‘Transitive Clause’,
‘Equational Clause’,
(ii)
to the station tomorrow.’
<
‘enr sH*§r) K-v]
efl
They are:
and
Clause’.
A
4]
P.
tive Clause’, (d)
Nominal Phrase as Adjunct
(li
may be
the five optional elements
P,
grouped into (i) O, C and Ag., and (ii) S and A. The cohesion between P and
O/CVAg., whose presence or absence is potentionally determined by P, is
greater than that between P and S/A, which may occur in any clause irrespective of the type of P found in it.
A
‘Do
155
q]
7}
-g-
v\ ccgil
nega
OS
*U-g- ilgA
ilgA
bolka
P
bolka nega ccgil
P
SO
in
less fre-
each of
156
v\
^ -g-
7)- /7g,t
Z?o/Ay/
erg//
.
ncga
6.3.2. Intransitive
:
1
composed of O' and
O
2
quantity’,
be termed
—
(its) leg’ etc.;
—
(one) sheet’, ‘book
O
O' and
(ten) persons’, etc.
will
—
‘paper
e.g.,
An
C.
2
standing
in
or one of ‘unit
—
nega dudclil pini dambclil
0
P
2
O,
such a relation as
is
+ (O
1
)
+ (O 2 ) +
the
T!
sinsalil
cf.
*14
AfgtT
A
—
‘Sit
described
*]Tl3]
£- 7)
‘[He]
cf.
#
^~§r
AV
0
tc*]$M
^
P
faster?’
marked
cf
actor
6.3.3. Descriptive
A
of ogo]
nuga dA palli iwini
P
S
-'
-t c-
intransitive clause
is
P(S), e.g.
jcpa/li tA/iadia bcunin
A
The
P
S
left hurriedly.’
Clause
descriptive clause includes a descriptive predicate (cf. 6.2. 1.3) as
Two
P.
kinds of descriptive clause are distinguished according to the type of descrip-
They are “Descriptie Clause 1” and “Descriptive Clause
Although the elements and structure of the descriptive clauses of both
types can be uniformly set out as (S) + (C) + P, the relation, both structural
and semantic, holding between the elements S and C is different in type and
type II. Thus the elements S and C in a descriptive clause of type I may be
replaced by a new subject composed of the original S and C in the same way
that the split objects O and 0 : may combine to form a single unified object
tive predicate used.
ha
ccgsaijil
dalilil
S
O,
0
SO
cf e]
In
riA
dM
c
2
bunjiUnni
P
bun filMini
P
0
2
Marked (emphatic)
fr
1
clause with
‘part of’ the referent of the
objects
noun functioning
Tt-
T>
1
e] 7 }
oj.se
c}
O,
‘Are you smoking two cigarettes!’
dud cl i l pini nega
o
1
.
1
).
Semantically the relation
2
as S. For instance, in the follow-
nan in niAliga apida
S
clambelil
(cf. 6.3.
ing clause:
e.g.
q] 7f
split
C may be characterized as ‘posession’ since in most cases the referent
the
of
noun functioning as C may be regarded as ‘belonging to’, ‘related to’ or
of S and
structures of the transitive clause with split objects are
s] c]
1
in the transitive
P
cegjAlkwAnil ilgAnni
O
P
Tl
-T-d]
ccgsatj dalilil
cegil j:\lkwAnil ilgAnni
(0‘KO-)P(S) and (S)(0 2 ) P(0»),
#
gj c]
structure of the
it £]
foot’),
y cf add bolgilil cwdia
O
P
°i
‘Have you read ten books?’
°il
*Fe]
c|
•r*7f
The
o2
P
°,
son [on] the buttocks.’
s] -g-
°i il ?r
ct.
The priest comes slowly to church and’ (CAncAnhi ‘slowly’ Exp.
‘Who runs
‘Did you break a leg of the table?’
H
CAncAnhi mogsanin gjohwelo ogo
P
A
S
J2.5]5_
II”.
^ AoV fr
L1
his
-g-7]-|-
°Hf-
-e-Ttt
P
quietly.’
objects are semantically
cf odilil bolgilil c\d\a
spanked
on the chair
sinsa balil balbadta
O
intransitive clause are:
bjaejojoiji anjala
2:-§-£]
£] xf <h]
ha HI balbadta
P
°,
‘[He] stepped on the gentleman’s foot’
(lit. stepped [on] the gentleman [on] his
unmarked
P, e.g.
P, e.g.
xKf
of
+
O or
an intransitive predicate as P but neither
structure of an
(its)
(ten) volumes’, ‘soldier
‘Split Objects’. In general, split
intransitive clause includes
somewhat more emphatic than the corresponding single object. The structure
of an unmarked transitive clause with split objects is:
cf.
tv«|| _g.
c]
Clause
The elements and
(S)
form of a nominal phrase. It is noted that the
O 2 is one of ‘whole - part’, e.g., ‘man - (his)
in the
semantic relationship of O' to
hand’, ‘woman — (her) hand’ or ‘table
(S)
ii)
157
‘
A transitive clause may take two objects which are related in such a way that
the objects O and 0 may be freely replaceable by a unified single object
above
-g-
S
Transitive Clause with Split Object
3. 1.1.
c|)
q) 7f
OS
P
6
Chapter VI
Grammar
Korean
P
S
‘I
have headache’
(lit. ‘I
head
C
am
P
sick’).
C may combine into a new subject naii mAli ga ‘my head’,
where the subject noun na'V and the complement noun mAli ‘head’ constitute
the elements S and
Grammar
Korean
158
nominal phrase by means of the adjectival particle ii ‘of’.
On the other hand, no such relation holds between S and
a
scriptive clause of type
AA
M-tt
M dislike
the subject na
For instance,
II.
in the
cf. -®-Af (£)
C
following clause,
of u] a\
‘Father was
C +
P of type
+ P of
may
I
O +
intransitive type (cf. 6.3.2) by ‘C-inserting’ trans-
P of
represented by an animate
+
C+
transitive type (cf. 6.3.1)
cf. t]-5L
P of type
II
from the
noun
whereas that of type
only,
(
may
9)
1
)
P(S‘)(S 2 ):
C + P
hands were
to C,
and S
1
P
S2
P(S 2 )(S
P
‘
):
except the verbs listed in
in
I
manh
‘to
6. 3. 3.2.
be many,
Examples
much
illustrative
‘to
I
of the verbs occurring
Descriptive Clause of Type
The
descriptive clause of type
gilib‘to
be
ill’
TT
bangab-
$ job^Ixr^l-
(S') Hh (S 2 )
+
unmarked
P, e.g.
°]
mogsanin
°f
1
1
priest’s foot
Noam Chomsky,
I
are
°f
‘to
was aching’
Syntactic Structures
,
(lit.
p. 45.
mobsi apadta
S2
P
‘priest foot was aching’).
bali
aswib-
^j-g-sf
T T! —
‘to
has as the exponent of P a
listed.
The
1
for’
musAb -
‘to
be afraid of’
be happy to [meet or hear from)’
‘to
‘to
‘to
AgulhaHi
A
-t*
be sorry, sad, regrettable’
miss [someone or something]’
be sad over’
‘to
be unjust, to
ginsimsil\b-
^-g-sf guijgimha -
‘to
feel
member of
the
verbs given below are
be good, fond of’
SAunha -
silpi-S*^l
S
‘The
descriptive clause of type
miss or long
‘to
‘to dislike’,
5/7/?-
be sad’
structure of the
II
illustrative:
etc.
The elements and
II
small class of descriptive verbs which can be
are:
or plenty’
3. ki‘to be big, tall, large’
7 gi.T
‘to be long’,
d
of sr apisilpi-
S,
has as the exponent of P any descriptive verb
the element P of the descriptive clause of type
-
S2
I
6.3. 3. 2.
descriptive clause of type
S,
JAgAdia soni jAinin
l
P
Descriptive Clause of Type
S:
S,
soni JAgAdia jAinin
to
structure.
S2
jAgAdia jAinin soni
P
(S )P(S'):
small.’
jAinin JAgAdia soni
S,
2
are
P
S2
S.
The woman’s
between the two
I
e.g.
jAinin soni jAgAdia
£°1
(S')P(S 2 ):
+ P where S 2 corresponds
(S2 )
+
P
structures of the descriptive clause type
marked
but
2
2
(S’)P(S 2 ), P(S')(S 2 ), (S )P(S') and P(S )(S'),
I
structural description: (S
large’),
3 c\ hagkjo(ii) undoiyaiji kida
)
common
be repre-
I
P
S2
S
Less
types of descriptive clause and in order to emphasize the difference between
them, the descriptive clause of type will henceforth be given the following
The
P
S,
by a ‘Detransitive’ trans-
In view of the structural as well as semantic difference
6.3. 3.1.
tali’),
5! cf abAji(ii) kiga k.\dta
3lv\ hagiejoga undoijjaiji kida
sented by any noun, animate or inanimate.
S +
7) 7 f
P
S2
‘Father the height was
The school playground is large’
(lit. The school the playground is
formation. The distinction of descriptive clauses of type I and type II is reinforced by the fact that the subject noun of the descriptive clause type II is
in the original
tall’ (lit.
a\ (oj)
*fjH7f
be described as being derived from
formation, and the descriptive clause structure S
S
mobsi apadta
P
the
I
+
AA
cf.
between the descriptive clauses of type and 11 may be viewed as a case of
surface neutralization of two different deep structures, since the descriptive
kernel string S
bali
cf abAjinin kiga k\d'ta
7] y\
S,
exhibited by the clause. In transformational-generative terms, the relation
the kernel string S
AtikA mogsafii)
1
S
complement noun ge ‘dog’ cannot combine into a
single nominal phrase naii ge ‘my dog’ to stand ultimately as S of the same
clause without destroying the original structural relation and meaning as
+
-h*
S
T and
1
'&°]
)
within a de-
nan in gcga silta
S
C P
dogs’ (lit. ‘1 a dog am loathsome’).
clause structure S
159
Chapter VI
A
robbed’
be worried’
be anxious, concerned’
‘to
etc.
Grammar
Korean
160
The elements and structure of
+ (C) + P, e.g.
the
unmarked
descriptive clause of type
# o]
11
kumi hjA.'nsili dweAdci
s] <£ *]
^41 °1
are (S)
Tv °1
The mother
#:nt4r
missed
tali
giliwAdta
S
C
P
‘[Your]
The marked
ao]7f
nugu
T jaqgjonin buhaii jugimi silpAc/ia
was sad over the death of a
u
-nr
‘How much
l
C
giiga
P
nugu
6.3.5.
marked structures of the descriptive clause of type
(S)P(C), P(S)(C), (C)P(S) and P(C)(S), e.g.
d]i^ °1
T'c*
$ T nan in nesosigi guijgimhed'ta
SC
to hear
nan in giujgimhcdta nesosigi
S
P
C
P(S)(C)
giujgimhcdia nanin nesosigi
are
A
C
P
The
passive clause type
tive clause
+
(Ag.)
+ HO)
(S)
S
equational clause includes an equational predicate (cf. 6.2.1. 4) as P and
The elements and structure of the unmarked equational clause
are (S) + C + P. N or NP occurring in the equational clause as the element
C is not followed by the complement particle i/ga when the element P is ex-
tt
be\ and no other element such as
a14t
is
be
7|]
*fr°l
(Ag.)
o] 7 f
JL
transitive clause
+
=
P.pasv.
passive clause
-^r^cf gcga gojaijilil cocad'ta ‘A dog chased a
O
7}] oil 71]
-31
# cf
C
‘He
is
P
hangugin
Tnf o] cf
Ag.
Examples of Passive Clause Type
gigiorje inn in nala ida
C
a in-the-Far East-existing country’).
<>|
-g-o)
‘Water has become ice already.’
P.pasv.
was chased by a dog.’
a singer.’
is
SAC
sjcu-^uf nndi b
cat
cat.’
P.tr.
gojarjiga gcege codkjAdia
S
P
5L-^- o]
a Far-Eastern country’
‘Korea
=
S
*
(lit.
P.tr.
t
ot 0 ]-y-
7f
‘A
S
‘Korea
A may
+
P, e.g.
7 }o] cf gin in SAijagka ida
T-5* °1|
which is structurally related to and derivable, by a
the diagram below), from the underlying transi-
(cf.
Examples
the element C.
‘to
I,
I
of the (S) + (O) + P type, exhibits its unmarked structure as (S)
the elements S and Ag. are transformationally related to
/(
S
its
O and S respectively of the transitive clause as diagrammatically shown below.
An
A
i
as
+ P where
(Or +
/-
(cf. 6.2. 1.5)
IF.
Passive Clause Type
passive transformation
Eq national Clause
and
P and may take
on the
them. They are termed ‘Passive Clause Type
passive clause includes a passive predicate
6.3.5. 1.
CPS
C
he?’
Passive Clause
F and ‘Passive Clause Type
giujgimhcdta nesosigi nanin
interposed between
is
inja giiga
basis of the elements operating in
SC
pressed by the copula verb
‘Who
P
the element Ag. There are two kinds of passive clause distinguished
nesosigi giujgimhcdta nanin
P(C)(S)
e.g.
from you.’
P
6.3.4.
II
P
(S)P(C)
(C)P(S)
CP(S),
CPS
/mm/ Almana musAmni
C
A
P
are you afraid of a tiger?’
was anxious
is
<=>m?
inja
C
S
soldier.’
Less frequent but
‘I
P
reality.’
structure of the equational clause
CP(S):
^
^ °]
dream has become a
[her] daughter.’
S
officer
C
S
AmAninin
-r *)-£]
The
161
Chapter VI
\/sA Ali/ni
dwe \dkuna
A
^
thief
rr
^
cf
1
dodugi sungjAijhante japi \dia
P
Ag.
S
was caught by a policeman.’
n f-r* 7 f
^
T°f
P
The
floor cleans well today’
AS
onilin
(lit.
maluga jal daka jinda
P
‘the floor gets
cleaned well today’).
162
Grammar
Korean
°M
°fl
M
7H
aiege mullj.wni
Ag.
‘I
Chapter VI
%°\ 7\
joijiga
(Ag.)P(S)
(S)P(Ag.)
P(S)(Ag.)
P(Ag.)(S)
The
are (Ag.)(S)P, (Ag.)P(S),
I
°1|
°1
dl
T
Uf
sinsaga gAjiege bali ha lpjAdi a
S
Ag.
C
P
gentleman’s foot was trodden on by a beggar.’
nr °1
°l
-o'
°fl
U
7H
£]
1
-
2
iT
-
aei^
uferoil
balame nallinda
Ag.
P
^T
doijsciji
The paper
is
‘[My] brother’s hair was cut by
flown bv wind.’
Ag.
Passive Clause Type
Although the element Ag. in the passive clause is most commonly expresnoun or nominal phrase, it may also be expressed by an
inanimate noun or nominal phrase unlike the transformationally related S in
the underlying transitive clause, which is always expressed by an animate
noun or noun phrase except in those rare instances where an inanimate noun
or noun phrase may occur personified or animated. Consequently, many paswith an inanimate noun or noun phrase as Ag. are not matched
by corresponding transitive clauses. The following examples exemplify this
sive clauses
point:
S
-‘-•o*
x K-‘
/i °H
Ht°
T nodoijjanin kale bali cillj \dia
^
1
II
‘A worker’s foot
passive clause type
II, which is structurally related to and transformafrom the underlying transitive clause with split objects, i.e.,
(S) + (O) + (O-) + P type (cf. 6.3.1.
1), exhibits its unmarked structure as
(S) + (Ag.) + (C/O) + P.pasv. where the elements Sand
Ag. are transformationally related to O' and S respectively of the transitive clause,
and (C/O) to
°1
is
O’, as diagrammatically
JT
*1 U
*}•#
(O')
+
+
(O’)
O,
O,
P.tr.
=
structures of the passive clause type
(SKAg.)P(O)
transitive clause
±y\
-t'
6f 7
<>
ll
l
P.tr.
foot.’
II
(S)(C/0)P(Ag.), (Ag.)(C/0)P(S) and (C/0)(Ag.)P(S),
shown below:
P.pasv.
*ka/i nodorjjalil balil cillAdia
S
‘A knife pricked a worker’s
Marked
C
Ag.
pricked by a knife.’
tionally derivable
(SK +
P
sed by an animate
S
The
O
Ag.
[his] sister.’
’
P
6.3. 5. 2.
nuiege mAlilil kakjAdia
S
S
balame joijiga nallinda ‘By wind the paper is flown.’
Ag.
S
P
balame nallinda joijiga ‘By wind is flown the paper.’
Ag.
P
S
joijiga nallinda balame ‘The paper is flown by wind.’
S
P
Ag.
nallinda joijiga balame ‘Is flown the paper by wind.’
P
S
Ag.
nallinda balame fotjiga ‘Is flown by wind the paper
(Ag.)(S)P
)
P
Marked structures of the passive clause type
(S)P(Ag.), P(S)(Ag.) and P(Ag.)(S), e.g.
<S)(Ag.)P
y] y
y\
lave you been bitten bv ihc baby?’
163
are (S)(Ag.)P(C/0),
e.g.
“£*14
7 ll
soga soijajiege jAsil pallinda
I
(SJ^ + NAg.)
+
I
(C/O)
+
P.pasv.
=
S
passive clause
The cow’s
O
Ag.
teat (or milk)
is
Examples
(S)( Ag.)P(O)
7
fl
y\
gega dodugil sonil mui\dia
S
O,
O,
P.tr.
5L-S=~g-
7\ dog
°)
7
bit
the thief
£ o|
H
(S)(C)P(Ag.)
soga soijajiege pallinda jasH
Ag.
S
P
O
soga jAsi pallinda soijajiege
(Ag.)(C)P(S)
soijajiege j
on the hand.’
/
-g-
v\
SC
dodugi gehante son i/sonil mid/j.\dla
S
Ag.
C/O
Ag.
(0)( Ag. )P(S)
P.pasv.
Examples of Passive Clause Type
°\°] y \
°\
u
l
v)
o\] a))
6.3.6.
II
sf-g-
aiga \m.\niege paid japj\dta
.
S
‘The child’s arm was held by
his mother.’
Ag.
O
P
P
pallinda soga
Ag.
P
soga
S
Causative Clause
A causative clause includes
its P and may
complement and/or an agent. Any of the
a causative predicate (cf. 6.2. 1.6) as
include up to two objects and/or a
five
Ag.
CPS
\si
JAsil soijajiege pallinda
O
‘The thief was bitten by a dog on the hand.’
P
(being) sucked by a calf.’
types of clause so far discussed, except the equational clause with the
Korean Grammar
164
Chapter VI
T-7
copula verb /- ‘to be’ as P, may be transformed into a causative clause, and the
elements and structure of a causative clause are determined by the type of the
underlying clause from which the former
is
derived.
The following
five
‘Who
types
of causative clause are distinguished according to the elements operating
^1
)-
<
in
M]
#
^
(S)(0)P
SO
surprised you?’
nega nollanni ‘Were you surprised?’
S
P
7\
the causative clause structure:
(a)
$SM nuga ha/H nollage henni
P
7H
e"
A *1 *1
gugil sikiji mala ‘Don’t
1
•§•
O
(b)
(S)(0)(C)P
(c)
(S)(0'/Ag.)(0 2 )P
< ^°1
(d) (S)(Ag.)(O )(0 2 )P
165
make
the soup get cold.’
P
n ^)- gugi siijninda ‘The soup gets
P
S
1
cold.’
l
(b)
(e)
(S)(0‘)(Ag.)(0 : /C)P
Causative Clause derived from Descriptive Clause
~
A
d fr °1
Each of these
five
ing sections, noting the structural relations between an underlying clause
and
.
?]
SOP
T jAtngorji bicil balkinda
‘An electrician makes the
<
a causative clause derived from the former.
6.3.6. 1
*
types will be discussed in turn with examples in the follow-
Causative Clause of (S)(0)P
?} v \
°1
is
derived from (a) intransitive,
P
*}•
itotjnolil jobke
O
(/;)
of (S)P type, and the structural relation holding between the underlying clause and the corresponding causative clause is
descriptive, or (c) passive clause
‘Let’s
<
make
-1*5.
°1
7}
P = underlying clause
+
(c)
+
(O)
+
=
P.caus.
causative clause
oj.4|-§.
‘The father
_<?_
made
gj
-'f
7}
his
aclilil
o] *| ^1
‘Someone caused
SOP
x\ abAjiga
<
oge hcd'ta
lit
!§ °]
°1
35 uf
adili
Aj-jif-g.
^
?|]
kin a jige hedia
O
P
the string to be broken.’
$ *4 Jidi
e]
julil
S
kin a jjAdia ‘The string was broken.’
P
*}]
fl tf
sagwalil jal pallige he jWAdia
O
S
[They]
wadia ‘The son came.’
P
< 4
made
7}
the apples
Q ^ d
sell (lit.
in
the causative clause, such as abAji ‘father’ in the example
is an invented element which is not expressed
responding non-causative clause structure, e.g.
above,
(a)
in
Causative Clause derived from Intransitive Clause
H
l
ltir
‘A mother
< T°1
SOP
Anhxninin laid ancUdia
^1
made
her daughter
tali
anjAdia
S
P
The
sit
up.’
daughter
sat up.’
any form
in
‘Apples sold well’
(lit.
'
P
‘to be sold’) well.’
sag waga jal pall a cl 'ta
P
S
The element S
narrow.’
nuga
derived from the intransitive clause
°H|a]
is
P
S
son come.’
P
Causative Clause derived from Passive Clause
Examples
oj-uj x| v\
mandilja
itotjnoga job'ta ‘This passage
S
(S)
‘
the passage narrow.’
as follows:
(S)
light bright.’
bag'ta ‘The light is bright.’
*}§•
^^1
°1
The causative clause of (S)(0)P type
bid
S
‘were sold’).
the cor-
6.3.6. 2.
Causative Clause of (S)(0/C )(C)P
,
The causative clause of (S)(0/C )(C)P type is derived from an cquational
clause of (S)(C)P type where P has as nucleus the verb dwe- ‘to become’. The
structural relation between the underlying clause and the derived causative
J
clause
is
as follows:
Grammar
Korean
166
=
(C)
+
P.equ.
(C)
+
P.caus.
(S)
Chapter VI
underlying clause
(b)
167
Causative Clause derived from Descriptive Clause Type
41/44 41/ 4
(S)
The
(O/C
-i-
+
1
)
causative clause
41
444
dwege hedia
S
O
C
P
The teacher made his pupil to become
*1|
44
°J
44
s)
pupil
5|
4 a) ef
7)|
‘Make your dream a
¥ 4 ^14 44
C
clause of (S)(0‘/Ag.)(0 : )P type
clause with a single object,
A'////?/'
hjA:nsili
C,
C
tween them
dwege haj\la
P
is
At//////
hj \:nsili
S
C
(S)
dwenda
P
4-
(O)
4-
P.tr.
4-
(O'/Ag.)
4-
(O 2 )
4-
P.caus.
(SKO/CMOVCJP
of (S')(S 2 )P structure
7|)
-§•
-§*-§•
(SVC)
4-
+
(O/C)
(OVC)
4-
+
causative
cl.
may
be
e.g.
4 4 4 ctiga gelil mulil niAginda
s
o,
P
o
type
is
derived from (a) the de-
< 4
4 11
4'n-4£f£tf mulil niAijninda
SO
(cf. 6.3.3
P.des.
=
underlying
P.caus.
=
causative
P
‘A dog drinks water/
4447
r°Jl
H
1]
°J
4
38
4 buinin g \jiege osil ibke hedia
<
cl.
The
lady
made
a beggar put
O
Ag.
S
cl.
6.3.6.5.
(S)
=
:
J
+
cl.
‘A child makes a dog drink water/
as follows:
(S'/S)
underlying
that the element S of the underlying clause
transformed either into the element O' or Ag.,
and 6.3. 3.1) and (b) the
descriptive clause type II of (S)(C)P structure (cf. 6.3.3 and 6.3. 3.2), and the
structural relation between the underlying clause(s) and the derived clause is
I
=
(S)
The above diagram shows
Causative Clause 0/(S)(O/C)(O /C')P
causative clause of
derived from a transitive
is
(S)(0)P type, and the structural relation be-
reality/
o\ o| 7\
scriptive clause type
i.e.,
as follows:
l
The
P
disliked dogs/
The causative
P
‘A dream becomes a reality/
6.3.6.3.
si lAdia
C
Causative Clause of (S)(0'/Ag.)(0 : )P
6. 3.
became a man/
¥ °] 4 1 °l
<
man/
gega
jejaga ingani dweAdia
cf
S
The
‘I
a
dogs/
dislike
S
SAtiseijin jejalil ingani
<
P
4 4 U 4 4 nanin
6.4.
$4
s)7i|
mandii\dia
0,/C,
They made me
<
*1)41*
O/C
S
above formula shows that the element
may be transformed either into the element O or
e.g.
AA
4~§-44
gidilin nalil/nega gelil/gega silke
structural relation set out in the
S of the underlying clause
O,
=
1
P
on clothes/
44 4 11 4 4 4
gAtiga osil ibAsda
‘A beggar put on clothes/
Examples
(a)
Causative Clause derived from Descriptive Clause Type
41 / 4 4 41 / 4°
I
4^*fl
The
384
O/C
‘He made
<
my
41 44
is
P
O, / C,
causative clause of (S)(Ag.)(0')(0 2 )P type
clause with
gin in nalil/nega balil/bali apige hedia
S
Causative Clause of (S)(Ag.)(0‘)(0 : )P
I
split objects,
as follows:
(S)
foot [to bc| painful/
4
nanin bali ap \d'ta
P
s
S2
i
K
My
foot
is
(S)
4*
(Ag.)
is
derived from a transitive
(S)(0')(0 : )P type, and their structural relation
ill
=
4-
(O')
4-
(O 2 )
4-
P.tr.
4-
(O')
4-
(O 2 )
4-
P.caus.
i
painful’
i.e.,
underlying
=
caus.cl.
cl.
168
Grammar
Korean
Chapter VI
Examples
clauses,
°HM 7
tHM# T41 ^2.4
°HMM)
f
Ag.
S
dalilil jumulige
also causative,
handa
leg.’
adili halmAni/il dalilil jumulinda
o,
o,
son massages
The
O
objects
split
and
1
O
2
granny on the
in
double causative formation,
the causative clause are very often
combined
O
i.e.,
,
example given
(cf. 6.3.6.4),
earlier
may
Thus the
< 4 y\
OP
§4e)
MUAniga adilege halm\ni
Ag.
The mother makes
The
dalilil jumulige
T feed
my
brother’
1
leg.’
Ag.
S
(lit.
<
:
‘made
sf 0*! 0 !
+
(Ag.)
+ (O/C)
+
P.pasv.
= underlying
his servant
£•§r
(S)
(O'/C
-f
1
4-
)
(Ag.)
+ (0 /C 2 ) +
2
P.caus.
+
caus.cl.
iHr
/
/
a°]
33
T
gin in sinsalil/sinsaga aiege balil/bali balpige hedia
S
O, /
‘She
made
x\ a\ y\
o\ o]
C
Ag.
]
O, /
C
2
P
the gentleman’s foot to be stepped on by a child.’
<h]
41
^4
it o] /
sinsaga aiege bali/balil balpjAdla
S
The
6.3.6.7.
Ag.
C/O
1
aJ
the
cow
pick the grass’).
4 haini solil pulil iidkiAcJ'ta
O,
P
O,
servant grazed the cow.’
cl.
TYPES OF NON-FINAL CLAUSE
Apart from the final/non-final difference
final
414#
make
i
Examples
^
‘made’) his servant (to) graze the cow’
^7
-g-g*
6.4.
1
i
P
:
(lit.
S
The
as follows:
(S)
0
O,
asked
l
2
brother eat his meal’).
*1-^4
/C )(Ag.)(OVC 2)P
,
P
O,
O,
my
juinin hainege soli l pu/il tidke hajAdia
/C )(Ag.)(0 /C )P type is derived from a pasof (S)(Ag.)(C/0)P type (cf. 6.3. 5. 2), and their structural relation is
causative clause of (S)(0
,
‘make
(lit.
meal’).
T nega doijseijil babil mAginda
handa
her son massage his granny’s
Causative Clause of (S)(0
sive clause
°v!
S
44
44-g-
The master
6.3. 6.6.
She
-g:
'i-
be rewritten as follows:
o]-g-o))7)|
S
the form of an object.
in
MM1
S
Ag.
O,
O,
P
‘My mother makes me feed my brother’
(lit. ‘makes me make my brother cat his
of
except that the element Ag. cannot alter-
cannot be expressed
l
e.g.
AniAninin naege doijsctjil babil niAgige handa
into a single object as in the underlying transitive clause (6.3. 1.1). In such a
nate with
is
leg.’
case, the resultant clause structure will be identical to the causative clause
(SMO'/Ag.HOTP type
How-
the underlying causative clause includes a morphologically
if
l
The
passive.
including a causative formative, can never occur as an underlying clause for
P
his
and
be derived from an underlying clause which
double causative clause is
formed by transforming a suffix-effected causative clause into a phrasal causative clause by means of the causative formative ha - or mandil- (cf. 3.4.1. 3.
and 5.2. 1.1. 2. 3. 1.3). It is to be noted that a phrasal causative clause, i.e., one
O,
tMM#
s
may
effected causative predicate. In other words, a
O,
P
The mother makes her son massage his granny on the
44-1- ^-g-4
<
169
intransitive, descriptive, equational, transitive
ever, a causative clause
$-4
-
MiiAniga aclilege ha/m,\ni/il
i.e.,
P
gentleman’s foot was stepped on by a child.’
Double Causativity
Every causative clause so far discussed has been described as being derived
from one or the other of the five different types of non-causative underlying
in the predicate
form,
final
and non-
clauses are identical in respect of elements and structure, except for the
on the element P within the non-final clause structure
A and P are found to opernon-final clause in much the same way as they do in the final clause.
positional restriction
(see 6.4.1).
ate in the
Thus
the clause elements, S, O, C, Ag.,
Accordingly, the six different clause types,
tive,
i.e.,
transitive, intransitive, descrip-
equational, passive and causative clauses, set up on the basis of the type
of predicate, can
Unlike the
all
be distinguished
final clause,
syntactical functions; thus
in non-final clauses.
however, the non-final clause has three important
some
non-final clauses are syntactically similar to
and some to an adverb. In other words, the nonfinal clause is a rank-shifted clause, downgraded from the clause level to the
word level. By this syntactic criterion, all non-final clauses, irrespective of
their internal structure and to which of the six different types of clause they
belong, are classified into three syntactic classes: (i) ‘Nominal Clause’, (ii)
a noun,
some to an
‘Adjectival Clause’
adjective,
and
(iii)
‘Adverbial Clause’.
170
Korean
Internal Structure
6.4.1.
The
Grammar
internal structure of the non-final clause
that of the corresponding final clause, with
P occupies the
the element
Chapter VI
of Non- Final Clause
A
is
identical in every respect to
one notable exception. That
is,
#
may
SOP
gega dagil bonda
It#
hagkjoe gam ‘going
to school’
A *i hagkjoe gam ‘this going-to-schoof
°]
*naii hagkjoe
jil o|]
(ii)
‘A dog looks at a hen/
4
cannot be preceded by an expansion:
internal structure. For instance, a final clause like
A
name ‘a new tree’
namu my tree’
but a nominal clause like
clause structure. Because of this positional restriction on the element P, the
non-final clauses are naturally outnumbered by the final clauses in variety of
fl
se
M-t* naii
position in every non-final clause structure
final
and no other elements, singly or in any combination, can ever follow P,
whereas this (post-P occurrence of non-P elements) is possible in the final
7
T-r
W
A°]
171
A
gam
‘my going-to-schoof.
nominal clause is never followed immediately by the adjectival partiwhereas a noun may be followed by /V, forming with it an adjectival
cle //‘of’,
relational phrase (cf. 5.3.2).
A
si
be internally restructured as
-’Jr
insep
ii
gipim
of
‘the joy
life’
N
(a)
gega bonda dagil
S
P
O
adj.rel.ph.
^#£]
but #-§-
(c)
bonda gega
bonda
P
where P
7 ll
may
is
7\
A.A j'\:ngu
etc.
but ^r 7
followed by O, S or by both.
-§•
bom
SOP
gega dagil
#
7
H
7\
M-
since neither S nor
O
That
a
dog looks
at a
hen/
6.4.2.
ii
gj.dgwa ‘the
results
of research’
A ^1
#
*codkigi
ii
gjslgwa
‘the results
of being chased'
1.
Syntactic Functions o f Nominal Clause
Various syntactic functions performed by a nominal clause are illustrated
S
may occur
bom
P
6.4.2.
Nominal Clause
on
its
ments,
clause is a non-final clause of which the element P is suffixed
with one of the nominal clause endings, -m/-im and -gi (cf. 4.3.5.2.1), and has
practically the same syntactic functions as a single noun, but the range of distribution ol a nominal clause is by no means parallel with that of a single
since not every syntactic position
1.1.
Nominal Clause as Minor Sentence
A nominal clause whose P is suffixed with the ending -m/-im occurs
after P.
The nominal
noun
of eating dinner'
n.cl.
ly
6.4.2.
‘the joy
below.
dagil gega
O
l
On the other hand, a non-final clause like
be restructured only as
It
gipim
adj.rel.ph.
S
it#
ii
N
dagil gega
O
mAgtm
n.cl.
OPS
(b) dagil
7 1xr *babil
filled
by a noun can be
filled
own
as a
in official
frequent-
documents, diaries and advertise-
etc.
Examples
A
i
°H
A Tf pa l w Ale s\ng\/il silsiham
O
P
A
A *§•
‘the election to
by a
nominal clause. That is to say, the distributional range of a nominal clause is
narrower than that of a noun. The distributional disparity between a nominal
clause and a noun may be set out as follows:
(i) A nominal clause cannot be preceded by a nominal expansion (cf.
5.1.3).
for instance, a noun like namu ‘tree’ can be preceded by an expansion as in
minor sentence
A]
%!
#
be held
u* o/i il
A
°1
-t"§- °H
in
August
silh\mil
bom
O
P
‘holding the election in August’)/
‘taking an
ijagin dutoije tikjo
S
‘this
(lit.
A
C
exam
im
P
medicine being specially good for headaches’
today’
1
72
Nominal Clause as
6.4.2. 1.2.
(i)
Grammar
Korean
C
O,
S,
Chapter VI
Clause Structure
in
o]
^4
*
o|
a^l^i 7
ilonil
']
$j]
A
-§*
71
A
°1]
adv.rel.ph.
A °1 A
ciiga
ulgiga jesa ida
AAA
A
(lit.
A #AA A
s]
C
P
S
usual that a baby cries’
‘It is
zl
ihcham e giciAdci
P
Pci.
n.cl
As S
°}°\
173
t]
P
‘A baby crying
A
‘[She] just understood the theory (and no more)’
(lit. ‘She stopped at understanding the theory’).
is
a
common
thing’).
f;-
‘gUyiaga niAliga joadkiga swibia
S,
P
S2
7
«)]£-
\
$kA cubgi iemune
<H|
ilcig
Pci.
n.cl
wadia
P
P
adv.rel.ph.
S
(lit.
(ii)
That she had good
brains
is
easy’).
°1
AA A u
°l)
l
SAP
P
An
O
A o]
7 ] -g.
7]
u)-
e] 7} nali
balk ilil gidalija
P
S
P
O
‘Let’s wait for the
dawn
it
was
cold.’
adjectival clause
is
a non-final clause of
adjectival clause has practically the
same
is
suffixed
4.3. 5.2.2).
syntactic functions as an adjec-
tive, i.e., occurs as the nominal expansion (cf. 5. 1.3. 2). It is to be noted that
the majority of ‘Adjectives’ in familiar European languages, including English correspond, both syntactically and semantically, to ‘Adjectival Clauses’
in Korean, i.e., are expressed in Korean by semantically corresponding verbs
inflected in the non-final clausal form. There are only a limited number of
adjectives as such in Korean, e.g., se ‘new’, /m.ti ‘old, worn-out’, etc., which
‘A boy to-school going you saw?’)
\>}-
]
which the element P
with one of the adjectival clause endings, -////?, -n/-in and -//-/// (cf.
The
sonjAni hagkjoe gamil bwanni
‘Did you see a boy going to school?’
(lit.
1
came back early because
Adjectival Clause
O
As
‘[
she had good brains’
likely that
‘It is
6.4.3.
are
comparable to adjectives
in
European languages
(cf. 3.3.3
and
3.4.3), e.g.
to break.’
alimdaun kod
(iii)
C
±A^r #°l
As
sonj.xnin
S
‘The
^
*a
girl
was sorry
A
°1
that her
dream was
beautiful flower’
A £] A
kumi kcAjimi antakawwd'ta
S
P
P
A *H1
°1
adj.cl.
AAA&A
^lM^H
AA
-f-Tr
(lit. ‘a
flower which
is
beautiful’)
niAliga join gasu
adj.cl.
‘a
shattered.’
SAP
A A il A bjMji dchage danimi bul.wswd'ta
clever singer’
A
4]
(lit.
who
is
clever/whose brain
is
good’)
adj.cl.
‘the school
AA
‘[He] envied his brother attending university.’
singer
nega danin hagkjo
Tv!
P
C
*a
°)--§-
0
I
went
to’ (lit.
'e
l
i -have-attended school’)
maimi pjAnhal nal
naii
adj.cl.
6.4. 2. 1.3.
‘the
Nominal Clause as Axis of Adverbial Relational Phrase
A
nominal clause may function as the axis of an adverbial relational phrase
which has as its relatum a directive particle (cf. 3.4.5.4.1), e.g.
tjAA °H-Sccgil ilkiga ailil bogi
S
n.cl.
is
better than looking after a
e.g.
exist in
.’
and
‘who’, ‘whom’, ‘which’ or ‘that’ in English, and ‘qui’, ‘que’,
tinguishing features of Korean. This
baby
native
French. Lack of such pronouns has often been cited as one of the dis-
concerned, but
adv.rel.ph.
‘Reading a book
heart will feel free’
The Korean language has been described by grammarians,
etc., in
boda jota
Pci.
P
my
Western, as a language without the ‘Relative Pronoun’ as found in European
languages,
HA HA ^
day when
Korean
it
is
is
correct as far as the linguistic data are
not enough simply to say that relative pronouns do not
Korean, and thereby to suggest, as is done not infrequently, that
less efficient or rich in expression than those languages which have
is
174
Korean
Grammar
Chapter VI
It is far more relevant to note that a clause functionally similar
to the
one introduced by a relative pronoun in English is expressed or formed by a
different grammatical device in Korean, namely, by verbal inflection. For
them.
whom
instance, the English clause, ‘(The boy)
I
saw yesterday’, may be
°i
-£
*1]
(
)
followed by an auxiliary adjectival auxiliary
CAgha-, bAiiha -,
etc. (cf. 3.4.1. 3. 2.3), e.g.
ex-
A cr
}
$5
X ganin jarjhedci
pretended to
‘[1]
1
go.’
adj.cl.
nega Aje bon (sonjAn)
SAP
may be
adjectival clause
verb, e.g.yjaijha -,
pressed in Korean by an adjectival clause, as follows:
d) 7 \
Adjectival Clause + Adjectival Auxiliary Verb
6.4.3. 1.1.1
The
175
H
Relation between Adjectival Clause
6.4.3. 2.
and
Its
H
adj.cl.
N or NP
Exp.
T -yesterday-saw boy’
lit.
may
which
formed with the adjectival clause ending -n added to the predicate
verb bo- ‘to see'. The Korean adjectival clause is therefore comparable not
only to the adjective of European languages but also to the modifying clause
introduced by a relative pronoun. As a rule, the European adjective corresponds to the Korean adjectival clause whose P is the descriptive type (cf.
6.2.1. 3) whereas the European modifying clause marked by a relative pronoun corresponds to the Korean adjectival clause whose P is the processive
type
functioning as
is
‘which
'£•£:
[I]
join ‘which
is
<
good’
san ‘which
bought’:
of an adjectival clause may be either (i) an element
final clause, from which the adjectival clause
be analysed as being derived, or
[1]
job-
‘to
be good’ V.d.
6.4.3.2.I.
H
which
<
bought’
is
FI
of an adjectival clause
or
O
(a)
2
,
A
or {d)
S/S as
1
of a
may
(a) S/S
( b ) O/O
from which the adjectival clause
be expressed by
final clause
The
.
-n
Syntactic Function of Adjectival Clause
adjectival clause functions mainly as a
an endocentric construction with an
of such a construction is normally adj.cl.
tutes
nega san ceg
d) y\
adj.cl.
but
H +
adj.cl.
l}
*9
]
may
A
its
-f
nominal expansion,
or
NP as
Has
its
head.
i.e.,
The
consti-
‘The book which
I
adj.cl.
structure
in
(b)
bought’
O/O
1
as
A
tal
4
‘a
daughter
P
t>i
s|~^.
<4
g\d
(a) as a
who
‘the thing
the film’
has
many dreams’
which we want’
m\gko sip.\ hanin
uju
P
_0^
_S
(Z>)
who saw
H
-ffp aiga
adj.cl.
minor sentence,
H
adj.cl.
co-occurrence with the adjectival
/Ag.
O
function as a nominal expansion, the adjectival clause has two
other functions,
l
H
adj.cl.
o\o]
O
derived.
S,
uliga balanin
S
ceg nega san
is
H
-?-e]7f
H
(c)
,
H
kumi man in
P
V*-£r
also occur (although rare) as in
H
Besides
N
^-°1
1
,
watj ‘the king
adj.cl.
6.4.3.
1
PS
O
+
is
H
-in
sa- ‘to buy’ V.p.
an extra-clausal element, which
an Element of the Underlying Clause
A jAijhwalil bon
4-
(ii)
not an element of a transformationally related final clause.
(cf. 6.2. 1.1 -2), e.g.
‘good’:
H
of a transformationally related
‘Milk which a baby would like to drink’
auxiliary verb.
•t*
6.4.3. 1.1.
Adjectival Clause as
°J °1
tt
re
buini balil balbin sinsa
S
Minor Sentence
Q
:
P
adj.cl.
and common than the nominal clause, an adjectival clause
may occur also as a minor sentence provided the context is clear. For instance,
the adjectival clause d) A
A: nega san ‘which bought’ can occur on its own
as a minor sentence in reply to such a question as
^ musin ceg ‘What
Although
less free
I
book?’
O
H
‘A gentleman whose foot a lady stepped on’
(c)
OVAg. or O
2
as
H
The underlying clause
tive
in
which the elements O'/Ag. and
clause of (S)(0 /Ag.)(0 2 )P type
,
(cf. 6.3. 6.3).
O
2
occur
is
a causa-
176
Grammar
Korean
MA
<H
tl
°J
<>}ik
AWAniga osi/
Q
S
ipin adil
<
Q
<
^
^ °J
7 }]
gunini midil niAgin ge
Q
S
<
a soldier
'fl-8-/
I
^°l]^l
:
made
O, / Ag.
oHu)7f *>#-§-/
Am.uiiga adilil/adilege ipin
^ °J °l
7
fl
-§-
°
1
|
as
1
&°)
‘the
*
*1
t!°
1|
‘in
-§-
made
the
mul
P
O, / Ag.
*o|
<
i|]
g]
‘My daughter
-fi
is
*1
-x!
daughter
1
|
time
£°l
°d
7 (-tt
is
SAP
/? r// yi/c/'
Q
late for the
meeting’
(lit.
‘the situation in
which you are
Adverbial Clause
6.4.4.
:
1
.
is
a non-final clause of which the element
Syntactic Functions
P
is
daughter
adverbial clause
H
final
HM/?e
ganda
P
A
is
suffixed
(cf. 4.3. 5.2.3).
of Adverbial Clause
An adverbial clause may occur either (a) alone as a minor type sentence or b
more frequently as a subordinate to a final clause or a non-final clause. An
A
ganin juciwAti
SAP
my
H
is
very often marked, and thus separated from a final or non-
clause to which
it
is
subordinate, by a tentative juncture.
going to nursery school’
# *4 /#//
*1 t! tali neil
nursery school to which
H
(
ganin neil
adj.cl.H
‘a
t
the war broke out in Korea’
7$ -f datjsini hweiie ninnin gjAiju
with one of the adverbial clause endings
dog drink’
S A
A
going to school tomorrow.’
i°r
o\]
case you are
Examples
(a)
Adverbial Clause as Minor Sentence
jAlimin gago ‘the
<*]-!-£l
when
°|
The adverbial clause
adj.cl.
M) <y /#// juciwAne
my
P
late for the meeting’)
gunini gelil/geege niAgin
adj.cl.
‘tomorrow when
S
adj.cl.
SAP
y l-Tr
H
P
hangugesA jA.njcrfi nasil
o]
a]
cj-Ai o]
H
ir
people gather
adj.cl.
o|]
6.4.4.
A
‘[the fact] that
adj.cl.
H
‘water which a soldier
H
‘A soldier made a dog drink water.’
<g«
od
°J
?)l
P
A
S
(d)
O
sadami moinin gAd
JsLoItt
S
which a mother made her son wear’
/
draw water’
well?’
:
adj.cl.
‘the clothes
draw water from a
H
Q
H
P
O, / Ag.
S
I
P
4# <HM1
to
g -g- 7} semesa midil gililka
-i-l-
O,
from which
7
-g-g-
Extra-Clausal Element as
a}cVo|
to drink water’
gunini gelil/geege midil m<\gi\dia
S
^
O/Ag.
P
adj.cl.
The dog which
well
A
6.4. 3. 2. 2.
*§*-§*
o]|
‘Shall
H
adj.cl.
‘a
P
‘A mother clothed her son.’
P
:
sem
A
adjxiriT
°j«4
-£*§-
AiUAniga adilil/adilege osil ipj\d\a
Q, / Ag.
gilil
O
[him]’
i
S
midil
Aij
H
adj.cl.
The son whose mother clothed
Tj-g-
-§•-§•
P O/Ag.
:
177
Chapter VI
going tomorrow’
3r°]
vi-
summer
has gone and’
koci bulgASAdo ‘even though the flower was red’
nega bjujWAnesA iisalil mannamjAn
‘when you see a doctor at the hospital’
(b)
Adverbial Clause as Subordinate to Other Clauses
it
A
4-*'-
6
S *e
5?
4
adv.cl.
4
u u
1
aJ
44
4
H i]
f.cl.
(lit.
‘Riding a ship, travelled?’)
4 jA/nsimd m\gAdt\ni bega bulida
-r-il
adv.cl.
‘As
my
have had
I
meal,
44 4
u| A-
y\ /\
my stomach
6.4. 4.2.
bisasA salgiga himdilAdo
nf.cl.
clause in Korean, although similar to a subordinate clause
English both syntactically and semantically, differs sharply from the
latter
adverbial clause
is
formed
inflectionally with
in
in
an
adverbial clause ending, whereas the English subordinate clause is
formed
with, or introduced by, a subordinate conjunction
such as ‘if’, ‘when’,
etc.
Furthermore,
Korean, the co-ordination of a clause to another is also
effected by an adverbial clause ending and not by a
conjunctive word as in
English. That is to say, the first of the two Korean clauses
standing in coordinate relation (semantically) is expressed in the form of
an
in
adverbial
clause, without
any conjunctive word occuring between them. Thus both the
co-ordination and the subordination of clauses are effected in Korean
by verbal inflection,
by an adverbial clause ending. In 1C (Immediate Constituent) terms, a Korean adverbial clause would be analysed
into two bound constituents,
i.e.,
Korean adverbial clauses may be classified according to the relationship between the element S of an adverbial clause and that of another
adclause with which the adverbial clause is in subordinate relation. Those
are
clause
succeeding
of
a
the
S
as
also
function
must
whose
S
clauses
verbial
whose
S
clauses
adverbial
those
and
Clauses’
Adverbial
‘Concentric
termed
may (i) function also as the S of a succeeding clause or (ii) be different from
Adverbial
the S of a succeeding clause are termed ‘Concentric-Eccentric
hat is to say, a
Clauses’ or simply ‘Eccentric Adverbial Clauses’ in short.
I
to
concentric adverbial clause has its subject shared with a succeeding clause
tree
is
which the former is subordinate, whereas an eccentric adverbial clause
a subject ol its
to have either one common subject shared by both clauses, or
own, which
in
i'
the adverbial clause ending which
‘As
(b)
As/
it
it
/
—4
oHt-
l
is fine , let
L
ff ‘Hi
is fine, let
sub.cl.
(C)
is
bound on
the one
hand and
also bound, on the
}
y \ 7 \ nali joh-/-ini,
bake nagaja
adv.cl.
f.cl.
some
from that of a succeeding clause. As
will
be indicated
eccentric adverbial clauses express different
different
from the
6.4. 4. 2.1.
Concentric Adverbial Clause
meanings
is
latter.
A concentric
1
2-^4
-
SOP
will
(lit.
2.
44
/
$A}7\
‘The boy took his breakfast, and went to school.’
his breakfast
1 0}
-
nanin jAijhwalil bogosA , jibe dola ogedia
5a cf
f.cl.
clause
formed with one of the following adverbial
f.cl.
adv.cl.
,
The boy took
34 #
‘I
^
adv.cl.
is
jn.4 -gosA ‘and then, afterward’, e.g.
<
us go out.
main cl.
ofy.o.
adverbial clause
clause endings:
us go out.’
ainin aei/nil / tiAg-Ago haggjoe gasda.
(d)
6.4.4. 2. 2,
different
depending on whether their S functions as the S of a succeeding clause or
1.
4 °!
is
i.e.,
the rest preceding the adverbial clause ending which is
other. The following examples from Korean and English
will contrast the
different analysis as applying in the two languages:
(<t)
surface structure at least there
Instead,
if life is difficult’).
The adverbial
The Korean
on
view of the evidence presented so far
is not formal distinction
free forms. In
ordinate types as in English.
Types of Adverbial Clause
construction.
clear that
two
(a)
between subordinate and co-ordinate clauses in Korean, and consequently,
Korean adverbial clauses cannot be classified into subordinate and co-
as prices are high’
as prices are high, even
(lit.
is
it
is full.’
4 if A SL mulkaga
if life is difficult,
the IC analysis yields
f.cl.
adv.cl.
‘Even
and (c) above show that both subordinate
and co-ordinate constructions are formed inflectionally, and the IC boundary
comes immediately before the inflectional endings, thus yielding two bound
show
constituents, whereas the corresponding English examples ( b ) and (d)
and
conjunction
by
a
effected
both
are
that subordination and coordination
The two Korean examples
held tago jAhcijil henni
‘Did you travel on board a ship?’
179
Chapter VI
Korean Grammar
and went
‘1
come home
after seeing the film’
see the film
and then
will
-£-44 -mjA(nsA)/-imjA(nsA)
A4 A
4
*
come
‘while, at the
same
44 jaijsaga gamjAfns
P
S
to school.
clause 2
home’).
adv.cl.
‘While walking away, the vendor
is
singing.’
time’, e.g.
a), no/elil
handa
f.cl.
180
3.
Korean
c
H 7»
Grammar
-da(ga) ‘interruption, transference’,
n 4 i\
ibi-
*-1-b
Chapter VI
c.g.
SOP
S'
=
S-’:
2)4-3iisalil
tunin ccgil igiagajani
x(-e|
O
f.cl.
/
?!
4
-l(j)A/-il(j)A
e]
/
p):i'
'
ji -IjAgoZ-HjAgo
order
‘in
soja
44:si
-b a<Hl
AP
O
ab 44 3 44
-
O
S
adv.cl.
.
haggjoe gasda
A
P
P
-
adv.cl.
Iwtele galjAgo ginin tcgsi/il tadia
P
f.cl.
f.cl.
‘Passing by the city hall, (he) went to the school.’
3.
^L-go
-LL
As shown
444 4^4 44
y-§-
i
sic Atjil finalsa)
to’
E
)
f.cl.
‘Meet the doctor and have a word.’
‘Arc you asleep while reading a book?’
4.
444
44(4) 44-3*
manuals a), jegilil liaj\la
P
P
O
adv.cl.
adv.cl.
181
the examples given above the element S is overtly expressed
only once; either in the adverbial clause or in the succeeding clause.
-JO
*
|
>
an( j»
j
?r
e.g.
4b
4_v_
nunil
gamko n \nin
O
P
gidolil hani
O
S
adv.cl.
6.4.4.2.2. Eccentric
*>u|
4-E--S-
,
in
P
f.cl.
Adverbial Clause
‘Are you offering your prayer with your eyes closed?’
A
concentric-eccentric adverbial clause is formed with one of the following
adverbial clause endings. The first two endings, namely,
(lit.
-mj\/-imjA and
-as a /-.\s a express two different meanings depending on whether
the subject of
the adverbial clause formed with one of them, symbolized
S', functions as
the subject of a succeeding clause, symbolized S ; or is
different from S :
,
1-
"1 /
—
-mjA/-imjA
1 S:
S'
;
°Hb
‘and’
-x— “1
when
S'
*
i/]5L
when
S'
= S:
7 }-jl
k} u 1- nAcio
*45.
S,
4.
*\ -ja ‘as
soon
n]y\
as’, e.g.
P
adv.cl.
is
S’:
°Hb
smiling and a dog
ainin
ujitlil
S
O
,
m
-f-fr-g-
°.4
is
jumping.’
f.cl.
game
started.’
&*+ negajibeoja,
_S A P
*]<H|
-££4
niAgimjA usAc/ia
P
P
S:
adv.cl.
v\\y\
=
S'
P
‘As soon as the rain stopped, the
f.cl.
‘A baby
:x*lx]-
S,
P_
_S,
f.cl.
I.’
biga gieija, sihabi sijaghveAdia
ainin usimj\, gcnin twinda
S,
am
‘You are going away and so
44
z|)b
gago nado ganda
P
P
S:
adv.cl.
.
S-, ‘while’
‘Are you closing your eyes and doing your prayer?’)
pjAnjil
adv.cl.
f.cl.
‘As soon as
I
came home
I
read the
O
f.cl.
letter.'
adv.cl.
‘A baby smiled while having milk.’
5.
SXJolog,
.
unlil)SOthat ., e g
.
2.
4
?1 | - ge
(
'-I )
when
S'
/ °|
= S
(
x
!
= S:
S'
:
:
44
gili
S,
)
,
-a(SA)/-A(SA) ‘as, since, because’
when
S'
*
S’;
.
I
‘and then’
*1
e.g.
*1
-
5-4
daijsinin jicidolog Hi/ haningu/jA
t>)jzeU)(*j) £.*14
4^4
.
P
S
O
P
mikil.\WA(SA) unjAiii \lj.\bta
P
adv.cl.
‘As the road
adv.cl.
P
S,
f.cl.
is
slippery driving
is difficult.’
bwadia
P
f.cl.
‘You are overworking yourself!’
(lit. ‘Until you are exhausted, you arc working.’)
7
fl
44
7f
Ml 7}
Chapter VI
Grammar
Korean
182
4
-4
-g
4
9.
adv.cl.
‘You
6.
call
a
dog so
come
that she can
e.g.
...
Aj-Ej-fr
Q
P
44
‘The more sweets the
444 4
0
S,
10
.
to me.’
habsida
sanjaijil
O
P
go hunting.’
is fine, let’s
44 / °\°\ -aja/-A\a
only when
‘only
/
4 4 -laja
bsb 444 4 4444 4b4
J
1
'
.\m.\niga nilgiisidog, adi/in silpAdciman
come
early,
44b 444
4-4-5.
the weather
‘If
Hrb b2i44
f.cl.
work
finish the
45-4
f.cl.
the happier she became.’
girl got,
,
malgimj \n idido
P
S2
//c///'
adv.cl.
you
‘If
P
S
4b 4 4 M| 5.44
adv.cl.
bbb -Isulog/’ilsulog ‘the more the more’,
4v*b4 :£4b 4 $4 saiaijil Adilsulog sonjAtiin gipAdta
/
1>M1
OP
running.'
e.g.
kinnegAdin nahante on \la
A
P
palli
ilil
when’,
‘if,
-gAdin
4-g-
f.cl.
the
-mj \n/-imjAn
/
4b
gega iwiA oge nega buli\ bwa
P
S,
S,
P
183
)
.
;
.
.
.
r
,
,
if,
}
,
,
e.g.
J
~
S,
P
P
S,
adv.cl.
‘The older
7.
a
nf.cl.
his
^r-u] u] / -g-
ab
mother became, the more the son was worried
$.4 4 -lpund\lA/-ilpundAlA
...
but also’,
*
e.g.
adv.cl.
# Sib# 4 4 44 4 44
b*e
gin in dontl badAsilpund \l \ b
O
S
‘not only
bunion in jasigi jal d\ve \jaman gipinga
P
P
S,
S:
but.’
\/sA
da SAdta
A
P
‘Are parents happy only
In the
P
adv.cl.
f.cl.
.
)
is
A
‘whether
:
4 -g.cil^.
M|
y
P
...
or’, e.g.
)
gadinji angad\nji ne
si
)4
adv.cl.
S,
Cl].
f.cl.
know
when you have passed
the feeling only
7 |-
adv.cl.
like.’
^4
ufb
the exam.’
snows or
rains,
1
.
44 5 / 4 5
.
-
-
s 44
5 44.5.
s 4 4 /
.
/ tt
-(d\l)ado/-Ado
444
/ -g-44-5.
- IjiAnjArjAiljiAnjAtj
-// iladoAilj ilado
S
‘Even
Ml 4-
if
minam
Ida
C
P
f.cl.
[he
4 Ml
is]
small, he
is
4445. 4b
adv.cl.
I
‘even if/though’, e.g.
b 4 4 -lmaijjAij/-imai]jAij
^ b / bb -ndilAindil
4b444 nb 4444
handsome.’
444$
nega jibe A:bi A/ado, nanin gida/igedia
S2
P
P
A
S,
f.cl.
it
strong.’
adv.cl.
f.cl.
h]
is
P
ona biga ona, nanin jota
P S,
P
S:
P_
‘Whether
SOP
jagilciAnjAi), ginin
maimde/o he la
P
A
‘Whether you go or not, do as you
nu:ni
clause are discontinuous, being
44
adv.cl.
\
4 /SL^\-na/-ina
4b 4 4 4b 4
bo]
successful?’
44*
4-5bwaja, n \do masil anda
P
‘You
the sky blue but also the sunlight
-din(ji)
P
final
become
f.cl.
44 -gAna
b( 4
dwe a
sihA/ne
444
‘Not only
8
and P of the
44
4 44 44
it.’
ban Hi pulipundAlA hepici gaijhada
P
P
S:
$,
adv.cl.
S,
their sons
interrupted by the adverbial clause.
‘He not only got the money but also already spent
*B?4
above example,
when
am
all right.’
‘Even though you are not
f.cl.
at
home,
I
will wait for you.’
184
Grammar
Korean
12.
-jiman
-g\nman
7)*d
<!
ti'd
-
-
‘although
na Aina
SH *d
m|
15.
.\mnan
*T / iLiT
u
Chapter VI
...’
it'd £*
/?rgr/
0 l^$5 c f
\) - nifkajAinifka
A
P
S,
f
Time: when,
l
‘Clause: because, as, since’, e.g.
as'
y
d°l
l
C
S,
adv.cl.
‘When
adv.cl.
77
(
kcAbonifica), sigani dusiA j\dia
P
S
Av|
MM&MW
vH7f
>
_P
v\) /
‘...but’, e.g.
.//^ wadciman, sonjuiin isaijh edict
A
H
185
f.cl.
woke
I
up,
was
it
2 a.m.’
r.c|.
‘The boy came
home
but he
uy^^\
y}^)(v\)
Ml y\
strange.’
fell
nega palli gctni(ka), mannas a malhela
A
*]^o|
-JA14
$ ^*tr
o]
_S
tj.
P
scijgagin joina, sikwni \/j\\\\\dia
_P_
S,
adv.cl.
P
S,
adv.cl.
f.cl.
‘As you are leaving early see him and
tell
him.'
f.cl.
‘The idea was good but the practice was
13.
P
sK'}/
-Ij
16.
difficult.’
Annum Ailj\nman ‘might/would
l
V}
d
Ml
...
‘and’ (topic introducer), e.g.
-ndeAinde |
ntMi
Min
°Han
SOP
nega
apiljAnnum, noinin m.\lc Aijhedta
S
/ -& M|
but', e.g.
g uf
3j
—M| -ninde
P
ilil
ha ninde, ap\dia
P
adv.cl.
adv.cl.
f.cl.
‘The old
£\H
man might
have been
-r 0v]xr
?*<> 1
sonnimi mani
P
adv.cl.
5.
-
*)£)
7l*
A
o} a p g
apmnlo
,
adv.cl.
‘As
M| 7f
my granny now
because’,
e.g.
f.cl.
.
AJ At
*j.
f.cl.
This flower
17. s|
is
nice
-dwe ‘[may/might]
and why don’t you look
...
but’, e.g.
^
is
resting.’
OP
OP
adv.cl.
f.cl.
donil sidwe, josimil haj
‘You
u Kf°l
may spend
!fS|
the
\la
money, but be
<*}-£-
T
P
S;
P
‘As you are leaving,
f.cl.
I
will
be lonely.’
P
S,
t
adv.cl.
careful.’
balatni bit Id we, bin in
i:\nam ilo nan in simsim/wgedia
S,
at it?’
4) >y uf
swisinda
has lumbago, she
a}
we anboni
adv.cl.
P_
P
S,
Ml
PAP
S,
f.cl.
halm.viinin jigim IiAliga
S,
$-£M]
ikoci johinde,
P
‘as, since,
had headache.’
1
all right.’
guests coming, but the host was not worried.’
miloAimilo
*1-3-
f.cl.
was working and
Eljig^lcf
S:
There would be many
Hi /
but he was
olj Annum, ptinin tepj\ijhedia
S,
14.
ill
‘I
adv.cl.
The wind
is
blowing, but
it
is
not raining.’
S,
anonda
P
f.cl.
Chapter VII
VII
SENTENCE
*#
A
cub'ta
4 7\
‘It
Si
l
be
will
here defined phonologically as a stretch of speech which ends
with one of the seventeen tunes of the Korean intonation system
(cf. 2.8)
(ii)
the only criterion uniformly applicable both to the
is
is
sentence
do
The
‘Ah!’
7/
d|
moon.'
Interj.
‘Tomorrow?’ N.adv.
mA'gA ‘Eat [it].’ V and clause
sc ca
‘A
.
new
v\ -palli
e]
w
sauUo
car.’
To
NP
'we ‘Why?’
M|
.//c‘ Yes.’
7.3.
‘Let’s
The
& *} *]
~
'siji
masejo
^Ml & o7.2.
?i
7
7
l
j*
aflir..
-,
gjAitle *nole
cegil
u
Udo
M-c-
go
quickly.’
'ilki
~'ga
oj-sj)
song of
‘Please
if
you do,
clause
film.’
-g-M]
d
-sesulil
-&°|
SLgl
SAitle
,
-
mAnjxJiago ‘[After] washing my face first.’
bomi o/njxn ‘When spring comes to Seoul.’
.
MAJOR SENTENCE
‘Reading a book?’
up a
may be
studied, but such a unit
A
‘Let us
go
larger unit, e.g., ‘Paragraph’ in
Structure
is
which inter-sentential relations
outside the scope of this book.
of Major Sentence
major sentence may include,
in
addition to a final clause which
VP and
clause,
a vocative phrase
and a sentence
(cf. 3.4.5. 5)
sentence adverb
nf.cl.
too!’
a-iHM*
f.cl.
/a ho, .neili joimjA/i
*
»
Adv.z. vocat.
a] u-A) cf
^S-'£
M] °d°]
giJAna,
adv.cl.
,
tA
.
nabsida giljA
f.cl.
Pcl.z.
ph.
MAJOR AND MINOR SENTENCE
‘However,
A major
and a minor sentence does not
major sentence in its minimal form may
There are two main types of sentence, ‘Major’ and ‘Minor’ types.
sentence consists of or includes a
dxguna
,
if
it
is all
-saqgimiL
right
tomorrow,
[friend], let’s leave!’
tasini, gi . pigesi/nnida giljA
final clause,
consist of or include a final clause.
A
be represented by a single verb inflected with a final ending
such a single verb may also occur as a final clause (cf. 6.1).
186
(cf. 4.3.5. 1)
since
Adv.z.
adv.cl.
f.cl.
Pcl.z.
‘Furthermore, since you have received the prize money,
you must be happy!’
obliga-
The usual
(Pcl.z.), e.g.
'
will not.’
is
(cf. 3.4.4.5J,
particle (cf. 3.4.5.7J.
unmarked order of these elements is as follows:
(Adv.z.) + (vocat.ph.) + (adv.cl.) + Final Clause +
-nega he' do ha nin an' he
,
1
setting
tory, a non-final adverbial clause (cf. 6.4.4.1), a
NP
winter.’
do not come.’
adv.cl.
‘Even
VP and
Seoul?’ adv.rel.cl.
2n*(|
Ml y\
l
4|"r#
7.3.1.
gab'sicla
.
*]-£-£)
^-e
slowly after seeing the
is the largest unit in the grammatical hierarchy by reference to w hich systematic statements of grammatical structures and relation
may be made. This definition of sentence does not preclude the possibility of
'mil
T
spring comes.’
tMl T jAijhwalilbogo, -CAncAni habsida
The major sentence
*clal
M]
it
rise?’
(cf. 6.3).
Examples
^
<
o]z]JL Adi' lo ‘Where to?’
major
and minor types of sentence, the two main types of sentence which will be discussed in the following sections. A Korean sentence thus defined may consist
of a word, a phrase, a clause, final or non-final, or any combination of these
units. A sentence including more than one final clause will be analysed as a
compound
hega~ A/ije limnika ‘When does the sun
bo/ni. omjAn, tali* tagedci
>5 x)
warm when
Ml
has the potentiality of being immediately preceded and followed by the termi-
it
-6-f
Minor Type Sentences
and
nal juncture (cf. 2.7). This exclusively phonological definition of sentence
cold.’
v\
Tibi's]
‘Let us
desired since
af
*}
^Ht*
DEFINITION OF THE SENTENCE
is
‘[It] is
^l]
M]
Tr °]
7.1.
The sentence
187
Major Type Sentences
(i)
Grammar
Korean
188
AAA
-2-
Chapter VII
'jc,oni'lin 'hagkjoe ’angani
vocal.
The major sentences may be
basis of the inflectional
you going to school today?’
P.
m
zl e-j
A
giU
7\o\
t\ v|] y\
'
ni ja negagaja
5E
Ml 7}
To,
looks as
it
if
adv.cl.
adv.cl.
succeed only
adv.cl.:
(i)
endings
(cf. 4.3. 5.1)
‘Declarative Sentence’,
perative Sentence’
and
(iv)
interrogative Sentence’,
(ii)
on the
occurring with the element
(iii)
im-
‘Propositive Sentence’. Intonation plays an impor-
some sentence
categories, since not only
is
the
selection of certain types of intonation fairly regularly related to a particular
go.’
sentence category but also
can sometimes characterize a sentence which
it
is
modally ambiguous.
gajAwa'do, 'saijgwani ~A:bsA
i
They are
classified into four sentence categories
mood
tant role in distinguishing
f.cl.
you
if
$M
iji
jSLel)
negao~ le bo-go
Adv.z.
will
it
dwellitane
'
,
Adv.z.
Therefore,
Major Sentence Categories
7.3.2.
f.cl.
ph.
‘Hey, aren’t
189
*
f.cl.
7 3 2
.
.
.
1
Declarati ve Sen fence
.
adv.cl.
‘And even
time,
it
you would return
if
book] after reading
[this
it
for a long
aeW
g# 'Una, jA-herjilhago ne-njAtiedolawasA
Adv.z.
adv.cl. 3
AA
4$-§-
MlHiMl
sfcz.
A
sentence whose P
any of the
doesn’t matter.’
^*1
&21-2-
'saAbWiamjAn nidci ankeso
adv.cl. 2
adv.cl.
sentence
it
not be [too] late
if
make some
I
trips
is
is
one of the declarative mood endings of
inflected with
speech styles
(cf. 4. 3. 5.1) is
occurring with the
(cf. 2.8)
A declarative
LF (LOW
last stress
group,
whose P is inflected with -ji the declarative mood ending of
the medium style, which is marked by Intoneme LF only, e.g.
except the one
f.cl.
i
a declarative sentence.
phonologically marked nearly always by Intoneme
FALL) or HF (HIGH FALL)
adv.cl.
‘Will
five
,
A A -frM A biga* omnida
&-§* A°]
A *1 A
AAA
‘It is
and come back next year
-cr
to start a business?’
raining.’
a jAsinin 'donil -mani Ah\:mnida
makes a lot of money.’
^1 A nan inj ibe - gam n ida ‘I am going home.’
sJMl jxni ji-biuje inne ‘The kite is on the roof.’
‘[His] uncle
As
illustrated
by the
occurring with the
last
final
AC
two examples above, the non-final adverbial clause
may
clause in the sentence structure
consist of
}
more
A °1
than one clause.
The
(i)
less frequently
(Adv.z.)
+
ZlAA
*l-r
gi-lsni
*
occurring marked structures are as follows:
(vocat.ph.)
c\/su,
+
Final Clause
+
(Pcl.z.)
jamkanman
-
%
isA
jo
hapi. gedciman
,
Pcl.z.
f.cl.
+
aiHM
AAA
Final Clause
adv.cl.
« jsa
+
(Pcl.z.)
+
may
+
(vocat.ph.)
jo
.
,
ca/su,
be busy.’
zlAA
AAA
Final Clause
SH-S.
gi-Uni -jamkanman
f.cl.
.
na'
clo
‘I
‘You have picked this flower!’
pick
[it]
up well
too.’
Mood
is a
(Pcl.z.)
-f
-o/-io
,
Pcl.z.
-a
inflected with
It
is
in
and -so of the low formal speech style as to the
and imperative mood (cf. 4.3. 5.1. 2.1-3).
Aa
of the
medium speech
imperative and propositive
-ji
of the
mood
+
(adv.cl.)
declarative, inter-
style as to the declarative, interrogative,
mood
(cf. 4. 3. 5. 1.5. 1-4).
bapi gedciman
%
adv.cl.
medium speech
style as to the declarative
and interrogative
(cf. 4.3. 5. 1.5. 1-2).
(vocat.ph.), e.g.
ufM 2} *1 A
jo
(ii)
(iii)
+
one of the following endings are modally
such sentences that intonation plays its
as a phonological marker of the grammatical mood category.
is
adv.cl.
ph.
+
iagkuna
rogative
(adv.cl.), e.g.
bapL gedciman
Pcl.z. vocat.
f.cl.
(Adv.z.)
7m
Sentences Neutral in
role
4h^^1«V
gi-Uni -jamkanman
ASi-jalji
kocil
neutral without intonation.
major
(Adv.z.)
Adv.z.
‘flo]
Sentences whose P
(i)
(iii)
A
'
"
i
SW.SL
‘Therefore stay a while, Chulsoo, though you
Adv.z.
*-£*
(adv.cl.), e.g.
ph.
(ii)
Ml
*1-$' M)
°l
7. 3. 2. 1.1.
AAA
Adv.z. vocat.
-I-
1
u
1.3.22. Interrogative Sentence
,
>
ca/su
vocat.ph.
A sentence whose P
any of the
five
is
inflected with
speech styles
mood endings of
an interrogative sentence. There are
one of the interrogative
(cf. 4.3.5. 1) is
Korean
190
Grammar
Chapter VII
two types of interrogative sentence in Korean, ‘Q’-type interrogative sentence
and ‘Yes/No’-type interrogative sentence. The ‘Q’-type includes an interrogative element such as the interrogative noun, e.g., nu/nugu ‘who’, nuiAS
‘what’, Atije ‘when’, etc. (cf. 3.4.2. 1.3), the interrogative adjective,
musin
‘which’,
‘what’,
‘why’ or AtAke ‘how’
etc., (cf. 3.4.3. 3),
(cf. 3.4.4.4).
On
e.g.,
or the interrogative adverb,
e.g.,
The
7. 3. 2.2.1, is
usually
marked by Intoneme
we
vi]
y\
§}:*]
cf. vl]
A
5}°]
the other hand, the ‘Yes/No’-type does
‘Q’-type interrogative sentence, except the
marked by one of
one discussed in
i.c., Intoneme
the falling intonations,
LF/HF. On the other hand, the ‘Yes/No’-type
marked by Intoneme R, e.g.
interrogative sentence
is
typi-
Q'-Type Interrogative Sentences [Q element
<y
a\]
°1
3-c-
zz]
Oaj
l]
77
}
*£
-A/tje
/
is
underlined]
tAna.simnika ‘When are you leaving?’
'gAsin
.
A/mamnika ‘How much
*Hl4r
sKr 7 ja
nr *>!*§
!-
'nenin mu-Asil
'
v,)
than the
uJ°l
nado 'gamnika
3
henninga
like to
°1 £]
FJ
X
UV
°1
^7
Fl°l
V*°l
‘Were there
many
maniidii
spectators [as you recall]?’
The Interrogative sentence whose P is inflected with -ji (cf. 4.3.5. 1.5.2)
from all other interrogative sentences in the choice of intonation
as follows:
It is
all
Intoneme LF/HF,
e.g.
cf.
HLr
HLr
^i 7 l|
*\]
*
-V-
H
as a ‘Q’-type interrogative
other ‘Q’-type interrogative sentences are marked by
7 H)
HAni hAnjegaji
'
*
come
here.’
darjsini i-pjAnji/il bit cio
.
,
letter.’
^JHl]
jane'nin jAgi'idke
pa/liiwiji
~ma
‘Look
‘You stay here.’
at the
‘Don’t run
newspaper.’
fast.’
Propositive Sentence
one of the propositive mood endings of
a propositive sentence. The propositive sentence is not distinguishable intonationally from the imperative sentence since both are marked by Intoneme LF/HF coupled with the pitchsentence whose P
any of the
five
is
inflected with
speech styles
‘When
‘When
are
(cf. 4.3.5. 1) is
you going?’
are you going?’
sentence with a
modally neutral ending can be distinguished from the corresponding imperative sentence only by the context of situation. It is noted that the propositive
sentence with a modally neutral ending includes frequently the pronoun uli
^
of the sentence,
^-§-*1 lT
d|
rc]
-SHfxr
*i 7 l
-T-el.5.
A *<M1
]
e.g.
-CAUCAnhi gAdibsida ‘Let us walk slowly.’
,
H-a] a] cf nei\ li/cig
‘Let us leave early
zfu) nAtiistiAnjegani
*1
sinmnnil Jnva/a
*
‘we’ as the subject
marked by Intoneme R when occurring
sentence, whereas
particularly notice-
stress feature referred to in 7. 3.2.3. Therefore, the propositive
different
(a)
7. 3. 2.4.
A
‘Did you read the paper?’
‘Don’t you even have a pencil?’
gu:gjAt)kuni
is
going too?’
telephone?’
jAtipildo '\\:ntni
-3
I
°i 7 1
T| *)
‘Please
Hio> sibsio
1
better?’
"sinmunil 'UgAbwasA
Fl-Jr-a
7.3.2.2.I.
I
This pitch-stress characteristic
LF/HF accompanying the imperative sentences whose P is
‘You post this
m-$- -darjsini -jAinhwaiil hasi. gesso
‘Would you
T-^°l
‘Am
1 )
modally neutral ending, e.g., -a /- a. Where intonation fails to
distinguish the mood of a modally neutral sentence, it is ultimately the context of situation which determines it, e.g.
Yes/No’-Type Interrogative Sentences
o
(cf. 4.3.5.
inflected with a
did you buy?’
is
inflected with
is
latter.
able with Intoneme
0
-^of a- nig asi ~joa ‘Which
o]
M-JE.
is
R, e.g.
speech styles
five
*} l l|4r
c
occurring as a ‘Yes/No’-type inter-
one of the imperative mood endings of
is an imperative sentence. The intonation associated with the imperative sentence is Intoneme LF/HF, as in the
case of the declarative sentence. However, Intoneme LF/HF occurring with
the imperative sentence is very often, though not always, distinguished from
the same intoneme associated with the declarative sentence by (a) having a
higher and more abrupt pitch contour and (b) being realized with a stronger
sentence whose P
F!tc-§:
‘
HF when
other ‘Yes/No’-type interrogative sentences are
nega'hcdci ‘You did [it], didn’t you?’
nega hesA ‘Did you do [it]?’
this?’
‘What did you do?’
* /! Ifv] cegil-mjAdkwAn -sanni
‘How many books
A
any of the
stress,
is
nuga^osjAso ‘Who has come?’
(ii)
all
Imperative Sentence
7. 3. 2. 3.
cally
*
marked by Intoneme
‘Q’-type and ‘Yes/No’-type are also different in the choice of intona-
tion tunes.
(i)
It is
Ani
not include such an interrogative element.
The
(b)
rogative sentence, whereas
191
°HI
i
\na> sibsida
tomorrow.’
o-ni/in haji'mase
7 f u-lido
'
- si:jaije
‘Let’s
not do
m
ga
‘Let us
it
today.’
go to the market
too.’
192
Grammar
Korean
SIMPLE
7.4.
Chapter VII
the examples above, most compound sentences arc relaand are characterized by ‘impatience’, ‘anxiety’, etc., on the part
As exemplified by
AND COMPOUND SENTENCES
tively short
If
a simple sentence
compound
is
defined as consisting of a single final clause, and a
more than one
sentence of
final clause, the
majority of Korean
sentences are simple sentences since they include only one final clause.
of the speaker.
There are many compound sentences
clauses, usually
*8
Simple Sentences
7.4.1.
It
is
as
compound
of simple and
compound
T
^
^1
-scga ulgo isAcita The bird was singing.’
$ u koci a-limdabke pis Attni
.
cj-
»
[it],
,
The minor
go
too.’
dream or
do it or
I
reality?’
not?’
and
do not include a
final clause,
}
,
darjsini gatnjAn
cf.
f.cl,
a l’^°l| >H stnigugesA
‘From America.’
‘Where did you come from?’]
migugesA . waso i have come from America.’
response to AdiesA os'iaso
cf.
between the constituent clauses but never a terminal juncture,
,
‘A newspaper.’
‘What are you reading?’]
sSinmuniLbonda ‘1 am reading the paper.’
,
will not go.’
gega
i
win da,
.
e.g.
response to mwAsil boni
[in
nanin anganda
Compound sentences, of which two-clause type is most common, are all
coordinate sentences, and the constituent clauses are linked paratactically in
quick succession. Either a plus juncture or a tentative juncture may intervene
-.
no]
(c)
v\
o.u$ gi-iga
ojnjAn ‘[What]
if
she comes [here]?’
nf.cl.
cf.
no]
7\
‘What
e.g.
_£_
l
0
shall
o] tg
?]]
do
if
I
«])
gi-iga Os
mjAn AtAkes he
she comes?’
the declarative/interrogative mood is found operating in
minor sentences of the elliptical type with intonation as its exponent. As
in the major type sentences. Intoneme LF/HF functions as the phonological
exponent of the declarative mood, and Intoneme R as the exponent of the
interrogative mood. However, a minor sentence consisting of, or including,
an interrogative element (cf. 13.2.2) is marked by Intoneme LF/HF just like
The category of
SAdia
the
f.cl.
‘The dog
is
jumping,
it’s
f.cl.
stopped [now].’
cua, ''mundadA
f.cl.
‘It is
cold, shut the door.’
f.cl.
the ‘Q’-type interrogative sentences, e.g.
-g-uf
*£e]
sonda, spallisuniA/a
f.cl.
tjjoje)-
may
‘Initiating’ types.
Type
sSinmun
(a)
°x
Compound Sentences
4
‘Elliptical’
tence of which they form a constituent,
[in
*8
it
MINOR SENTENCES
sentences, which, by definition,
be further divided into
(b)
H 7\
‘Is
‘Shall
f.cl.
nf.cl.
I
serjsinja
Minor sentences of the elliptical type are all referable to major sentences containing the same word, phrase or non-final clause. These often constitute
f.cl.
ha. do gago nado.ganda
Tt-
you go,
,
malkajo
final
ged'ta
will too.’
I
nf.cl.
°l
.
in
responses to a previous utterance and are replaceable by a major type sen-
^ f 51
I
7.5.
7.5.1. Elliptical
nega h eja, n ado ha
nf.cl.
‘Only when/if you do
‘You go and
semantic contrast or opposition.
»
l
M] 7\
Korean
in
sen-
‘Has the flower blossomed beautifully?’
7
kuminja,
halkajo
many
5l
^ °1
7.4.2.
*
sentences which have traditionally been treated
sentences are analysed here as simple sentences, e.g.
^1 7\
‘If
*1*4
'd'T-H-
which the two
in
of interrogative type, stand
'
sfT-S-,
to be noted that following the definition
tences as given above,
193
is
coming, hide quickly.’
f.cl.
niA-gAla sSirjninda
f.cl.
‘[He]
f.cl.
(i)
‘Eat
[it]
quickly,
it
is
Minor Sentences of Declarative
-5-
getting cold.’
cf.
'
Mood
don ‘Money.’
-donil casjadia
‘[I]
have found the money.’
1
Korean Grammar
194
a]
cf. 4 iv
(ii)
(a)
hagkjoesA
& M
*&
°fl
aJ:
c 1-
‘At the school.’
-hagkjoesA noJadta
Minor Sentences of Interrogative
‘[1]
played at the school.’
Bibliography
Mood
‘Yes/No’-Type
hagkjoesA
*J-jho||*|
'
cf.
‘At the school?’
if-SSM -hagkjoesA
cf.
no lanni ‘Did you play
Part
at the
‘Mummy?’
\\mmaga
^
-
Ammaga d\ joa
‘You like your
mummy
1.
KOREAN
LINGUISTICS
school?’
An, Dong-Hwan: ‘Semantics of Tense Markers.’ Ph.D. dissertation, Georgetown
more?’
University, 1980.
An, Pyonghui: Chungse kugoui kyomyangpop yon’gue taehan pansong [‘Remarks
on the Study of Humble Forms in Middle Korean’], Kugohak Journal of Korean
‘
(b) ‘Q’-Type
’
,
mega ‘Who?’
cf. ^r'/}
<y*l|
cf.
*11
Linguistics
nugau 'lA
'Anje ‘When?’
-§-<H
nr£M
-
‘Who
is
crying?’
,
11,
1982, pp. 1-24.
Bak, Sung-Yun: ‘Studies
in
Korean Syntax:
Ellipsis,
Topic and Relative Constructions.’
Ph.D. dissertation, University of Hawaii, 1981.
‘When did you
AtijejUA'sA
give
[it
Ch’ae,
me]?’
Wan: Kugo osunui yon’gu
[‘A
Study of Word Order
in Korean'). Seoul:
T’ap
ch’ulp’ansa, 1986.
7.5.2. Initiating
Chang, Kyonghui: Hyondae kugoui yangt’ae pbmju yon’gu
Type
Modern
Minor sentences of the initiating type are used to initiate
not referable to major sentences of which they may be a
a discourse
and are
Minor
constituent.
sentences of the initiating type may be further divided into the ‘Exclamatory
Type’ and ‘Vocative Type’, the former being expressed by an introductory
interjections (cf. 3.4.6.2)
and the
latter
with or without a vocative particle
by a personal name, a
(cf. 3.4.5. 5), e.g.
title
or by both
[‘A
Study of Modality
in
Korean’]. Seoul: T’ap ch’ulp’ansa, 1985.
Chang, Sokchin: Hwayongnon yon’gu
[‘A
Study of Pragmatics’]. Seoul: T’ap ch’ul-
p’ansa, 1985.
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Cho, Seungbog: A Phonological Study of Korean, with a Historical Analysis. (Acta
Universitatis Upsaliensis. Studia Uralica et Altaica Upsalensia, 2.) Uppsala:
[The University], 1967.
(i)
Ch’oe, Hakkun:
Exclamatory Type
Kugo pangon yon’gu
[‘A
Study of Korean
Dialect’]. Seoul:
Soul
taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1968.
‘Ah!’
'a
*1
ja
>
2-
°E°1 nr
4]
An
'l
Chongumsa, 1941.
Chongumsa, 1937, revised 1955, 1971.
Ch’oe, Myongok: Hyondae kugoui uimunpop yon’gu' [‘A Study of Interrogates in
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Chon, Kisok: Kugoui tongjak tongsawa sangt’ae tongsaui ch’egye yon’gu [‘A Study of
Ch’oe, Hyonbae: Han'gul kal [‘A Study of Han’gul’J. Seoul:
‘Good
gracious!’
:
‘Well!’
‘
‘Oh!’
ctigu
Uri nialbon [‘Korean Grammar’]. Seoul:
-su7‘Hush!\
,
‘Quiet!’
the System of Korean Actional and Stative Verbs’]. Seoul:
(ii)
Vocative Type
bog'toija
u
°M
ni.mi/A
‘Bogdong (personal name)!’
‘My dear!’
~gimjaijgun
bagSAn'scij
±jA~bo
Hyongsol ch’ulp’ansa,
1984.
‘General Kim!’
Chong, Insung: P’yojun kodung malbon [‘A Standard High School Grammar’].
Seoul: Sin’gu munhwasa, 1956.
Chong, Munsu: Han’gugo p’urissiui sangjok soksonge kwanhan yon’gu [‘A Study on
Aspectual Characters of Verbs in Korean’]. Seoul: Soul taehakkyo taehagwon, 1981.
‘Mr. Pak!’
‘Darling!’
etc.
Chong, Yonch’an: Han’gugo umunnon [‘Korean Phonology’). Seoul: Kaemunsa, 1980.
Chu, Sigyong: Kugo munpop [‘Korean Grammar’]. Seoul: Pangmun sogwan, 1910.
Cook, Eung-Do: ‘Embedding Transformations in Korean Syntax.’ Ph.D. dissertation.
University of Alberta, 1968.
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Appendix
Index of Grammatical Suffixes and Endings
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Index
Abbreviations
Classification of Auxiliary Verbs
xi
Adjectival Clause 173
according to Concatenating
Adjectival Clause Ending 106
Adjectival Clause(s) as
Restrictions 128
Nominal
Clause 148
Expansion 118
Clausal Conjunctive Particle 70
Complement 152
Compound Numeral
Head 117
Adjectival Particle 72
Adjectival Relational Phrase 146
Adjectival Relational Phrase
as
Nominal Expansion
1
18
Adjectives and Adjectival Clause
as
Nominal
Compound Retrospective
Compound Stem 78
Compound Tense 93
Compound Word 39
Nominal Expansion 120
Adjective 40
Adjective(s) as
as
Nominal Expansion 120
Concatenating Endings
1
Tense 95
1
Adjunct 153
Concentric Adverbial Clause 179
Adverb 4
Concentric-Eccentric Adverbial
Adverbial Clause 177
Clause 180
Adverbial Clause Ending 108
Adverbial
Noun
Conjunctive Adverbs 64
Conjunctive Particle 70
54
Adverbial Particle 67
Consonants 11,16
Adverbial Relational Phrase 145
Correlations between Alternative
Adverbial Phrase as Verbal
Sub-classification of Verbs 49
Expansion 144
C-Stem
81
Agent 153
Agent Particle 66
Declarative Sentence 189
Nouns 56
Animate and Inanimate Nouns 56
Definition of
Auxiliary Verbs 45
Deictic Adjectives 60
Alternative Classifications of
Definition of Sentence 186
128
Group
Group II 128
Verbs of Group III 129
Verbs of Group IV 129
Auxiliary Verbs of
Auxiliary
a/A-form
b-final
37
Descriptive Adverb as Verbal
I
Auxiliary Verbs of
Auxiliary
Word
Expansion 143
Descriptive Adverbs 62
Descriptive Clause 157
84
Stem 83
Descriptive Clause of Type
I
Descriptive Clause of Type
II
1
58
159
Descriptive Predicate 150
Basic Tense Suffix 87
Difference between Honorific and
Causative Clause 163
Direct Tense 89
Causative Predicate 151
Directive Particle 67
Causative Voice Suffix 85
Double Causativity 168
Humble
Classifier 54
213
Suffix 97
214
Index
Elements and Structure of
Nominal Phrase 12
Elements and Structure of
Object Particle 66
Semi -Vowels
Korean Alphabet 2
Korean Alphabet and Prosodic
Exemplification of Verbal Mead 131
Expansion of Verbal Phrase 142
Low Formal
Low
Style 100
Plain Style 102
Passive Clause Type
I
Passive Clause Type
II
Full Verbs
Full
44
Verb and Auxiliary Verb 44
Head of Verbal Phrase 124
High Formal Style 98
1
Phonetics and Phonology 10
Simple Stem 77
Simple Tense 89
Phonology
Phrase 112
Honorific and Plain Nouns 57
Honorific Suffix 87
Humble
Suffix
96
Imperative Sentence 191
Noun 50
Ending 98
Type 194
Inflectional
Initiating
Relational Phrase 172
Nominal Clause as Minor Sentence 171
Nominal Clause as S, O, C in Clause 72
Nominal Clause Endings 106
Nominal Conjunctive Particle 70
Nominal Expansion 18
Nominal Group as Nominal Head 16
Nominal Head 13
Nominal Phrase 12
Nominal Phrase as Verbal
Expansion 143
1
Interjection 42
Noun as Nominal Head
Stem 77
Stem Classes 78
Single
38
10
1
13
Stress 13, 21
Post -Modifier 55
Predicate 149
Structure of Verb 76
Present Alphabet 3
Structure of Verb Stem 77
Processive Adverb as Verbal
Subject 152
Stress
Stress
25
187
Sub-classes of Adjectives 59
Expansion 142
1
Independent
Word
Group 23
Group and Word 24
Structure of Major Sentence
Group
Nominal Clause 170
Nominal Clause as Axis of Adverbial
Sentence 192
Simple Word 38
13
Position of Stress within a Stress
ligh Plain Style 101
Compound
Phonetic Description of Korean
Medium
Modifying Particle 73
Multiple Adjuncts 154
189
Simple Retrospective Tense 94
Definition of
193
Mood
Simple and
Phonological Criterion for the
Style 104
in
Sentence Particle 71
162
Passive Voice Suffix 85
Major and Minor Sentence 186
Major Sentence 187
Major Sentence Categories 189
Minor Sentence
Sentences Neutral
161
Passive Predicate 151
Phonemes
and Non-final Clause 148
Final Ending 98
f inal
7
20
2,
Sentence Adverbs 64
Passive Clause 161
Korean Language
Korean Linguistics 195
Korean Phonemes 10
1
Sentence 186
Particle 41
Analysis 5
1
Type 193
Equational Clause 160
Equational Predicate 150
Elliptical
Head 126
Scope and Method of Analysis
Satellite of Verbal
Object 152
Juncture 27
1
Verbal Phrase 122
Elements of Clause 149
Elements within Verb 76
215
Index
Processive Adverbs 62
Sub-classes of Adverbs 61
Processive and Descriptive Verbs 42
Sub-classes of Interjection 75
Processive-Descriptivc Adverbs 63
Sub-classes of
Processive- Descriptive Adverbs as
Sub-classes of Particles 65
Nouns 50
Sub-classes of Verbs 42
Verbal Expansion 143
Sub-classes of
Pronouns 52
Word
C lasses 42
1
Internal Structure of Non-Final
1
Clause 170
Propositive Sentence
1
Subject/Complement
9
Particle 65
Suprasegmental Phonemes 12
1
among Elements of
Interrelations
a Clause
1
54
Interrogative Adjectives 61
Interrogative
Adverb 63
Interrogative
Nouns 53
Interrogative Sentence 189
Intonation 29
Intonemes 32
Intransitive Clause 157
Nouns
Nouns
Nouns
Relational Phrase as Verbal
Apposition
1
its
1
Number of Stress Group
24
1
13
a Larger
Clause 177
Syntactic Functions of Nominal
Clause 171
Response Interjection 75
Retrospective Tense 94
Rules Governing the
Groups and
Clause 174
Syntactic Functions of Adverbial
175
Expansion 144
14
Invariable C-Stems 81
Numeral Adjectives 59
Numerals 50
Head
Relational Phrase 145
14
linked by Coordinator
linked by Parataxis
Stress 21
Syntactic Functions of Adjectival
Introductory Interjection 75
Invariable V-Stems 78
Syllable Structure 20
Relation between Adjectival Clause and
Nominal Phrase Embedded in
Nominal Phrase 121
Nucleus of Verbal Head 125
Intransitive Predicate 150
Syllable Quantity
Non-Final Endings 105
Non-Independent Nouns 54
Noun 40
in
and
Qualitative Adjectives 61
Quotative Particle 68
Tense Suffixes 87
Number
of Stress
the Position of
Stress 24
Transcription 33
Transitive
Rules on the Distribution of Auxiliary
Verbs within Verbal
Tense System 88
Head
129
Transitive
and
and
Intransitive
Nucleus 125
Intransitive Verbs 43
Transitive Clause 155
216
Transitive Clause with Split Object 156
Transitive Predicate 150
Two
more Nouns
Head 113
or
as
Verbal
Head with Group
II
Auxiliary
Verbs 134
Nominal
Head with Group
Verbal
III
Auxiliary
Verbs 135
Type of Korean described 6
Types of Adverbial Clause 178
Types of Final Clause 155
Verbal
Types of Non-Final Clause 169
Types of Word 38
Verbal Phrase 122
Head
with
Group IV Auxiliary
Verbs 136
Head with Simple
Verbal
Satellites 132
Vocative Particles 69
Voice Suffixes 84
Variable C-stems 81
Vowel Quantity and Stress 13
Variable V-stems 79
Vowels
V/C- Forms 83
Verb 39
Verb Suffixes and Inflectional
Endings 83
Ve r baT Head w it h Compound
V-stems 78
Satellites 137
Verbal
Head with Group
Verbs 132
I
Auxiliary
Word
Word
11,
13-16
37
Classes 39
Writing System 2