URBAN INSTITUTE Older Americans’ Economic Security Program on Retirement Policy Number 33, January 2013 Is Household Debt Growing for Older Americans? Nadia Karamcheva The well-known decline in the nation’s savings rate has raised concerns about retirement income preparedness. Household debt skyrocketed in recent decades and appears to have affected adults of all ages.1 As a result, an increasing number of Americans are entering old age with outstanding debt, forcing many retirees to devote some income to servicing their debt and leaving them with less to cover daily living expenses. This brief reports changes in the average debt holdings of Americans ages 65 and older, using Health and Retirement Study (HRS) data from 1998 to 2010. Results show that the share of older adults with outstanding debt began rising even before the Great Recession, and the inflationadjusted value of debt has been growing. Overall, individuals in or near retirement are more leveraged today than in the past. What Percentage of Older Individuals Have Debt and How Much Do They Owe? Between 1998 and 2010, the share of adults ages 65 and older with some debt increased from 30 to 43 percent (figure 1). Moreover, the median value of outstanding debt grew 56 percent over the same period. In 2010 half of indebted adults ages 65 and older had outstanding per person household debt of $21,000 or more.2 What Is the Main Component of Debt? Mortgages are the most significant type of debt at older ages, accounting for about half the value of all debt held by adults ages 65 and older. Although that share has remained constant since the late 1990s, the portion of older adults with an outstanding mortgage increased significantly, from 16.2 percent in 1998 to 23.1 percent in 2010. Additionally, Figure 1. Household Debt for Adults Ages 65 and Older, 1998–2010 Source: Author’s calculations from the Health and Retirement Study, 1998–2010. Note: Dollar amounts are expressed in 2010 real dollars, adjusted by the change in the consumer price index. http://www.urban.org/ http://www.retirementpolicy.org/ URBAN INSTITUTE Figure 2. Average Leverage Ratio for Adults Ages 65 and Older, 1998–2010 Source: Author’s calculations from the Health and Retirement Study, 1998–2010. Notes: The top 0.5 percent of the sample with the highest leverage ratios was excluded from the calculation. for mortgage holders, the median per person value of the unpaid mortgage nearly doubled, to $51,000 in 2010. As a result, older homeowners owned a smaller share of their homes outright in 2010 than in 1998 ( 8 7 versus 9 3 percent). These trends suggest that a growing number of older Americans will still be paying off their mortgages in retirement, potentially leaving them with less income to meet other living expenses. Are Households Becoming More Leveraged? The absolute value of debt tells only part of the story, however. A better comparison of household debt over time can be made by computing household leverage ratios, defined as total household debt divided by total household assets. This ratio shows how significant debt holdings are relative to total wealth. The average leverage ratio for adults ages 65 and older more than doubled between 1998 and 2010. In 2010, household debt consumed 13 percent of their total assets, up from 6 percent in 1998 (figure 2). The shrinking of household wealth during the 2008 financial crisis and Great Recession likely accounts for part of this increase but not all, as household leverage ratios had been rising a decade earlier. Debt trends for those at even older ages are more worrisome. In 2010, 12.4 percent of Americans ages 75 and older had an outstanding mortgage and 29.6 percent held some type of debt. The average leverage ratio for this group reached 8 percent in 2010, up from 3 percent in 1998. Discussion Debt is not inherently bad. The standard economic model of consumption predicts that individuals smooth expenditures over their lifetimes, which often involves borrowing and accumulating debt when young, saving and paying off debt in midlife, and decumulating wealth when old by spending Social Security or private pension benefits and financial assets. However, the growing debt in retirement suggests that more Americans will need to devote part of their retirement income to servicing their debt, leaving fewer resources to meet daily needs. Additionally, high debt service obligations relative to income leave households more exposed to unexpected negative income shocks such as the onset of an expensive medical condition or the death of a spouse. Acknowledgments The author is thankful to Richard Johnson for valuable comments and suggestions. All errors are my own. Notes 1. For data on personal saving rate and household debt over time, see Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis (2013a, b). 2. The HRS collects wealth and debt information on a household level. To keep the analysis comparable between couples and single individuals, we define the variables on a per person basis, which involves division by 2 for those households where the respondent indicated that he or she belonged to a couple. References Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. 2013a. “Personal Saving Rate.” http:// research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/PSAVERT. (Accessed January 4, 2013.) ———. 2013b. “Household Sector: Liabilities: Household Credit Market Debt Outstanding.” http://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/CMDEBT. (Accessed January 4, 2013.) About the Author Nadia Karamcheva is a research associate in the Income and Benefits Policy Center at the Urban Institute. Copyright © January 2013. The Urban Institute. The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Urban Institute, its board, its sponsors, or other authors in the series. 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