Western Expansion on Russian Security Policy

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Running Head; WESTERN EXPANSION ON RUSSIAN SECURITY POLICY

Western Expansion on Russian Security Policy

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WESTERN EXPANSION ON RUSSIAN SECURITY POLICY

Western Expansion on Russian Security Policy

Russia’s security policy strategic course and orientation are the most crucial of issues involved in the interaction between Russia, the west and also neutral partners. The policies are more influenced by Western expansion in Europe and especially the Euro Atlantic relations such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO).

In the recent years relations between Russia and the West has increasingly deteriorated and caused tensions that have led to the speculation that a new cold war is underway. There are several issues that have led to the deterioration of the relations. These are such as the NATO expansion into territories that were in the former Soviet Union; this has been seen as challenging

Russia’s influence in the region. The democratisation of the countries that were former soviet has also contributed to Russia losing influence in the region. The exclusion of Russia in the maintenance of global order has also contributed to the friction between it and the western powers. The Ukraine conflict and the worsening relations between the west and Russia following the crisis has seen Russia renew its military doctrine and change the it security policies and interaction since 2014 (Katri, 2018).

This paper will look at the effect that western expansion has on Russian’s security policy.

Russia’s role in the region and especially in the regions considered former Soviet Union is to maintain regional order that is in line with the global order. This is one of the issues that inform its security policy. As the security of the region is directly connected with that of Russia. The western expansion is seen to threaten its borders; an example of such perceived threat is the

Ukraine crisis. Following the conflict in Ukraine, Russia was worried that NATO would take the opportunity and set up base in Crimea challenging its fleet in the Black Sea. This resulted in

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Russia annexing Crimea. This paper will look at how such and other events including western expansion strategies impact Russia security policy. Russian security policy is influenced by its soviet past, its domestic politics and its Russia – US and NATO – Russia relations.

Russian’s Security Policy Foundations

Russia’s political culture, historical context, and psychological factors are important in understanding the current security policy. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, a problem of identity had plagued Russians. According to Cimbala (2013), from the Soviet Union, Russia inherited policies that were militaristic in nature or rich in military thought. Russia’s military and political thinking was grounded in ideologies and experiences through which the Soviet Union and the Communist Party saw the world. Since the term of Boris Yeltsin and now Vladmir Putin,

Moscow has been trying to construct an effective and coherent security policy that will encompass Russia’s identity and still be in line with the Russian elite’s expectations. However, according to Piotrowski, (2002), there are three schools of thought that have been used by

Russians to view themselves historical. These are what inform Russia’s geostrategic orientation.

The first school of thought is the Westernizers. This is the Russian ideology that prioritises modernisation of Russia and advocates for relations that are cordial with Europe. They advocate for a strategic partnership with members of the United Nations Security Council and the European Union. The other school of thought is the Great Russians. They assert the main goals and priority for Russia should be laying foundations for a Great Russia or a rebirth of a great country. Proponents of this school of thought are nationalists who advocate for the return of the Byzantine traditions, the Orthodox Church and other symbols of Russia’s past. They emphasize on the Russian language and the rights of Russian speaking individuals in other

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WESTERN EXPANSION ON RUSSIAN SECURITY POLICY countries. The third school of thought is the Eurasianists. They believe that the United States is the most expansionist power and is hostile to Russia. They advocate for a creation of a power bloc between Russia and countries dissatisfied with the United States in Eurasia. They also argue that Russia has no conflict with the Islamic world, India and China and that there is a possibility for uniting these partners to create a strong Russian influence (Piotrowski, 2002).

Russia’s security policy cannot be separated between internal and external policies. The policies do not follow the separation between regional, foreign and domestic agenda. This is because of the nature of what drives the security agenda which looks at the regimes security being linked to regional and therefore foreign issues. The security agenda has evolved through the view of what and who is deemed to be the main threat to the nation and current regimes. This can be seen by the domestic security policies targeting those challenging Putin’s regime and its legitimacy. This has been implemented parallel to the deteriorating relations with the west. It also includes concerns about such events as the Euromadian, the Arab Spring and threats that the events would influence anti-regime dissent in Russia (Aglaya, 2015).

The regime looks at the west as the cause of its troubles domestically, accusing them of funding non-governmental organisation to cause dissent and oppose the regime. This domestic securitisation showed that Russia was losing its influence and that the regime was trying to cling to Russia international glory on the backdrop of a poor economy and ant –regime sentiment

(Aglaya, 2015). However, the involvement of Russia in the two international security crises,

Syria and Ukraine, change that impression. Putin was able to galvanise support domestically as the elite saw that Russia was gaining back its geopolitical and international influence. Russia was now turning into a more assertive role in handling regional and international affairs.

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Therefore, the security agenda is formed on the backdrop of these issues of Russian identity and building back Russia’s assertive role internationally and regionally. Russian security policy to be seen as effective and coherent has to include the two issues.

Relations between Russia and the West

The Ukraine crisis and the resulting deterioration in relations between the west and

Russia is just an indication of the incompatible strategic priorities that are deep rooted. The welcomed thoughts of a partnership with Russia were only so as long as Russia was seen to be weak, while the perceived threat of the West to Russia was only seen as hypothetical. Hence, now that Western expansion places Russia the pressure of its influence being threatened and it having the capability of reacting to that threat, the relations between the two have returned to what they have always been. This means continued confrontation and conflict (Keir, 2015).

Recent events have shown that relations between Russia and the west have been characterised by increasing hostilities. This is seen as a departure from the cooperation that had been experienced especially in the fight against the terrorism in 2001. The increased hostilities have been fuelled by expansion of the NATO into areas considered former Soviet, and the growing influence of the European Union in these areas. This has led Russia to lose influence in the region and its regional order has come under threat which in turn is seen as a threat to its security. According to Keith (2017), the result of western expansion has seen Russia’s security agenda become more assertive and threatening. There has been an increase in foreign military initiatives, defensive actions, increasing expansion of nuclear arms and conventional programs and non-compliance in the egregious arms control.

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This aggressiveness has been seen through increased use of military force in Crimea, the

Ukraine and Syria in support of the Assad’s regime. This has also been recognised by NATO’s leadership, NATO US General Curtis Scaparotti, commented that Russia has been rebuilding its force in a plan to increase its influence global influence as a world power (Renz, 2016). Renz

(2016), further asserts that Russian conduct and security policy rhetoric towards the west and especially NATO is increasingly becoming more aggressive than it was in the past decade.

However, Renz also argues that an aggressive security policy does not necessarily mean that

Russia is preparing for a direct confrontation with the west. Rather a powerful security policy is essential in portraying Russia as strong global actor and regaining its regional influence. Legvold

(2016), also argues that the worsening relations between the West and Russia are not primarily going to turn into a full blown conflict such a new cold, like policy experts have suggested. This is because neither Russia nor the West, in this case the United States, is interested in a conflict such as the cold war.

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