Split Conjunctions, Abstract Nouns and Agreement
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Roberto Zamparelli, University of Trento
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16:30-18:00, Lecture Theatre 118
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Singular noun conjunctions under a single D can yield either a joint reading, where two compatible
properties apply to the same individual (1a), or a split one (Bergmann 1982; Heycock and Zamparelli 2005),
where they apply to different individuals, triggering plural verb agreement in spite of the singular determiner.
(1) a. Dylan, the famous [N singer] and [N songwriter], was here for a concert.
b. This wild [N cat] and [N dog] are always fighting under our windows.
The second reading is unexpected in an intersective/boolean view of coordination, and raises a number of
interesting questions: not all languages allow the split readings with all determiners (in Italian, ogni, 'every'
ciascuno 'each' and nessuno 'no' do, but not definites and demonstratives), but mixed split/joint readings are
cross-linguistically widely available in the plural (cf. many men and women got married today).
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Even in the singular, certain types of abstract nouns seem to allow a greater range of determiners and
agreement patterns, compared to concrete ones (in the Italian (2) and (3) even singular definites are allowed).
2) La lunghezza e larghezza del tavolo mi ?sembra / sembrano eccessiva/e
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The sing width and length of the table to_me seems / seem excessive
3) La sua rapidità e precisione ?era / erano impressionante/i
The sing his speed and precision was / were impressive.
In this talk I will give an overview of one approach to tackle these cases, discuss some problems and focus
on the issue raised by abstract noun conjunction, under the assumption that certain cases of plural agreement
are necessarily semantic-driven.
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Selected references:
Bergmann, M. 1982. Cross-categorial semantics. Linguistics and Philosophy 5: 299-401.
Heycock, C. and R. Zamparelli. 2005. Friends and colleagues: Plurality, coordination, and the structure of
DP. Natural Language Semantics 13: 201-270.