Perception of intraphonemic differences by phoneticians, musicians, and inexperienced listeners James Hillenbrand DepartmentofSpeech Pathology andAudiology,Western MichiganUniversity, Kalamazoo,Michigan49008 Gerald J. Canter and Bruce L. Smith Departmentof Communication Sciences andDisorders, Northwestern University, 2299SheridanRoad, Evanston, Illinois 60208 ( Received 27July1988;accepted forpublication 9 March 1990) Severalstudieshaveshownthat extensivetrainingwith syntheticspeechsoundscanresultin substantialimprovements in listeners'perceptionof intraphonemicdifferences. The purposeof the presentstudywasto investigate theeffectsof listeningexperience on theperception of intraphonemicdifferences in the absence of specifictrainingwith the syntheticspeechsounds beingtested.Phoneticallytrainedlisteners,musicians,and untrainedlistenersweretestedon a two-choiceidentificationtask, a three-choiceidentificationtask, and an ABX discrimination taskusinga synthetic [bi]-[p hi] continuum anda synthetic [wei]-[rei] continuum. The three-choice identification task included the identification of stimuli with an "indefinite" or "ambiguous"qualityin additionto clearinstances of the opposingphoneticcategories. Results included:( 1) All threesubjectgroupsshowedsomeability to identifyambiguous stimuli;(2) phoneticallytrainedlistenerswerebetterat identifyingambiguous stimulithan musicians and untrainedlisteners;(3) phoneticallytrainedlistenersperformedbetteron the discrimination task than musiciansand untrained listeners;(4) musiciansand untrained listenersdid not differon any of the listeningtasks;and (5) participationby the inexperiencedlistenersin a 10week introductoryphoneticscoursedid not resultin improvementsin either the three-choice identification task or the discrimination task. PACS numbers:43.71.Es, 43.71.An, 43.72.Ja INTRODUCTION in theuseof categorylabels(Lane, 1965;Crossetal., 1965), while in anotherseriesof experimentsattemptshave been The categoricalperceptionphenomenon hasbeena fomadeto attenuatethe categoricalperceptioneffectfor stop cusof phoneticperception research sincethefirstpublished consonants by providingsubjects with discrimination trainreportsof thiskind of experimentat HaskinsLaboratories ing on within-category pairs(Strange,1972;Ganong,1977; morethanthreedecades ago.The basicideabehindthispheSamuel,1977;Carney et al., 1977;Edman et al., 1978;Ednomenonisthat,for certainkindsof speech-sound continua, man, 1979). thereisa verystrongrelationship betweentheabilityto discriminatestimuliandthewaythatstimulialongthatcontinuumarelabeled.Givenan appropriate setof stimulithatare spacedevenlyin physicalterms,listenersare muchbetterat discriminating stimuluspairsthat are drawnfrom different phoneticcategories than pairsthat aredrawn from the same phoneticcategory(Liberman et al., 1957;Libermanet al., 1961a;Libermanetal., 1961b;Bastianetal., 1961;seeRepp, 1984; and Harned, 1987, for generalreviewsof this literature). This kind of performancefor stopsand many other consonantcategoriesis in contrastto the "continuous"perceptionthat isseenfor vowelsandmostnonspeech continua (e.g.,Fry et al., 1962;Eimas,1963;BastJan andAbramson, 1964;Abramson,1961;Libermanet aL, 1961a; Libermanet aL, 1961b).For thesestimuluscontinua,the abilityto discriminatestimuluspairsfar exceedsthe abilityto assignabsolute labels to individual tokens. There has been considerable interest in the effects of training on categoricalperception.This issuehas beenapproachedfrom two differentdirections.In onesetof experimentsattemptshavebeenmade to producethe categorical perceptioneffectfor nonspeech soundsby trainingsubjects 655 J. Acoust.Soc.Am.88 (2), August1990 The primarycontention of the seriesof experiments by Laneandhiscolleagues wasthat the categoricalperception phenomenonwas not specificto speechand couldbe obtainedsimplyby trainingsubjectsin the useof categorylabels. Cross et al. (1965) trained subjectsto use category labelsin responseto a visualcontinuumconsistingof sectored circles.Subjectswere able to usethe categorylabels consistently,and a subsequentABX discriminationtask showeda peakcorresponding to the labelingboundary.In a relatedstudy,Lane (1965) testedsubjectson a nonspeech analogof a voicingcontinuum.Prior to identificationtraining with the nonspeech analogs,ABX discrimination functions were flat and close to chance. Discrimination functions obtainedafter trainingshoweda peak at the identification boundary.Similarly,Kopp and Udin (1969) and Kopp and Livermore(1973) foundevidence of a discrimination peak followingidentificationtraining for a continuumof sinusoidsvarying in frequency. Severalother experimentshave failed to find evidence that identificationtrainingproducescategoricalperception. For example,Libermanet al. (1965) reportedthe resultsof an attemptto replicateCrosset al. (1965) that failedto find 0001-4966/90/080655-08500.80 ¸ 1990 AcousticalSocietyof America 655 evidence of discrimination peaks for a visualcontinuum either beforeor after identificationtraining.A secondfailure to replicateCrosset aL wasreportedby Parkset al. (1969). Evidencefor the effectiveness of techniques designedto attenuatecategorical perception effectsthroughdiscriminationtrainingseems to bemoreclear.Hanson(1977) reported a largeincreasein within-category discriminationperformanceasa resultof instructingsubjectsto attendcarefullyto small differencesbetweenstimuli and providing feedback throughouta same--different reaction-timetask.A reportby Repp (1975) suggests thatit wasprimarilythefeedbackthat wasresponsible for the increasein performance.Repp'slistenersweregiventhesameinstructions andtaskbut without feedback,and showedno improvementin within-category performance.Strange (1972) reported only a small improvementin performanceafter extensivediscrimination training with feedback.Repp (1984) and Carney et aL (1977) attributed the relatively modestperformanceimprovementin Strange'sstudyto the high stimulusuncertainty of the oddity taskthat wasused.In supportof this contention, Repp citesthe excellentwithin-categoryperformance reportedby Sachsand Grant (1976) and Ganong (1977), whoprovidedfeedbackto subjects andreducedstimulusuncertaintyby presenting same-different trialsin blocksthat contrastedonly two stimuli. The mostcompletesetof data regardingthe effectsof trainingon theperceptionofintraphonemicdifferences consistsof a seriesof experiments conductedat theUniversityof Minnesota.Carneyet al. (1977) testedsubjectsbothbefore and after extensivediscriminationtraining usinga fixedstandard,same-differentprocedureand an oddity paradigm. The resultsfor both procedures showedlarge improvementsin within-categoryperformancefollowing training.Follow-upstudiesshowedthat trainingon a [blIp] continuumtransferredreadilyto a [g]-[k] continuum (Edmanet al., 1978), and that trainingon a [b]-[d]-[g] continuumtransferredto a [p]-[t]-[k] continuum (Edman, 1979). Carney et al. also showedthat providingappropriate feedbackto subjectsallowedlistenersto assigncategorylabelsto arbitrarysubsets of the stimuli.Similarly,Pisoniet al. (1982) showedthat native speakersof AmericanEnglish were able to divide a --70 to + 70-ms voice-onset time (VOT) continuuminto categories corresponding to lead, short-lag,andlong-lagstopsaftersimplylisteningto examplesof the threecategories. The Minnesotastudiesall involvedextensiveperiodsof discrimination training.Repp ( 1981) reportedthe resultsof a successfultraining study using frieative-vowel syllables chophysicalprocedure.Training can improve a subject's ability to discriminatewithin-categorydistinctionsand can serveto modifya subject'slabelingbehavior.The purposeof the presentStudywas to determinewhether listenerswith extensiveexperiencein phoneticsand musicare betterable to perceiveintraphonemicdifferencesthan inexperienced listenersin the absence of specificidentificationor discrimination training on the syntheticspeechsoundsbeing tested. Our primary interestwasto examinethe effectsof general trainingin phoneticson the perceptionof intraphonemic differences. Data from the musicians were included to determine whether any performanceadvantagefor the phoneticians mightbe specific eitherto speech or to the kindsof listeningtasksengagedin by phoneticians• Somelimitedinformationis availableon the perception of intraphonemicdifferencesby musiciansand nonmusicians.In a studythat is describedonly briefly,Chandlerand Strange(1984) tested20 musiciansand 20 nonmusicianson a 10-step[ rak] - [ lak] continuum.The musicians performed better than the nonmusicianson an oddity discrimination task, and there was a slight indication that the musicians weremorereliablein providinglabelsfor subphonemic categoriesin an open-setidentificationtask. The presentstudycomparedthe performance of phoneticallytrainedlisteners,experienced musicians,and untrained listeners on two identification tasks and one dis- criminationtask.The stimuliconsisted of a [bi]-[phi] continuum cued by variationsin voice-onsettime and a [wei]-[rei] continuumcuedby variationsin second - and third-formantstartingfrequencies.The first identification task was a conventional two-alternative forced-choice label- ing procedure.The secondidentificationprocedurewas a three-choice labelingtaskin whichlistenerswereaskedto identifyinstances of stimuliwith an "ambiguous" or "indefinite"qualityin additionto clearinstances of theopposing phonetic categories. Thediscrimination taskwasa two-step ABX procedure. A secondarypurposeof the presentstudywasto deter- mine whetherany performanceadvantagethat mightbe attributableto phonetics trainingis dueto long-termtraining or, alternatively,whethertheseskillsmight beacquiredasa resultof relativelyshort-termphoneticstraining.For this reason,a groupof undergraduates whohadenrolledin a 10weekintroductoryphonetics coursewasselected to serveas theuntrainedlistenergroup.Thisprovidedtheopportunity to comparethe performanceof thesesubjectsboth before and after generaltrainingin phonetics. I. METHODS that involveda simpleand relativelybrief trainingsession. A. Subjects The 25-mintrainingsession consisted of presentingsubjects with pairsof isolatedfricativenoisesfollowedby the same • Phonetically trained listeners pair of noisesin vocaliccontext.The resultsshoweda very substantial improvement in performance forfricative-vowel Listeners in thephonetically trainedgroupwere12subsyllablesfollowingthisbrieftrainingperiod. jectswith a minimumof fiveyearsof experience in speech Taken as a whole, the resultsof thesetraining studies scienceor clinicalspeechpathology.Four subjects(includsuggest that subjects canshowsubstantial improvementin ing the firstauthor) wereresearchers in speechscience/extheirabilityto perceiveintraphonemic differences giventhe perimentalphonetics, four subjects werehighlyexperienced appropriatecombinationof training,instructions,and psy- master's-levelspeechpathologists,and four subjectswere 656 J. Acoust.Soc. Am., Vol. 88, No. 2, August1990 Hillenbrandetal.: Intraphonemicdifferences 656 NorthwesternUniversitydoctoralstudentsin speechpathology.Thespeech researchers had5-11 yearsof postdoctoralexperience andwereoriginallytrainedin experimental psychology, linguistics, or speechand hearingscience. The interval.The voicingsourcewas initiated immediatelyfol- lowingtheendof theaspiration interval.Startingandending frequencies of the firstthreeformants,and the durationsof linear transitionintervals,are shownin Table I. The funda- speech pathologists h•d 5-20years ofexperience in clinical mentalfrequencyroselinearly from 120-125 Hz over the workandclinicalsupervision. The doctoralstudents all had master'sdegrees in speechpathology,and two of the four hadworkedin a clinicalsettingpriortoenteringthedoctoral program.Oneof thesubjects (JH) hadextensive experience withsynthetic speech, andtwoothersubjects hadpreviously servedaslisteners in a smallnumberof experiments involvingsyntheticspeech. The remainderof thesubjects hadlittle or no experiencewith syntheticspeech. first40 ms,thenfelllinearlyto 90 Hz overtheremaining210 msof the signal.The fourthand fifth formantsweresetto 3300and 3700Hz, respectively, for the entire250-msdurationof thesignals. Stimulifor a secondsyntheticcontinuumvariedin nine stepsfrom [wei] to [rei] byvaryingtheonsetfrequencies of F2 andF 3.Synthesis parame.ters weretakenfromShaftand 2. Musically trained Ii•tenera formantsoverthe 300-mscourseof thetwoendpointstimuli. Formant frequencies for F2 and F3 werechangedapproximately5% betweenindividualstimulion the nine-stepcon- A questionnaire wasusedto selecta groupof 15highly experienced musicians who weremusicalinstructors,professional performers, or graduatestudents in theNorthwestern UniversitySchoolof Music. All of the subjectshad begun formalmusicaltrainingbeforeage 12, and all judged theirproficiency to beexcellentin at leastoneinstrument.In mostcases subjects judgedtheirproficiency to beeithergood or excellentin two or moreinstruments.Subjectsreported 12-33 yearsof experiencewith what they consideredto be theirprimaryinstrument,andin everycasereportedat least eightyearsof experience witha second instrument. Twosubjects considered themselves to be primarily vocalists,althoughboth reportedextensiveinstrumentaltraining as well.Noneofthe subjects hadreceivedtrainingin phonetics, and nonewasexperiencedwith syntheticspeech. Benson (1982). Table II showsthe contours of the first three tinuum. Further details about the stimuli can be found in Shaft and Benson. C. Procedures A computerprogramwasusedto adjustall stimulion bothcontinuato the sameoverallrms intensity.At the out- put.oftheD/A converter, stimuliwerelow-pass filteredat 4 kHz, amplified, attenuated, and delivered binaurally throughTDH-49 earphonesto subjectsseatedin a soundtreatedbooth.A sound-levelmeter (Bruel & Kjaer 2203) andartificialear (Bruel & Kjaer 4142) wereusedto adjust thepeakintensityof thespeech signalsto 75 dBA. Presentation of stimuli,collectionof listeners'responses, and measurementof response latencieswerecontrolledby a PDP 11 computer. $. Inexperienced listeners The inexperiencedlistenerswere 15 NorthwesternUniversityundergraduates who had enrolledin a 10-weekintroductory coursein phonetictheory and phonetictranscrip- tion. Thesesubjectswere testedboth beforeand after the course.The phonetics courseconsisted of 30 h of lecturesin articulatoryand acousticphoneticsand 15 h of laboratory practicein phonetictranscription.The firstsevenh of laboratory practiceemphasizedbroad phonetalctranscription andthe remainingeighth focusedon narrowphonetictranscription,includingthe useof discriticsto mark features suchas vowel length,vowel nasalization,and aspiration. None of the subjectsin thisgroupconsidered themselves to be experienced musicians,althoughapproximatelyhalf of the listenershad receivedsomeform of musicaltrainingas recentlyasearlyhighschool. Each subjectcompleteda total of sixtasks:a two-choice identification task (90 trials), a three-choice identification task (90 trials), and an ABX discrimination task ( 140 tri- als) for the [b]-[p] continuumand for the [w]-[r] continuum. The six listeningtaskscouldbe completedin a single session lasting45-50 min. All subjects begantestingwith a two-choiceidentificationtask, followed by a three-choice identific/•tion task for the same continuum. For a random half of the subjects,testingbeganwith [b]-[p]; the other half beganwith [w]-[r]. Followingthe four identification tasks,subjectsparticipatedin ABX discriminationtesting on eachcontinuum,with'the orderof presentationcounterbalanced across the two stimulus series. The identificationtasksconsistedof ten randomly orderedpresentations of the ninestimuli on eachcontinuum. For the two-choicetask,subjectsindicatedwhetherthe stimulussoundedlike %" or "p" (or "w" vs"r") by pressingthe B. Stimuli Two nine-stepspeech-sound continuaweresynthesized TABLE I. Startingandendingvaluesof thefirstthreeformantfrequencies and Ihe durationsof linear formant transitions(in ms) for the synthetic usingan implementationofKlatt's (1980) softwareformant [bi]-[phi] continuum. synthesizer.All stimuliconsistedof fiveformantsand were synthesized with a 10-kHzsamplefrequencyand 12 bitsof amplituderesolution.One continuumrangedfrom [bi]- [phi] byvaryingVOT from0 to 80msin 10-mssteps. VOT wasmanipulatedusingprocedures describedby Abramson and Lisker (1965). All of the stimulibeganwith 5 ms of frication,followedby aspirationfor thedurationofthe VOT 657 J. Acoust.Soc.Am.,Vol.88, No. 2, August1990 Formant Starting frequency Ending frequency Transition duration FI 180 286 20 F2 1465 2307 40 F3 218O 3026 40 Hillenbrandet al.: Intraphonemic differences 657 TABLE II. Contours of F 1-F3 forendpoint stimulionthenine-step syn- II. IDENTIFICATION RESULTS thetic[wei]-[rei] continuum (fromSharfandBenson, 1982).Formant A. Two-choice frequencies werechanged approximately 5%between adjacent stimuli on identification Figure! shows results for the [b]-[p] and[w]-[r] the continuum. Time (ms) 0 40 110 140 235 300 330 2000 2600 330 2000 2600 two-choiceidentificationtasks.Resultsare shownfor the twogroupsof trainedlisteners, andfor theinexperienced listeners beforetraining.(Resultsfor the inexperienced listenersaftertrainingwill bediscussed in a separate section. ) It can be seenthat the threegroupsof subjectsperformed verysimilarlyon the two-choice identification tasks.Cate- [wei] end point Parameter 300 700 2400 F1 F2 F3 300 700 2400 471 1700 2500 471 1700 2500 [rei] end point 300 F1 300 1100 1600 F2 F3 1100 1600 471 471 1700 2500 330 1700 2500 2000 2600 goryboundaries werecalculated foreachsubject bylinear interpolation of the 50% pointon theidentification function.Twoseparate one-way ANOVAsshowed thatthethree groupsdid not differsignificantly in thelocationof twochoice categoryboundaries([b]-[p]: F(2,54)=2.9, p n.s.;[w]-[r]:F(2,54) = 0.1,pn.s.}. 330 2000 2600 appropriate buttonon a response box.Instructions for the three-choiceidentificationtask for the [b]-[p] continuum B. Three-choice were as follows: Middle-category responses from the three-choice identificationtaskfor the threegroupsof listenersare shownin You will behearingthesamesetof soundsthat youwere just testedon (in a differentorder), but thistime you will beusingthreeratherthantwobuttons.Yourjob is to pressbuttonNo. 1 if youheara clear'b,' buttonNo. 3 if youheara clear'p,' andbuttonNo. 2 if thesoundhas an 'indefinite'quality; that is, somewhatlike 'b' and somewhatlike 'p.' identification Fig.2.Forboththe[b]- [p] and[w]- [r ] continua, it canbe seenthatthephonetically trainedlisteners produced a welldefined"indefinite"categorycorresponding closelyto the category boundary in thetwo-choice identification task.The middlecategory showsa peakof approximately 72% for the [b]-[p] continuumand75% for the[w]-[r] continuum. The ABX task consistedof five randomly ordered pre- The musiciansand inexperiencedlistenersalsoproduceda sentationsof all possibletwo-stepABB, ABA, BAA, and BAB triads,for a total of 140 trials. The interstimulusinterval was 0.5 s and the intertrial interval was 1.0 s, measured middle-category peakcorresponding to thetwo-choice category boundary,but the peak heightswere substantially smallerthan thoseassociated with the phoneticallytrained fromthesubject's respons e.Subjects weretoldthatthefirst listeners. A differencescorewascalculatedusingmiddle-category two stimuliin the triad wouldalwaysbe different,andthat the third stimulus would match either stimulus one or stimu- responses in aneffortto quantifythedegree of consistency lus two. Listenerswere instructedto pressthe appropriate buttonon the response box to indicatewhetherthe third withwhichsubjects in thethreegroupsidentified ambiguous stimuli.The basicideawasto compareresponses to stimuli near the two-choicecategoryboundarywith responses to stimuli remotefrom the boundary.The first value in the difference scorewasa weightedaverageof responses to the stimulus matched the first or second stimulus in the triad. Subjects receivedno feedbackon the accuracyof their responses. Two-Choice i e i 8-P i I 90 70 n 50 i i i Two-Choice i W-R Identification i Phoneticlane r e 8e t ldentificstion \\•_ I I \\ • I • Musicien• •nex.•r. L•tener, FIG. 1. Identification functionsfrom the two-alternative forced-choicelisteningtask. t i 30 t 20 i o 10 I I I Voice 658 I Onset I I Time I I I (ms) J. Acoust.Sec.Am.,Vol.88, No.2, August1990 I I I Stimulus Number Hillenbrand otaL: Intraphonemic differences 658 B-P Cent inuum ß LI-R Cent inuum tliddI e CstegoryResponses Ioo , 9o i i f , , [A Phonetic iens I• 8o I i i I Hidd1e Cstegory Responses ,•L I // [nexperiencedListenessI Tr. ining) I , i i , , i // 4F 7o FIG. 2. Middle-categoryresponses from the three-choice identification 50 task. Responsesrepresenttrials in whichsubjects judgedstimulito have an "ambiguous"or "indefinite"quali- 30 ty. 10 0 10 20 30 fro 50 60 70 80 1 2 3 •oice On•et Time (me) stimulusclosest to thesubject's two-choice categoryboundary andthetwo stimulioneithersideof theboundarystimulus.Responses to theboundary stimulus received a weightof 1.0,andresponses to thetwo near-boundary stimulireceived a weightof 0.5. The secondvaluein thedifferencescorewas the percentage of middle-category responses to stimuli remote from the subject'stwo-choicecategoryboundary, where "remote" was defined as two or more stimulus units from the categoryboundary.Mean and standarddeviation difference scores for subjects in thethreegroupsareshown in Table III. A two-wayANOVA calculatedon the differencescores yielded a significanteffect for Group [F(2,79)= 14.2, p<0.01], a nonsignificanteffect for StimulusContinuum [F (1,79) = 1.04,p n.s.], and a nonsignificant Group by StimulusContinuum interaction [F (2,79) = 0.9, p n.s.]. Posthocanalyses showedthat the groupeffectwassignificantfor both [b]-[p] [F(2,39) = 5.7,p<0.01] and [w][r] [F(2,39)=4.1, p<0.05]. Further testsusingNewman-Keuls multiplecomparisons showedthat, for both continua,thephoneticallytrainedlistenersperformedbetter thanthemusicians andtheinexperienced listeners, andthat the musiciansand inexperiencedlistenersdid not differ on either contrast. Despitethesignificantgroupdifferences, it isimportant to note that there were several individual musicians and in- experienced listenerswhoperformedquitewellon thethreechoice task. Based on informal visual examination of the data, approximately30% of the musiciansand inexperiencedlistenersproducedfunctionson the three-choicetask that were indistinguishable from thoseof the phonetically trained listeners.The converseof this was not true, however; that is, noneof the phoneticallytrainedlistenersperformed • • 6 7 8 Stim•lue Numbe• III. DISCRIMINATION RESULTS One possibleinterpretationof the three-choiceidentificationresultsis that phonetically trainedlistenersaremore sensitive to intraphonemic differences thanlistenerswithout trainingin phonetics. However,it is alsopossible that the effectis relatedprimarily to criteriondifferences between phoneticallytrainedlistenersand the other subjects.The ABX discriminationtests were designedto determine whetherthegroupsdifferedin theirsensitivity to smallstimulusdifferences alongthetwo continua. Discrimination resultsfor thethreegroupsareshownin Fig. 3. For the inexperiencedlisteners,data are shownfor subjects testedpriorto theirparticipationin theintroductory phoneticscourse.The data shownin the figureare d' measurescalculatedfrom the ABX discriminationresponses (Macmillan, Kaplan, and Creelman,1977). As the figure shows, the same basic trends that were seen in the threechoice identification results are reflected in the d' discrimi- nationmeasures. For bothspeech-sound continua,discriminationperformance wasbestfor the phonetically trained listeners,and little or no differencewas seenbetweenthe TABLE III. Difference scores basedon middle-category responses for the threegroups of listeners for [bi]- [phi] and [wei]- [rei] continua(standarddeviations areshownin parentheses). Thescores represent responses to boundaryandnear-boundary stimuliminusresponses to stimuliremote fromthesubject's two-choice categoryboundary. B-P Phoneticians Musicians Inexperienced listeners (beforetraining) 55.4 (22.7) 18.2 (20.9) 10.2 (34.5) W-R 50.3 (13.2) 23.8 (23.6) 24.9 (38.7) poorly on the three-choicetask. 659 J. Acoust. Sec.Am.,Vol.88, No.2, August1990 Hillonbrand eta/.:Intraphonemic differences 659 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I NUUN -NUUt'I 3 I - 2 FIG. 3. Discriminability measures from the ABX discriminationtask. I - 0 I 10 I 20 Voice I 30 Onset I •t0 I 50 Time I EiO 70 I 80 I I I 2 I 3 (ms) I •t S t i mg l us musicians andtheinexperienced listeners. Statistical analysis consisted of separate GroupbyStimulus Contrast ANOVAs for each continuum. Results for bothcontinuashoweda significant effectfor Group{[b][p]: F (2,39) = 10.6,p<0.01; [w]-[r]: F (2,39) = 39.3, p < 0.01}andStimulusContrast{[b]-[p]: F (6,34) = 26.3, p <0.01; [wei]-[rei]: F (6,34) = 77.4,p <0.01}. For both continua,Newman-Keulspost hoeanalyses showedthatthe phonetically trainedlistenersperformedbetterthan both groupsof nonphonetically trainedlisteners, andthatthemusiciansand inexperienced listenersdid not differfrom one another.The Group by StimulusContrastinteractionwas significant only for the [w]-[r] continuum IF (68,12) = 4.2,p < 0.01]. Posthoeanalyses indicatedthatthe interactionwasattributableto larger groupdifferencesnear the peakin the discriminationfunction. It shouldalsobe notedthat all of the listeners,including the phoneticians, showedthe prominentpeak at the twochoicelabelingboundarythat is typicalof categoricalperception.This contrasts with the findingsof Carneyet al. (1977), who notedthat the performance of their listeners followingdiscrimination trainingwasmoreconsistent witha noncategorical perceptionmodel.This discrepancy between their findingsand oursis almostcertainlyrelatedto the low stimulus-uncertainty procedureusedin the Carneyet al. study as comparedwith the high-uncertaintyprocedure usedin the presentstudy(seealsoKewley-Portet al., 1988; Sachsand Grant, 1976). The noncategoricalfunctionsobtained by Carney et al. may also bc related in part to the specifictrainingthat their subjectsreceivedusingthe syntheticstimuli beingtested. IV. EFFECTS OF PHONETICS TRAINING The performanceof subjectsbeforeand after participation in a 10-weekintroductoryphoneticscourseis shownin Fig. 4 (three-choiceidentification,middle-categoryre- I 5 I (g I 7 I 8 I 9 Number coursewasverysimilarto their performanceprior to training. For the three-choiceidentificationdata, a two-way repeated-measures ANOVA wascalculatedfor StimulusContinuum ([b]-[p] vs [w]-[r]) and Training usingthe differencescoresdescribedpreviously.The analysisproducednonsignificant effectsfor both factors(StimulusContinuum:F (1,14) = 2.8,p n.s.;Training:F ( 1,14= 0.7, p n.s.). For the d' measures,separatetwo-way ANOVAs showed significant effects for StimulusContrast( [b]-[ p]: F (6,84) =4.08, p<0.01; [w]-[r]: F (6,84) =44.9, p<0.001) but no effects for Training ([b]-[p]:F (1,14) = 0.2,p n.s.;[w]-[r]: F (1,14) = 0.9,p n.s.). v. DISCUSSION The main finding of this study is that phonetically trained listeners were better than either musicians or inex- periencedlistenersat identifyingspeechsoundswhosestimulusvalueswereintermediatebetweentwo phoneticcatego- ries.The importantpointto bemadeaboutthisresultis that the performance advantagefor the phoneticallytrainedlistenerswasobtainedin theabsence ofspecific trainingwiththe stimuli.The samepatternof performancedifferences among the groupswas seenfor an ABX discriminationtask, suggestingthat the group effectwas not limited to any differencesthat mighthaveexistedin decisioncriteria.It isimportant to note, however, that the two groupsof listeners without phoneticstraining showedsomeability to identify ambiguousstimuli. This finding suggeststhat the effectof long-term phoneticstraining was to enhancean ability that wasalreadypresentin thesesubjects.In fact, as wasnoted previously,thethree-choice labelingperformance of someof the individual listenersin the nonphoneticallytrained groupswas indistinguishable from that of the phonetically trained listeners. Comparisonof theperformance of theinexperienced listenersbeforeandafterparticipationin anintroductoryphoneticscourseshowedno improvementin eitherthe absolute sponses) andFig. 5 (d' measures calculated fromtheABX stimulior theabilityto discrimidiscrimination responses). For bothtasks,it canbeseenthat identificationof ambiguous subjects'performancefollowingthe 10-weekphonetics nate stimuli.This findingindicatesquite clearlythat the 660 J. Acoust.Soc. An)., Vol. 88, No. 2, August1990 HillenbrandoraL: Intraphonemicdiffererlces 660 B-P Continuum Middle-Ostegory I I I I W-R Responses I I I Continuum Middle-Category I I I I I I Responses I I I I P e c e 9o &Aefore Trsining I 80 After n t 70 ! 60 d Trein ing FIG. 4. Middle-categoryresponses from the three-choice identification e n S0 taskfor subjectsin the inexperienced listenergroupbeforeand after their t • 30 t 20 c participation in an introductory phonetics course. i o lO n 0 10 20 Voice 30 •0 Onset S0 60 Time ?0 2 80 3 identification and discrimination • S Stimulus (ms) abilities that were shown ? 8 9 thislight,it seems verylikelythatthe 10weeksoftrainingin phonetictranscription left the introductoryphonetics studentswellshortof asymptotic performance onthesekindsof by the phonetically trainedlistenersdid not emergeasa resultof relativelyshort-termtraining.It haslongbeenknown that very extensivetrainingis requiredfor subjectsto perform well on certainkindsof listeningtasks.For example, BryanandHarter's (1899) studyof theacquisitionof Morse codeshowedthat subjectswerefar from asymptoticperfor- tasks. manceafter 40 weeksof daily training, and Meyer (1899) showedthat 24-28 weekswere requiredto reachasymptote ona musicalpitchidentification task.In reviewingthisliterature, Watson (1980) concludedthat the conditionsthat are associated with verylongtrainingintervalsinvolvecomplex stimuli,listeningtasksthatrequiresubjects to identifyrather than detect or discriminate stimuli, and tasksin which the number of response categories is large.Narrowphonetic transcription obviously meetsall of thesecriteria.Viewedin S Number One practicalimplicationof the resultsfrom the phoneticallytrained listenersconcernsthe widespreaduse of narrowphonetictranscriptions in evaluatingspeechdisorders and in conductingresearchon speechdisorders.The presence of thecategorical perception phenomenon mightbe usedto arguethat manyof the finedetailsthat are recorded in a narrow phonetictranscriptionrepresentwithin-categoryvariationsthat shouldnotbe discernible to a listener. An especially strongcasemightbe madeagainstthe widespreadpracticeof classifying speech sounds as"distorted." The presentresultssuggest that experienced phoneticians and clinical speechpathologists can, in fact, make fine- I I I I I I I tt I I I I I •1I I I B-P CONTINUUM W-R CONTINUUM FIG. 5. Discriminability measures from the ABX discrimination task for subjectsin the inexperiencedlistener groupbeforeandaftertheirparticipation in an introductory phonetics course. ß Before Trsining 0 10 20 Voice 661 30 Onset 40 SO Time -', 60 70 80 (ms) J. Acoust.Sec. Am.,Vol.88, No. 2, August1990 I 1 2 3 I W Stimulus I S I 6 2 7 8 I B Number Hillonbrandeta/.: Intraphonemic differences 661 grained phonetic distinctions thatrepresent acoustic varia- Edman,T. R., Soli,S. D., andWidin, G. P. (1978). "Learningandgeneralization of intraphonemicVOT discrimination,"J. Aeoust. SOc.Am. Suppl. 1 63, S19. tionswithin a phoneticcategory. The resultsfrom the musicallytrained listenerssuggest that the performanceadvantagethat was seenfor the phonetically trained listenersis not relatedto any generalauditory ability that mightbecommonto musiciansandphoneti- Eimas, P. D. (1963). "The relation between identification and discrimina- tion alongspeechand nonspeechcontinua,"Lang. Speech6, 206-217. Fry, D. B., Abramson, A. S., Eimas, P. D., and Liberman, A.M. (1962). "The identificationand discriminationof syntheticvowels,"Lang. Speech$, 171-189. Ganong,W. F. IIl (1977). "Selectiveadaptationand speechperception," Unpublisheddoctoraldissertation,Massachusetts Instituteof Technology (Cambridge,MA). Hanson,V. L. (1977). "Within-categorydiscriminationin speechperception," Percept.Psychophys. 21, 423-430. Harned,S. (1987). Categorical Perception: The Groundwork of Cognition (CambridgeU. P., Cambridge,MA). Kewley-Port.,D., Watson,C. S., andFoyle,D. C. (1988). "Auditory temporal acuity in relationto categoryboundaries;speechand nonspeech clans. In other words, in the absence of data from the musicians,it might have beenarguedthat the phoneticians weresimplymoreattentivelisteners,or that theyhaddevelopeda more-or-less general-purpose analyticallisteningability. It seemsa safeassumption,however,that highlytrained musicianshave learned to listen attentively to sound and havehad extensiveexperiencein makingcriticaljudgments aboutcomplexacousticsignals.The failure to find any difference between the musicians and the untrained stimuli," J. Acoust. Sac. Am. 83, 1133-1145. listeners Klatt, D. H. (1980). "Softwarefor a cascade/parallel formantsynthesiz- suggests that the performanceof the phoneticallytrained listenerscan be attributedeitherto: ( 1) specificexperience with speech sounds or (2) generalexperience with thekinds of absolutelabelingtasksthat are associated with phonetic transcription. er," J. Acoust. SOc.Am. 67, 971-995. Kopp, I., and Livermore,J. (1973). "Differentialdiscrimination or response bias?A signaldetectionanalysisof categorical perception," J. Exp. Psychol.101, 179-182. Kopp, J., and Udin, H. (1969). "Identificationand discriminationfunctionsfor puretonefrequencies," Psychonom. Sci. 16, 95-96. Lane,H. L. (1965). "Motor theoryofspeech perception: A criticalreview," Psychol.Rev. 72, 275-309. Liberman,A.M., Hams, K. S., Hoffman,H. S., and Griffith, B.C. (1957). ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This researchwassupportedin part by NIH Grant No. 1-R01-NS-22234 to Northwestern University and by NIH Grant No. 5-R01-NS23703 to Western Michigan University. We are very grateful to Thea Burton, Jan Wasowicz, Thomas Ridley, and JeffreyReynoldsfor their help with data collectionand data analysis,and to the researchsub- "The discrimination of speech soundswithinandacrossphoneme boundaries,"J. Exp. Psychol.$3, 358-368. ßLiberman, A.M., Hams, K. S., Eimas, P. D., Lisker, L., and Bastian, $. jectswho donatedtheir time to thisproject.We wouldalso like to thankCharlesWatsonfor hishelpwith the literature on long-termauditorylearning,JamesFlege and Michael Clarkfortheiradvice onavariety ofaspects oftheinterpreL tation of the experiments,and Bruno Repp and Kenneth Grant for their thoughtfulreviewsof this manuscript. (1961a). "An effectof learningon speechperception: The discrimination of durationsof silencewithandwithoutphonemic significance," Lang. Speech54, 175-195. Liberman,A.M., Hams, K. S.,Kinney,J. A., andLane,H. (1961b). "The discrimination ofrelativeonsettimeofthecomponents ofcertainspeech andnonspeech patterns,"J. Exp. Psychol.61, 379-388. Liberman, A.M., Studdert-Kennedy, M., Hams,K. S.,andCooper,F. S. (1965). "A replyto 'Identificationand discrimination functionsfor a visualcontinuum andtheirrelationtothemotortheoryofspeech perception'byCross,Lane,andSheppard," HaskinsLaboratories StatusRep. on SpeechResearch,SR-3, 3.1-3.14. 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"Studiesin thephysiology andpsychologyof the telegraphiclanguage.The acquisitionof a hierarchyof habits,"Psyehol.Rev. 6, 345-375. cal perceptionof stopconsonantsdifferingin VOT," J. Acoust. Soc.Am. 62, 961-970. Chandler,A. E., and Strange,W. (1984). "Intraphonemicperceptionof a synthetic/r/-/1/series by musiciansand nonmusicians," J. Acoust.SOc. Am. Suppl. 1 76, S27-S28 (A). Cross,D. V., Lane,H. L., and Sheppard,W. C. (1965). "Identificationand functions for a visual continuum and their relation to the motor theoryof speechperception,"J. Exp. Psychol.70, 63-74. Edman,T. R. (1979). "Discriminationofintraphonemicdifferences along two placesof articulationcontinua,"in SpeechCommunication Papers, editedby J. J. Wolf and D. H. Klatt (AcousticalSocietyof America, New York), pp. 455--458. 662 mentby training?,"Psycholog. Rev. 6, 514-516. Parks,T., Wall, C., andBastJan, J. (1969). "Intercategory andintracategorydiscrimination foronevisualcontinuum," J.Exp.Psychol. 81,241245, 686-696. 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