AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF
Maryanne Maddoux for the degree of
Anthropology presented on December 3, 2015.
Master
of
Arts
in
Applied
Title:
A Game of Silent Irreverence: Passive Resistance in The Dalles, Oregon
Abstract approved:
______________________________________________________
David R. Brauner
210 East First Street (site 35WS453) contains the only extant remains
of a once thriving Overseas Chinese settlement, in the city of The Dalles,
Oregon. Very little is known about the everyday lives of these early settlers,
or the pressures that they faced. This thesis will help to enrich the written
historical record by providing essential background information, site analysis,
and artifact analysis of gaming related artifacts, for a turn of the 19th/20th
century Overseas Chinese mercantile, laundry, and gaming site. The
archaeological and historic records of this site provide a rare glimpse into the
past, one which details how a small group of partners and entrepreneurs
established and maintained laundries, shops, and homes, in a Western frontier
town while asserting ethnic identity. The experiences of these individuals
helped to build the city of The Dalles, and the Western United States. It is
important to add these Overseas Chinese life experiences and contributions
into the historic record.
©Copyright by Maryanne Maddoux
December 3, 2015
All Rights Reserved
A Game of Silent Irreverence: Passive Resistance in The Dalles, Oregon
by
Maryanne Maddoux
A THESIS
submitted to
Oregon State University
in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the
degree of
Master of Arts
Presented December 3, 2015
Commencement June 2016
Master of Arts thesis of Maryanne Maddoux presented on December 3, 2015
APPROVED:
Major Professor, representing Applied Anthropology
Director of the School of Language, Culture, and Society
Dean of the Graduate School
I understand that my thesis will become part of the permanent collection of Oregon
State University libraries. My signature below authorizes release of my thesis to any
reader upon request.
Maryanne Maddoux, Author
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author expresses sincere appreciation to my major professor Dr. David
Brauner for inspiring me to enter into the field of historical archaeology. Dr. Brauner
has provided guidance and support throughout my time in the graduate program at
Oregon State University. I also wish to thank my graduate committee, all of whom
have gone above and beyond throughout the thesis process. Dr. Leah Minc’s
archaeological theory course helped to build the foundation for my thesis topic, and
her advice throughout the writing process has been invaluable. Dr. Elaine Pedersen
has provided me with solid methods for artifact analysis and research interpretation
that were integrated in this project. Dr. Jo Tynon has been generous with both her
time and advice, and her enthusiasm for my topic has reinvigorated my spirits.
This project would not have been possible without Eric Gleason and Jaqueline
Cheung. Their dedication to restoring and recording their portion of site 35WS453 is
inspiring and sets a high standard for ownership of historic properties. They allowed
me to work with their artifact collection and gain access to the site at 210 East First
Street. In addition, Eric and Jaqueline were more than generous with sharing their
personal notes, and archival materials.
I owe a debt of gratitude to the anthropology department at Oregon State
University and my fellow archeology students who are my friends and mentors. In
particular, I would like to thank my field school mentors Dr. Mollie Manion and
Jamie French who have continually provided guidance and support. Jamie French
initially introduced me to the collection and her hard work and curation made my
analysis possible. Additionally, I would like to thank senior members of my cohort
Cayla Hill and Justin Eichelberger for their advice and support.
I wish to thank Jo Reese, Dr. John Fagan and the crew at Archaeological
Investigations Northwest for making my first job in archaeology a valuable and
positive experience. Special thanks to The St. Paul Historical Society for their help
and financial support throughout my graduate program. In particular, Connie Lenzen
who provided much needed archival advice. I would also like to thank the Oregon
State Historic Preservation Office for their help and advice with understanding and
interpreting field documentation and methodology. I wish to thank Dr. James Bard
for taking the time to help analyze the coin assemblage and for providing research
guidance. Additionally, I wish to thank the City of The Dalles and the County of
Wasco. Many individuals in The Dalles provided helpful information including:
Rosemary (William G. Dick Research Library), Barbara and Lorna (Wasco County
Library), Sue Awmiller, David McGaughey, and Dawn Hert.
To my supportive family and friends I would like to extend my deepest
gratitude. To my husband Steve, who has always believed in me, even during my
craziest moments. He never let me give up on myself and he has been my sounding
board, editor, best friend, and love throughout this process. To my daughter Bailey
who is my inspiration and support. She has made more long trips to Corvallis than I
can count, spent summers with me at field-school, and stayed up studying with me at
night. I would also like to thank Dr. James Sours for his advice and support. Finally,
to my mother Fey, who has always loved and believed in me. Through her dedication
and determination she has shown me that anything is possible.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
1 Introduction ..................................................................................................................1
2 Background History ...................................................................................................12
3 History of the Overseas Chinese ................................................................................23
4 Methods......................................................................................................................39
5 Descriptive Archaeology ...........................................................................................63
6 Discussion and Conclusion ......................................................................................103
Bibliography ...............................................................................................................128
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
Page
1. Popular Local Chinaman Killed………………………………………………….…2
2. Lee Hong Application for Departure..…………………………………………......5
3. Excavations at 210 E. First Street 2011… …………………………………………9
4. Map of Block 3, The Dalles, OR…………………………….........……………...10
5. Map of Oregon, including The Dalles………………………...……………..…...12
6. Map of The Dalles…………...………………………………………..………….13
7. View of The Columbia River …….……………………………………………....14
8. Celilo Falls…………..……………………………………………………………16
9. Lewis and Clark Expedition Mural Downtown The Dalles……...…………..…...17
10. The Dalles 1884………….. ……………….………………………………….…20
11. 1894 The Dalles Flood…….………...………………………………………..….22
12. Guangdong Province China………………………..………………………..…...23
13. The Sing Family………………………………………………………....….……27
14. Scenes in a Chinese Gambling House…………………………………………...31
15. Glass Gaming Pieces and Marbles…..……………………………………….…..34
16. AINW TU6 and TU7…….…………………………………………………..….43
17. 1889 Sandborn Insurance Map……………………………………..………...….49
18. Sandborn Insurance Map of The Dalles 1884……………………………………51
19. Front of the Building………… ……………………………………...………..…55
20. Back of the Building……………….………………………………………….....56
LIST OF FIGURES (Continued)
Figure
Page
21. West Side of the Building………...…………………………………………...…57
22. East Side of the Building..……………………………………………………….57
23. Façade of Chew Kee & Company Building…….………..……………………...58
24. Raised Floor……………………..………………….……………………………59
25. Adjoining Doorway…………………………………………………………...…61
26. South Side of Chinese Building Tus 1-5……….………………………………...64
27. Site Map ………………….……...………………………………………………65
28. Sandborn Insurance Map 1892……..……………………………………........…87
29. North Wall Profile of TU5……………….. ……………………………………..89
30. East Profile TU5……………………………………………..…………………. 90
31. Glass Gaming Pieces………………………..……………...…………………….92
32. Buttons……………………………………….………………………...………...94
33. Glass Gaming Pieces, Asian Coins, and Buttons………………………………...98
34. Coin Assortment…………………………………………………………….….100
35. Asian Coins……………………………………………………..……...……….101
36. Laundry Worker from The Dalles………………………………………………104
37. Advertisement for a Local Laundry ……………….…………………...………107
38. Lee Wing………………………………………………………………………..109
39. Lee Hong………………………………………………………………………..109
40. Lei On………………………………………...………………………………...110
41. Lee Yuen………………………………………………………………………..110
42. American Spirit by Noboru Foujioka…………………………………………..117
43. Dr. J. Hostetter’s Stomach Bitters…..……………………………………….…119
LIST OF FIGURES (Continued)
Figure
Page
44. The Chinese Passive……………………………………………………………121
LIST OF TABLES
Table
Page
1
Sandborn Insurance Maps Occupation ……………………………………...52
2
Periods of Occupation ………………………... …………………………….53
3
Functional Classification by Euro-American Classification............................93
4
Classification of All Potential Gaming Artifacts………………………….....95
5
Functional Classification Taking into Account Context…………………..…96
6
Coin Analysis site 35WS453……………………………………………….102
7
Laws, Acts, and Ordinances pertaining to the Overseas Chinese
Community………………………………………………………………....105
1
Chapter 1: Introduction
It was all over in a flash. One moment Lee Hong was riding on the running board
of his friend’s car, and the next moment he was lying silent on the sidewalk. The
newspaper announced the tragedy with the headline “Popular Local Chinaman Killed”
(The Dalles Weekly Chronicle 1912). The Dalles Weekly Chronicle (1912) noted that
Hong had spent the day at the fair before he attempted to return back to town in a car
loaded with ten passengers. The details of the article also outlined Hong’s long term
residence in The Dalles, as well as his popularity and success as a businessman (The
Dalles Weekly Chronicle 1912) (Figure 1). Hong was known locally for his
comprehension of the English language, his financial success due to his “excellent
business ability”, and his congenial demeanor (The Dalles Weekly Chronicle 1912)
(Figure 1).
The newspaper account of Lee Hong’s life stands in stark contrast to the typical
image portrayed in written history of Chinese sojourners who lived isolated lives in the
western United States. More specifically, the newspaper’s account of Hong as a popular
businessman does not coincide with the “isolated” model presented within the framework
of acculturation. In many ways Hong appears to have lived an existence stereotypically
associated with isolation.
2
Aspects of Lee Hong’s life that fit within the “isolated” model:
He lived and worked within an isolated Chinatown.
His closest business partners and friends were also of Chinese
ancestry.
His Wife and Children lived in China.
Upon his death his remains were sent back to China.
Figure 1. Popular Local Chinaman Killed (The Dalles Weekly Chronicle 1912).
3
Is it possible to utilize the archaeological record to a gain a clearer understanding
of past events and lives such as the life of Lee Hong? Lee Hong was a business partner at
the Wing Hong Tai/Hai Company at 210 East First, The Dalles, OR (Figure 2). Both the
extant structure associated with the business and the archaeological record of the
occupation, are still intact and have been assigned Smithsonian trinomial number
35WS453. However, this is a complex case that requires a theoretical framework to
guide fieldwork and interpretation.
The conceptual framework of acculturation was one of the primary tools utilized
for understanding the immigrant experience for more than half a century (Baxter & Allen
2015; Chace & Evans 2015; James 1995; LaLande 1981; Mead 1994; Polk 2015; Wegars
1993). Richard Thurnwald (1932) was one of the first theorists to define acculturation he
notes “This process of adaptation to new conditions of life is what we call acculturation”
(557). Teske and Nelson (1974) further explain the concept of acculturation as being a
process in which either a group or individual experience “culture change” (352). This
perspective often times poses the contrast of acculturated versus isolated (Teske and
Nelson 1974: 352). An isolated community is viewed as a “disengaged group” that has a
separate material culture, language, and social landscape (Rains 2013: 520-522). In this
case, an isolated community of Overseas Chinese individuals would be expected to
maintain strong ties to mainland China, continue traditional cultural and linguistic
practices, and live in a segregated area.
The Dalles Chronicle’s (1912) death announcement for Lee Hong demonstrates
that he was an individual who had an understanding of the dominant Euro-American
4
culture that surrounded him. Hong was an active participant within this broader culture,
but he also demonstrates many characteristics of an individual living within an isolated
society. Lee Hong is neither completely isolated nor fully acculturated. Paul Shackel
(2000) describes the duality exhibited by Lee Hong as a “double consciousness” (234).
The framework of acculturation does not fully account for a “complex understanding” of
the negotiation taking place between Lee Hong and his surrounding communities
(Shackel 2000:234).
5
Figure 2. Lee Hong Application for Departure
6
An alternate perspective to assist in the interpretation of both the site and the
individuals who occupied it, is the concept of agency. Agency is “the ability of
individuals to affect change, make autonomous and independent choices, and act in selfdetermining ways” (O’Leary 2007:6). Essentially, agency allows for individuals and
communities to make choices (Minc 2014: Class Lecture). For the purposes of this study
the definition of agency will be closely related to the concept of free-will.
Paul Shackel (2000) proposes that “observing subtle variations in the
archeological record and placing them within a historic and social context is one way to
observe and interpret the choices that agents made” (232). In addition, “Recognizing the
role of agency becomes a valuable tool for understanding variability in the archaeological
record” (Shackel 2000:235). The theoretical framework of agency can provide a tool to
answer the perplexing questions associated with Lee Hong and his occupation at 210 East
First Street. I hypothesize that some degree of acculturation was occurring at site
35WS453 in The Dalles and that agency was also present. The practice of organized
gaming, specifically the Chinese game of fan-tan, may have provided a way for
individuals and a small community to maintain ethnic identity while being able to survive
economically.
This examination will explore a little known period of the American experience.
Archaeologists and historians are working diligently to fill prominent gaps in the historic
record regarding Overseas Chinese populations during the mid-1800s through the turn of
the 20th century. A majority of the scholarly work to date has focused on nomadic
communities associated with railroads and mining (Baxter & Allen 2015; Chace & Evans
7
2015; James 1995; LaLande 1981; Mead 1994; Polk 2015; Wegars 1993). However,
many successful Overseas Chinese entrepreneurs established laundries, shops,
restaurants, and homes, in frontier towns (Felton et al. 1984; Greenwood 1993; Wernz
2001; Zhu 2004). The experiences of these Overseas Chinese individuals helped to build
the towns and cities that make up the western United States. It is important to add their
life experiences and contributions into the historic record.
Initially it was assumed that 210 E First Street was a Chinese laundry and
mercantile. The historic documentation and the material record supported this
assumption. Upon further examination of the artifacts and primary documentation, it
became apparent that the site was utilized to serve multiple functions. My initial interest
in the examination of glass gaming pieces (GGP) found at the site led me to a deeper
comprehension of the undertakings that occurred at this location. The GGP are a key to
understanding how individuals coped with troubling economic and political times.
8
Research Questions
•
What is the historic background and significance of the Chinese laundry and
Chinatown in The Dalles, Oregon?
•
What economic activities took place at 210 East First Street, The Dalles,
Oregon, during this period?
•
What effect did gaming and immigration laws have on the economic and
social activities practiced in and around this establishment?
•
How does the material record indicate acculturation or show signs of agency?
Prior Excavations
Property owner Eric Gleason and Jacqueline Cheung discovered “historic refuse”
on the property, 210 E First Street, The Dalles Oregon (site 35WS453), in 2008 while
attempting to add a deck to their existing structure (Gleason 2008:1). The structure is a
two story red brick building, which is known locally as The Chinese building or the
Chinese Laundry. The area under examination is located directly south of the building,
and it is believed to be within the original footprint of the larger pre-1879 structure that
burned down in the fire of 1879 (The Dalles Daily Chronicle 2007). After the 1880
construction of the current structure it is believed that the area was utilized for multiple
functions including a cellar and later a backyard. In 2011 and 2012, five 1 m X 1 m units
were excavated under Permit Number AP-1398 (Figure 3).
9
Figure 3. Excavations at 210 E. First Street, 2011 (Photograph Courtesy of
Gleason 2012).
10
N
Figure 4. Map of Block 3 The Dalles, Oregon (Google Maps 2015)
Further archaeological investigations were performed in an area East and South of
210 E. 1st Street, by Archaeological Investigations Northwest (AINW) in 2012 and 2013
under Permit Number AP-1722 (Smits and Fagan 2014:29). A trench and four 1 m X 1
m test units were excavated to assess the size and magnitude of the site (Smits and Fagan
2014:29). AINW found intact cultural deposits upon examination and broadened the site
designation to include several parcels within Block 3, which is the area between First
11
Street, Washington Street, Second Street, and Court Street (Figure 4) (Smits & Fagan
2014:2).
Statement of Bias
It is important to note that this thesis examines a culture different from my own in
a time frame distant from my own. Although I have taken steps to cover the topic as
fully as possible, it is impossible to know the entire depth and complexity of a culture by
examining the ground and reading history books. It is my intent that this interpretation
will highlight a small community’s activities and broaden the written record. This thesis
is limited in depth due to time constraints, funding, and the availability of documentation.
Further research should be conducted to learn more about this unique city block in The
Dalles, Oregon.
12
Chapter 2: Background History
Site 35WS453 is located in the city of The Dalles, Oregon (Figure 5). Its legal
description is Township 1N Range 13E Section 4, Block 3, Lot: W ½ Lt. 3 (USDI, NPS
1997:121: Gleason 2008:1) (Figure 6). The Dalles resides in Wasco County, which
encompasses 2,396 square miles in Northeastern Oregon (Taylor 2015). The City is
bordered by the Columbia River on its Northern edge, and shadowed by the Cascade
Range (most notably Mt. Hood) on its Southwestern border.
Figure 5. Map of Oregon, including The Dalles (USGS 2007)
N
13
Figure 6. Map of The Dalles. (Moon Travel 2015)
14
The geological foundation of The Dalles is comprised of one large basalt flow
nicknamed the “Yakima Basalt” which dates to the Middle Miocene (Alt and Hyndman
2009:184). Between 15,000 and 18,000 years ago, a series of flooding events known as
the Great Missoula Floods down-cut the Columbia River channel (Allen et al. 2009:xiii;
Orr and Orr 2012:195) (Figure 7).
Figure 7. View of The Columbia River looking Northwest, South of Mill Creek.
(Photograph by author)
15
Native Peoples
For thousands of years, the Columbia River roared through this section of land
with a series of impassible falls, harrowing rocky narrows, and rapids (Allen et al.
2009)(Figure 8). The falls became known as Celilo, and it provided an enormous fishery
for the Indigenous people of the Pacific Northwest (Klindt 2011). The Five Mile Rapids
archaeological site, which resides approximately five miles east of The Dalles, exhibits
periods of occupation dating back at least 11,000 years BP (Cressman et al. 1960).
Melvin C. Aikens (1984) notes, that the area was “the greatest fishery and trading center
in the Northwest” (47). Sahaptian speaking tribes from the east, and Chinookan speaking
tribes from the west, converged upon the area to fish, trade, discuss important issues, and
commune with one another (Berg 2007:296). The Wishram established villages on the
northern banks of The Columbia River, and the Wasco established villages on the
southern banks (French & French 1998:360). Due to the scope and focus of this project, I
am only able to briefly touch on this important long-term occupation.
16
Figure 8. Celilo Falls. (Wikimedia.org 1926).
17
Early Explorers
The area which later became the city of The Dalles was first documented by EuroAmericans in 1805. The famed Lewis and Clark Expedition noted the area in detail, on its
journey to document a route to the Pacific Ocean (Figure 9). They decided to make a
temporary camp in an area they labeled Rock Fort Camp from the 25th-28th of October
in 1805, and again on their journey home, from April 15th-18th in 1806 (Moulton 1988a:
340).
Figure 9. Lewis and Clark Expedition Mural in Downtown The Dalles, Oregon.
(Photograph by author)
18
The First Euro-American Settlers
The area officially received its name when Gabriel Franchere, a French-Canadian
fur trader for Astor’s Pacific Fur Company, wrote in his travel journal about the rough
double stones in the rapids as “la dalle” (the tiles in French) (Klindt 2011: 20). It is
rumored that in the late 1820s two small competing trading posts were established along
Mill Creek, but neither post lasted for very long (Robertson 2012:103, McNeal 1953:1).
The first permanent Euro-American residents in the area were Methodist missionaries
Rev. Daniel Lee, the nephew of Jason Lee, and Rev. H.K.W. Perkins (Lockley
1928:557). In 1837, the small Methodist mission of Wascopam was established and it
remained open until 1847 (Lockley 1928). Settlement was further encouraged with the
introduction of the Homestead Act in 1841, and the establishment of the Oregon Territory
in 1846.
In 1847 the United States military arrived and set up a temporary camp at the old
mission site during the Cayuse war. The Oregon Land Act was passed in 1850 and many
immigrants were encouraged to further settle the Oregon Territory. During the same year
Camp Drum, which later became known as Fort Dalles, was established at the old
mission site (McNeal 1953:2). Although, it was a military post, Fort Dalles was often
utilized for supplies and assistance. The County of Wasco was officially formed on
January 11, 1854 (Lockley 1928:924). Travelers seeking new lands, supplies, and
salvation came through the small town and quickly made it their own.
19
The City of The Dalles
In the early days, the Oregon Trail route down the Columbia, or the Barlow trail
across the Cascades, forced travelers out of the water and into The Dalles. Many of the
weary travelers opted to refuel and stay a day or two before traveling to their destination
of choice. Travelers had the option of traveling by wagon, boat (later steamboat), and
train. It was nearly impossible to avoid The Dalles. In 1855 the City of The Dalles was
platted and by 1857 the city was incorporated. In 1859 Oregon officially became a state,
and the new settlers struck permanent roots.
Following statehood, waves of settlers continued to rush to Oregon in droves.
The Homestead Act of 1862 further promoted settlement of the State. With the
additional income from travelers and a bump in population, The Dalles was becoming a
metropolitan oasis. The gold rush near Fort Colville, gold in the hills of Eastern Oregon,
the building of the railway, and a rush of new immigrants made the town a bustling
center of commerce (Lockley 1928:928). The gold rush had promoted such a fever that a
U.S. Mint was commissioned for the town and construction began in 1869. The end of
the gold rush followed soon after, and the mint was never utilized.
After the platting of the town, installation of utilities, and the addition of then
modern day luxuries, The Dalles became a comfortable place to live and work. The
Dalles was a natural hub of activity for Eastern Oregon and Washington (Figure 10).
Lockley (1928) notes, that although the City had about 2500 permanent residents, the
streets were filled with “transients on their way to and from the mines. There was more
activity in The Dalles in a day than in Portland in a month” (930). The Dalles quickly
20
gained a reputation for being a rough town. Local resident Elizabeth Laughlin Lord
commented, “For nearly a decade a decidedly low state of morality existed at The Dalles.
The town was under the domination of gamblers and other representatives of the “tough”
element” (Klindt & Klindt 2011:59-60).
Figure 10. The Dalles 1884. (USGS 2015)
21
The business district was set up to accommodate weary travelers, miners, and
cattlemen. Grand hotels were constructed along the major thorough-fares, as were
saloons, restaurants, and George Clayton’s huge gambling house which provided
entertainment (Lockley 1928:930). Supply shops of every kind lined the streets ready to
provide saddles, wagon repair, and blacksmith services (Klindt & Klindt 2011:62-63).
Although a popular portage point, businesses and residents of The Dalles paid heavy
prices for any items that they had transported from Portland (Lockley 1928:932). It was
not long before a series of flour mills, textile warehouses, and canneries were constructed
to improve the self-sufficiency of the City.
Floods and Fires
Prior to the introduction of dams on the Columbia River, the area was prone to
repeated flooding. Within the historic period, flooding occurred in 1842, 1859, 1862,
1866, 1876, 1880, and 1894 (Lockley 1928:933). The flood of 1894 was especially
devastating to the city of The Dalles (Figure 11). In the early days, fire trouble was
especially prevalent, and many of the buildings were constructed out of wood. However,
over time brick buildings and tighter control of building codes helped to curb the
outbreak of fires. In 1871, the great “Globe Fire” destroyed the eastern portion of town
(Lockley 1928:934). Then again in 1879, the “Pioneer Hotel” fire decimated half of the
business district (The Dalles Daily Chronicle 2007).
22
Figure 11. 1894 The Dalles Flood (Oregondigital.org 2015).
23
Chapter 3 – History of the Overseas Chinese
The 1800s was a time of rapid growth for the Western United States. New found
resources, technological innovation, and a growing population, all served to form a
rapidly booming western frontier. The news of gold created a migratory rush into
remote areas, and the monumental task of building a railway created an enormous need
for laborers (Soennichsen 2011:7). In what became known as “The Great Diaspora,”
thousands of Chinese sojourners flooded out of China, between the mid-19th century until
well into the 20th century, and into prosperous regions of the United States, Canada, and
Australia (Daniels 1988:12-14). Many of these new adventurers came from the
Guangdong Provence of China (Lai 2004:14-15; Yung et al. 2006:1) (Figure 12). Poor
economic conditions at home and the promise of prosperity abroad fueled the migration
of the Overseas Chinese (Wegars 1993:xxiii).
Figure 12. Guangdong Province China (CCTS 2015).
24
The opium wars began in 1839 as Britain sought to gain access to the immense
economic market in China (Lai 2004:14). Conflicts between the China and Britain
continued until 1860. In addition to war for trade-rights during this time, internal conflict
within China was prevalent (Lai 2004:11-14; Soennichsen 2011:2-4; Zhu 1997:14-16).
Over twenty years of conflict left the political and economic landscape of China
dramatically changed (Soennichsen 2011:4-6). The area of Guangdong Provence was
especially hard hit by the upheaval (Zhu 1997:20-21). Felton, Frank, and Schulz (1984)
note that the areas negative economic situation revolved around two key elements: the
decline of the textile industry from the influx of European goods and poor agriculture
brought about by droughts and flooding (38-43).
The New World
Chinese sojourners entered into the United States in search of a brighter future
and economic wealth. The historic picture reflects a community that does not assimilate
with main stream society (LaLande 1981:15). Gunther Barth (1964) writes,
The newcomers came with a vision: they would make money to return to
China with their savings for a life of ease, surrounded and honored by
their families which their toil had sustained. Their goal kept them apart
from the flood of other immigrants who came to America as permanent
residents (1).
The standard model for sojourners in the Western United States is outlined by Jeffrey
Max LaLande (1981). This model proposes a mass migration of poor Chinese men who
flooded into the United States in search of wealth, with only the hope of someday
25
returning home. These men were often hired by railroads or mines and transported in
closed groups, distinct from the dominant Euro-American society. Their entrance into
the United States is traceable to ports in San Francisco, CA and Seattle, WA. Lalande
(1981) notes that “upon arrival at San Francisco, the sojourner was met at the wharf by a
representative of his district association…provided with temporary lodging and
supplies…then sent off to labor in the gold fields, fish canneries, and railroad camps of
the American West” (32-33). The early sojourners were indeed isolated, and the
material record left behind in their former work camps supports this assumption (Baxter
& Allen 2015; Chace & Evans 2015; James 1995; LaLande 1981; Mead 1994; Polk
2015). In summation, sojourners would enter into the country through distinct ports, get
hired on by companies, work in closed groups for a few years, and then return home.
This perception of sojourners led in part to anti-Chinese sentiment and a general
mistrust of the new individuals flooding into the U.S (Daniels 1988; Soennichsen 2011;
Yung et al. 2006; Zhu 1997). The commonly used term of “sojourners” and the nomadic
nature of work associated with mines and railways suggest a group of isolated
individuals, with little to no interest in contributing to local communities or staying
permanently in the United States. Conversely, there are many individuals who do not fit
within this model. These individuals settled within cities or small towns, invested in their
new country, contributed to their communities, and endured many hardships in a new
land. The excellently preserved site of Kam Wah Chung located in John Day, Oregon is
perhaps one of the most well-known examples of community investment. Lung On and
Ing Hay (aka “Doc Hay”) were business owners in Eastern Oregon who became integral
members of the community (Harington 2010; Ooligan Press 2007:46-47)
26
In contrast, the term Chinese immigrant implies that the individual entering the
United States desired to establish long-term permanent residence in the United States. In
addition, the term suggests that it was also possible for the individual to obtain long-term
legal residence within the host country. There were most certainly individuals who came
to America with the intention of only staying for a short duration. In 1861, the
Oregonian published a letter from a local merchant Ah-ning, to his family back home in
China in which he states, “The Chinese do [well] here, and earn good money, more than
they get in China. We can get a lot of money, and keep it for China” (Ooligan Press
2007:50). Even if someone of Chinese descent wanted to move permanently to the
United States, they were unable to do so legally at this time. Numerous federal and state
legislative acts dating from the 1870s until the 1920s prohibited the immigration and
residence of people of Chinese descent.
The people of Chinese descent who lived and worked at The Dalles site
(35WS453) do not fit within the model of sojourners, nor were these individuals
technically Chinese Immigrants (Figure 13). Rather, they are a group of individuals who
came into the country at different times and by different means. These individuals are
entrepreneurs who made their own decisions about where and when they would work,
and what material culture they would acquire and utilize, but they were unable to become
citizens of the United States. In short, neither the term sojourner, nor Chinese Immigrant,
applies to the inhabitants of 210 E First Street.
27
Figure 13. The Sing Family. The Dalles, Oregon.
28
The term Overseas Chinese will be utilized when discussing individuals of
Chinese descent, who chose to travel to the United States from the mid-1800s until the
mid-1900s. The commonly utilized terminology of Chinese Immigrants and Sojourners
will be avoided whenever possible. This terminology is intentional as it is meant to
reflect the indeterminate liminal state that these individuals found themselves in, once
they entered into the United States.
The Overseas Chinese began to come to the Oregon Territory in 1851 when gold
was discovered in Southern Oregon (Barth, 1964:185; Ooligan Press 2007:18). In
addition, the steamer Columbia began to transport Overseas Chinese from San Francisco
to Portland (Barth 1964:185).
The Oregon territory’s political climate at the time was
less than ideal for minorities. Nevertheless, by 1870 more than half of the miners in the
state were Overseas Chinese workers (Ooligan Press 2007: 29). Those individuals that
were lucky enough to make money in the mines, canneries, railroads, or agriculture could
quickly become entrepreneurs. Alexy Simmons (1984) notes, “The frontier provided an
opportune environment for the entrepreneur” (8).
With the driving of the golden spike at the completion of the continental railroad
in 1869 and a decline in the gold rush, anti-Chinese sentiment increased exponentially as
jobs became scarce (Soennichsen 2011:16-17). The minority population who had silently
dealt with racial pressures brought about by labor disputes quickly moved into cities and
towns (Soennichsen 2011:15-16). These laborers, turned entrepreneurs, often established
laundries, restaurants, and hotels. Yet, the individuals who had been anxiously accepted
by the railways and mines were quickly turned away from permanent areas of settlement.
29
In order to find a place within an unaccepting dominate culture, many Overseas
Chinese men took on work that was performed traditionally by women. Frontier towns
and temporary camps were often dominated by men, and there was a shortage of cooks
and laundresses. Roberta Greenwood (1993) notes that it was common during the late
1800s for there to be a significant male majority in pioneer towns, leading to an uneven
distribution of assets, and a differentiation of gender roles associated with particular
activities such as the laundering of clothes (380). This activity which had presumably
been considered a female duty was often undertaken by immigrant men (Greenwood
1993:381).
The Presence of Overseas Chinese Gambling
Gambling was a popular pastime for Overseas Chinese men. Blocked out from
many professions, and segregated from the general population, traditional Chinese games
became a common form of entertainment and economic stability. The presence of
gaming materials in archaeological sites of early Overseas Chinese occupation are not
unusual (Akin et al. 2015; Chace and Evans 2015; Costello et al. 2008; Farris 1979:
Felton et al. 1984; Jolly 2012; Molenda 2015; Schuyler 1980; Smits and Fagan 2014;
Voss 2015; Wegars 1993, 2006: Zhu and Fosha 2004). It is easy to understand how
exhausted miners and railroad workers could unwind by playing traditional games. Not
only does the social activity of playing games help to combat social isolation, but it most
likely added some recreation.
When one imagines organized gaming within cities during the late 1800s and
early 1900s, and especially in areas designated as Chinatowns, a seedier picture may
30
come to mind, more so than the picture associated with a rural game among friends. This
picture incorporates gambling dens, dark cellars and backrooms, which are filled with
opium smoking and numerous other vices. The newspapers of the late 1800s and early
1900s sensationalized stories of the illicit activities that occurred and dangers associated
with these establishments. The gambling dens of large cities such as Portland and San
Francisco were often raided and news of the raids only fueled such assumptions as to the
character of the establishments (The San Francisco Call 1912; Ooligan Press 2007; Wong
2004). There were undoubtedly gambling establishments that lived up to this reputation.
Should researchers only look for a material record that will indicate this scale and type of
activity, many signs of organized gambling may be missed.
31
Figure 14. Scenes in a Chinese Gambling House. Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper
1887:296.
To gain a greater understanding of organized gaming, it is imperative to look at
how gaming is structured within the Overseas Chinese community of the time period.
Particularly, we need to consider what social importance was attached to traditional
games, which individuals were participating in these activities, and how gaming may
have contributed economically. Stewart Culin (1972) is a late 19th century ethnographer
who was fascinated with the overarching and communal aspects of games. Mr. Culin
(1972) dedicated a substantial portion of his career to documenting the gaming practices
32
of multiple cultures. During the late 1800s, Culin (1890, 1891, 1972) documented the
gaming practices of Overseas Chinese on the East Coast of the United States. It is
important to note that Mr. Culin (1972) spent a good deal of time within the community
he studied, and although he employed some methods considered out of date today, he
utilized a thick descriptive style, that is especially pertinent to this site (35WS453).
Given the composition and size of the artifact assemblage, it is probable that the
GGPs, coins, and buttons are associated with the game of fán t’ án (Figure 15). The
traditional Chinese game of fán t’ án has undergone subtle changes in the way it is
played, and the gaming pieces utilized for play. Culin (1972) gives a detailed description
of the game as it was played in 1891(Figure 14):
Fán t’ án games usually played upon a mat-covered table, with a quantity
of Chinese coins or other small objects which are covered with a cup. The
players guess what remainder will be left when the pile is divided by four,
and bet upon the result. The name means “repeatedly spreading out,” and
refers to the manner in which the coins or other objects are spread out
upon the table (1).
Mr. Culin (1972) further expands his description to include the types of gaming pieces
and how they are used:
A player may put his money directly on the table, or he may use counters
or chips instead, a supply of which, of a different denominations, is
usually heaped within the square. These counters consist of ts’in tsz’, or
Chinese “cash,” which represent ten cents: pák chü, “white pearls,”
33
representing $1: hak chü, “black pearls,” $5: chessman $10, and
dominoes, $50. Other values are sometimes assigned to them (4).
Not only was the game played using many different items, but the availability of
traditional gaming pieces was limited (Jolly 2012:12). Alternate gaming pieces were
often employed in part due to the availability of goods but also to avoid detection by
authorities. Culin (1972) notes, alternate gaming pieces were used “to give the game a
more innocent appearance and render the conviction of its proprietors more difficult
under the law” (6). Chinese and Vietnamese coins, often referred to as “cash”, were used
as alternate gaming pieces (Akin et al. 2015:110-111; Chace and Evans 2015:29; Costello
et al. 2008:139; Felton et al. 1984:147; LaLande 1981:184; Molenda 2015:50). “Gaming
usually involved wagering, but coins were used as game pieces, not money. In the game
of fan-tan, popular with the Chinese and their coworkers, coins functioned as game
pieces and counters” (Akin et al. 2015:115). Buttons were also commonly used within
the game (Chace and Evans 2015:28; Costello et al. 2008:139; Culin 1972:30; Felton et
al. 1984:70)
34
Figure 15. Glass Gaming Pieces and Marbles. (Photograph by author)
35
The game of fán t’ án was widely played in China during the late 1800s and early
1900s, so much so, that it became a part of the ethnic identity for many young Chinese
men. Upon arriving in the United States, the community of Overseas Chinese was
composed almost entirely of young men. Numerous discriminatory laws such as the
Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, and the Geary Act of 1892, greatly restricted the
immigration of women and children into the United States. Liping Zhu et al. (2004)
notes, “one major element of the frontier Chinese life that distinguished it from life in the
home country was the lack of a family social organization” (49). Far from home and in a
minority population, young men restructured their social communities (Gardner 2000:3).
Albert Gardner (2000) notes that “loneliness was a common experience among the male
Chinese immigrants…by forming male households and families, and by living in
communities, Chinese sojourners could retain part of their culture and ease the pain of
loneliness in the New World” (68-69).
The physical structures that housed gaming rooms closely mirrored the new
restructured family unit. The building of Kam Wah Chung is an example of the
reorganization and repurposing of space. It is reported that the building was used
interchangeably as a boarding house, game room, mercantile, apothecary, post office, and
home (Harington 2010). There was not a large scale separation of space, and buildings
often times served multiple functions reflecting the liminal nature of the individuals that
occupied them. The utilization of space was a new adaptation to social pressures and
space constraints. In the case of 35WS453 the building was known to house a laundry
and a mercantile during the same period of time. In addition, I assert that the material
and historic record demonstrates that gaming was also taking place on the premises.
36
Culin (1891) notes that in the Overseas Chinese community laundries, restaurants, shops
and drug stores were all mixed together (352).
For much of the 1800s gambling was not necessarily viewed as an illicit activity
in the Western United States and therefore there was no need to try and hide activities.
For example, a new gambling house was noted in The Dalles Daily Chronicle (1891) at
the same general address as site 35WS453 (in fact it may be the site):
When it comes to gambling the Chinese can outdo both Celt and Saxon.
A new Chinese gambling house was opened last night on the South side of
Main street between Washington and Court. It is filled up in the usual
Chinese style with electric lights to boot and running last night openly and
in full blast.
Citizens in many towns began to voice concerns about criminal activities and their local
governments quickly became concerned about lost taxable revenue. The enacting of new
regulations and police attention resulted in a cat and mouse game between gaming houses
and authorities. Buildings that were somewhat ambiguous due to their multiple
functions, often times underwent even further alterations. Portland, Oregon provides one
such example:
Gambling was the major form of entertainment in Chinatown. In the early
1890s, almost forty gambling and lottery businesses were running in
Portland. Here the Chinese played fan-tan and sold lottery tickets. The
owner’s extensively remodeled the buildings located along second and
fourth avenues in order to hide these activities. The city attempted to stop
37
gambling by passing laws that restricted modifications to buildings
(Ooligan Press 2007:67-68).
The gaming rooms themselves appear to be fairly uniform in character. Culin
(1972) describes the physical character of these rooms as residing in a cellar or
backroom, and consisting of wooden stools, a large table, and a dealers chair (1-2). This
general description matches the testimony of Department of Commerce and Labor,
Immigration Service Inspector John B. Sawyer, against merchants Lee Yuen Hong and
Lee Wing. On May 26, 1911 the inspector conveys in writing his findings at the Wing
Hong Tai/Hai Company building located at 210 E. First Street, The Dalles, Oregon.
In the rear of the store are two gambling rooms which are no doubt in
present use for gambling purposes on a considerable scale, as the tables
are clean and the treasurers’, or bankers’, stools are in their proper places,
together with the usual paraphernalia including Chinese beads, “cash”,
papers, etc. (National Archives, Seattle).
Gambling was not just a pastime or a social activity that helped to ease loneliness.
There were also significant economic advantages for the Overseas Chinese community to
participate in gaming. Overseas Chinese individuals were often times subjected to heavy
taxation, either due to their geographical location or their chosen occupations. Hidden
activities, such as the income gained from gambling, were not subject to taxation. Culin
(1972) observes that it does not take very much money to open a gaming room and it can
be very profitable (4). Those willing to rent out rooms or oversee gaming activities could
make as much as $25 a month (Culin 1972:4). Liping Zhu (1997) notes, “Quick Chinese
38
minds and hands could make easier money at the gambling tables than in the placer
fields” (119).
39
Chapter 4: Methods
A historical method was utilized in the analysis of site 35WS453 in an attempt to
better understand the complexity of the Overseas Chinese settlement that occurred there.
In addition, Rains (2013) examination of an Overseas Chinese community in Cooktown,
Australia was utilized as a model. The historical method and Rains’s (2013) model both
employ the use of the archaeological record, historical documentation both primary and
secondary, and the examination of the physical extant environment and landscape. The
study of site 35WS453 relied on archaeological excavation and background archival
research conducted by Gleason and Cheung (2012). Additionally, local historians were
consulted, and city, county and historical society records were examined. The Dalles
extant environment was observed and considered within the study, including the intact
building at the site, and the local pioneer cemetery.
Kevin Rains (2013) provides a model for working within a complex framework of
acculturation and agency. Rains (2013) argues that the Overseas Chinese community
which resided in Cooktown, Australia in the late 1800s and early 1900s, was not as
isolated as prior research had suggested. In order to look for signs of Overseas Chinese
acculturation into the dominate community Rains (2013) researched numerous aspects of
the environment, including primary and secondary documentation, the archaeological
record, extant structure, and social landscape. Rains (2013) asserted that if the material
culture associated with the Overseas Chinese community was isolated then the
archaeological artifacts recovered from Cooktown would be solely of Chinese origin, the
economic records and newspaper accounts would show little to no exchange between the
40
European community and the Overseas Chinese community, and an isolated district
would be present in which the Overseas Chinese lived and worked apart from the
dominant European community (521-525). Rains (2013) found that the archaeological
artifact assemblage was a mix of Chinese and European goods, there was economic
negotiation between the two groups, and the social landscape was somewhat integrated.
Given this evidence, Rains (2013) asserted that the Overseas Chinese were not a
“disengaged group” and he examined the ways in which the Overseas Chinese
community and the dominant European community negotiated a relationship with one
another (520).
Similarly, Low and Lawrence-Zuniga (2007) examine the relationship between
cultures from the perspective of the built environment. Specifically, they use the term
“transnational space” to define spatial processes as “situated cultural practices of mobility
that produce new modes of constructing identity and result in zones of graduated
sovereignty” which may reflect resistance, cultural hybridity, or multipositional identities
(Low and Lawrence-Zuniga 2007:26). This suggests that the liminal state of Overseas
Chinese individuals, in trying to adjust to adversity while attempting to maintain their
cultural heritage, will leave a physical mark on the built environment and material record.
In this study, I accordingly examined the extant structure at 210 East First Street
for evidence of use and modification that indicates the building was being utilized for
multiple functions. Additionally, I examined the time frame in which alterations were
made to the structure to determine if the usage of the building was being misrepresented
to authorities. In order to ascertain what type of activities may have occurred on site it is
41
important to understand the types of businesses that resided within the building, as well
as the people that worked and/or lived there. Rains (2013) notes that Chinese businesses
in Cooktown were run by “family units” with “collective strategies”. The family unit in
The Dalles was unlike the traditional family unit because it was composed of men. The
near absence of women and children in the Overseas Chinese community resulted in a
change in the traditional familial unit from one composed of men, women and children,
to a bachelor society (Greenwood 1993:380).
Rains (2013) documents that “family units” in Cooktown, Australia often
operated stores that became hubs of their social networks (524). These “networks acted
like extended families” and shielded “their members from European surveillance” (Rains
2013:524). I argue that the partners of the Wing Hong Tai/Hai Company, in association
with their neighbors, were working together in a cooperative group that operated as a
family or kinship unit or network, despite the near absence of women and children. The
built environment was examined for clues as to the multiple functions that the building
served. The partners of the Wing Hong Tai/Hai partners left a physical mark on the
structure in which they conducted business, while they were attempting to negotiate
between the Overseas Chinese community and the broader Euro-American community.
42
Archaeological Excavations
Upon discovery of “historic refuse” on his property, Gleason (2008) filed an
Archaeological Site Record with the Oregon State Historic Preservation Office, and
subsequent excavations occurred in 2011 and 2012. The 2011-2012 excavations
performed under Permit Number AP-1398 at 210 E First Street include five 1 m X 1 m
units which were excavated over a period of approximately a year and a half.
Gleason and Cheung conducted their own fieldwork with the assistance of fellow
friends and archaeologists, M. Darby, G. Thomas, M. Dryden, R. McClure, and S. Mack.
The units were excavated over a period of approximately one and a half years from
January of 2011 to July of 2012, when time, weather, and the water table permitted. The
site’s close proximity to the Columbia River provided seasonal challenges. In addition,
the site’s urban setting and alternating periods of occupation and desertion provided
many obstacles for excavation.
AINW Excavations 2012-2013
Having worked at the site as an employee of AINW in the winter of 2013, I am
familiar with the general geographic location of the site, as well as overall periods of
occupation. Specifically, I assisted with the excavations of two 1 m X 1 m test units
(TU), TU6 and TU 7. TU 6 was located approximately 10 meters southeast of TU5. TU
7 was another 10 meters east of TU6 (Figure 16). This period of exposure to excavations
on the site assisted with later interpretation of the materials from 35WS453. A large
trench (Trench 1) was excavated in the northeast corner of the block and two test units
(TU 8 and TU 9) were excavated within the recreation building.
43
The Composition of TU6 and TU7 was similar to that of TU5. Although these
excavations are not included in great detail within this examination, it should be noted
that materials associated with gaming were also found within these units (Smits and
Fagan 2014:Tables 8 - 9).
TU6
TU7
Figure 16. AINW TU6 and TU7 Facing Northeast. (Photograph by author)
44
Artifact Curation and Analysis
Jamie French (n.d.) conducted the original artifact analysis and curation for
Gleason and Cheung’s excavation at site 35WS453. French catalogued, cleaned, and
labeled the majority of the artifacts recovered from the site. This was a monumental task
as the collection contains approximately 18,000 artifacts. In addition, French shared
archival information provided by Gleason and Cheung. Jamie French (n.d.) is currently
working on documenting the full artifact assemblage and detailing the full occupation of
the site in her thesis, which will include both the Overseas Chinese occupation after 1884
and the Euro-American occupation prior to 1884. Dr. James Bard was consulted for an
evaluation of the Chinese coins found at the site. Dr. Bard and Marjorie Akin provided
information as to the multiple uses and classifications of Asian coins (personal
communication 2015).
The primary focus of my research revolves around the gaming materials retrieved
from the site. It is my assertion that with a thorough analysis of the gaming materials,
extant structure, and archival materials, a gap in the historic record of The Dalles can be
rectified. It is possible to add the life stories of Overseas Chinese individuals into the
written record. In addition, the occupation of the Wing Hong Tai/Hai Company can
provide a case study to examine agency and ethnic identity.
45
Archival Research
Examination of the field notes created by Gleason and Cheung (2012) was
essential to understanding the archaeological excavations that took place at the site, as
well as the context of the artifacts. In addition, the final AINW report written by Smits
and Fagan (2015) was helpful in interpretation of the site. The written history of the
Overseas Chinese community in The Dalles is not merely inadequate, it is virtually
nonexistent. The former Chinatown in The Dalles was described by Wm H. McNeal
(1958),
Chinamen occupied 1 story frame buildings on the north side of First
between Washington and Laughlin with their stores, laundries, and
lodging houses. The flood of 1894 and fires wiped them out. China
creek, flowing from springs in the east gave them water for their dwellings
and gardens (17).
A recent history book compiled by local historians Philip and Linda Klindt (2011)
provides a detailed and vivid description of the City, yet only provides one line
concerning the Overseas Chinese occupation of the area. Klindt and Klindt (2011)
discuss the damage of the 1894 flood, “due to the severe flooding we have little physical
evidence of the Chinese workers who lived in the First Street area” (81). Although brief,
these are the only written descriptions I located of The Dalles Overseas Chinese
settlement within history books.
After conducting a search of secondary archival sources, my main research focus
transitioned to primary sources. In an attempt to create a timeline for occupation and
46
ownership of 210 E First Street, a search was conducted of census records, property
records, legal records, Sandborn Fire Insurance Maps, tax records, newspapers, and
locally recorded histories. Upon examination of the primary documentation it became
apparent that there were many discrepancies within and between sources.
The documentation that does exist for the property contains many inaccuracies.
For example, 210 E First Street is listed on the National Register of Historic Places
(NRHP) with the wrong information (USDI 1997:121). The NRHP lists the building as
the Chew Kee & Co. and provides all of the information for the building that had been
next door (USDI 1997:120-121). The name of the business that occupied 210 E First
Street is listed as the Wing Hong Hai Co. by the local Wasco County Business Directory
(Polk 1908:87; Polk 1910:119). In contrast, immigration papers (1899-1911) document
the business at 210 E First Street, alternating between the titles Wing Hong Tai Company
and Wing Hong Hai Company.
The U.S. Census records for the area are perhaps the most often cited records, but
they also contain inaccuracies. There appears to be an agreement that the numbers of
Overseas Chinese reported within the census during the time period of occupation at site
35WS453 underestimate the true population (Greenwood 1993; Ooligan Press 2007;
Soennichsen 2011; Sunseri 2015:96, Tsai 1983:20). The reasons for inaccuracy are
manifold. First, a language barrier existed that impeded the gathering of information.
Secondly, there was an apparent bias on the part of the individuals conducting the census.
It was not unusual to find entire blocks listed with an approximate number of persons and
marked simply as “Chinese” (Ooligan 2007). Furthermore, the individual Overseas
47
Chinese that did participate in the Census had good reason to falsify information
concerning the number of residents and their occupations. With the passage of the
Exclusion Act in 1882 and the Geary Act in 1892, only Overseas Chinese businessmen
were allowed to travel in and out of the United States (Table 8). Chinese laborers were
no longer allowed within the U.S. and they could be deported if they were found to be
participating in a job that utilized their labor in any form (Soennichsen 2011). Given
these factors, census figures for the time period are better used to ascertain presence or
absence of Overseas Chinese communities, rather than precise individual counts.
Local historians in The Dalles have taken it upon themselves to research and
preserve what little information is available. Upon discovery of the archaeological site
behind their building, Gleason and Cheung conducted an exhaustive search for
information regarding their property and the people who lived there. Gleason and
Cheung generously shared their research with Oregon State University, The City of The
Dalles, and many local historical and genealogical societies. I had the opportunity to visit
the site and communicate with Gleason and Cheung on numerous occasions over the past
few years. Their input and permission to access the site has been invaluable to this
project. The archaeological record and the extant structure provided the clues necessary
to conduct further archival research.
In an effort to locate primary resources, records were located and researched at
the offices of Wasco County and The City of The Dalles. Documentation was also
researched through the local genealogical society, county library, and local museums.
The town’s volunteers were helpful in acquiring what little information was available
48
regarding the Overseas Chinese occupation in The Dalles. The dedication of the local
volunteers, especially the librarians, contributed to the depth of knowledge obtained in
this investigation. Upon visiting the William G. Dick Library located within the
Columbia Gorge Discovery Center and Museum, I discovered that the local government
offices and county library donate past materials to this library if the materials are not sent
to the State of Oregon archives. The library had shelves of census information and
business directories, as well as local historical transcripts, and an entire file of pictures
and newspaper clippings dedicated to the Overseas Chinese Community. The librarian
also recommended that I speak with Gleason and Cheung, and identified them as local
authorities on the Overseas Chinese community.
49
Figure 17. 1889 Sandborn Insurance Map, showing three blocks of The Dalles
Chinatown, 210 E First Street (Main Street) is marked
50
Dating of the Site
The methods employed for dating the periods of occupation at 35WS453 are
manifold. The archaeological deposits, including both the artifacts and the stratigraphic
layers, were essential in dating the occupation of Overseas Chinese individuals between
roughly 1883 and 1925. The 1884 Sandborn Fire Insurance Map describes boarders who
occupied the site (Figure 18)(Table 1). This information corroborates with the testimony
of the Wing Hong Tai Company partners and details that the Wing Hong Tai Company
was involved in the property at the time. The Vietnamese dong coins found at the site
have been shown to arrive in the United States after 1880 and were found in similar sites,
which supports the introduction of Overseas Chinese occupants at the site after 1880
(Costello et al. 2008: 145). In addition, Polk’s Business Directory lists the Wing Hong
Tai Company at 210 East First Street between the years 1908-1911 (Table 2). By 1926
the Sanborn Insurance Map shows the majority of the block demolished and the Wing
Hong Tai/Hai Company building as being used for miscellaneous storage.
51
Figure 18. Sandborn Insurance Map of The Dalles 1884, 210 E. First Street is marked
52
Year
Occupant
Source
Address
1884
D W G (Dwelling)
Sandborn Map
16 Main
1889
Chine
Sandborn Map
120 E. Main or
Front
1892
Chine S. (Store)
Sandborn Map
120 E. Front or
Main
1900
Chine Laundry
Sandborn Map
120 Front or Main
1909
Chinese Laundry
Sandborn Map
210 Main
1926
Misc. Storage
Sandborn Map
210 1st Street
Table.1 Sanborn Insurance Maps Occupation (Figure 18)
53
Year
Occupant
Source
1879 - 1883
Joseph Freiman and F.
The Dalles Daily Chronicle
Dehm (tenants) Benjamin
2007: Wasco Courts Deed
Wolf (owner)
Records
1893 Opening of new
Possible association with
The Dalles Daily Chronicle
Gambling Hall
site
1894 - 1911
Wing Hong Tai/Hai
1913 Immigration
Chinese Merchandise
Investigation papers of Lee
Yip Tai – alias Lee Dick
1908-09, and 1911
Wing Hong Hai Chinese
The Wasco County
Merchandise
Business directory
Table 2. Periods of Occupation for 210 E. First Street, from Varying Sources
54
Extant Structure
The structure at 210 E. First Street was erected in 1879 after the “Pioneer Hotel”
fire devastated the block on May 22, 1879. The exact date of the building’s completion is
unknown, and sources differ on the exact year (USDI 1998). Nonetheless, reporting of
the 1879 fire and the archaeological record support the 1879 date proposed by Eric
Gleason (2008). The owner of the property at the time was Bernard Wolf. The prior
building had been a one story brick and wood structure (The Dalles Daily Chronicle
2007). The address has gone through numerous changes as exhibited by Sandborn Fire
Insurance Maps.
The property’s current township section and range is 1N 13E 3BA tax lot 900,
and the prior township section and range is 1N 13E BD tax lot 800. The legal description
for the property is Block 3 Lot: W ½ Lt. 3. In 1986 the building was listed on the
National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) and the NRHP listing was updated again in
1997 (Figures 19-22). The NHRP (1997) registry itself is inaccurate as to the tenants,
owners, and types of occupation, but it does give an accurate description of the physical
structure (121):
The Chinese building is a small two-story red brick building, rectangular
in plan with a flat, built up roof. The main (north) elevation, now buried
up to the second floor from regrading of First Street, is organized into
three bays with fixed, arched windows, divided vertically to the base of
the arch….The two brick course corbelled arches have a stretcher course
surround. The north elevation terminates with a stepped parapet, with a
55
two brick course corbelled cap. Four eyebolts remain cast into the north
elevation…The south elevation is two-story….Iron shutters and flat brick
lintels remain on the windows….Small multi-pane windows…are located
on the west elevation.
Figure 19. Front of the Building Facing South
56
Figure 20. Back of the Building Facing North
57
Figure 21. West Side of the Building Facing East
Figure 22. East Side of the Building Facing Northwest
58
During the early 1880s, First Street was regraded to accommodate the railway and
to deter flooding. The regrade raised the street approximately 6 feet above the original
level. This reconstruction effectively buried the first level of many of the businesses
along First Street. The regrade, combined with increased rail traffic, decreased the
neighborhood’s desirability. Many of the Euro-American businesses left First Street, and
the center of the City’s commerce shifted south between 2nd and 3rd street. The regrade is
clearly evident in the façade of the Kew Chee & company (Figure 23) located next door
at 212 East First Street.
Figure. 23 Façade of Chew Kee & Company Building Facing Northeast
59
Oddly enough the floors of many of the buildings along the street were not raised
for quite some time. Many of the businesses along First Street only raised the floors after
1912 when faced with condemnation (Figure 24). The Fire Marshal raised concerns
about the ease of access to the buildings and the close proximity of the Port of The Dalles
Grain Elevator (The Dalles Weekly 1912).
Figure 24. Raised Floor, Interior Basement Facing East.
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At some point during the occupation of the building, a doorway was added
between 210 and 212 East First Street. The discreet doorway drew the attention of
Immigration Investigators during a series of raids (Figure 25). The business relations
between the two neighbors appeared to be less than honorable. Lee Yuen Hong was
asked “Why do you have a connecting doorway if there are no business relations?”
(Inspector John B. Sawyer Department of Commerce and Labor: Immigration Service,
Examination of Lee Yuen Hong and Lee Wing, 12 May 1911, Reproduced at the
National Archives, Seattle, WA). Lowered floors, discreet doorways, and a secluded
backyard all gave rise to the possibility of suspicious activities on the premises.
61
Figure 25. Adjoining Doorway Facing Northwest
The transformation of the physical structure is most likely a representation of the
activities that were occurring within and around the Wing Hong Tai building. Given the
multiple functions of the building it is not surprising to see this type of alteration. The
space was utilized by individuals and a community which was undergoing rapid social
62
change in addition to dealing with tremendous external pressure and scrutiny. As noted
by Low and Lawrence-Zuniga (2007),
There is a tendency to conceive of transnational spaces as sites of
resistance and to depict cultural hybridity, multipositional identities,
border crossings and transnational business practices by migrant
entrepreneurs as conscious efforts to escape control by capital and the
state (27).
Thus the alteration of the physical building to accommodate multiple activities while
potentially avoiding detection from the local and national authorities should be seen as a
conscious effort to resist the dominant culture and authority.
63
Chapter 5: Descriptive Archaeology
Five test units were excavated at site 35WS453 on the property of Eric Gleason
and Jaqueline Cheung (Figure 26). All of the units lay beneath layers of asphalt in
differing states of deterioration, concrete, or thick gravels. The area directly south of the
brick structure is a current day driveway. Early newspaper accounts note that there was a
one story wood structure on the site at the time of the 1879 fire, which housed Freiman’s
shoe shop and Dehm’s watch repair (The Dalles Daily Chronicle 2007). Test Units 1-4
are located directly behind the extant structure between two concrete retaining walls that
line the current driveway (Figure 27). TU5 is located slightly to the east of TU 3, and
outside of the eastern concrete retaining wall. All units were screened using 1/8
hardware cloth.
64
TU1
TU4
TU2
TU5
TU3
Figure 26. South side of Chinese Building Overlooking TUs 1-5 (Photograph by
author)
65
N
Figure 27. Site Map (Courtesy of Eric Gleason)
66
Test Unit One
Eric Gleason and M. Darby began excavation of Test Unit (TU) 1 on January 26,
2011. The unit was 1m x 1m and was located on the southwest end of the property
approximately 61 cm south of the back of the extant building, and its west wall rested
along the property’s concrete retaining wall. A cement retaining wall lined the west side
of the unit. The unit was excavated in arbitrary 10 cm levels. A datum was placed
between TU1 and TU2 in the western concrete wall.
Levels 1-5
The top layer of the unit consisted of approximately 6 cm of decomposing asphalt
mixed with a light brown silty loam. Level 1 (0 cm - 10 cm) was a brown silty loam
filled with a mix of building materials, asphalt, and cultural deposits both historic and
modern. Artifacts include: 1 glass gaming piece (GGP), buttons, and opium fragments.
Levels 2 (10 cm - 20 cm) and 3 (20 cm - 30 cm) were a damp dark brown silty loam,
which reached a depth of 30 cm. This level contained a mix of historic materials
including: bone, ceramics, GGPs, a 1907 dime, buttons, and glass. In addition, a mix of
modern materials was present including electrical wire and building material. Within
level 3 a concrete post footing was uncovered which matches the post footings within the
extant structure on site was present within level 3. Level 4 (30 cm - 40 cm) was
composed of a dark silty loam that also contained an ashy lens. A broken sewer pipe was
present at the top of the level, and below it artifacts include: historic bottles, coins, and
bone. Level 5 (40 cm – 50 cm) was a mixture of a dark brown silty loam, ash, charcoal,
and decaying wood. Numerous intact machine made bottles were present in addition to:
67
GGPs, a machine made wire cut brick, and a sheet of fabric or plastic. Smits and Fagan
(2014) note that a dairy was present on several parcels of block 3 between 1942 and the
late 1950s or early 1960s (43). The personal notes of M. Darby and E. Gleason (2011)
indicate that the mix of materials could possibly indicate the buildings cleanout when the
building was repurposed by The Creamery Association.
Levels 6-12
Level 6 (50 cm – 60 cm) was comprised of a large (60 cm x 50 cm) block of
basalt that was removed via winch. The soil composition was a medium brown silty
loam with a large array of angular stones and rubble. This level contained many bottles,
bones, and a mix of historic artifacts. Within level 7 (60 cm – 70 cm) it was apparent that
an abundance of stone and rubble were concentrated on the west side of the unit and form
a wall which is designated as feature 1. The east side of the unit was comprised of a light
brown/grey silty loam. This level contained an array artifacts including: GGPs, coins,
opium tin fragments, tooth comb, bone toothbrush, bones, and glass. Feature 1 was left
intact for all remaining levels and only the eastern portion of the unit was excavated.
Level 8 (70 cm – 80 cm) was a damp brown silty loam mixed with rock and brick
fragments. An increased distribution of historic materials was present within the level
including: an opium lamp, GGP, glass, and ceramics. Level 9 (80 cm – 90 cm) exposed a
barred opening within the rock wall, metal fragments, and wood fragments. A “James P.
Smith” bottle (Art. 16) was located in this level, as well as, 1 GGP, bone toothbrush
fragments, and painted paper. The soil composition was a damp grey silty clay loam.
Level 10 (90 cm – 100 cm) was comprised of a light clay matrix and it was rich in
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artifacts including: a GGP, button, coin, opium tin fragments, opium pipe fragments,
bone, and two complete bottles (1 olive glass, and 1 Florida water). Level 11 (100 cm –
110 cm) was a grey silt loam with dark brown organic debris. The level appeared to be
layers of intact cellar floor deposits including a saw dust layer. Numerous building
materials including bricks that match the composition of the extant Chinese Laundry
building were present. Eric Gleason’s (2011) personal notes indicate that there did not
appear to be any 20th century materials past this level. Numerous opium related artifacts
were present including: a redware opium bowl, greyware opium bowl, and brass opium
tin and lid fragments. In addition, artifacts include: a GGP, a button, a coin, and a
toothbrush head. Level 12 (110 cm – 120 cm) is a matrix of decomposing metals, course
sands, and organic materials. The concentration of Chinese artifacts was much lighter
than in previous levels. These artifacts include: one GGP, opium tin fragments, and one
flake of cryptocrystalline silicate (CCS).
Test Unit One Summary
TU1 was located in the current driveway behind 210 East First Street. It is
believed through the analysis of insurance maps that the area had multiple functions
throughout its occupation including: a cellar, a backyard, and a trash midden (Sandborn
Insurance Maps 1884, 1889, 1892, 1900). The notes of Immigration Inspector Hussey
(1912) indicate that it is possible the neighbors of the block shared the backyard space
and utilized it for gardening, laundry services, and socializing. Levels 1-5 (0 cm - 50 cm)
were disturbed sediments composed of a silty loam fill. The fill was most likely
associated with repeated phases of road and building construction, remodeling, and
69
demolition. Both modern and historic artifacts were present within the level. The time
periods represented range from the 1920s until the period of excavation beginning in
2011. Personal, domestic, architectural, and commercial artifacts were all present within
the level. In addition, the artifacts recovered are Euro-American and Overseas Chinese in
origin.
Levels 6-10 (50 cm – 100 cm) were composed of a silty clay loam that increased
in dampness with depth. The historic artifacts within these levels were associated with
the Overseas Chinese occupation of the site and consist of: personal, domestic,
architectural and commercial artifacts. The time periods represented within these levels
range from the 1920s to the late 1800s. Level 11 (100 cm -110 cm) was an intact deposit
that was believed to be the cellar floor, and it did not contain any 20th century material.
Artifact dates range from the late 1800s to the early 1880s (Gleason 2011). The test unit
terminated at level 12 (110 cm - 120 cm). The presence of Overseas Chinese artifacts
decreased with depth and consisted of personal and commercial artifacts. Euro-American
materials increased with depth and were believed to be associated with the 1879 – 1883
occupation of the site by Joseph Frieman’s shoe shop and F. Dehm’s watch repair shop
(The Dalles Daily Chronicle 2007).
Test Unit Two
Jacqueline Cheung and G. Thomas began excavation of TU 2 on January 26,
2011. M. Darby and McClure also assisted with excavations periodically through the
next few weeks, until the unit’s completion on February 12, 2011. TU 2 was a 1 m X 1
70
m unit located approximately 2 ½ m to the south of TU1 and approximately 4 ½ m west
of TU3. The concrete retaining wall bordered the western edge of the unit. With the
exception of level 1, the unit was excavated in arbitrary 10 cm levels.
Levels 1-5
Level 1 (3 cm – 20 cm) was located under gravel and the height of the surface
was highly variable. A difference in composition was present between light brown
alluvial silty loam, and the eastern portion was a dark gray brown sandy loam. The level
was a mix of modern and historic materials including: brick, plastic, bone, stoneware,
ironstone, curved glass, bone, and two CCS points. Level 2 (20 cm – 30 cm) was a mix
of silty yellow fill on the western side of the unit, and large stones, bricks, and wood on
the eastern side. The fill contained mixed historic artifacts and bone. The eastern portion
of the unit contained a soy sauce jar, glass, metal, bluing, and a glass bead. Level 3 (30
cm – 40 cm) was composed of a mix of light brown silty loam and bricks, large basalt
stones, and mortar. Jacqueline Cheung’s (2011) personal notes indicate that there was an
exposed sewer line, confirming that this level had been disturbed. A large metal sheet
covered the center of the unit which was surrounded by grey clay, and a large metal rod
which was also uncovered. The level was rich in historic artifacts including: glass, a
calico button, brass cuff link, opium tin fragments, and ceramics. Level 4 (40 cm – 50
cm) was a loam of silt and sand with large stones and brick fragments. A high
concentration of decaying metal was present in the northeast quadrant. The sewer pipe
was covered by a horseshoe and bricks. Multiple large flat stones, some of which were
sandstone, were present within the level. The artifact count was lower in this level and
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comprised of mostly bone, small fragments of glass, redware opium fragments, GGPs,
and buttons. Level 5 (50 cm – 60 cm) was a silty loam matrix with mottled matrix of
greyish clay loam. The western portion of the unit was comprised of large stones which
made up a stone retaining wall designated as feature 1. The eastern portion of the unit
had an assortment of artifacts including: a stove leg, iron knob, an opium pipe bowl,
fabric, buttons, two GGPs, coins, and bone.
Levels 6-11
For all remaining levels the western portion of the unit containing the stone
retaining wall, remained unexcavated. Level 6 (60 cm – 70 cm) was composed of a
grey/brown sandy loam to the south and a blue/grey clay to the north. There was a high
degree of decomposing wood associated with the clay. Jaqueline Cheung (2011) notes
that this level appeared to be intact and well below the trench associated with the sewer
line. The SE corner of the unit had a concentration of prosser buttons (n=42). Domestic
artifacts include: GGP, redware opium bowl fragments, opium tin fragments, and a tiger
whiskey jar. Level 7 (70 cm – 80 cm) was filled with large sandstone blocks. Large and
small stone comprised approximately 70 percent of the matrix. Domestic items include:
bone, prosser buttons (n=8), GGP, and glass. Industrial items include: a large iron strap
measuring 2”wide and 3’ long and large stones. Level 8 (80 cm – 100 cm) was a brown
sandy loam with large sandstone blocks. The decision was made to excavate to 20 cm
because of the size of the stones and there was a soil change to grey sandy loam at 100
cm. Three large stones were removed from the level. Artifacts decreased in this level and
include: GGP, one chopstick, curved glass, and 2 buttons. Level 9 (100 cm – 110 cm) is
72
composed of a dark grey/brown sandy loam. There were lenses of clay and silt. The
majority of the level was covered in large stones. Historic artifacts include: bone, and
glass. Level 10 (110 cm – 120 cm) was composed of sandy loam with a sandy
concentration in the SE corner. The SE corner had a concentration of decomposing
wood. Fewer than 10 artifacts were found in this level. Level 11 (120 cm – 130 cm) was
composed of a silty loam and the dampness of the matrix increased with depth.
Excavation was terminated at 130 cm when the maximum depth allowed by OSHA was
reached. Artifacts appear to be mainly architectural and include: bricks, metal fragments,
and glass.
Test Unit 2 Summary
TU2 was located approximately 2 ½ m south of TU1, which placed it further
away from the back of the building and closer to the alleyway that runs between First
Street and Second Street. Numerous out buildings were utilized in this general area
during the late 1800s (Sandborn Insurance Maps 1884, 1890, 1900). There is also the
possibility that the cellar extended out into this portion of the property. As indicated in
the summary of TU1 it is likely that this was a multipurpose space utilized by several
individuals. Levels 1-5 (3 cm – 60cm) were composed of a disturbed mix of silty loam
and clay loam. The first 60 cms of the unit contained both modern and historic artifacts
of Euro-American and Overseas Chinese origin. The approximate dates associated with
these levels range from 2011 to the early 1900s. A stone retaining wall was uncovered in
the western quadrant of the unit, and a sewer pipe was discovered in the eastern portion.
The wall was left intact but the broken sewer pipe was removed.
73
Levels 6 – 8 (60 cm – 100cm) were artifact dense and associated with the
Overseas Chinese occupation that dates from the mid-1920s to the mid-1880s. Level 6
(60 cm -70 cm) contained intact deposits of organic rich sandy loam. The artifacts found
within the level were primarily of Chinese origin; however, there was a concentration of
42 prosser buttons in the southeast corner of the unit. Levels 7 – 8 (70 cm -100 cm)
contained large sandstones and a mix of both Chinese and Euro-American artifacts dating
to the 1880s. Levels 9 – 11 (100 cm – 130 cm) contained very few artifacts and those
that were recovered were primarily architectural. The dampness of the soil increased
with depth and the unit was terminated at 130 cm due to safety concerns.
Test Unit 3
Rick McClure and M. Dryden began excavations of TU 3 on February 12, 2011.
C. Mack, M. Darby and Jaqueline Cheung also worked on the unit periodically over the
next seven months, until its completion on September 25, 2011. TU3 is a 1 m X 1 m unit
located approximately 4 meters from the back of the Chinese building and 4 ½ meters
from TU2. The unit is approximately 25 cm west of the east concrete retaining wall.
The datum for TU3 and TU4 is located in the concrete retaining wall between the two
units.
Levels 1-5
Level 1 (4 cm – 22 cm) was comprised of an asphalt cap on a sloping surface that
ranges from 17 cm to 4 cm. There was a mix of modern materials such as broken curved
74
glass and brick. Level 2 (9 cm – 30 cm) had a high concentration of gravels and cobbles.
The collection of artifacts was a mix of 20th century domestic materials such as amber
glass, olive glass, clear curved glass, a military button, metal wire, wire nails, bone, an
opium pipe bowl, and one medicine bottle. Level 3 (30 cm – 40 cm) was composed of a
brown sandy loam for approximately 2 cm and transitions to a mottled matrix of brown
clay loam, dark brown clay loam, and gravel. Scattered brick fragments and mortar were
present throughout the level. Domestic artifacts include: coins, opium tin fragments,
opium redware fragments, milk glass, and a spoon handle. Architectural artifacts
include: nails, bolts, and ferrous metal. Level 4 (40 cm – 50 cm) was composed of
grey/brown sandy loam. There was an increase in gravel throughout the level and large
angular stones. Domestic artifacts include: 4 GGPs, coins, bones, brown glazed
ceramics, olive glass, and a copper ladle. Level 5 (50 cm – 60 cm) was a grey/brown
sandy loam with a high concentration of sub-angular gravels and friable sandstone. The
SE corner was not excavated due to large stones. Artifacts include: coins, buttons, a
buckle, fish scales, a tin can, springs, bone, and brick.
Levels 6-12
Level 6 (60 cm – 70 cm) was composed of a dark brown silty clay loam. Large
stones covered most of the unit. Domestic artifacts include: ceramics, glass, a GGP,
bone, and a canning jar lid. Level 7 (70 cm – 90 cm) was a dark brown silty loam mixed
with gravels and large stones (Munsell 5Y 3/1). A mix of ash and charcoal was present
within the level. The artifacts include: a CCS flake, glass, ferrous metal, and bone. Rick
McClure’s (2011) personal notes indicate that a silt sample was taken and was believed to
75
be associated with the 1894 flood. Level 8 (90 cm – 100 cm) was composed of a grey
silty loam and large stones (ca. 30 cm X 40 cm). The artifact distribution was very light
and comprised of mostly clear flat glass and bone. Level 9 (100 cm – 110 cm) was
composed of a coarse sandy loam in the north of the unit, and a light grey silt in the
southern portion of the unit. There were many large stones throughout the level. Water
was beginning to appear in the level. The artifacts consist of clear flat glass, a wire nail,
and small fragments of bottle glass. Level 10 (110 cm – 120 cm) was comprised of a
grey silty loam and small pockets of grey/brown sandy loam (Munsell 5Y 3/1). Charcoal
was dispersed throughout the unit. The artifact content was low and includes: clear flat
glass, and a metal rod. One dressed block was removed. Level 11 (120 cm – 130 cm)
was comprised of a sandy loam with pockets of clay and charcoal. The charcoal increased
with depth. Artifacts are few and include: clear flat glass, nails, one CCS flake, and
melted glass. R. McClure (2011) notes that the charcoal and melted glass most likely
represent the fire of 1879. Level 12 (130 cm – 140 cm) was comprised of a mottled silty
clay loam mixed with sand, wood, ash, and charcoal. The personal notes of R. McClure
(2011) indicate that the 30-40 percent concentration of charcoal was most likely
associated with the fire of 1879 (Munsell 10YR 4/3). Artifacts are mostly architectural
and include: machine cut nails, lumber, and flat glass with red paint.
Levels 13-15
Level 13 (140 cm – 150 cm) was comprised of mottled deposits of clay, charcoal,
ash, and wood (Munsell 10YR 5/6). Historic artifacts include: a timber plank with 2
nails, brick and mortar, clear glass fragments with red paint, and bottle fragments. Level
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14 (150 cm – 160 cm) was a grey silty clay loam (Munsell 7.5 YR 3/0). Artifacts include
a few pieces of melted glass. Level 15 (160 cm – 170 cm) was composed of grey silty
clay loam. R. McClure’s (2011) personal notes indicate that the uniform silt devoid of
gravels was most likely associated with one flooding event prior to 1879. The depth of
the water table was believed to be 166 cm. The unit was augured to a final depth of 200
cm.
Test Unit 3 Summary
TU3 was approximately 2 ½ m south of TU4, in what was the backyard or
alleyway located directly behind 210 East First Street. It is also possible that lower
deposits may be associated with an early cellar and the pre-1879 wooden building. As
indicated in in prior units the backyard area was most likely a multipurpose space utilized
by multiple individuals. Levels 1 – 5 (4 cm – 60 cm) were a disturbed mix of sandy
loam, clay loam, and silty loam that contained modern and historic artifacts associated
with both Euro-American and Overseas Chinese occupations. The dates associated with
these levels range from 2011 to the early 1900s. Large stones and dense concentrations
of brick rubble and gravel were present throughout these levels.
Level 6 (60 cm -70 cm) appeared to contain intact cultural deposits of Chinese
and Euro-American origin dating from the early 1900s to the 1890s. Level 7 (70 cm –
90cm) is believed to be associated with the 1894 flood. There was a mix of silty loam,
ash, charcoal, gravels, and large stones. Below this level the artifact distribution was less
dense than the levels located directly above it, and it contained mostly architectural
artifacts such as clear flat glass and nails. Levels 8 – 10 (90 cm – 120 cm) were
77
composed of a sandy loam with increasing distributions of charcoal and ash. In addition,
these levels became increasingly damper with depth. Levels 11 - 12 (120 cm – 140 cm)
were composed of a sandy loam and clay loam mix with concentrations of ash and
charcoal. These levels were most likely associated with the fire of 1879 and contained
mostly architectural artifacts. These levels were devoid of artifacts associated with the
Overseas Chinese occupation. Levels 13 -14 (140 cm – 160 cm) were composed of a
clay loam and include historic artifacts of Euro-American origin. Level 15 (160 cm –
170 cm) was composed of a silty clay loam believed to be associated with a single
flooding event. The unit was augured to a final depth of 200 cm.
Test Unit 4
Eric Gleason and Jacqueline Cheung began excavation of TU4 on February 27,
2011 and completed excavating 8 months later on October 22, 2011. The unit was 1 m X
1 m, and it was approximately 61 cm from the southeast end of the Chinese building, 2
meters from TU3, and 2 ½ meters from TU1. The unit was approximately 25 cm from the
east concrete retaining wall.
Levels 1-5
Level 1 (0 cm – 20 cm) was composed of concrete and dark brown silt loam.
Level 2 (16 cm – 20 cm) was composed of a dark grey/brown silty loam with pebbles,
cobbles, and brick fragments. A large distribution of nearly whole bricks combined with
modern materials and historic artifacts was present within the level. These artifacts
78
include: a domed bell cover, bone, an opium pipe bowl, GGPs, straight pins and glass.
Level 3 (20 cm – 30 cm) was composed of brown to dark brown silty loam with a high
concentration of mortar. A high concentration of bricks was present in the unit including
14 whole bricks. Levels 4 and 5 contained clear stratigraphic variation which was
followed during excavation and this created an overlapping of level depths. Both levels
contained a high concentration of artifacts and appeared to be part of a midden. Level 4
(30 cm – 40 cm) was composed of a brown silty loam and organics. Bone was abundant
throughout the level. The artifacts include: bottles, opium tin fragments, oyster shell, and
glass. Level 5(40 cm – 70 cm) was composed of a dark brown silt loam. The northwest
corner contained overlapping barrel hoops. They measured 46 cm – 48 cm in diameter.
Artifacts include: egg shell, bone, and glass.
Levels 6-12
Level 6 (50 cm – 67 cm) was composed of a dark brown silty loam which gave
way to a greyish clay loam deeper in the level. There were cast iron fragments mixed in
with the clay deposits. Large amounts of bone from both small and large animals were
still present in this level. Artifacts include: GGPs, pins, ceramics, doll parts, and glass.
Level 7 (60 cm – 70 cm) was composed of a brown silty loam with thick organics
including shell and bone. Large concentrations of charcoal mixed with flat glass, and
iron were present within the level. Artifacts include: nails, ceramics, gastroliths, and iron
fragments. Level 8 (61 cm – 79 cm) was comprised of what appears to be platy grey
flood silts, that were believed to be associated with the 1894 flood. The silts were
relatively gravel free and had a much lower artifact count than the prior levels. There
79
was a pooling appearance to the silt. A wooden post with plate glass and iron was
located. Artifacts include: a bottle, ceramic fragments, and a sheet of iron. Level 9 (77
cm – 94 cm) was comprised of grey silty flood deposits. Artifacts include: tin cans, lamp
crystal, and bone. A clear stratification was present between levels 9 and 10. Level 10
(77 cm – 94 cm) was composed of a dark brown silty loam. There was also the presence
of lime or ash, charcoal, and charred wood. Artifacts include: bone (3 pig jaws), flat
glass, lamp chimney, stove pipe, ironstone, curved glass, coins, and tin can fragments.
Level 11 (94 cm – 102 cm) was composed of a dark brown silty loam. Artifacts include:
shoe fragments, coins, glass, and ceramics. The shoe components were found towards
the bottom of the level, and there appears to be a change in overall artifact assemblage.
This may be indicative of the change in tenants after the 1879 fire. Level 12 (98 cm –
115 cm) was composed of a dark grey silty loam, which was very damp. There were also
lenses of wood, ash, lime, and sand. It is noted that there was very little if any Chinese
debris. Artifacts appeared to be earlier and Euro-American in origin. Artifacts include: a
Snipes & Kinersly medicine bottle, shoe fragments, glass, and ceramics.
Levels 13-21
Level 13 (114 cm – 122 cm) was composed of mottled dark grey silty loam. The
unit contained large sandstone blocks and pockets of sand, rocks, and ash. Artifacts
include: lead shot, kaolin pipe, and ceramics. Level 14 (118 cm – 134 cm) was
composed of an ashy grey matrix. Artifacts include: metal fragments, bone, glass and
ceramic. Level 15 (129 cm – 140 cm) was composed of a friable sandy silty loam with
50 percent mortar chunks, charcoal, and sandstone fragments. Artifacts include: 1 button,
80
metal fragments and bone. Level 16 (140 cm – 158 cm) followed a stratigraphic change
that followed a trench through the center of the unit. The trench had a plank running
north to south into the cellar. Charcoal and a burned matrix appeared to be the main
elements in the composition of the level. Artifacts include: glass and metal fragments.
Level 17 (127 cm – 144 cm) was composed of a grey/brown clay loam. The level was
impossible to excavate during a four month hiatus in which the water level was too high.
The matrix was still very damp. Artifacts include: bone, shell, and one basalt flake.
Level 18 (138 cm – 143 cm) was composed of a sandy matrix that ran along the western
edge of the trench. Artifacts include: metal fragments and nails. Level 19 (143 cm – 148
cm) was composed of a grey clay loam with a black lens that ran along the western edge
of the trench. The level was culturally sterile. Level 20 (Feature 1 and 2) was composed
of the trench and timber. The timber was exposed and all debris was removed. During
the excavation of Level 21 (168 cm – 178 cm) attempts were made to excavate around
the trench. The water table rests at 176 cm, and made excavating difficult.
Test Unit 4 Summary
TU4 was located approximately 61 cm south of the brick building in the
northeastern corner of the current driveway and in close proximity to the building’s
garage door. The area had been utilized for multiple purposes over time including a
possible cellar, backyard, and trash midden. In addition, the pre-1879 wooden structure
at the site most likely covered the area. Levels 1 – 3 (0 cm – 30 cm) were a disturbed
mix of silty loam and brick and mortar. The artifacts recovered from these level are
modern and historic and of Euro-American and Chinese origin. Fourteen whole bricks
81
were recovered from level three. The date ranges associated with the first three levels
range from 2011 to the early 1900s. Levels 4 – 5 (30 cm – 70 cm) had a clear
stratigraphy of an organic rich dark brown silty loam. An abundance of bone was present
as well as artifacts associated with the Overseas Chinese occupation from the early 1900s
to the 1890s. Barrel hoops were present in level 5.
Levels 6 – 7 (50 cm – 70 cm) were composed of a mix of silty loam and clay
loam. The levels contained many iron fragments and a dense concentration of bone.
Historic artifacts recovered include: personal items, domestic artifacts, commercial
artifacts, and architectural artifacts. Both Euro-American and Chinese artifacts were
present within these levels. The dates associated with these levels range from the early
1900s to the mid-1890s. Levels 8 - 9 (61 cm – 94 cm) were a silty loam that was
believed to be from the 1894 flood. There were very few artifacts or gravels within these
levels. One post with clear flat glass and iron was present. Levels 10 and 12 (77 cm –
115 cm) were composed of silty loam. Artifacts associated with the Overseas Chinese
occupation decrease in frequency with depth and they are no longer present by the bottom
of level 12. In addition, artifacts associated with Euro-American occupation increase
with depth. The dates associated with these levels range from 1894 to 1879. Levels 13 –
21 (114 cm – 178 cm) were composed of silty loam and clay loam. Moisture in the levels
increased with depth until the water table was reached at 176 cm. Artifacts recovered
from these levels were of Euro-American origin and date from the 1890s to the 1870s. A
timber filled trench was present in the center of the unit, running north to south,
beginning at approximately 140 cm and ending just above 178 cm. The excavation was
terminated at 178 cm due to the water table.
82
Test Unit 5
Eric Gleason and Jaqueline Cheung began excavations of TU5 on February 19,
2011. The excavations lasted for a little over a year, and were completed on March 25,
2012. C. Mack, G. Thomas, R. McClure, M Dryden, and M Darby assisted with
excavations. TU 5 was a 1 m X 1 m unit located approximately 10 meters south of the
back of the Chinese building and 25 cm east of the east concrete retaining wall (Figure 29
and Figure 30). The top of the unit was covered in asphalt.
Levels 1-5
Level 1 (3 cm – 11 cm) was composed of asphalt. Level 2 (9 cm – 20 cm) was
composed of course sandy loam with over 40 percent angular pebbles. Artifacts include:
one CCS flake, glass, brick, and tile. Level 3 (20 cm – 30 cm) was composed of a sandy
loam with angular basalt. Architectural artifacts include: brick, nails, composite board,
and glass. Level 4 (30 cm – 50 cm) was composed of a sandy loam and gravel matrix on
the west end of the unit, and a dark brown silty loam on the east side of the unit.
Artifacts include: bone, curved glass, and ferrous metal. Level 5 (50 cm - 60 cm) was
composed of a dark brown loam and large stones along the eastern portion of the unit.
The level appeared to be mostly fill. Artifacts include: bone, curved glass, and metal.
Levels 6-13
Level 6 (60 cm – 69 cm) was comprised of light brown sandy loam in the western
portion of the unit and a dark brown sandy loam in the eastern portion of the unit. The
bottom of the unit was an intact concrete slab. Artifacts include: bone, glass, and metal.
83
Level 7 (65 cm – 85 cm) was comprised of a solid concrete slab. The slab was removed
using a masonry drill and a jack hammer. There were no artifacts. Level 8 (85 cm – 95
cm) was mostly comprised of a brown sandy loam with a concentration of artifact rich
silty loam in the SE corner of the unit. Artifacts collected include: ceramics, glass
fragments, and glass. Level 9 (88 cm – 102 cm) consisted of a sandy/silty loam with
rounded pebbles and cobbles. A mix of historic and modern materials was present
including asbestos tiles. Artifacts include: ceramics, glass, GGPs, coins, and buttons.
Level 10 (91 cm – 102 cm) consisted of a silty loam. Although it was originally believed
to be an intact deposit, there appeared to be a 20th century disturbance at the bottom of
the level. Artifacts include: ceramics, ferrous metal, bone, and glass. There was also a
combination of brick and mortar rubble which does not resemble the materials used for
the Chinese building. Level 11 (100 cm – 110 cm) was the first intact deposit
encountered for this unit. It was comprised of a dark brown sandy loam. Artifacts
include: bone, machine cut nails, glass, and an intact medicine bottle. Level 12 (110 cm 125 cm) consisted of a dark brown silty loam with several animal internments (Creatures
1-3). Originally it was believed that there were three creatures. Upon further examination
it was revealed that only two creatures are present. The internment was believed to
contain a rabbit and a rodent. Level 12 (110 cm -120 cm) was composed of a dark
grey/brown silty loam which was friable and contained a small amount of angular
gravels.
There were ash and sand lenses present. Artifacts include: kaolin pipe bowl, a
clay marble, bone, ferrous metal, nails, ceramics, and glass. Included in this level is an
IPG Co. bottle base, which dates to the early 1900s. Level 13 (120 cm – 130 cm) was
composed of a dark grey/brown silty loam that gives way to a grey silt loam with less
84
than 10 percent gravel. The grey silt loam is believed to be associated with the 1894
flood. Artifacts include: ceramics, kaolin pipe fragments, nails, and bricks, and an
eyeglass lens.
Levels 14-20
Level 14 (130 cm – 140 cm) was composed of a grey/brown silty loam. A lens of
silt was present in the level. Historic artifacts include: flat glass, nails, brick rubble,
curved glass, and ceramics. A gunflint was removed from the sidewall but it was believed
to be associated with the prior level. Level 15 (140 cm – 154 cm) was composed of a
silty loam on the western half of the unit, and a grey/brown silty loam on the eastern
portion of the unit. The western portion of the unit is approximately 50% sandstone
rubble and mortar. Artifacts are minimal in this level and include: bone, flat glass, and
curved glass. Level 16 (150 cm – 160 cm) was composed of a silty loam in the eastern
portion of the unit, and a sandy loam in the western portion of the unit. The level was
moist and difficult to screen. Architectural artifacts include: flat glass and nails. Level
17 (160 cm – 170 cm) is composed of a dark brown clay loam. There was a pocket of
grey sand in the NE corner. The level contains multiple voids and sandstone rubble.
Architectural artifacts include: flat glass and machine cut nails. Bone is also present.
Level 18 (170 cm – 180 cm) was composed of a grey/brown clay loam. The artifacts
were all recovered from the top of the level. Artifacts include: curved glass, flat glass,
and bone. Level 19 (180 cm – 190 cm) was comprised of a grey clay loam with
concentrations of sandstone. There was a sandy loam present in the NE quadrant of the
unit, which was not excavated with this level. Artifacts include: a small array of flat and
85
curved glass. Level 20 (180 cm -197 cm) was composed of a dark brown sandy loam that
is mixed with sandstone rubble. Artifacts include: bone, oyster shell, curved glass, and
kaolin pipe stems.
Levels 21-23
Level 21 (192 cm – 213 cm) was comprised of a brown clay loam packed around
sandstone rubble. The rubble is similar in composition to that of an adjacent building,
and it is believed to be remnants from the construction. Artifacts include: kaolin pipe
stem, ferrous metal, flat glass, vessel glass, and dressed stone. Level 22 (203 cm – 228
cm) was composed of a dark grey/brown sandy loam. Gravel accounted for 30% to 40%
of the level. A lens of grey clay was present. Mortar was present which suggested some
degree of demolition or remodeling. Evidence of petro-chemicals was present in the
deposits. Artifacts include: ferrous metal, flat glass, curved glass, ceramics, and a sardine
can. Level 23 (225 cm – 240 cm) was composed of a dark grey/blue clay loam. There
was a break of approximately 5 months in between the excavation of the last level and the
beginning of excavations for this level. During this time the water table rose and the base
of the unit was under 5cm of water. In addition, the walls slumped and artifacts from the
walls fell into the unit. A pump was used to remove excess water. The bottom of the
unit was composed of basal deposits. Probing indicates solid rock approximately 60 cm
below the unit floor. The unit was terminated at 240 cm.
86
Test Unit 5 Summary
TU5 was located away from the other four test units, up in the current parking lot
on the southeast side of the property. The unit was approximately 10 meters south of the
brick structure. The area was most likely utilized as a backyard and alleyway. There was
also a dwelling, close to the unit, in the backyard of nearby 212 East First Street which
was depicted on a 1892 Sandborn Fire Insurance map (Figure 28). Levels 1- 6 (3 cm –
69 cm) rested between a layer of asphalt on the surface and a concrete slab located in
level 7 (65 cm – 85 cm)(Figure 22). Smits and Fagan (2014) propose that the asphalt was
laid in the 1960s and the concrete slab was laid in 1942 when the Creamery Association /
Dairy took over parcels of the property (43). If these dates are correct the dates
associated with levels 1 – 7 would range from 1960 to 1942. The levels were composed
of a mix of sandy loam and silty loam. Artifacts retrieved from these levels include a mix
of brick, glass fragments, ferrous metal, bone, and CCS.
87
210 East First Street
Chinese Dwelling
Figure 28. Sandborn Fire Insurance Map 1892
Levels 8 -10 (85 cm – 102 cm) were composed of sandy loam and silty loam.
Artifacts recovered include GGPs, coins, buttons, ceramics, metal, bone, brick, flat and
curved glass, and asbestos tiles. The mix of modern and historic materials within the
levels indicates that the deposits were not intact. Levels 11 – 12 (100 cm – 125 cm) were
the first intact deposits. The deposits were composed of a dark brown organic silty loam
mix. There were animal internments present in addition to historic artifacts. The artifacts
in level 12 are mainly Euro-American in origin and include a clay marble, kaolin pipe
bowl, ceramics, and glass. A bottle base found within level 12 dates to the early 1900s.
Levels 13 - 14 (120 cm – 140 cm) were composed of a grey brown silted loam believed
to be associated with the 1894 flood. Artifacts include: an eyeglass lens, kaolin pipe
88
fragments, nails, brick, metal, and ceramics. Levels 15 and 16 (140 cm – 160 cm) were
composed of a silty loam mixed with mortar and rubble in the western quadrants of the
unit, and brown silty loam in the eastern quadrants of the unit. There was a decrease in
artifacts with depth and an increase in moisture. The artifacts recovered from this level
onward are of Euro-American origin and believed to be associated with occupations prior
to 1883. Levels 17 - 18 (160 cm -180 cm) were composed of a clay loam. Artifacts were
concentrated in the upper portion of level 18 and consist of glass and bone. Levels 19 –
22 (180 cm – 223 cm) were composed of sandy loam, dense gravels and sandstones.
Mortar and petro chemicals were also present within the levels. Artifacts retrieved
include: a sardine can, ceramics, glass, and metal. Below 223 cm the unit was primarily
composed of basal deposits (Figure 29). The water table rose during excavations and
resulted in the unit’s termination at 240 cm.
89
Figure 29. North Wall Profile of TU5 courtesy of Eric Gleason
90
Figure 30. East Profile TU5 Courtesy of Eric Gleason
91
Artifact Analysis
Site 35WS453 has provided challenges in the area of artifact analysis. Roderick
Sprague’s (1980) functional classification system was used as the basis for analysis. In
addition, Priscilla Wegars’s (2006) terminology and acronym for glass gaming pieces
(GGP) have been utilized. The challenge is not that the artifacts found on site are
particularly peculiar. Rather, it is that the artifacts intended functions are somewhat
ambiguous. Below, I argue that their ambiguity is not by chance.
The terminology used for this discussion is taken in large part on the
recommendation of Priscilla Wegars (2006), who has conducted exhaustive research in
the area of Asian American artifact assemblages. Wegars (2006) recommends the use of
the term glass gaming pieces (GGP) to avoid confusion between the similar
characteristics of fán t’ án pieces and weiqi pieces, as well as, differences between
Cantonese and Mandarin designations that change over time (5).
At site 35WS453 taking into consideration the overall assemblage of artifacts,
shape of the GGP, as well as the uneven proportion of pieces (white=51, black= 24), it is
probable that the GGP are associated with the game of fán t’ án rather than the game of
weiqi (Wegars 2006:5) (Figure 31). The accurate terminology for fán t’ án gaming
pieces according to Wegars (2006) is as follows: “hak chu [jyu] (“black pearl”) or pak
[baahk] chu [jyu] (“white pearl”)” (5).
92
Figure 31. Glass Gaming Pieces and Marbles. (Photograph by author)
93
Sprague (1980) clearly outlines two aspects of classification that can produce
especially troublesome conditions for researchers that directly relate to this site. First and
foremost, the artifacts under examination can serve more than one function (Sprague
1980:252). Second, the application of Euro-American categories to an assemblage of
materials from a different culture, or a period of rapid acculturation and/or cultural
transition, can impose improper categorization (Sprague 1980:252).
The context of the artifacts relates directly to their classification. Therefore, a
researcher has to understand the culture and the time period that they are researching.
Site 35WS453 was inhabited by individuals from a culture and a time period from which
little is known. If the artifacts found are to be classified by Euro-American standards and
cultural understandings, the below classification would apply to the artifacts under study
(Table 3):
Personal Items
Clothing, Buttons
267
Domestic Items
Household pastimes, Glass gaming pieces
Marbles
75
2
Commerce and Industry
Currency
143
Table 3. Functional Classification by Euro-American classification
94
Figure 32. Buttons (Photograph by author)
95
If the artifacts were being used for purposes other than their original designation,
or if individuals were attempting to hide activities, further considerations will need to be
made (Table 4). For instance, if all of the materials that can be associated with gambling
are classified as such, the classification is as follows:
Commerce and Industry
Commercial sports and games, Buttons
267
Coins
143
GGP
75
Marbles
2
Table 4. Classification of all potential gaming artifacts.
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Further yet, if context is truly taken into consideration including stratification of
deposits and timeframes of occupation, the classification would look like this (Table 5):
Personal Items
Clothing,
Buttons
58
GGP
7
Marbles
2
Domestic Items
Household pastimes,
Commerce and Industry
Currency
8
Commercial sports and games, Buttons
209
GGP
68
Coins
135
Table 5. Functional classification taking into account context and Overseas Chinese
classification.
97
This last classification accounts for any artifacts located within the first few levels
of disturbed sediments and also those levels associated with pre-Chinese, Euro-American
occupation. To complicate this analysis even further, it is possible that a few of the coins
found on site were associated with medicinal purposes, such as coin rubbing (Akin et al.
2015). Coin rubbing or scraping is a medicinal practice in which pressure is placed on
the skin with a zinc or brass coin, and the coin is then stroked down the body (Heffner
2015:140). Heffner (2015) notes “Archaeologists have frequently interpreted these coins
as having been used as good-luck charms, magical talismans, gaming tokens, and gifts for
children.” (140). Items that can be associated with coin rubbing or scraping include:
coins, medicinal bottles, spoons, and bone toothbrushes; these were found in association
with one another (Akin et al. 2015:117: Heffner 2015:140).
Coin Analysis
The types of coins found in Overseas Chinese archaeological contexts can be very
telling of the types of activities for which the artifacts are associated. Vietnamese coins
were used for a short period of time in China when the minting of lesser denomination
coins was stalled. As soon as Chinese coins became readily available the Vietnamese
coins transitioned to gaming pieces (Costello et al. 2008:145). Both Chinese wen and
Vietnamese dong have been found in association with gaming materials at Overseas
Chinese archaeological sites throughout the Western United States (Akin et al. 2015:110111: Chace and Evans 2015:29: Costello et al. 2008:139: Felton et al. 1984:147: Molenda
2015:50).
98
Marjorie Akin, James C. Bard and Gary J. Weisz (2015) contend that Asian coins
were never used in the United States as currency but rather utilized as gaming pieces,
talismans, and for medicinal purposes (115--117). As of yet, Vietnamese zinc dong have
not been associated with any archaeological sites that date earlier than 1882 (Akin et al.
2015:118). In addition, the coins appear to have fallen out of use in most areas by 1895
(Akin et al. 2015:115).
Figure 33. Glass Gaming Pieces, Asian Coins, and Buttons (Photograph by
author)
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Site 35WS453 contains an array of coins including Chinese wen, Vietnamese
dong, and United States coins (Figure 34) (Table 6). Although context may not be able to
explain the relationship of all coins on site, it certainly provides alternatives for the coin’s
potential uses. It should be noted that no coins were found above 30 cmbd. Artifact 453414/3 is an 1855 Liberty Seated half dime recovered in level 12 of TU5. The depth of
the level and other artifacts found in close association with the half dime, indicate that
this coin was most likely from the early Euro-American occupation between 1879 and
1883. Artifact 453-6/78 is a 1907 Liberty Head Dime which was found in level 4 of TU1
within the upper 40 cmbd of mixed cultural deposits, both modern and historic. Artifact
453-310/48 is a Three-cent piece which dates between 1865-1889 and was found in level
11 of TU4 at the border between the last level of Euro-American occupation and the first
level of Overseas Chinese occupation (Figure 25).
100
Figure 34. Coin Assortment 35WS453 (Photograph by author)
Perhaps the most interesting deposit of “cash” coins for the site occurs in level 10
of TU4. The coins were located in association with Chinese artifacts directly below level
9 flood silts which are associated with the great flood of 1894 and above Euro-American
artifacts from level 11 that are associated with the 1879-1883 Euro-American occupation.
Eighty-three Vietnamese dong fragments (453-309/64), and 1 Chinese wen (453-309/65)
were recovered from this location. The above dates coincide with Akin et al’s (2015)
observation that Vietnamese coins have not been found in U.S. archaeological sites prior
101
to 1882 (115). It is important to note that 11 gaming pieces were also recovered from the
upper portion of this level.
Figure 35. Asian Coins (Photograph by author)
102
Type
Year
Whole
Fragment
Tu Duc Thong Bao
1848-1883
9
2
Thieu Tri Thong
1841-1847
Vietnamese
1
Bao
Minh-Mang Thong
1820-1840
23
25
1802-1819
12
7
10
45
Bao
Gia long thong
Unidentified
United
States
half dime
1855
1
3 cent
1865-1889
1
dime
1907
1
Penny
1857-?
1
Qing Kāngxī coin
1661-1670
1
1661-1670
1
Qing Qiánlóng
1736-1796
1
Qing Tóngzhì
1862-1874
1
Chinese
26.3: hole 6.5
Qing Kāngxī coin
27.0: hole 5.9
Qing Unknown
1
Total:
63
80
Table 6. Coin Analysis site 35WS453. Initial analysis conducted by Jamie French,
Analysis of Chinese and U.S. coins provided by Dr. James Bard. (Barker 2004: Fisher
1990: Hartill 2005).
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Chapter 6 - Discussion and Conclusion
Discussion
Anti-Chinese Legislation
The archaeological and archival information examined for site 35WS453 place
the Overseas Chinese occupation of 210 East First Street between approximately 1883
and 1926. This is an interesting time period to examine because it lies entirely within
what is as commonly referred to as the Exclusion Act Years of 1882-1943. Little is
known about the experiences of Overseas Chinese individuals during this time in Eastern
Oregon (Figure 36). A series of economic booms and busts occurring in the late 19th
century led to a strong Anti-Chinese sentiment on the West Coast of North America
(Soennichsen 2011). Large scale migrations of Overseas Chinese further fueled the
flames of ethnically biased public condemnation.
104
Figure 36. Laundry Worker from The Dalles, OR. Maryhill Museum.
105
Year
Law, Act, or Ordinance
Details
1862
Oregon Chinese Tax
Oregon: $5 a year tax for being of
Chinese Ancestry and residing in
Oregon
1866
1870
Oregon Ban of Interracial
Oregon: The ban of marriage
marriage
between ethnicities
Naturalization Act
United States: Prohibits the
entrance of Chinese female spouses
and denies citizenship to Chinese
1882
1882 Chinese Exclusion Act
United States: Denies entrance to,
or travel in and out of the United
States by both skilled and unskilled
men of Chinese ancestry
1892
1892 Geary Act
United States: Further enforces
Chinese exclusion act of 1882
1904
Chinese Exclusion Act
United States: Exclusion Act made
permanent by Congress
1917
Asian Immigrant Act
United States: Banned immigrants
of Asian Ancestry
1924
Immigration Act and The
United States: Banned individuals
Oriental Exclusion Act
who were ineligible for immigration
from entering the United States.
Table 8. Laws, Acts and Ordinances pertaining to the Overseas Chinese Community
106
It is important to have a general understanding of the basic legal atmosphere of
the time period in order to better understand the activities associated with site 35WS453
(Table 8). There are numerous laws and ordinances that were passed during this time that
negatively impacted the Overseas Chinese community in Oregon and the rest of the
United States. For instance, in 1878 San Bernardino created a city ordinance prohibiting
the operation of laundries and claiming they “were a health hazard and a general
nuisance” (Costello et al. 2008:137). Chinese laundries in particular, were often targets
of discriminatory action (Figure 37). Felton, Lortie, and Schulz (1984) note,
By the 1870s the Chinese laundry was being used as a symbol of social
degradation by anti-Chinese activists, and it was an obvious target during
the anti-Chinese riots of this decade and the 1880s. Foremost among the
criticisms of these laundries was their presumed violation of public
standards of sanitation and safety (15).
107
Figure 37. An advertisement for a local laundry in the Dalles, Oregon. (R.L. Polk and
Company 1910).
108
The Wing Hong Tai/Hai Company
For the majority of the Overseas Chinese occupation, it is highly probable that the
Wing Hong Tai/Hai Company was the long term tenant at the site. The Company’s name
appears to oscillate over the years and may have either been modified with partnership
changes or was subject to frequent misspellings. Under the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act
and later the Geary Act of 1892, it was required for any Overseas Chinese men seeking
entrance into, or travels in and out of, the United States to maintain professional
occupations and to not be engaged in any form of labor either skilled or unskilled. It was
therefore not uncommon to have Overseas Chinese men buy shares into a business to
show their professional status. From all outward appearances the Wing Hong Tai
Company was utilized specifically for the purpose of providing professional occupations
to its partners. There were four acknowledged owners in 1912, but there was no written
record of the partnership.
109
Figure 38. Lee Wing
Figure 39. Lee Hong
110
Figure 40. Lei On
Figure 41. Lee Yuen
111
According to documents located at the National Archives in Seattle, and provided
by the Department of Commerce and Labor, Immigration Services (1911-1913), the
individuals associated with the Wing Hong Tai/Hai Company were under investigation as
to the overall legitimacy of the Chinese Mercantile in which each partner claimed an
ownership interest. The four partners were Lee Wing (a.k.a. Lee Dick), Lee Yuen Hong
(alias Yip Kun), Lee Yuen, and Lee Yip Tai (a.k.a. Lei On ), (Inspector R. E. Hussey, 31,
July 1912, questioning of Lee Yuen Hong) (Figures 38-41). The (1912) Inspector’s line
of questioning establishes that the business was operating at the location for 18 years,
putting the beginning of Wing Hong Tai/Hai Company’s occupation of site 35WS453 at
1894. Inspector Hussey (1912) is concerned over the small amount of merchandise in the
store, gaming tables, possible operation of a laundry, and rotating business partners.
Each of the merchants associated with the Wing Hong Tai/Hai Company were
able to produce verifiable white witnesses on their behalf. Joseph T. Peters, a lumber
merchant, Charles N. Burget, the Wasco County Coroner, W.R. Sawtell, E. H. French
Bank president, H. Glenn, and J.C. Hostetler provided testimony to confirm the business
activities of the Wing Hong Tai/Hai Company and the whereabouts of the active partners.
In the interviews conducted by Immigration Services, Lee Dick is characterized as Lee
Yuen Hong’s troublesome younger brother. The immigration reports along with the
archaeological collection at site 35WS453, certainly cast doubt as to the daily operations
and legitimacy of the business itself. It is entirely possible that the Wing Hong Tai/Hai
Company served more than one function for the Overseas Chinese community and that
these multiple functions did not fit into the expected business framework of the
Immigration Inspectors. In addition, it appears that Lee Dick was caught trying to
112
smuggle two Overseas Chinese men into the United States through the Mexican border.
Despite long term occupation in the United States, it was recommended by the Office of
Immigration that both men be denied merchant status. Unfortunately, Lee Yuen Hong
passed away later that same year. Although, Lee Yuen Hong spent more than 18 years in
the United States his remains were sent back to China (The Dalles Daily Chronicle, 3
October 1912).
Given various questionable activities such as gambling and smuggling, it is
interesting that Investigator Hussey (1912) pays particular attention to the possibility of a
laundry at the site. For reasons unclear, Investigator Hussey’s (1912) questioning
addresses the operation of a laundry. This may be because laundry work was classified
as manual labor at the time and thus violated the Exclusion Acts (1882, 1892). In fact,
the operation of the laundry appears to be a far greater offense than any of the other
potential transgressions such as gambling. This is not surprising given the activities in
other western towns at the same time period. When discussing Chinese laundries in
Portland, Oregon, Wong (2004) notes, “The laundry business was often the target of
criticism, violence, and attempted illegal taxation, and the numbers show launderers
decreased to half their 1880 numbers in 1910” (171).
The variation in functional space detailed by Culin (1972) appears to hold
especially true in the political climate of the early 20th century. Overseas Chinese
businessmen had to take on the appearance of professionals in order to maintain
residence in the United States. Due to the racial tensions of the time, acquiring work in
professional fields was undoubtedly challenging. The somewhat fluid nature of the
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business and recreational organization highlighted by Culin (1972) would certainly have
allowed for adjustments to earning income and also hiding frowned upon activities.
Two similar archaeological sites in California from the same time period exhibit
similar artifact assemblages. The collection at the Third Street San Bernardino site was
very similar to that of The Dalles Chinatown in that it contained, “gaming pieces in the
form of coins and buttons (the latter also indicative of laundries)”(Costello et al.
2008:139). The Chinese Laundry on Second Street in Woodland California highlighted
by Felton et al. (1984) also has a similar assemblage of gaming materials, as well as,
buttons and items associated with laundries.
Conclusion: Site Use, Agency and Acculturation
Gaming Activities
The archaeological evidence coupled with the written record show that gaming
was indeed taking place at site 35WS453 with the arrival of Overseas Chinese
occupation. Not only is gaming present, but it is located at the site and within the
building to a degree that indicates commercial activities rather than just recreational or
personal endeavors. The literature of the time supports that not only are glass gaming
pieces involved in gaming but also buttons and coins. The use of Asian coins and buttons
as gaming pieces, more than triples the number of potential gaming materials at the site.
Archival documentation supports the assertion that there was a tremendous amount of
114
external scrutiny about the activities occurring on site, and two active gaming rooms were
found on the premises.
The community at 210 E. First Street made a choice to utilize traditional gaming
practices. The game of poker, which was the popular game of the time, seemingly would
have been easy for the gamblers to learn. Poker may have also provided ties to the
surrounding Euro-American community. At the turn of the 19th century Garret Brown
(1903) wrote the book “How to Beat the Game”, about Poker and many of its social
advantages. Although, Brown utilizes language and descriptions that are no longer
considered acceptable in today’s society, he does provide an interesting dialogue
regarding the social importance of gaming. Brown hypothesizes that the African
American community in the United States assimilated into mainstream Euro-American
society to a greater degree than the Chinese American community through the adoption
of Poker (Gambler’s Book Club 1972: preface p.2). This is undoubtedly an
oversimplification of a complex issue, but there may indeed be some degree of merit to
this assertion.
The similarity between the struggles that African Americans and Chinese
Americans endured upon entering the United States has not gone unnoticed by scholars.
This is not to say that their experiences were identical, but rather that there are certain
similarities between the experiences that these two communities faced as minorities
within a dominate culture. Robert Schuyler (1980) suggests that perhaps the most
recognizable similarity is that both African Americans and Chinese Americans were
economically exploited in America (87). Schuyler (1980) goes on to note that the most
115
marked difference between the two groups is that, “Chinese Americans were much more
successful at preserving their Old World Cultural patterns and resisting acculturation in
American society” (87).
Brown (1903) hypothesizes that the Overseas Chinese community’s attachment to
fan-tan and rejection of American games such as Poker impeded acculturation into
American society. “Does anyone suppose the Geary bill, prohibiting Chinese
immigration, would ever have passed into law had the Mongolians taken kindly to poker”
(Culin 1972: preface p.2). He continues to further suggest that Congress was concerned
that “fan-tan would inevitably supplant our national game…which might retard the
growth of our poker industry” (Culin 1972: preface p.2).
There is clearly a difference in the viewpoints of Brown (1903) and Schuyler
(1980). It is apparent that from Brown’s (1903) standpoint that the assimilation of the
American way of life is a success, whereas Schuyler (1980) appears to suggest that
acculturation is a forced loss of a person or a community’s ethnic identity (87-88).
Without primary documentation created by the individuals themselves, it is impossible to
know what the people who lived at the site were thinking, or how they felt. The
archaeology at site 35WS453 provides clues that suggest the residents were actively
working to maintain portions of their ethnic identity despite external and economic
pressures that would suggest they should do otherwise. Is it possible that a game may be
used to assert ethnic identity? Although, it may seem improbable for individuals to assert
their identity through a game, site 35WS453 demonstrates through archaeological
evidence, primary and secondary documentation, and the built environment, that in a
116
transnational space, with competing economic and cultural interests, this indeed may be
the case.
Schuyler (1980) contends that although acculturation was slower within the Asian
American community, by the mid-20th century it began to accelerate at a very fast pace
(87). In the painting “American Spirit” (Figure 42), artist Noboru Foujioka (1925)
depicts a poker game. The game is believed to have taken place in an art gallery in San
Francisco during the 1920s (Change et al. 2008:14). Foujioka (1925) depicts a world in
which the Asian American community is adopting Western customs. Chang et al. (2008)
describe the painting as “controversial and crudely illustrative” (14). All of the players
have adopted western styles of dress, and they are playing poker, which is considered the
American game. It would appear that to some degree acculturation was occurring on the
West Coast by the 1920s. It should be noted that Foujioka is of Japanese descent and that
Japanese and Chinese ethnic groups are distinct from one another. Block 3 of The Dalles
was occupied by both Chinese and Japanese residents. During this time period, and in
the general geographic region of the western United States, external pressures encouraged
members of the Asian community to live and socialize in close proximity with one
another. Foujioka himself traveled on a regular basis between Seattle, Washington, San
Francisco, California and Portland, Oregon (Change et al. 2008:312).
117
Figure 42. American Spirit, Noboru Foujioka 1925.
118
Acculturation
Initially, I hoped to find evidence that the Overseas Chinese community at site
35WS453 showed signs of acculturation and networking with outsiders. This concept is
supported to some degree by the witnesses that the Wing Hong Tai/Hai Company was
able to produce for the Immigration examinations, and The Dalles Weekly Chronicle’s
reporting of Lee Hong’s death (1912). If acculturation or integration of cultures was
indeed occurring, it is not prominently evident in the material record. Integration into the
local community did not happen in one giant wave or even for the majority of the
Overseas Chinese community. Distinct, large scale changes in the material record are not
apparent in the initial examination of the artifact assemblage. It is far more likely that
small traditional Chinese customs such as the giving of bulbs for New Year’s, filtered out
into the broader community (Dickman 2008). In the same light, European medicinal
items may have slowly filtered into the Chinese community.
The presence of J. Hostetter’s Stomach Bitters was found on site and in
correlation with levels of Overseas Chinese occupation (Figure 43). Heffner (2015) notes
that bitters were a common medicine popular in Overseas Chinese artifact assemblages
(138). The medicinal tonic has been found in numerous sites of similar date and origin.
Bitters held an important place in the popular concept of medicine in the
last century: they were bitter-tasting solutions of botanical drugs combined
for their tonic, stomachic, or antimalarial effects and suspended in a liquid
medium of remarkably high alcoholic content. (Felton, Lortie and Schulz
1984: 55).
119
The presence of Euro-American medicinal products alone does not represent
acculturation. It should be noted that at an archaeological site known as the El Paso,
Texas Chinatown, “American-manufactured bottles were often relabeled for secondary
purposes, including laundry bluing”(Voss 2014:13). Given that 210 E First Street also
had an operating laundry, it is possible that the Hostetter bottle was utilized for medicinal
purposes, businesses purposes, or both.
Figure 43. Dr. J. Hostetter’s Stomach Bitters.
120
It is dangerous to claim to know the intentions of one person, let alone an entire
group. The concept of acculturation is not an all or nothing idea. Some individuals may
have desired to incorporate new aspects of another culture, while some did not.
Sojourners did exist to a certain degree seeking to exploit the economic situation and
return home. Conversely, many individual Overseas Chinese men were invested in their
communities, making friends and alliances, and wanting to stay in their new homeland.
In the case of the Wing Hong Tai/Hai Company, both Mr. Hong and Mr. Wing appear to
have stronger ties to China than to the United States. Both men had their remains sent
back to China, kept their families at home, and it appears that their ties were ethnically
bound. Other Overseas Chinese individuals within the same community looked to make
stronger ties within The Dalles; they became masons, sent their children to local schools,
maintained families, and finally had their bodies laid to rest in the local cemetery. Shuck
Mong was a local Overseas Chinese man in The Dalles who did exactly all of these
things (The Dalles Daily Chronicle 1904, Wasser 2007).
Agency
Agency is often associated with the actions or intentions of a single individual.
However, Molenda (2015) points out that the Oversees Chinese concept of personhood
contrasts with contemporary western concepts of the individual (55).
Chinese laborers in the mid-19th century were oriented toward and
empowered by a moral discourse quite different from that of their Western
capitalist employers, and these moral differences were intimately
121
connected with divergent understandings of personhood (Costello
2015:46).
Can agency be seen within the actions of a group, if taken out of a western framework?
Dobres and Robb (2000) argue that agency can be utilized through a group. The local
Overseas Chinese community in The Dalles refused to register under the Geary Act in
1892 (The Dalles Daily Chronicle 1893) (Figure 44). This action or more precisely
inaction could be viewed as a communal act of Agency.
Figure 44. The Chinese Passive. The Dalles Daily Chronicle 1893.
122
How would communal acts of agency become apparent in the archaeological
record? The Dalles Chinese Laundry site provides an interesting case study. It is
possible that a small group of individuals working together were able to establish and
maintain gaming operations, despite conflict, for a sustained period of time. Although,
the Wing Hong Tai/ Hai Company partners were able to produce enough income to
survive and maintain residence in The Dalles, this is seemingly not the most
economically beneficial route, or the most rational. The use of alternate gaming pieces,
and alterations to the extant structure, such as a discreet doorway, indicate a level of
intentional deceptiveness as to the activities occurring on site. This conversion could be
seen as use of a transnational space to thwart authority. By subverting exclusion act raids
and police investigation, the Wing Hong Tai Company’s owners were able to stay a step
ahead of their adversaries. The very act of maintaining residence despite resistance from
the local and national community is a possible act of Agency.
Functional Classification
At this particular site, it was common local knowledge that the site was a Chinese
laundry. It came as no surprise when large amounts of buttons were recovered within the
archaeological record. However, the buttons association with gaming materials suggests
that there is more than one use for the buttons. Prior documentation supports the
argument that in fact the buttons were used in association with Chinese and Vietnamese
coins known to be used as gaming pieces (Culin 1972: 5-6). A laundry which would
have utilized buttons in its functions as a business, was present on site, and undoubtedly
there were also individuals wearing buttons as personal items of clothing.
123
Sprague’s (1980) functional classification system forces researchers into an either
or debate. The buttons at this site, for instance, could have had multiple functions. They
can be classified as personal items or commerce and industry. In the case of The Dalles
site 35WS453, the buttons are found in context with gaming implements and in other
locations buttons are found in context with commercial laundry supplies, additionally
buttons are found with miscellaneous personal items. Sprague (1980) himself warns
about the use of the classification system on different cultures, or on sites that were
occupied during rapid cultural change. Site 35WS453 falls within both of these
categories. Perhaps it is time to revisit this essential classification tool and make a few
additions to account for a more standardized flexibility.
Research Questions Revisited
•
What is the historic background and significance of the Chinese laundry and
Chinatown in The Dalles, Oregon?
The Overseas Chinese settlement at Site 35WS453 should be classified as “significant
and meaningful” given the alteration to the physical environment where the settlement
occurred, and the introduction of new cultural aspects (Chang 1968:3).
•
What economic activities took place at 210 E. First Street, The Dalles,
Oregon, during this period?
The archaeological record and archival material demonstrate that multiple
activities were taking place at the site. During the Overseas Chinese occupation of the
site between 1883 and 1926 the building and backyard were utilized as a boarding house,
124
mercantile, laundry, and gambling hall. It is also probable, that the location was utilized
as a social area where community members were able to commune with one another.
•
What effect did gaming and immigration laws have on the economic and
social activities practiced in and around this establishment?
Immigration and gaming laws and regulations impacted the daily activities taking
place on site, as well as, the materials utilized for these activities. This impact has left a
permanent impression on the archaeological and architectural record at the site.
•
How does the material record indicate acculturation or show signs of agency?
The material record provided the evidence needed to perform focused archival
research and artifact analysis. In this case, the presence of gaming materials led to an
examination of the former occupants and the activities that occurred at the site. Given the
amount of evidence presented in the documentary record, including the obituary of Lee
Hong, it is apparent that some degree of acculturation was occurring (The Dalles Daily
Chronicle 1912). In addition, agency was occurring at the site as the occupants of 210
East First Street intentionally attempted to deceive authorities by altering their physical
environment and material culture to avoid detection of frowned upon or illegal activities
at the site, including opium use and Chinese gaming.
Lee Hong’s congenial manner, strong grasp of the English language, and keen
business sense, allowed him to negotiate successfully between the Euro-American
community and the Overseas Chinese community. The investigation conducted by the
United States Immigration office revealed evidence depicting Hong as a responsible older
125
brother and successful business man. Yet, the same Immigration documentation also
revealed that Hong ran a gaming behind the guise of a mercantile. The archaeological
evidence at site 35WS453 further supports that traditional Chinese gaming and recreation
did occur at the site. The duality exhibited by Hong as both a successful merchant and a
gaming proprietor, does not fit within the framework of acculturation vs. isolation. The
concept of agency is the key to interpreting this complex case. Hong asserted his own
agency and maintained his ethnic identity while assisting in the economic survival of his
family unit.
Recommendations for Future Research
Although archaeological studies of Overseas Chinese sites have occurred in the
Western United States since the early 1970s, little attention has been paid to urban
settings. Many of these excavations have focused on temporary settlements such as
mining and railroad camps. In addition, past projects of urban “Chinatowns” were
conducted by Cultural Resource Management firms or Universities that have been
contracted out of necessity due to the pressures of urban development, and therefor
research was restricted due to time and monetary constraints (Wernz 2001).
The Overseas Chinese settlements that occurred during the Exclusion Act Years
(1884 – 1943) may provide insight into the external pressures residents of early
Chinatowns faced, as well as, the internal dynamic and activities that occurred within
these locations. The use of broader theoretical frameworks including agency may also
help to reduce or eliminate many of the negative stereotypes associated with Chinese
126
settlers in America during the late 19th and 20th centuries, and add depth to our
understanding of complex socioeconomic issues that affected individuals and
communities at the time (Rains 2013:3).
In the future, archaeologists may want to consider alternate gaming pieces and
alterations to extant structures, as signs of organized gaming, in addition to traditional
GGP. The Western held concepts for use of space in Overseas Chinese settlements needs
to be revisited. The evidence presented at this site demonstrates that individuals and
communities made alterations to traditional lifeways in order to cope with both internal
and external pressures of the time. Similar Overseas Chinese sites may need to be
revisited and reanalyzed, as multiple activities may have been occurring in formerly
unexpected areas. The combination of archaeological evidence and primary
documentation for site 35WS453 indicates that there may also have been active networks
that allowed for travel and trade amongst members of the Overseas Chinese community
while avoiding detection of by local and national authorities.
127
Final Thoughts
The Dalles Chinatown site 35WS453 is an interesting site to work on and has
produced a diverse artifact collection to analyze. While conducting research for this
project it became clear how much information is missing from the historic record for this
time period. Local historians and archaeologists in The Dalles are attempting to preserve
the small amount of documentation that represents the Oversees Chinese community
from the late 1800s and early 1900s. Further research in this area, especially on Block 3
of The Dalles, will contribute valuable insight into a fundamental portion of Oregon’s
missing early history.
128
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