A PHONOLOGICAL DESCRIPTION OF “PET TALK” IN ARARA
by
Isaac Costa de Souza
Bachelor of Arts, Universidade Federal do Pará, 1980
Master of Arts, Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 1988
A Thesis
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty
of the
University of North Dakota
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Master of Arts
Grand Forks, North Dakota
August
2010
This thesis, submitted by Isaac Costa de Souza in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the Degree of Master of Arts from the University of North Dakota, has been read by the
Faculty Advisory Committee under whom the work has been done and is hereby approved.
___________________________________
Chair
___________________________________
___________________________________
This thesis meets the standards for appearance, conforms to the style and format
requirements of the Graduate School of the University of North Dakota, and is hereby approved.
__________________________________
Dean of the Graduate School
__________________________________
Date
ii
PERMISSION
Title
A Phonological Description of “Pet Talk” in Arara
Department
Linguistics
Degree
Master of Arts
In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a graduate
degree from the University of North Dakota, I agree that the library of this University
shall make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for extensive
copying for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor who supervised my
thesis work or, in his absence, by the chairperson of the department or the dean of the
Graduate School. It is understood that any copying or publication or other use of this
thesis or part thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written
permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the
University of North Dakota in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in
my thesis.
Signature ______________________________
Date __________________________________
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................................ vi
LIST OF TABLES......................................................................................................................... vii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........................................................................................................viii
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS............................................................................................ x
ABSTRACT...................................................................................................................................xii
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 1
2 GENERAL INFORMATION ABOUT THE ARARA PEOPLE....................................... 4
3 THE ARARA LANGUAGE............................................................................................... 8
3.1
3.2
A Brief Overview of Arara Phonology.................................................................. 8
3.1.1
Phonemic Inventory .................................................................................... 8
3.1.2
Syllable Structure ...................................................................................... 19
3.1.3
Stress ......................................................................................................... 20
3.1.4
Some Common Phonological Processes ................................................... 21
Brief Overview of Arara Grammar...................................................................... 26
3.2.1
Morphological Typology........................................................................... 26
3.2.2
Ergative Type ............................................................................................ 27
3.2.3
Word Order................................................................................................ 28
3.2.4
Noun Phrases............................................................................................. 29
3.2.5
Relational Phrases ..................................................................................... 30
3.2.6
Tense, Aspect and Mood ........................................................................... 30
3.2.7
Plural Forms .............................................................................................. 32
4 LUDLING DATA............................................................................................................. 34
4.1
Meaning and Purpose of the Word Games .......................................................... 35
iv
4.2
Presentation of Data............................................................................................. 40
4.2.1
Capuchin Monkey Talk ............................................................................. 41
4.2.2
Duski Titi Monkey Talk ............................................................................ 44
4.2.3
Large Bird Talk ......................................................................................... 49
4.2.4
Trumpeter and Woodpecker Talk.............................................................. 52
4.2.5
Coati Talk.................................................................................................. 54
4.2.6
Agouti Talk ............................................................................................... 57
4.2.7
Peccary and Dog Talk ............................................................................... 60
4.2.8
Small Bird Talk ......................................................................................... 63
4.2.9
Toucan Talk............................................................................................... 66
4.2.10 Spider Monkey Talk.................................................................................. 69
4.2.11 Squirrel Monkey Talk ............................................................................... 75
4.2.12 Howler Monkey Talk ................................................................................ 79
4.2.13 Tortoise Talk ............................................................................................. 81
4.3
Summary of the Ludlings .................................................................................... 82
5 CONCLUSION................................................................................................................. 85
APPENDICES ............................................................................................................................... 88
Appendix 1 Contrast Among Consonants...................................................................................... 89
Appendix 2 Contrast Among Vowels ............................................................................................ 94
Appendix 3 Chart with Ludlings.................................................................................................... 96
Appendix 4 Recording of Ludlings.............................................................................................. 105
Appendix 5: Flora and Fauna Identification ................................................................................ 120
BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................................................................................................ 123
v
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
Page
1: Map of Arara Area....................................................................................................................... 5
vi
LIST OF TABLES
Table
Page
1: Consonants................................................................................................................................... 8
2: Vowels ....................................................................................................................................... 16
3: Pets’ Names and Ludlingants .................................................................................................... 41
vii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
To God, who gave me life and joy during the whole process of studying at SIL-UND;
To the Arara people, who taught me their language and their way of life;
To my family, Shirley, Micla, and Leisa, for their love;
To my parents (in memoriam);
To my supporters, for their prayers and financial help for all these years I have been
working among the Arara people;
To my friend Eduardo Ishida, for his example as a tremendous human being (in
memoriam);
To my dear friends David and Delores Scherling for their friendship and love;
To Ruth Aldrich and family, Al and Cheryl Jensen, Ron and Erin Hesse, James and
Dorothy Wheatley, Robert and Dorothy Wright, Armindo and Marli Lobato, Vince and
Mindy McCannell-Unger, Kiyosh and Elizabeth Ishida, Eliane Ishida, Samuel and
Wanda Miller, Lorena Bridgeman, Neil and Doris Wolf, Daniel and Marcia Lawrance,
Robert and Kathie Dooley, Wes and Jean Bell, Lynn Mishler, Margie Liedtke, Keith and
Heidi Barkman, Ed and Sally Koehn, Paul and Mary Mullen, Steve and Sonia Dettweiler,
George and Liebby Gebhardt, and Lee Otts for their great help and love;
To Benigno Pessoa Marques, Afonso Alves da Cruz, Arismar Mendes, Carlos
Vianey, Caetano Ventura, and other workers (or previous workers) from FUNAIAltamira, for their constant help;
viii
To Mark Karan and Albert Bickford, who through SIL-UND granted me scholarships
to stay at the UND facilities for several summers;
To Henry Huang, Steve Sheldon, Bob Dooley, Keith Barkman, Alec Harrison, and
Dave Harthan, who helped me raise scholarships to come to SIL-UND, through The Seed
Company, SIL-Brazil Branch, and SIL Americas;
To Stephen A. Marlett, for leading me to come to SIL-UND;
To John Clifton, for his wise and nice instructions as the Academic Director at SILUND;
To Aryon Rodrigues, for introducing me to the initial analysis of the Arara language;
To Carl Harrison, for teaching me subjects such as incorporation and ergativity,
present in the Arara language;
To my Committee Members, for their friendship and guidance;
To my colleagues from ALEM and SIL, for their friendship;
To Steve Parker, who was my main advisor and taught me much more than just
phonology.
ix
A
Abs
Adjr
Admon
Aff
Aug
Caus
Dir
Dist
DO
Ela
Erg
Excl
Fem
Hort
Imp
Imperf
Inc
Incl
Iter
lit
LUD
Mur
N
Neg
Nmlz
O
Past
p.c.
Perf
Perm
PL
PN
Poss
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
Subject of transitive clause
Absolutive
Adjectivizer
Admonition
Affirmative mood
Augmentative
Causative
Direction
Distal
Direct object
Elative case
Ergative
Exclusive
Feminine
Hortatory
Imperative
Imperfective
Inceptive
Inclusive
Iterative
Literally
Ludlingant
Murmured
Noun
Negation
Nominalizer
Object
Past
Personal communication
Perfective aspect
Permission
Plural
Proper name
Possessive
x
Pred
Pres
Prog
Purp
Q
Rec
Refl
Rem
Rhet
S
sp.
T
UF
Uni
Verb
1
2
3
12
/ /
[ ]
+
.
V
Predicate
Present tense
Progressive aspect
Purposive
Question Particle
Recent past
Reflexive
Remote past
Rhetorical question
Subject
Species
Prefix /tɯ-/ and its allomorphs
Underlying Form
Universal time (Incompletive?)
Verbalizer
First person
Second person
Third person
First person inclusive
Abstract representation
Phonetic representation
Morpheme boundary
Syllable boundary
A weak vowel that can be deleted
xi
ABSTRACT
The Arara people of Para, Brazil, as a whole, are remnants or survivors of some larger
Cariban groups who descended from the headwaters of the upper Xingu to the mid and
low areas of this river by the beginning of the nineteenth century. Now they live in three
different villages: Maia, Cachoeira Seca and Laranjal.
The present thesis aims to describe thirteen different ludlings or “play languages” that
elderly Arara people from Laranjal know and sometimes use in talking to pets. Play
languages are linguistic forms that are purposely manipulated at some level. The
strategies which the Arara people use to manipulate the base language to form their
ludlings are the addition of affixes and/or certain phonological modifications, such as
copying vowels, nasalization, murmur, and lateralization of flaps. The addition of affixes
may trigger some phonological processes, such as vowel deletion and haplology. In
addition to the ludlings, an informal sketch of Arara phonology is presented as part of the
background for the discussion of the “language games”, as well as a brief overview of
Arara grammar.
xii
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
This thesis describes thirteen different play languages, or ludlings,1 that elderly Arara
people sometimes use in talking to pets. The use of play languages among the Araras is
decreasing, and only elderly people know them. The Arara language is spoken in the state
of Pará, Brazil. The data presented here were collected during several years, starting in
November, 1982, in the Posto de Vigilância 1, and later, starting in 1994, in the village of
Laranjal, under the auspices of the Summer Institute of Linguistic (SIl) and the Brazilian
non-governmental organization Associação Linguística Evangélica Missionária
(ALEM).2 Scientific names for plants and animals were collected from different sites on
the internet, usually with a picture of each type or species. Arara proper names used in
this thesis are from the Arara language (not borrowed from Portuguese).
The strategies that Arara people use to manipulate the base language to form their
ludlings in talking to pets are the addition of affixes and/or some phonemic
modifications, such as copying vowels, modifying vowels, nasalization, murmur, and
lateralization of taps. The addition of affixes may trigger some phonological processes,
such as vowel truncation and haplology.
1
For a discussion of this term, see Section 4.1.
2
In 2010 I collected supplementary data following the Institutional Review Board (IRB) policies, under the
University of North Dakota (UND), using an Informed Consent document, which was signed by me and by
the Arara language resource person.
This thesis consists of four chapters. Chapter one is an introduction where I present
the purpose of the thesis and how it is organized. Chapter two presents general
information about the Arara people, including a short history of their group. Chapter
three presents an overview of Arara phonology, as well as a brief overview of Arara
grammar. In the phonological section some phonological phenonema are discussed in
prose with no formal representations; in the grammar section, there is a brief sketch that
describes grammatical structures of the language that are pertinent to the discussion in the
remainder of the thesis. Chapter four deals with word game data and includes the
meaning and purpose of the ludlings, presentation of the data, and a summary of their
phonological behavior. Closing the thesis, there is a small conclusion section. In addition
to this, there are five Appendices: the first one shows contrast among consonants in
Arara; the second one presents contrast among vowels in Arara; the third one presents a
summary charts of the ludling data forms in isolation or in simple syntactic constructions;
the fourth one presents transcriptions of ludlings that were recorded in sentential
contexts; the fifth one presents a table for flora and fauna with terminology in Arara,
English, Latin (scientific names), and Portuguese.
The Arara data are written with the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). Narrow
Phonetic transcriptions are shown inside square brackets, while more abstract
representations are sometimes shown in slashes and sometimes without any such marks.
By abstract representation, I mean any representation that is not phonetic. I do not always
intend these to signify an underlying representation, since I will use slashes for various
purposes. For example, the same stem can have different abstract forms: /ibɯ/ or /ip/ ‘to
take a bath’, depending on what is being presented. Since stress usually falls on the last
2
syllable of the word, it is not marked in the Arara examples, except in the section about
stress (3.1.4).
With this thesis, I document these interesting language games that are very typical of
Arara culture. As far as I know, there is very little documented information about any
similar ludlings among the other indigenous people groups in Brazil. One of them is
about the Palikur people, from the state of Amapá, northern Brazil, written by Diana
Green (1998), from the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL, Brazil). In her paper she
comments that there is a ludling using a reversal strategy in the Guarani language of
southern Brazil. Finally, I hope that the Arara people, once aware of studies like this, will
continue to use these ludlings in their culture.
As a preview of what is coming later in chapter 4, here are few ludling forms: [paɾu]
‘water’, but [palugu] ‘water (talking to a capuchin monkey)’. In this ludling, they add the
infix /-ɡV-/ to the base word, and change /ɾ/ into [l]. Another example is [wɔt] ‘fish’, but
[idiwɔt] ‘fish (talking to a titi monkey)’. In this ludling, they add the prefix /idi-/ to the
base word. Finally, [eduet] ‘hammock’, but [ẽdũẽt] ‘hammock’ (talking to a howler
monkey). In this ludling, they nasalize the vowels of the base word.
3
CHAPTER 2
GENERAL INFORMATION ABOUT THE ARARA PEOPLE
Various unrelated ethnic groups with unrelated languages in Brazil are referred to as
“Arara” by outsiders, including Arara-Karo, from Rondônia,3 Arara of Acre,4 Arara of
Mato Grosso,5 and Arara of Pará.
This thesis is a study of the language of the Arara of Pará, a Cariban language
(Rodrigues 1986; Meira 2006), ISO 639-3 code aap. These people, as a whole, are
remnants of some larger Cariban groups who came down from the headwaters of the
upper Xingu to the mid and low areas of this river by the beginning of the 19th century
(Souza in progress). They now live in three different villages: Maia, Cachoeira Seca and
Laranjal. People living in Maia do not speak the Arara language anymore, only
Portuguese.
Maia is located on the Xingu River, below the city of Altamira. The residents have
had contact with the Juruna people since the 19th century, with whom they merged as one
3
The Karo language belongs to the Ramarama family, of the Tupi linguistic stock (Rodrigues, 1986). They
are located in the southern area of the Lourdes creek, in the State of Rondônia (Gabas Jr., Nilson.
www.institutosocioambiental.org.br/pib/epienglish/karo.shtm – accessed on July 19, 2008). Its ISO 639-3
code is arr (Gordon 2005).
4
Also called Apolima-Arara, whose speakers live along the Humaitá River, a tributary of the Tarauacá
river, in the state of Acre. The speakers come from different ethnic groups, including Chama, Amoaka,
Santa Rosa, Arara and Jaminawa (Padilha, Lindomar.
www.amazonlink.org/amazonia/culturas_indigenas/povos/apolina_arara.html – accessed on July 19, 2008).
The ISO 639-3 code is mcd (Gordon 2005).
5
Other names for this language are Arara do Beiradão and Arara do Rio Branco. Its ISO 639-3 code is axg.
The language is almost extinct (Gordon 2005).
4
ethnic group, as well as with other Brazilian citizens. In the late 1990s, they were
recognized as a separate people by the Fundação Nacional do Índio (FUNAI), the
Brazilian federal entity that manages indigenous affairs in the country. The residents of
the other two Arara villages still speak the Arara language. These villages are located
along the left bank of the Iriri River, the largest tributary of the Xingu.
Figure 1: Map of Arara Area6
Arara Area:
Laranjal
6
This map was prepared by Jonathan Fuchs, and is used with his permission.
5
The Arara people living in Laranjal were contacted by FUNAI during two different
periods of time: 1981 and 1983. The group contacted in 1981 had fifty people and the
other one only twenty. The Arara living in Cachoeira Seca were contacted by the same
governmental agency in 1987. They numbered about thirty people. These Arara people as
a whole call themselves [uɡɔɾɔŋ'mɔ], which is the first person inclusive pronoun. The
morphological structure of this word is: [uɡɔ'ɾɔ] (first person inclusive) and [-ŋmɔ]
(plural) (Souza 2004). Thus, some of them translate the meaning of their autonym as just
nós in Portuguese (“we” in English).7
There are about 335 speakers of Arara living in the villages of Laranjal (about 250)
and Cachoeira Seca (about 85). According to my research (Souza in progress), people
from these two villages were separated from each other around 1925, when there was a
conflict between them on a place along the Iriri River called Cachoeira Grande, close to
the mouth of this river, and not very far from Laranjal village. An advocate for the
indigenous cause named Afonso Alves da Cruz told me (p.c. 2004) that one day he was
traveling in a motor boat along the Iriri River with an Arara family from Cachoeira Seca,
and as they were passing by Cachoeira Grande, a woman in the boat, who was the oldest
woman from Cachoeira Seca at that time, cried out: “I know this place! It was here that
my people separated themselves from the Laranjal people! Piput (the oldest man from
Laranjal at that time) was very small! I remember it!” She pointed out that when this
happened she was about the same age as a girl from her family, who was six years old.
Through an examination of Piput’s teeth, dentists from FUNAI estimated the year of his
birth as 1922. Since he was not able to remember that story, he would have been three
years old or less at the time of the event.8
7
The first person exclusive pronoun is [tʃimna].
8
I thank Afonso Alves da Cruz for his long discussions with me about Arara ethnohistory. Without his
6
Some languages related to Arara are Hixkaryana, Apalaí, Wayway, Makuxi,
Taulipang, Waimiri, Atroari, Kuikuro, Bakairi, and Ikpeng (Txikão), among others. By
comparing descriptions of these languages (lexicon and morphology) it is possible to
state that the closest one to Arara is Ikpeng (Rodrigues 1986).9
My first contact with the Arara people from Laranjal was in November 1982. At that
time my wife and I spent four months in Posto de Vigilância 1. Between November and
December 1986 I spent a month with three young Arara men at this same Posto de
Vigilância. Only in 1987 were my wife and I able to start having regular interaction with
them. Since that time we have spent several months of every year among the Arara
people. During these periods of time, we began studying their language and culture,
developed a practical alphabet for writing the language, helped to start a school among
them, helped them acquire medicines, helped protect their territory, helped them acquire
canoes and sewing machines, and established a nursery for fruit plants and trees such as
mahogany to help in their food and money resources, etc.
Only twice was I able to visit people from Cachoeira Seca: the first time by invitation
from an anthropologist who was doing studies for the Cachoeira Seca’s area demarcation,
and the second time by the FUNAI’s chief in the Cachoeira Seca village, Afonso Alves
da Cruz. I stayed in the village for one week during each trip. However, my main
research has been among the Arara from Laranjal. Thus the ludling data I present in this
thesis were collected among the Arara living in Laranjal, the only sub-group where these
ludlings have been attested.
knowledge, my studies about these people would have many gaps.
9
I have personally collected comparative data from some of these languages, including Makuxi, Kuikuro,
Bakairi and Ikpeng. These data have not yet been published.
7
CHAPTER 3
THE ARARA LANGUAGE
3.1
A Brief Overview of Arara Phonology
3.1.1
Phonemic Inventory
The Arara language has twenty-two phonemes: sixteen consonants and six vowels.
A. Consonants
A phonemic consonant chart, used as a basis for systematic transcription, is shown
below with the sixteen consonants.
Table 1: Consonants
Stop
Affricate
Nasal
Trill
Tap
Fricative
Central Approximant
Lateral Approximant
Bilabial
Alveolar PostPalatal
Alveolar
b t
d
ʧ
m
n
Velar
p
k
Glottal
ɡ
ŋ
(ʙ̥)
ɾ
(h)
w
j
l
In order to confirm the consonant phonemes of the language, I show contrast
between some of them in Appendix 1 at the end of this thesis. Of these sixteen
consonants, two of them occur rarely: the voiceless bilabial trill [ʙ̥] and the glottal
fricative [h]. They occur in a very specific phonological environment. For example, the
voiceless bilabial trill occurs in expressive words.10 In addition to that, it occurs only in
10
Expressive words resemble ideophones, but have a larger scope of meaning, as can be seen in the
examples in (1).
8
onset position. Furthermore, it only occurs before the vowel [u], which is always
followed by an alveolar or palatal consonant. The trill does not occur in proper names.
All seven of the words in which it occurs are given in (1) below:
(1)
a.
[ʙ̥utekeni]
‘Orion’s belt, Pleiades’
b.
[ʙ̥utakeni]
‘small and round cultivated field’
c.
[ʙ̥ut ʙut]
‘an insect’
d.
[ʙ̥uta]
‘to throw away’
e.
[ʙ̥uta ʙuta]
‘rolling on the ground’
f.
[ʙ̥uʧak]
‘to shoot an arrow’
g.
[ʙ̥uʧik]
‘to miss a target/aim’
The glottal fricative occurs only in coda position but never word-finally and, like the
voiceless bilabial trill [ʙ̥], is always followed by a coronal consonant, also in a very
specific phonological environment. It is present in only four words in the normal
language, but also occurs in proper names.
(2)
a.
[mɯhna]
b.
[muhtɔ]
c.
[kahtaɾat]
d.
[niahnia]
e.
[muhtahta]
f.
[mohtidi]
g.
[ʧahʧa]
‘there further’
‘over there’
‘fire caterpillar’
‘a banana’
‘proper name for a man’
‘proper name for a man’
‘proper name for a woman’
For these reasons [ʙ̥] and [h] are placed within parentheses in the consonant chart.
They are excluded from further discussion in this section. It is also worth mentioning that
a few expressions sometimes include two implosive stops that are otherwise never used
in the lexicon: [ɓ] and [ɗ].11
(3) a. [ɓɔh]
b. [ɗah ketkɔ]
‘(s/he is) lying down in a hammock’
‘sit downǃ’
Because of their specific occurrence in special expressions, they are not included in
the Arara phonemic inventory.
11
The only exception in the whole Arara language is [ɓak keni] ‘hoe’.
9
In normal speech, the voiced bilabial and alveolar stops have an optional lenis
̆ 12 respectively. Here are some examples:
realization intervocalically: [β] and [d],
(4) a. [mɔβɛ]
‘a fruit’
b. [aβat]
‘manioc bread’
(5) a.
b.
̆
[idaɾa]
̆
[oudɔ]
‘fly’
‘big traditional house’
There is no such realization for the voiced velar stop /ɡ/. In additon to this lenition
process, there are restrictions on the occurrence of some of the Arara phonemes. For
example, in lexical items other than proper names, there is lack of contrast between [t]
and [ʧ] before the high front vowel [i]. In this environment only the affricate occurs:
(6) a. [ʧiʧi]
‘sun’
b. [kɔʧi]
‘a fish’
c. [ʧiɾuka]
‘coati’
This neutralization of contrast occurs because an alveolar stop always is realized as a
palatal affricate before /i/, as can be seen in examples (7b) and (7c) below, where this
lexical phonological process happens to reflexive and first person dual inclusive prefixes,
respectively:
(7) a. /ɔt-pɛ-pɔ-lɯ/13
Ref-forehead-hit-Rec
b. /ɔt-inɔ-lɯ/
Ref-leave-Rec
c. /kut-inɔ-lɯ/
12Erg-leave-Rec
→ [ɔtpɛpɔlɯ]
→ [ɔʧinɔlɯ]
‘s/he hit his/her own
forehead’
‘they left each other’
→ [kuʧinɔlɯ]
‘we (dual) left him/her’
The process of affrication of a coronal stop also occurs (lexically and post-lexically)
before a palatal approximant, as can be seen in (8b) and (9b) below:
(8) a. /kaɾiamɯ-um/
→ [kaɾiamɯum] ‘sheep’
deer-Aug
12
The lenis form [d]̆ is an IPA notation for a quickly released [d], similar to an alveolar tap.
13
Here there is object incorporation.
10
(9)
b.
/ɔɾɔt-um/
cashew-Aug
→ [ɔɾɔʧum]14
a.
/pitɔt i-ɛmi-lɯ/
fruit 1Erg-eat-Rec
/pitɔt jɛmi-lɯ/
fruit eat-Rec
→ [pitɔd iemilɯ] ‘I ate a (tropical) fruit’
b.
→ [pitɔʧemilɯ]
‘cultivated cashew’
‘s/he ate a (tropical) fruit’
However, there is contrast between [t] and [ʧ] before the vowel [i] in proper names:
(10) a. [titik]15
‘proper name for a man’
b. [ʧipi]
‘proper name for a woman’
(11) a.
b.
[mohtiti]16
[taʧi]
‘proper name for a man’
‘proper name for a man’
Before the vowel [i] the voiceless affricate [ʧ] is voiced into [ʤ] after nasal
consonants, as in (12b) below.
(12) a. /i-la-ʧi/
3Abs-mouth-Poss
b. /i-mumɯ-ʧi/
3Abs-head-Poss
→ [ilaʧi]
‘his/her mouth’
→ i-mum∅-ʧi17
[imumʤi]
‘his/her head’
Thus, within a word only the voiced affricate is found after a nasal:
(13) a. /kuŋʧi/ → [kuŋʤi]
‘a bird’
b. /tɔŋʧiɾi/ → [toŋʤiɾi]
‘a lizard’
c. /ɛmʧin/ → [emʤin]
‘his daughter’
14
Here there is insertion of the palatal approximant [j], and coalescence of the preceding /t/ and /j/,
resulting in the affricate [ʧ]. Insertion of [j] occurs within certain linguistic structures that involve
relationships between a direct object + 3 person verb (statement only), genitive-nouns, and the noun stem
-Aug when the first constituent ends in a consonant and the following one starts with a vowel (except for
[i]): /ɔɾɔt ɛnɛbɯlɯ/ → [ɔɾɔʧenebɯlɯ] ‘s/he brought cashew fruit’, /ɔɾɔt awom/ → [ɔɾɔʧawom] ‘cashew
fruit tail (shred)’, /wom-um/ → [womjum] ‘cultivated banana’. Compare these examples with: [ɔɾɔd
inebɯlɯ] ‘I brought cashew fruit’, [munbɔ awom] ‘rat tail’, and [munbɔum] ‘big rat’. Palatal glide
insertion does not occur between subject-verb and moods other than declarative. Palatalization triggered by
[j] is a post-lexical process. Compare: /ibɯt jɛ/ → [ibɯʧe] ‘his mother-in-law’ with /ibɯt imɯ/ → [ibɯd
imɯ] ‘his father-in-law’.
15
This man is deceased.
16
This man is deceased.
17
Here there is a vowel deletion process, whereby across morpheme boundaries a vowel is deleted before a
non-liquid consonant.
11
Actually, affricate voicing is part of a general process whereby only voiced obstuents
occur after a nasal consonant, as illustrated in (14b) and (15b):
(14) a.
/ɛnɛbɯ-ta/
→ ɛnɛb∅-ta18
[enepta]
bring-Dist
b. /ɛnɛŋɯ-ta/
→ ɛnɛŋ∅-ta
[enenda]
see-Dist
‘bring it (from
there)ǃ’
‘(go there to) see itǃ’
(15)
a.
b.
/ɛnɛbɯ-kɔ/
bring-Imp
/ɔmɔmɯ-kɔ/
enter-Imp
→
ɛnɛb∅-kɔ
[enepkɔ]
‘bring itǃ’
→
ɔmɔm∅-kɔ
[ɔmomɡɔ]
‘come in!’
Thus, within a word only voiced obstruents are found in this environment:
(16) a. [tomɡem]
‘an insect’
b. [panbak]
‘ball’
c. [amdet]19
‘handle, strap, hank made of cotton or
vegetal fiber’
As shown in examples (14a) and (15a) above, other voiced consonants do not cause
the subsequent voiceless consonant to be realized as voiced. On the contrary, they are
realized as voiceless themselves.
Although the alveolar stop [t] never occurs before [i] in the lexicon other than in
proper names, its voiced counterpart [d] rarely can occur before this vowel: in the
question word [wadite] ‘how is it?’, and in few derived words, where the vowel /e/ is
raised to [i] before [a], in a dissimilation process. In this case, it must be noted that the
voiced alveolar stop [d] is not realized as palatal before [i]. Examples are given in (17b)
and (18b):
(17) a. /ɯ-ɡuɾi-dɛ-lɯ/
1-angry-Verb-Rec
b. /ɔ-ɡuɾi-dɛ-ane/
2Abs-angry-Verb-Admon
→ [ɯɡuɾidɛlɯ]
‘I got angry’
→ [ɔɡuɾidiane]
‘don’t get mad!’
18
For vowel deletion here and in example (15), see footnote 17.
19
The Arara people from Cachoeira Seca village pronounce all these words with the corresponding
voiceless stops.
12
(18) a.
b.
/i-mu-dɛ-lɯ/
3Abs-egg-Verb-Rec
/ni-mu-dɛ-a/
3Abs-egg-Verb-Perm
→ [imudelɯ]
‘it laid an egg’
→ [nimudia]
‘let it lay eggs’
The sequence [di] also occurs in proper names:
(19) a. [adidi]
‘proper name for a woman’
20
b. [mohtidi]
‘proper name for a man’
Other restrictions on sound occurrences can be found in utterance-initial position. Of
the fourteen consonants, only nine occur in this position: the voiceless stops [p], [t] and
[k], the affricate [ʧ], the bilabial and alveolar nasals [m] and [n], the lateral [l], and the
glides [w] and [j]. The other five cannot be found in utterance-initial position: the voiced
stops [b], [d] and [ɡ], the dorsal nasal [ŋ], and the tap [ɾ]. Neither consonant group seems
to form a natural class. Examples with consonants in utterance-initial position are given
in (20):
(20) a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
[peɾa]
[tupɔ]
[kutɔ]
[ʧanɔ]
[mɯta]
[nunɔ]
[lukɯnden]
[wauɾi]
[jaɡuɾi]
‘a tropical fruit’
‘a gourd container’
‘a toad’
‘poison’
‘a monkey’
‘moon’
‘scorpion’
‘small fruit of a palm tree’
‘agouti’
However, in terms of stops it is possible to see from affixation that each pair of
voiceless and voiced stops occurs lexically in initial position in underlying forms (UF).
Examples are given in (21) for voiceless and (22) for voiced, respectively:
(21) a.
/kambɔt/
→ [kambɔt]
‘firewood, fire’
b.
/i-kambɔt-ɾɯ/
→ [ikambɔɾɯ]
‘his/her firewood,
fire’
3Abs-fire-Poss
(22) a.
b.
20
/bɯlɛptɛ/
/i-bɯlɛptɛ-n/
3Abs-knife-Poss
→ [pɯlepte]
→ [ibɯlepten]
This is different from [mohtiti] ‘proper name for a man’ in (11a).
13
‘knife’
‘his/her knife’
As can be seen in (21b) above, the /k/ of the stem does not voice after the prefix [i-];
the phonetic representation *[iɡamboɾɯ] is unacceptable. Therefore, the variation
between [p] and [b] in [pɯlepte] and [ibɯlepten] in (22a) is better explained as a
devoicing process (utterance-initially) than a voicing process after a vowel across a
morpheme boundary.
Stems starting with underlying voiceless consonants are extremely rare, like the
example in (21) above. They form just a small group of stems: about twenty or less in the
whole language. The most common situation is to have stems starting with voiced
consonants which are realized as voiceless word-initially.
There are other kinds of examples showing a difference of behavior between
underlying voiceless and voiced stops. One of them is that a voiceless alveolar stop (/t/)
in a UF is realized as voiced after a nasal consonant, while in this same environment, an
underlying voiced alveolar stop is deleted. This is possible to see comparing examples
(23b) and (24b) below, where in the first there is voicing of a consonant and in the second
deletion:
(23) a.
b.
(24) a.
b.
/ak-ta/21
eat-Dist
/ɛnɛn-ta/
see-Dist
→ [akta]
‘(go there and) eat it’
→ [enenda]
‘(go there and) see it’
/i-ɛmi-da/
1Erg-eat-Near
/i-ɛnɛn-da/22
1Erg-see-Near
→ [iemida]
‘I will eat it’, or ‘let me
eat it (near me)’
‘I will see it’ or ‘let me
see it (near me)’
→ [ienena]
Yet among the fourteen consonants, only six can be found in utterance-final position:
the voiceless stops [p], [t] and [k] and the nasals [m], [n], and [ŋ]. The other eight cannot:
21
The UF for “eat” is /aɡu/ and “see” in (b) is /eneŋɯ/. They were modified here for the sake of simplicity.
The vowel deletion is referred to in footnote 17.
22
See the previous footnote about the UF for “see”.
14
the voiced stops [b], [d] and [ɡ], the affricate [ʧ], the lateral [l], the tap [ɾ], and the glides
[w] and [j]. Examples with consonants in utterance-final position are illustrated in (25):
(25) a. [kamap]
‘a gourd container’
b. [wakat]
‘alligator, cayman’
c. [kɔk]
‘evening, night’
d. [ɔɡum]
‘wasp’
e. [uɡon]
‘man’
f.
[manaŋ]
‘a coconut bug’
In terms of UF’s, the analysis developed to show contrast between the stops in initial
position does not apply to the stops in final position because: (a) they agree in voicing
with the following segment in a derived environment; or (b) they resyllabify to the onset
position when the next segment is a vowel, as expected in any other language. In other
words, in UF’s stops are unspecified for voicing lexically in final position. This nonspecification is represented by capital letters here and elsewhere.23 Examples of voicing
agreement between stops are shown in (26) and (27):
/kamaB/
→ [kamap]
(26) a.
b.
/kamaB tɯt/
→ [kamap tɯt]
c.
/kamaB lɔn/
→ [kamab lon]
‘a gourd container’
‘he wants a gourd container’
‘gourd container itself’
(27) a.
b.
c.
‘a toucan bird’
‘he wants a toucan bird’
‘a toucan bird itself’
/kaɡaG/
/kaɡaG tɯt/
/kaɡaG lɔn/
→
→
→
[kaɡak]
[kaɡak tɯt]
[kaɡaɡ lon]
Examples of stops moving to the onset position when the next segment is a vowel are
presented below:
/ibɯD/
(28) a.
b.
/ibɯD imɯ/
→
→
[i.bɯt]
[i.bɯ.di.mɯ̃ ]
‘his wife’
‘his father-in-law’
(29) a.
b.
→
→
[a.dak]
[a.da.ɡa.dak]24
‘two, pair’
‘four’
23
/adaG/
/adaG adaG/
Small upper case [ʙ̥] is used to represent a bilabial trill in this thesis. Therefore, it cannot be used to
represent lack of contrast in voicing. Thus capital letters will be used: /B/ stands for bilabial, /D/ for
alveolar, and /G/ for velar.
24
The insertion of /j/ does not occur between a word for number and a verb (regarding /j/ insertion, see
footnote 14).
15
c.
d.
/adaG amɯD/
/adaG enepkɔ/
→
→
[a.da.ɡa.mɯt]
[a.da.ɡe.nep.kɔ]
‘s/he (has) two pets’
‘bring twoǃ’
On the other hand, all of the consonants may occur in onset position within an
utterance. But in coda position within an utterance, only the stops (voiceless and voiced)
and the nasals may occur, a total of nine consonants: [p], [b], [t], [d], [k], [ɡ], [m], [n],
and [ŋ]. However, the voiced stops occur only across word boundaries. The other five
consonants never occur in coda position: [ʧ], [l], [ɾ], [w], and [j]. Some examples of
consonants in coda position within an utterance are shown in (30):
(30) a.
[tɯap.kɔ]
‘a toucan bird’
b.
[kamap taɾik.pe]
‘the gourd container is big’
c.
[kamab lon]
‘gourd container itself’
d.
[ɔt.pidɔ]
‘an armadillo’
e.
[wakad wɔlɯ]
‘he killed an alligator’
f.
[tuk.tɔ]
‘cultivated field’
g.
[kaɡaɡ lon]
‘toucan bird itself’
h.
[tom.ɡem]
‘insect’
i.
[en.ban]
‘her/his food (fruit)’
j.
[kuŋ.ʤi]
‘a bird’
k.
[waɡ wak]
‘a bird’
B. Vowels
As mentioned above, the Arara language has six vowels. A vowel chart is shown
below with these phonemes:
Table 2: Vowels
High
Mid
Low
Front
Non-round
i
ɛ
Central
Non-round
Back
Non-round
ɯ
Round
u
ɔ
a
In order to confirm the vowel phonemes of the language, I show contrasts between
them in Appendix 2 at the end of this thesis.
Phonetically, the high back vowels, /u/ and /ɯ/, tend to be pronounced as lax or
slightly open. On the other hand, the mid front vowel /ɛ/ and the mid back vowel /ɔ/ tend
16
to be realized as more close before the close vowels /i/ and /u/. Examples with /ɛ/ being
realized as [e] are given in (31) below:
(31) a.
[muɾei]
b.
[eudɯ]25
‘chair, bench’
‘his ambush’
Examples with /ɔ/ being realized as [o] are given in (32) below:
(32) a. [oɡoi]26
‘snake’
b. [pou]
‘small peccary’
The front mid vowel /ɛ/ is often pronounced as [e] in closed syllables:
(33) a.
[ɔet]
‘rubber tree, plastic’
b.
[ɔɾek]
‘skin wound’
c.
[pɯɾep]
‘instrument made out of vine put on feet to
climb trees’
An Arara speaker can pronounce a word in several different ways, showing vowel
fluctuation. This is illustrated below with the word for ‘beads’:
(34) a.
[kuɾi]
b.
[koɾi]
c.
[kɔɾi]
However, there are restrictions on the occurrence of the vowels. Although all of them
can begin a word or an utterance, with rare exceptions only /a/ and /ɛ/ begin stems that
take prefixes (e.g. nouns that can be possessed, and verbs). Here are some examples with
nouns with stems starting with vowels other than /a/ and /ɛ/:
(35) a. uɡ-iɛ-n
‘our (incl.) tooth’27
12Abs-tooth-Poss
b. ɯ-ɔdɔ
‘my owner’28
1Abs-owner
‘my food’29
c. ɯ-u-n
1Abs-food-Poss
Here are some examples with verbs:
25
This is a trisyllabic word: [e.u.dɯ].
26
This is also a trisyllabic word: [o.ɡo.i].
27
Only eight stems starting with /i/ were found.
28
Only this stem was found.
29
Only this stem was found. No stem was found starting with /ɯ/.
17
(36)
a.
b.
c.
d.
i-ɔkpɛ-lɯ
1Erg-keep-Rec
i-ubi-tkɛ-lɯ
1Erg-seek-Iter-Rec
in-iadu-lɯ30
1Erg-burn-Rec
i-ɯmdɯ-mɛ-lɯ
1Erg-dive-Caus-Rec
‘I kept it’
‘I looked for it’
‘I burned it’
‘I put it in the water; I made it to dive’
At the same time, all of them undergo a nasalization process when they are in
utterance-final position and are preceded by a nasal consonant. This may be seen as an
intonational marking of an utterance boundary. Some examples are presented in (37)
below:
(37)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
/abiana/
/ponɛ/
/ɔɾɛmi/
/tɔɾɔmɔ/
/imu/
/kaɾiamɯ/
/mau/
→
→
→
→
→
→
→
[abianã]
[pɔnẽ]
[ɔɾemĩ]
[tɔɾɔmɔ̃]
[imũ]
[kaɾiamɯ̃ ]
[mãũ]
‘a peccary’
‘piranha’
‘a fish’
‘Brazil nut’
‘its egg’
‘deer’
‘cat’
When vowels are not in utterance-final position there is no nasalization. Some
examples are presented in (38) below:
(38)
a. [abiana βɔk]
b. [pɔnɛ βɔk]
c. [ɔɾɛmi βɔk]
d. [tɔɾɔmɔ βɔk]
e. [imu βɔk]
f. [kaɾiamɯ βɔk]
g. [mau βɔk]
‘on the peccary’
‘on the piranha’
‘on the fish’
‘on the Brazil nut’
‘on the egg’
‘on the deer’
‘on the cat’
Vowel nasalization occurs in proper names that end in a vowel, when said in an
emphatic call. In this case, the nasalization spreads over all vowels of the word:31
30
/i/ needs to be better analyzed, since it receives /in-/ as the person marking prefix, which comes before
consonants, and not vowels.
31
n this same kind of emphatic call, proper names that end in consonants have an extra unrounded high
back vowel /ɯ/ after that consonant: /waŋɡɔT/ → [waŋɡɔdɯ] ‘proper name for a man’, /paŋ/ → [paŋɯ]
‘proper name for a boy’. Depending on the length of the calling, the epenthetic vowel can be lengthened.
18
(39)
3.1.2
a.
b.
c.
[ẽŋɡɔ̃i ̃]
[ɔ̃tpã]
[ʧĩmĩ]
‘proper name for a man’
‘proper name for a woman’
‘proper name for a man’
Syllable Structure
Arara has the following syllable types: V, CV, VC, and CVC. Thus its maximal
syllable template is CVC; there is no obligatory onset. All syllable types can occur wordinitially and word-finally. Here are some examples with the V pattern, word-initially and
word-finally, respectively:
(40) a.
[ɯ.pɯ]
b.
[ɔ.ɡum]
‘yam’
‘wasp’
(41) a.
b.
‘bag made out of vegetable fiber’
‘a wild fruit’
[mɯ.ɛ]
[tu.a]
Here are some examples with CV, word-initially and word-finally, respectively:
(42) a. [mɔ.ɛ]
‘a toad’
b. [ka.map]
‘a gourd container’
(43) a.
b.
[ɔna.kɔ]
[ɯ.bɯ]
‘a bird’
‘stone’
Here are some examples with VC, word-initially and word-finally, respectively:
[ɔt.pidɔ]
‘an armadillo’
(44) a.
b.
[ap.tenu]
‘wind’
(45) a.
b.
[ɛ.ɔk]
[ɔ.et]
‘a beetle’
‘rubber tree, plastic’
Here are some examples with CVC, word-initially and word-finally, respectively:
(46) a. [tuk.tɔ]
‘cultivated field’
b. [kɔt.kɔt]
‘a bird’
(47) a.
b.
[am.net]
[ka.map]
‘his blood vessel, his vein’
‘a gourd container’
19
3.1.3
Stress
In words pronounced in isolation, such as in a list, primary stress in Arara
preferentially falls on the last syllable of the word. Some examples are given in (48)
below:32
(48) a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
[kɔ'kɔ]
[wa'kat]
[tuk'tɔ]
[apte'nũ]
[ɔtkɔi'mɔ̃]
‘my uncle’
‘alligator, cayman’
‘cultivated field’
‘wind’
‘an armadillo’
However, there are some variations in stress. If a word ends in a sequence of two
vowels (followed or not followed by a consonant) and the second vowel is [+high], the
stress may alternatively switch to the previous vowel, resulting in a variation between a
monosyllabic and a disyllabic realization of the same word. Some examples are given in
(49) below:
(49)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
Two Syllables
[po'u]
[iɯ'i]
[mã'ũ]
[tɔ'uŋ]
[a'ut]
~
~
~
~
~
One Syllable
['pou]33
[i'ɯi]34
['mãũ]
['tɔuŋ]
['aut]
‘small peccary’
‘tree’
‘cat’
‘shotgun with a long barrel’
‘his ribs’
Normally the pronunciations in the left column occur in careful speech; the others in
normal speech. This variation is not present when the second vowel is [-high], as can be
seen below:
(50) a. [mɯ'ɛ]
b. [tu'a]
c. [mɔ'ɛ]
*['mɯɛ]
*['tua]
*['mɔɛ]
‘bag made out of vegetable fiber’
‘a wild fruit’
‘a toad’
Usually this variation is also absent in words containing three syllables:
32
This is the only section of the thesis where stress is marked.
33
If [u] were a consonant, [po'u] or ['pou] would receive [-ɡɔm] as plural and not [-ŋmɔ] as it does (see
Section 3.2.7).
34
The phonetic form [jei] ‘wood, tree’, starting with a consonant, was attested only in the ludling examples
(see Appendix 3, example 4).
20
(51) a.
b.
[takɯ'i]
[oɡo'i]
*[ta'kɯi]
*[o'ɡoi]
‘manioc flour’
‘snake’
But there are some exceptions. In these cases, the consonant of the penultimate
syllable must be a liquid: /ɾ/ or /l/. Some examples are given in (52) and (53) below:
(52) a.
[muɾe'i]
~
[mu'ɾei]
‘chair, bench’
b.
[kaɾe'i]
~
[ka'ɾei]
‘non Indian’
(53) a.
b.
[lala'u]
[ʧila'u]
~
~
[la'lau]
[ʧi'lau]
‘proper name for a woman’
‘proper name for a woman’
Since stress on words pronounced in isolation, such as in a list, is very predictable, in
the rest of my phonetic transcriptions I will not mark it. However, it is worth noting that
within a sentence the stress can change from its final position within the word to a
different syllable. This can be seen in words such as [iʧiɡu'ɾu] ‘his urine’ and [u'ɾɔ] ‘I’,
which in isolation are spoken with stress on the last syllable, but within a sentence
pronounced with stress on the third and second syllable (from right to left), respectively.
(54) [i''ʧiɡu'ɾu doŋ 'uːɾɔ]35
‘I am going to urinate’
/i-ʧiɡu-ɾu
doŋ uɾɔ/
3Abs-urine-Poss be I
3.1.4
Some Common Phonological Processes
In this section I will present one phonological constraint and some of the common
phonological processes that occur in the Arara language.
Obligatory Contour Principle
The Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) “prohibits consecutive or adjacent identical
segments” (Goldsmith 1990:309). When identical segments are adjacent the OCP is
violated. In Arara UF’s, it is possible to find sequences of segments with similar points of
articulation, consonants or vowels, violating the OPC. When this happens, one of them is
deleted: either the first or the second segment. It is not yet completely understood what
35
This sentence was collected in 1988, from a young man during an Arara festival. It was recorded with a
Sony tape recorder. An Arara vowel can be lengthened in an emphatic linguistic environment.
21
triggers the direction of deletion. Examples involving regressive deletion of consonants
are shown in (55b), (56b), and (57c):
(55) a.
/ɛɾuB/36
→ [eɾup]
b.
/ɛɾuB mɔmuɾu/
→ ɛɾu∅ mɔmuɾu
[eɾu momuɾu]
hurry PN
‘hurry’
‘hurry, Momuruǃ’
(56) a.
b.
(57) a.
b.
c.
/i-bɔD
put/
3Abs-lip hair
/i-bɔD-ɾɯ/
3Abs-lip-Poss
→ [ibɔt put]
‘his beard, his moustache’
→ i-bɔ∅-ɾɯ
[ibɔɾɯ]
‘his/her lips’
/wan/
/ɛpi/
/wan ɛpi/
honey bark
→ [wan]
→ [epi]
→ wan j-ɛpi37
wa∅ jɛpi
[wajepi]
‘honey’
‘his/her skin, its bark, leather’
‘beeswax’
Examples of progressive consonant deletion, which occurs only in suffixes, are
shown in (58b) and (59b) below:
(58) a.
abɛ-dam
ebb-season
b.
inmɛl-am
fill-season
(59)
a.
b.
ɛŋu-ɾu
eye-Poss
i-daɡin-u
3Abs-whistle-Poss
‘season of ebbing (water stream), dry season’
‘season of filling (water stream), rainy season’
‘her/his eye’
‘her/his whistle’
Examples of regressive vowel deletion are shown in (60b) and (61b):
(60) a.
uɾɔ
‘I’
b.
malon ur ɛndɔ
‘I am going to stay here’
enough I here
36
It must be remembered that stops lose their voicing contrast in utterance-final position: in this position,
only voiceless stops occur. Thus, a capital symbol in the underlying representation stands for an
archiphoneme that points to neutralization of contrast (see footnote 23).
37
Here there is a feeding relationship: a palatal approximant is inserted across word boundaries between a
C and the following V (CjV), and the preceding coronal C is deleted by virtue of the OCP violation (∅jV).
22
(61)
a.
b.
aŋna
aŋn ebu-ɾu
mortar handle-Poss
‘mortar’
‘pestle’
An example of progressive vowel deletion is shown in (62b):
(62) a.
wauɾi aɾɯ
‘fruit tree’s leaf’
fruit leaf
b.
waŋwa ɾɯ
‘fruit tree’s leaf’
tree
leaf
Progressive Vowel Deletion
A vowel is deleted after another vowel across a morpheme boundary. This deletion
applies only in certain suffixes: /-ɛnŋɛ/ ‘plural in postpositions’, /-ɛbaɾa/ ‘negation’, and
/-ɯpɛ/ ‘there is’. This phonological process cannot be insertion since it would be
necessary to propose that there is insertion of different vowels, such as [e] vs. [ɯ].
Examples with the ‘plural’ suffix in postpositions /-ɛnŋɛ/:
(63) a.
/i-bɯdɛɡ-ɛnŋɛ/
→ [ibɯdeɡenŋɛ]
‘he/she is like them’
3Abs-similar-Pl
b.
/uɡ-wɯna-ɛnŋɛ/
→ uɡ-wɯna-∅nŋɛ
‘for us’
12Abs-for-Pl
[uɡwɯnanŋɛ]
Examples with the ‘negative’ suffix /-ɛbaɾa/:
→ [mondɔnebaɾa]
(64) a.
/mɔndɔn-ɛbaɾa/
there-Neg
→ tɔ-nɛn-dɛ-∅baɾa
b.
/tɔ-nɛn-dɛ-ɛbaɾa/
T-see-Nmlz-Neg
[tɔnendebaɾa]
Examples with the ‘existential’ suffix /-ɯpɛ/:
(65) a.
/mulik-ɯpɛ/
→ [muliɡɯpe]
ani-there.is
b.
/pumiɛ-ɯpɛ/
→ pumiɛ-∅pe
woman-there.is
[pumiepe]38
38
‘s/he, it is not there’
‘it is not possible to see it’
‘there is an ani bird’
‘there is a woman’
This phonetic representation shows that the deletion process being described here does not apply
cyclically; otherwise the phonetic form would be *[pumiep]. But that surface form means ‘she is a woman’.
23
Nasalization of Stops
A stop consonant is realized as a nasal before a nasal consonant, as can be seen in
(66b), (67b), and (68b) below:
(66) a.
/wambiT/39
b.
/wambiT muɾɛn/
vulture baby
→ [wambit]
→ [wambin muɾen]
‘vulture’
‘vulture’s baby’
(67) a.
/w-ibɯ-lɯ/
1Erg-bathe-Rec
/w-ibɯ-naŋɯɾɯ/
1Erg-bathe-Prog
→ [wibɯlɯ]
‘I took a bath (today)’
→ w-ib∅-naŋɯɾɯ40
[wimnaŋɯɾɯ]
‘I am taking a bath (in
the river)’
/uɡ-aɾɔ/
12Abs-lung
/uɡ-mum-ʧi/
12Abs-head-Poss
→ [uɡaɾɔ]
‘our (incl.) lung’
→ [uŋmumʤi]
‘our (incl.) head’
b.
(68) a.
b.
Vowel Deletion in CV Syllables
A high back vowel, [u] or [ɯ], is deleted after another vowel across a morpheme
boundary. The vowels must have an intervening labial consonant. The following diagram
represents this vowel deletion process.
V
+
C
(69)
V̆ → ∅
Labial [+high] [+back]
Only a few nouns with obligatory possession undergo this deletion. The phonological
process described here cannot be insertion since it would be necessary to propose that
there is insertion of different vowels, such as [u] or [ɯ]. As shown in the above chart, the
vowels that are sensitive to deletion after a prefix are marked with a diacritic to mark this
sensitivity. This breve mark over the vowel is an ad hoc device, just to show that they
39
See footnote 23 for an explanation of capital letters.
40
Across morphemes a vowel is deleted in verb stem-final position before a non-liquid consonant (see
footnote 17); stop sequences then are realized as voiceless: /bt/ → [pt]. Even when both stops are
underlyingly voiced they are realized as voiceless: /uɡ-banan/ → [ukpanan] ‘our (incl.) ear’.
24
have a different behavior in relation to other vowels that do not undergo deletion in the
same environment. Examples of noun stems with vowels sensitive to deletion are: /mŭnu/
‘body, flesh’, /mɯ̆ dabɯɾi/ ‘food’, /mŭbɛ/ ‘shoulder blade, scapula’, /bɯ̆ ʧi-/ ‘leg’, etc. As
already stated, all noun stems with a vowel sensitive to deletion begin with a labial
consonant.
(70) a.
/mɔukɔ bɯ̆ ʧi-n/
PN
leg-Poss
b.
/i-bɯ̆ ʧi-n/
3Abs-leg-Poss
(71) a.
b.
/taʧi mŭbɯa-ʧi/
PN arm-Poss
/i-mŭbɯa-ʧi/
3Abs-arm-Poss
→ [moukɔ bɯʧin]
‘Mouko’s leg’
→ [ipʧin]
‘his leg’
→ [taʧi mubɯaʧi]
‘Tatji’s arm’
→ [imbɯaʧi]
‘his arm’
Noun stems with vowels not sensitive to deletion after a prefix have no diacritic:
/bana/ ‘ear’, /mɔwa/ ‘back’, /duɾu/ ‘central part of the body’, /bɛba/ ‘forehead’, /bia/
‘cheek’, etc.
Regressive Vowel Harmony
When the back round vowel /u/ occurs before a tap preceding the mid vowel /ɛ/, the
mid vowel spreads its features to the back vowel across morpheme boundaries. Here are
some examples:
(72) a.
/i-mɯŋu-ɾu/
3Abs-blood-Poss
b.
/tɯ-mɯŋu-ɾɛ/
T-blood-Adjr
→ [imɯŋuɾu]
‘his/her blood’
→ [tɯmɯŋɛɾɛ]
‘s/he is bleeding’
However, if the preceding vowel is not an /u/, then /ɛ/ does not spread its features.
(73) a.
/abo-n/
→ [abɔn]
‘its wing’
wing-Poss
b.
/t-abo-ɾɛ/
→ [tabɔɾɛ]
‘it is with open wings’
T-wing-Adjr
25
3.2
Brief Overview of Arara Grammar
3.2.1
Morphological Typology
In relation to the synthetic index (Comrie 1989:46; Whaley 1997:128-9), the Arara
language is a synthetic language since it utilizes various prefixes and suffixes, as
illustrated in (74).41
(74) tɯ-wɔ-dɯ-k
ɔmɔɾɔ-ŋmɔ ɡanan
DO-kill-Pl-Imp you-Pl
at.least
‘kill itǃ, at least you all (do it)’42
No statistical research was done, however the Arara language seems to uniformly
share fusional and agglutinative characteristics, according to the terms of the fusion index
(Comrie 1989:46; Whaley 1997:133). Example (75b) below shows fusion occurring
between the second person /ɔ-/ and the vowel /ɛ/ in the stem, resulting in [i].
(75) a.
/uɡ-ɛɾɛ-n/
[uɡɛɾen]
‘our (incl.) liver’
12-liver-Poss
b.
/ɔ-ɛɾɛ-n/
[iɾen]43
‘your liver’
2-liver-n
Examples in (76) show agglutinative characteristics in Arara. The majority of these
morphemes can be easily segmented.
(76) a. kuʧ-ip-ta-ndɯ-n
12Erg-bathe-Dist-Pl-Hort
‘let’s (all) take a bath’ (elicited)
b. k-ɔd-ɛmia-ɡuɾuɡɛ-da
1Erg-Refl-hand-wash-Near
‘I am going to wash my hand (in a near place)’ (elicited)
In Arara there are three orders of prefixes and seven of suffixes. Sentence (76b)
above is an example of a sequence of three prefixes: person-Refl-Noun. Here is an
example of five suffixes:
41
The transcription here is phonological, not phonetic.
42
Text Abiana wyna tjimna kundomba (We went hunting pecarries). Author: Akitu Arara. Recorded and
transcribed by Isaac and Shirley Souza. May 1, 2002.
43
[ɛɾɛn] is ‘her/his liver’; [ieɾen] is ‘my liver’.
26
(77) i-n-ɛŋua-nɔp-tɔn-tadamɯ-lɯ-ŋmɔ
3Abs-O.Nom-know-Caus-Verb-Iter-Rec-Pl
‘the ones that are to be taught by him’ (elicited)
The following diagram shows the order in which the different morphemes occur in
verbs:
(78) Erg Abs
Ref
3.2.2
Incorp
Stem Caus Verb Iter Tense
Aspect
Indic
Imp
Pl
Ergative Type
In terms of person cross-referencing on the verb (Comrie 1989:111, 126), Arara
displays an ergative-absolutive pattern. The prefix of the subject of an intransitive clause
has the same form as the prefix of the direct object of a transitive clause. The prefix of
the subject of a transitive clause has a different form. Some examples are given below (all
of them elicited):
(79) a. ɯ-wɯnɡɯ-lɯ
1Abs-sleep-Rec
‘I slept’
b. ∅-ɯ-mɔŋɔɡu-lɯ
3Erg-1Abs-wait-Rec
‘he/she waited for me’
c. in-∅-mɔŋɔɡu-lɯ
1Erg-3Abs-wait-Rec
‘I waited for him/her’
In the entire Arara language, there are nine intransitive verbs that form clauses with
an ergative subject prefix, similar to the ones that occur in transitive clauses. In terms of
first person, five of them occur with the allomorph [w-] and four with the allomorph [k-].
This last allomorph occurs only before verb stem starting with the vowel /ɔ/; the
allomorph /w-/ occurs before verb stems starting with the other vowels, as can be seen in
(80) below.
(80) a. w-ibɯ-lɯ
1Erg-bathe-Rec
‘I took a bath’
27
b. k-ɔɾiɡu-lɯ
1Erg-dance-Rec
‘I danced’44
When a language has intransitive verbs that sometimes perform the function of an
active subject and sometimes perform the function of a non-active subject, it can be said
that this language has split intransitivity. Since in Arara there are so few intransitive
verbs with ergative (active) prefixes and the vast majority has abslotutive (non-active)
prefixes, it cannot be classified as having split intransitivity.
3.2.3
Word Order
For transitive clauses, Arara has the basic word order object-verb-subject (OVS).
Examples are given below:
O
V
S
(81) ɔɾɛmi abot-tadamɯ-lɯ kɔkɔ
fish.(sp.) catch-Iter-Rec
uncle
‘uncle caught several “oremi” fish’
O
V
S
(82) ...wɔtɔmɔ aut j-ak-takpɯ-lɯ
waɡa...
tapir rib Relr-eat-finish-Rec PN
‘...Waga finished eating the tapir rib...’
For intransitive clauses, the word order is primarily SV.
S
V
(83) [mutɛ kun-ɛp-pa] 45
i-ɛʧit
poda-akʧi
PN Rem-arrive-Ind 1Abs-house inside-Dir
‘Mute came to my house (remote)’
S
V
(84) paɾu akɯndɛ-lɯ
water dry-Rec
‘the water dried up (in the small creek)’
44
The other verbs that follow these patterns are: [webɯlɯ] ‘I arrived’, [wɯdɔlɯ] ‘I went out’, [wibeŋɯɾɯ]
‘I fled’, [wiʧilɯ] ‘I layed down’, [kɔɾamelɯ] ‘I missed the target’, [kɔɾapɔtadamɯlɯ] ‘I walked around’,
and [kɔngulɯ] ‘I climbed up’.
45
The use of square brackets within a sentence is only to mark syntactic constituents.
28
OVS word order is quite rare among the languages of the world. For example, in one
database of 1228 different languages, only nine are reported to have this word order, and
six of them are from South America (Dryer 2008:331).
In stative clauses, Arara has the word order subject-adjectival predicate (S-AP).
S
AP
(85) maɾaɡ
wɛt
pɯgiɾimam-bɛ46
cockroach feces dirt-Pred
‘the cockroach feces are dirty’
3.2.4
Noun Phrases
OV languages usually have the order adjective-noun (Comrie 1989:95). However, in
Arara, a noun phrase has the adjective after its head:
N
Adj
i-ɾumbɔ-lɯ
(86) uɡɔn ka-kɔ-mnɯ
man high-over-Neg 3Abs-die-Rec
‘the short man died (today)’ (elicited)
N
Adj
(87) [wɔŋɔ taɾik-kɔm] bɯdɛk-ɛbaɾa tawɛ,
tɯ-mnɛ-bara
game big-Pl
like.be-Neg monkey.(sp) T-flesh-Neg
‘monkey is not like big game meat; it does not have a big body’
On the other hand, the number precedes the noun:
Num
N
(88) [ananɛ nunɔ] w-ɛp-ta-nbɔm
one
moon 1Erg-come-Dist-later
‘I will come back within one month (from the city to the village)’
(89)
Num N
Adj
[adak ɔbinɛ apaɡɯrɯdɛm] jɛŋnabɯ-lɯ ɔbɛtpambɯn
two metal flat
put-Rec
buy.few
‘s/he put two worthless coins (in the basket)’
The head may be detached from the number and placed at the end of the clause:
46
Text: Marak. Author: Akitu Arara. Text collected and transcribed by Isaac and Shirley Souza, Altamira,
April 23, 2004. The word [maɾak] seems to be borrowed from the Portuguese barata ‘cockroach’.
29
(90)
Num
N
[adak] n-iʧ-a
[i-amɯ-t]
two 3Abs-Aux-Perm 1Abs-pet-Poss
‘let me get two pets (from these ones)’
Or the number may be detached from the head to the end of the clause:
N
Num
papa [adak]
(91) [maɾapa] abi-lɯ
paddle make-Rec father two
‘my father made two paddles’
3.2.5
Relational Phrases
Typological studies show that OV languages usually have postpositions instead of
prepositions (Comrie 1989:95). The Arara language follows this general typological
tendency, as may be seen in the following examples:
(92) walɔ
muɾɛn i-abɔt-taŋ-dɛ
[ɔɾɔŋ bɔk]
hawk.(sp.) small 1Sg.Erg-catch-Uni-Perf ground on
‘I caught a small hawk on the ground’
(93) t-udu-k
[karɛi
wɯna]
DO-give-Imp non.Indian to
‘give it to the non-Indian!’
3.2.6
Tense, Aspect and Mood
The Arara language inflects verbs for tense, aspect and mood. Tense is marked by
[-lɯ] ‘recent past’, [-nɛ] ~ [-n] ‘remote past’, [-tʃi] ~ [-t] ‘present’, [-tɔmɛ] ‘future’, [-taŋ]
~ [-aŋ] ‘universal tense’.47 Below are examples of each tense:
(94) a. w-ibɯ-lɯ
1Erg-bathe-Rec
‘I took a bath (today)’
b. w-im-nɛ-ba
1Erg-bathe-Rem-Ind
‘I took a bath (yesterday)’
c. w-ip-ʧi
1Erg-bathe-Pres
‘I bathe’
47
/-(t)aŋ/ has been glossed as universal tense (Uni) because: (a) in indicative clauses it does not point to a
specific time, but only functions as a support to the aspect markers for perfective and imperfective; (b) in
interrogative clauses it seems to function as a non-past tense.
30
d.
e.
pawi
i-ak-tɔmɛ
kɔɡɔlɔne
curassow.(sp.) 1Erg-eat-Fut tomorrow
‘tomorrow I will eat the curassow’
w-ip-taŋ-dɛ-ba
1Erg-bathe-Uni-Perf-Ind
‘I already took a bath’
Aspect is marked by [-dɛ] ‘perfective’, [-ɡɯ] ‘imperfective’, and [-naŋɯɾɯ]
‘progressive’. Below are examples of each aspect:
(95) a. w-ip-taŋ-dɛ-ba
1Erg-bathe-Uni-Perf-Ind
‘I already took a bath’
b. w-ip-taŋ-ɡɯ-ba
1Erg-bathe-Uni-Imperf-Ind
‘I was taking a bath’
c. w-im-naŋɯɾɯ
1Erg-bathe-Prog
‘I am taking a bath’
Mood is marked by [-kɔ] ~ [-k] ‘imperative’, [-nɛ] ~ [-n] ‘hortatory’, and [-ba]
‘affirmative’.48 Here are examples with imperative and hortatory mood:
(96) a. ip-kɔ
bathe-Imp
‘take a bath!’
b. kuʧ-ip-tɯ-n
12Erg-bathe-Pl-Hort
‘let’s (all) take a bath!’
Here are examples with the affirmative mood:
(97) a. w-ip-taŋ-dɛ-ba
1Erg-bathe-Uni-Perf-Aff
‘I took a bath’
b. w-im-nɛ-ba
1Erg-bathe-Rem-Aff
‘I took a bath (yesterday)’
However, /-ba/ never occurs with recent past:
(98) *w-ibɯ-lɯ-ba
1Erg-bathe-Rec-Aff
‘I took a bath’
48
Interrogative mood (Yes-No Questions) is formed by the use of the particle [ga] ~ [ka], as in [magu ga]
‘did you eat?’, and [mip ka] ‘did you take a bath?’.
31
3.2.7
Plural Forms
There are thirteen different allomorphs for showing plurality in Arara. They can be
classified into eight groups, depending on the grammatical form they occur in. In the
clusters below with more than one member, the allomorphs depend on the phonological
environment. In the verbs, the plural forms refer mainly to the subject.
(99) a. [-ŋgmɔ] ~ [-kɔm ~ -gɔm]49
nouns, proper nouns, adjectives, subject in verbs
in the indicative mood, verb suffix of purpose
b. [-tɔm ~ -dɔm]
subject in verbs in the interrogative mood and
in verbs in future tense
c. [-ɛnŋɛ ~ -nŋɛ]
object of post-positions, subject of verbs in
conditional sentence, subject in verbs in
negative mood, verbal stems without markers
for mood/aspect/time, adverbs of intensity
subjects in verbs in imperative and hortatory
d. [-tɯ ~ -dɯ]
mood, subjects in verbs with the sufix for ‘later
(euphemic imperative)’, subject in verbs with the
sufix for ‘always’
e. [-ptɯ]
subject in verbs with the suffix for ‘admonition’
f.
[-ndɯ]
subject in verbs with the suffix for ‘distal’
g. [-am]
possessor of obligatorily possessed nouns
without the possessor marker, possessor of
obligatorily possessed nouns with the
nominalizer of past, a question word
h. [-bu]
object of post-position for ‘companion’
Proper names can have plural suffixes, as other nouns do:
(100) a.
[taiŋmɔ]
‘Tai and others’
b.
[pɯtɔtkom]
‘Pytot and others’
c.
[mutemgom]
‘Mutem and others’
There is no agreement in number between a verb and any of its overt arguments, or
between a head and its dependent. Examples of absence of agreement at the sentence
level are given below in (101) and (102):
(101) a.
kaɾei
ɯdɔ-lɯ-ŋmɔ
non.Indian go-Rec-Pl
b. kaɾɛi-ŋmɔ
ɯdɔ-lɯ
non.Indian-Pl go-Rec
49
‘the non-Indians went out’
‘the non-Indians went out’
The suffix [-ŋmɔ] occurs after a vowel, and the suffixes [-kom] and [-gom] after a consonant; but [-kom]
after a voiceless consonant and [-gom] after a voiced consonant.
32
c.
(102) a.
b.
c.
*kaɾɛi-ŋmɔ
ɯdɔ-lɯ-ŋmɔ ‘the non-Indians went out’
non.Indian-PL go-Rec-Pl
pumiɛ kuɾɛ-ŋmɔ-p
woman good-Pl-Adjr
pumiɛ-ŋmo kuɾɛ-p
woman-Pl good-Adjr
*pumiɛ-ŋmɔ kurɛ-ŋmɔ-p
woman-Pl good-Pl-Adjr
‘the women are beautiful’
‘the women are beautiful’
‘the women are beautiful’
An example at the phrase level is given below:
(103) a.
wɔŋɔ taɾik-kɔm
‘the big game meats’
game big-Pl
b. *wɔŋɔ-ŋmɔ taɾik-kɔm
‘the big game meats’
game-Pl
big-Pl
33
CHAPTER 4
LUDLING DATA
In this chapter I present the Arara ludlings that I collected from some elderly Arara
people living in the village named Laranjal. In terms of the ludlings, young people are
not, unfortunately, learning them any longer and the elderly Arara, due to lack of
practice, are forgetting them. As a dying phenomenon, it is not unusual for the ludling
speakers to have trouble with some or many of these unique forms. Indeed, the first time I
heard these language games was in about 2001, and it was only by chance. One evening I
was sitting at a table with some young Arara men and I spoke to one of them in the same
way as I had been speaking to his little daughter. Children learning the Arara language
use [l] instead of [ɾ]: [jɔlu] instead [jɔɾu] ‘tortoise’. So I replied to one of his questions by
saying [ibala] instead of [ibaɾa] ‘no, nothing’, pretending I was a little boy. Laughing and
widening his eyes he replied to me with surprise: “I am not a monkey for you to talk to
me like this!” Then I found out that I was going to learn something new about the Arara
language. I grabbed my notebook and said: “What? Is it not only children who speak this
way?” He explained: “We only speak like that to monkeys. For example, instead of
saying [amuɾu] we say [amulu]” (this word denotes a kind of alcoholic drink made out of
chewed roots, mainly cassava). But he did not know any more examples. So he pointed
out some people who would know more of these. The next day I started going to those
people and, in several sessions, I discovered thirteen different ludlings that they use not
only to talk to monkeys, but to other pets as well, one for each kind of animal that they
34
are talking to.50 As can be seen, the effect of my joke was the opposite of what I had
intended. Instead of the man interpreting my utterance as if I were a little child talking, he
interpreted it as if had been talking to a pet.
4.1
Meaning and Purpose of the Word Games
Ludlings are common among the languages of the world, as pointed out by Bagemihl
(1996:319). In the literature, according to Sherzer (1982), ludlings have different labels,
such as “disguised speech”, “linguistic games”, “ludling,” “pig latins”, “secret codes”,
“secret languages, “speech disguise”, and other names. Botne & Davis (2000) use the
term “language game”. Sherzer prefers the terminology “play language”. In this thesis I
use some of these terms, with preference for the label ludling, from Latin ludus ‘game’
and lingua ‘language’, as described by Laycock (1969:14). Also, the word ludlingant,
derived from ludling, will be used in this thesis. This word is defined by Sanders
(2000:31) as the morpheme “realized as a substring of the output that is sensitive to
constraints that reference it.” His definition includes only the reversal ludling morpheme,
but here I use the term ludlingant for any morpheme used by the Arara people in their
ludlings.
Laycock (1972) says that a ludling is a transformation of an ordinary language,
changing the format but not the content of the original message, for purposes of
concealment or comic effect (Frazier & Gil 2007). In this sense, Sherzer (1982:175)
states that play languages imply the creation of new linguistic codes derived from the
base language. He also says that play languages are linguistic forms that at any level are
purposely manipulated. In this sense, the Arara language has ludlings, since the Arara
50
Child speech is not included here because, although having some small similarities with the ludlings, it
also has lots of differences. For example, one main strategy to talk to children is to shorten consonants and
words ([tekɔ] instead [ɔdepkɔ] ‘come here’), something out of the ludlings’ scope.
35
elders purposely manipulate the base language, changing the format but not the content of
it, creating new linguistic codes with a certain purpose. Sherzer says that strictly
speaking, the ludlings are not games, since they do not involve competition or winners,
being primarily used for fun, although this does not mean that they need to be necessarily
humorous (Sherzer 1982:175). Indeed, in Arara the elders do not have a humorous
purpose when they use them.
Historically, purpose was crucial for ludling studies. Bagemihl (1996:699) says that
traditional definitions of language games were based mainly on their sociolinguistic
function. According to him they always have restricted sociolinguistic functions. Along
this line, Sherzer (1982) specifies some common functions of play languages:
concealment or secret, language learning (in Thai), pure fun or for play’s sake. He also
says that some play languages are used in ritual contexts. In relation to the Arara
language, the ludlings fulfill a very restricted sociolinguistic purpose; they are used to
“talk” to the Araras’ pets as an expression of friendship. They can use the ludlings any
time they approach their pets. On the other hand, in Arara there is no ritual context in
which the ludlings are used.
Although being important, the purpose approach was not enough to explain the
ludlings in the languages around the world. Thus Laycock51 shifted this approach to one
based on the ludlings’ formal properties themselves. From this perspective, according to
Bagemihl (1996:697) there are some factors intrinsic to ludling data: (a) they are quite
unlike ordinary language operations and (b) they are relatively restricted with respect to
their sociolinguistic function. In other words, the data have common operations such as
51
This happened in: Laycock, Donald. 1972. “Towards a typology of ludlings, or play-languages.”
Linguistic Communications: Working Papers of the Linguistic Society of Australia 6:61-113 (see Bagemihl
1996). I was not able to find the Laycock article, so it is not part of my bibliography.
36
reversal, replacement, etc., that are not common to the normal language. Also, while the
normal language can be used for a great variety of sociolinguistic functions, ludlings have
very restricted social functions. Thus, in defining ludlings, Bagemihl (1996:699) includes
the following criteria:
(a) ludling morphological processes may involve affixing, templatic structure,
reversal, and replacement;
(b) their affixes are limited to one or at most a handful of lexical items;
(c) their morphology is semantically empty.
Criterion (b) does not describe the Arara ludlings very well, since these are quite
productive. However, criteria (a) and (c) do. Commenting on criterion (a) above,
Bagemihl (pp. 699-700) states that affixing is the simplest process in forming ludlings,
and it involves attachment of a ludling affix to a non-ludling word. The ludling affix may
have a vowel slot that is unspecified for its quality; but also it may have a vowel specified
for its quality. The infix /-ɡV-/ is an example of a ludling affix containing an unspecified
vowel. This infix can be added to an Arara base word such as /abat/ ‘manioc bread’,
resulting in the ludling form /abaɡat/. An example of an affix containing specified vowels
in Arara is the prefix /idi-/, which can be added to the same Arara base word /abat/,
resulting in the ludling form /idibat/. Bagemihl also states that in templatic processes
nasality may be mapped onto the template. This is attested in Arara, where the feature of
nasalization can pertain to a word, a phrase, a sentence or a whole discourse. This can be
seen in the Arara base word /tawɛ/ ‘capuchin monkey’, which turns to /tãwɛ̃/ after the
addition of the ludling’s nasal feature. Yet in reference to (a) above, Bagemihl says that
all or most of the vowels in a non-ludling utterance are replaced by one or two segments
in the ludling form. In Arara the vowels in a base word can be replaced by the vowel [æ],
or by lower and/or more fronted vowels in relation to the vowels of the base word, as can
37
be seen in /tawɛ/ changing to [tæwæ]. All of these phenomena will be presented in more
detail in Section 4.2 below.
Commenting on (c) above, Bagemihl (1996:700) states that ludling morphology is
semantically empty because it is used only to classify the speaker or the hearer as
belonging to a particular category of individuals. For example, a person uses Pig Latin to
address someone who belongs to a certain circle of friendship. In the Arara culture, a
person uses the appropriate ludling to address specific classes of animals. Thus, the infix
/-ɡV-/ is used to talk to capuchin monkeys; the prefix /idi-/ to talk to titi monkeys; the
infix /-pt-/ to talk to squirrel monkeys; and nasalization is used to talk to howler
monkeys.
The Arara people love their pets. Therefore, pets are very important in the Arara
culture. Arara myths reveal that some animals were their ancestors, mainly the monkeys.
Sometimes the Arara people use the ludlings’ structures for naming their pets, according
to each animal species. Thus they can give the name /muni-ɡV/ → [muniɡi] ‘brother’ to a
capuchin monkey. Usually the pets get names like any human being and the process of
naming them is the same they use to name people. Then a person can get a proper name
like [tɯptʃigɔriwɯ] ‘crooked shinned’; a capuchin monkey can get a proper name such as
[tɯptapa] ‘the one who has a flat hand’.52 Right after the Arara contact with FUNAI, it
was possible to see Arara mothers feeding from their own breasts not just their new
babies but also own baby monkeys that their husbands had brought from the forest. For
other pets, they offered their milk in a leaf. Thus, in this sense, it is not a surprise that the
Arara people have different language games when playing with their pets. The surprise is
in the high number of ludlings they use to “talk” to their pets. Just for a matter of
52
See Souza (in progress).
38
statistical comparison, Javanese (the language I found with the most play languages)
presents only seven different ludlings (Sherzer 1982:183-186).53 Arara has almost twice
this many.
In spite of the differences between a ludling and the base language in which it
originates, an actual development in ludling analysis is the recognition that a ludling also
involves linguistic processes of the ordinary language (Bagemihl, p. 701). In this sense,
Sherzer (1982) states that there are similarities and differences among the linguistic
structures of ludlings and ordinary languages. Haas (1967) provides a taxonomy of
mechanisms or rules involved in play languages that are common to the languages of the
world, namely: addition, subtraction, reversal, and substitution. The phonological
typology of language games shows that the two most common types of games are
syllable transpositions and phoneme insertions in one or more locations in a word (Botne
& Davis 2000). On the other hand, reversal does not exist cross-linguistically. The
ludlings in Arara fit in this typology, since they are built up mainly through the insertion
of one ludling per word. It is noteworthy that what belongs to ordinary languages is more
common in the ludlings and what does not belong to ordinary languages is rarer among
the ludlings. If syllable reversal is not exploited in common languages, it will not be
widely used in the ludlings. On the other hand, if addition is common among the
languages of the world, it will be used in ludlings. Indeed, addition is the main process by
which Arara speakers form their ludlings (eleven, out of thirteen).
Bagemihl (p. 711) states that “ludlings are an integral part of the human linguistic
capacity and as such, an integral part of linguistic theory”. In other words, linguistic
53
I did not do an exhaustive search on this.
39
theory has the necessary tools to analyze the ludlings around the world. I illustrate this
using the thirteen different ludlings I found in the Arara society.
4.2
Presentation of Data
Some Arara elders from Laranjal village use ludlings to address different pets. These
ludlings occur mainly with nominal words, like nouns. But they are also attested in verbs,
phrases, and sentences, although only one man knows all thirteen ludlings and can use
them in sentences. They are built through the addition of affixes to the base words of the
Arara language. To form a ludling in Arara the attachment of only one affix is necessary.
This affix can be a prefix, a suffix, an infix, or a suprafix. Among these, only the first two
affixes occur in the normal Arara language. The last two are specific to the ludlings.
These ludlings include vowel nasalization (V → Ṽ), vowel delition (V-V → V∅), and
changes in consonant manner of articulation (/ɾ/ → /l/), tap deletion ((/ɾ/ → ∅),
consonant replacement (C(C) → pt), changes in vowel quality (V → æ), etc. These
changes will be exemplified and discussed below. For now I present the pets and the
ludlingants relating to them:
40
Table 3: Pets’ Names and Ludlingants
English
capuchin monkey
titi monkey
large birds: chicken, duck,
Brazilian merganser, guan
and curassow
d. trumpeter, woodpecker
e. coati
f. agouti
g. peccary, dog
h. small birds: macaw, parrot,
orange-cheeked, parakeet
i. toucan
j. spider monkey
k. squirrel monkey
l. howler monkey
m. tortoise
a.
b.
c.
Arara
/tawɛ/
/kuʧamit/
/ʧaɾina/54, /mak kɛni/,
/jaɾambi/, /wɔɡaɾaum/,
/pawi/
/waɾakina/, /iɛbɛɾɛbɯɾɯ/
/ʧiɾuka/
/jaɡuɾi/
/abiana/, /wɔkɔɾi/
/kaɾa, awɯ, kaɾaja, kaɾaum/,
/ʧaɾɔkʧaɾɔ/, /kui/, /ɛɾidak/
/tɯapkɔ, pilik, kaɡak, ʧirɔ/
/wɔŋɔum/
/ʧamit/
/aɾun/
/jɔɾu/
Ludlingant
infix /-ɡV-/
prefix /idi-/
prefix /wi-/
prefix /pɔ-/
prefix /nɯ-/
prefix /pi-/
prefix /tɔ-/
prefix /ɛŋna-/
prefix /ɛŋnaɾa-/55
prefix /un-/
infix /-pt-/
vowel nasalization
murmuring the whole
base word and lowering
and/or fronting the first
vowel, some vowels, or
even all of the vowels
from the base language;
the optimal segment to be
achieved is the low front
vowel [æ]
The Arara ludlings have as their label in Arara [ilumbanbɔt] ‘to make tongue’ (i-lumban-bɔt = 3Abs-tongue-Verb-Purp). The Arara people do not use the word for tongue as
a metaphor for language, except in these ludlings. The term they use for language/speech
is [wɔɾunduŋɔ]. The Arara ludlings have the same inventory of phonemes that is found in
the normal language. Each ludling will now be presented in detail.
4.2.1
Capuchin Monkey Talk
Capuchin monkeys are called tawɛ in Arara. The ludling for this species of monkey is
labeled in Arara tawɛ lumbanbɔt ‘to make the tongue of a capuchin monkey’. There are
54
Borrowed word from Portuguese: galinha.
55
The two prefixes /eŋna-/ and /eŋnaɾa-/ appear to be completely unrelated to each other. That is, the last
syllable made up of /ɾa-/ does not occur as an independent morpheme elsewhere in the language.
41
two steps to build the capuchin monkey ludling: (a) a morphological process that consists
of adding the infix /-ɡV-/ right after the base word’s last vowel, where the V is a vowel
without underlying feature specifications, copying the phonological features of the last
vowel from the word; and (b) a replacement of /ɾ/ by /l/.56 Examples in (104) below show
the ludlingant /-ɡV-/ added to base words ending in a consonant.
(104) a. ɛduɛt
ɛduɛɡɛt
‘his hammock’
b. ibam
ibaɡam
‘his illegitimate father’
c. kɔk
kɔɡɔk
‘night, evening’
d. ɔɛt
ɔɛɡɛt
‘rubber tree, plastic’
e. pɔɾat
pɔlaɡat
‘a catfish’
Examples in (105) show this same ludling added to base words ending in a vowel.
(105) a. aɛ
aɛɡɛ
‘a wasp’
57
b. nu
nuɡu
‘abcess, tumor’
c. ibaɾa
ibalaɡa
‘no, nothing’
d. paɾu
paluɡu
‘water’
e. kuɾi
kuliɡi
‘bead’
f. pɔu
pɔuɡu
‘small peccary’
g. ikpa
ikpaɡa
‘mud’
h. muni
muniɡi
‘my brother’
This ludlingant, like the other ones, can occur within polymorphemic words, such as
nouns, verbs, adjectives, and even auxiliaries, as can be seen in (106) below (see
Appendices 3 and 4).
(106) a.
kɔkɔ-ŋmɔ
uncle-Pl
b. k-ɔd-ɛmia-ɡuɾuɡɛ-da
1Erg-Refl-hand-wash-Near
c.
tɔɾik-kom-bɛ
big-Pl-Adjr
kɔkɔŋmɔɡɔ
‘uncles’
kɔdɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛdaɡa
‘I am going to wash
my own hand (near)’
‘they are big’
tɔlɛkombɛɡɛ58
56
This is the same kind of change that occurs in baby talk (see the introduction to this chapter).
57
The phonetic representation for this example is [nu]. A glottal stop is added to a CV content word when
spoken in isolation. The glottal stop is not a phoneme in Arara.
58
Here the speaker changed the /i/ of /tɔrik/ to [e].
42
d.
kɔɡɔlone [n-iʧ-a]
tomorrow [Abs-Aux-Perm]
kɔɡɜlone [niʧaɡah]59
‘leave it for
tomorrow’
It can be seen above that the ludlingant /-ɡV-/ occurs word-finally in polymorphemic
words that end in open syllables, as it does in monomorphemic ones. However, there is
one exception with the suffix for deceased beings: /-mgeni/. Here the suffix comes after
the ludlingant:
(107) papa-mɡeni
father-deceased
papaɡamɡeni60
‘my deceased father’
This probably happens because the meaning of the suffix refers to the whole word,
including the ludlingant. In the general case, it is the ludlingant that seems to have scope
over the whole word. Besides occurring in polymorphemic words, the ludlings in general
also occur in larger linguistic structures, such as sentences.
O
V
Oblique
in-wɔ-tke-lɯ
kɔɡɔnŋe-ɡe
taukala-ɡa
bɔk
(108) kala-ɡa
macaw.(sp.)-LUD 1Erg-kill-Iter-Rec yesterday-LUD inga.tree-LUD on
‘I repeatedly killed macaws yesterday in the inga tree’
S
AP
tɔɾik-kɔm-bɛ-ɡɛ tahiɛ61 kumɯk
(109) taupa-ɡa
banana.(sp.)-LUD big-Pl-Adjr-LUD very Rem
‘the bananas were very big’
As can be seen in (108) and (109) above, the changes triggered by the ludlingant only
occur within the scope of a word, and thus do not affect the surrounding words,
phonologically speaking. It can also be seen that the ludling sentences follow the same
59
Here the speaker changed the second /ɔ/ of /kɔgɔlone/ to [ɜ]; this variation in common among some of
the Arara speakers. He also added an extra [h] at the end of the utterance. Instead of the fricative, Arara
speakers optionally use the stop []. This process of adding a glottal at the end of an utterance is very
common in normal speech.
60
There is another example similar to this one in our data: /uɡ-ɛnba-ɡa-n-ɡom/ (12Abs-food-LUD-Poss-Pl)
‘it is our food’ (see Appendix 4, example (11)).
61
In this sentence the speaker did not change the /ɾ/ into [l] in the stem [tɔɾik]; he also changed the /ɡ/ into
/h/: /taɡie/ → [tahie].
43
grammatical structures of the Arara base language. For example, sentence (108) shows
ergativity (see Section 3.2.2) and OV word order (see Section 3.2.3). It can also be seen
that within a verbal sentence like (108), only the object has a ludlingant attached to it, but
not the verb. On the other hand, the adverbial complements have a ludlingant attached to
them. However, the attachment of a ludlingant to an adverbial phrase seems to be
optional, since there is one example where there is no ludlingant attached to it: /kɔɡɜlonɛ
n-iʧ-a-ɡah/ ‘leave it for tomorrow’ (Appendix 4, example (19)). The grammatical word
/bɔk/ does not have a ludlingant attached to it. Within a stative sentence, such as (109)
above, both the subject and the adjectival predicate have a ludlingant attached to them,
but not the adverb of intensity /tagie/ nor the tense marker /gumɯk/. The general data
above show that this ludlingant occurs with all syllable types:
(110) a.
V
pɔ.u
pɔuɡu
‘small peccary’
nuɡu
‘abcess, tumor’
b. CV
nu
c.
VC
ɛ.du.ɛt
ɛduɛɡɛt
‘hammock’
d. CVC i.bam
ibaɡam
‘his illegitimate father’
In terms of this specific ludling which adds the infix /-ɡV-/ to a base word, according
to Bagemihl (1996:699) the addition of affixes, and vowel copying, are common
phenomena among the languages of the world.
4.2.2
Duski Titi Monkey Talk
Duski titi monkeys are called [kuʧamit] in Arara. The ludling for these species of
monkeys is labeled in Arara [kuʧamit lumbanbɔt] ‘to make the tongue of a duski titi
monkey’. The morphological process used by the Arara people to build the duski titi
monkey’s ludling is the addition of the prefix [idi-] to the stem of the base language form,
where it has a /d/ before an /i/, which is a rare sequence in the Arara base language (see
Section 3.1.1). Here are some examples with the ludlingant /idi-/:
44
(111) a.
b.
c.
nu
wɔt
kɔk
idinu
idiwɔt
idiɡɔk62
‘abcess, tumor’
‘fish’
‘night, evening’
We can see in the data above that there is no morphophonological process when [idi-]
is attached to a monosyllabic word. Similarly, in some words starting with a CV syllable
and where the next vowel of the stem is different from the vowel of this first CV syllable,
there is no morphophonological process resulting from the addition of [idi-].
(112) a. malɔn
idimalon
‘that’s okay’
b. muni
idimuni
‘my brother’
c. ʧɛlɯ
idiʧɛlɯ
‘my sister’
d. kɯdɛn
idikɯdɛn
‘cassava’63
e. piluŋɔ
idipiluŋɔ
‘bird hind quarter’
f. pɔu
idibɔu
‘small peccary’
However, in a few stems with these same characteristics, there is deletion of the first
CV syllable as a result of adding [idi-].
(113) a. idi-taupa
→ idi-∅∅upa
b. idi-nabiɔt
→ idi-∅∅biɔt
[idiupa]
[idibiɔt]
‘a banana’
‘sweet potato’
On the other hand, if a stem starts with a CV(C) syllable and the next vowel of the
stem has the same backness as the first vowel of this CV(C) syllable, then deletion
(haplology) extends to the vowel of this syllable: /idi-V[αback](C)CV[αback](C)/ →
[idi∅∅(C)CV].
(114) a. /idi-jeme/
b. /idi-kɔkɔ/
c. /idi-papa/
d. /idi-pɔmu/
e. /idi-kutkut/
f. /idi-womjum/
62
→
→
→
→
→
→
idi-∅∅me
idi-∅∅kɔ
idi-∅∅pa
idi-∅∅mu
idi-∅∅tkut
idi-∅∅mjum
[idime]
[idikɔ]
[idipa]
[idimu]
[iditkut]
[idimium]64
‘mom, my mother’
‘my uncle’
‘dad’
‘beetle (sp.)’
‘night monkey’
‘banana (generic)’
The variation between [kɔk] and [idi-gɔk] is better analyzed as a devoicing process than a voicing
process (see Section 3.1.1, examples (21) and (22)).
63
Other examples from Appendix 3 are: /muɾɛi/ → [idimuɾei] ‘bench’, /pɛɾa/ → [idibeɾa] ‘a fruit’, /pɯɾak/
→ [idibɯɾak] ‘an arrow’, and /pɔɾat/ → [idibɔɾat] ‘a catfish’.
64
Phonetically speaking, the /j/ turns into the vowel [i], here and elsewhere.
45
As seen in (114e-f) this deletion process does not extend to a coda of a vowel to be
deleted. Furthermore, there seem to be exceptions to the deletion process, since a vowel
with the same backness as another one in the following syllable is not deleted in a few
stems:
(115) a.
b.
c.
/kamap/
/wakat/
/manaŋ/
[idikamap]
[idiwakat]
[idimanaŋ]
‘gourd container’
‘alligator, cayman’
‘a coconut bug’
There are other examples with fluctuation, such as /kaɾa/ ‘macaw (type of)’, where
the speaker once said /idiɡaɾa/ and another time /idiaɾa/. If the stem starts with a vowel,
this vowel is deleted: /idi-V/ → [idi∅]. Examples are given below:
(116) a. idi-ae
→ idi-∅e
[idie]
‘wasp (sp.)’
b. idi-abat
→ idi-∅bat
[idibat]
‘manioc bread’
c. idi-amuɾu
→ idi-∅muɾu
[idimuɾu]
‘his/her drink’
d. idi-ɛmiaɾɯ
→ idi-∅miaɾɯ
[idimiaɾɯ]
‘his/her hand’
e. idi-ɯpɯ
→ idi-∅pɯ
[idipɯ]
‘yam’
A similar phonological phenomenon occurs in the Arara normal language, as seen in
Section 3.1.4 (specifically, Progressive Vowel Deletion), where the second vowel is
deleted in a vowel sequence. Again, if the vowel to be deleted in the ludling form has a
coda, the coda is not subject to deletion:
(117) a. idi-ɛnbɛn
→ idi-∅nbɛn
b. idi-ikpa
→ idi-∅kpa
c. idi-ɔtpidɔ
→ idi-∅tpidɔ
[idinben]
[idikpa]
[iditpidɔ]
‘penis’
‘mud’
‘armadillo’
As can be seen in (107), a consonant in coda position preserves its voicing feature
after the deletion process. If the vowel to be deleted is followed by a non-final syllable
starting with an /ɾ/, the deletion extends to this syllable.
(118) ɔɾɛmi
idi-ɔɾɛmi
→ idi-∅∅∅mi [idimi]
‘a fish’
For now, only (118) was found as an example. If the /ɾ/-syllable occurs at the end of
the (first) stem, it will not be subject to the deletion process, as can be seen in (119)
below:
46
(119) a.
b.
c.
d.
idi-kuɾɔ-kuɾɔ65
idi-kuɾɛ-p
idi-wɯɾɯ-pɛ
idi-tɔɾik-kɔm-bɛ
→
→
→
→
idi-∅∅ɾɔ-kuɾɔ
idi-∅∅ɾɛ-p
idi-∅∅ɾɯp-pɛ
idi-∅∅ɾik-kɔm-bɛ
[idiɾɔkuɾɔ]
[idiɾep]
[idiɾɯpɛ]
[idiɾikombɛ]
‘a bird’
‘it is good’
‘it is bad’
‘they are big’
This ludlingant, like the other ones, can occur within polymorphemic words, such as
nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs, as can be seen in (120) below (see Appendices 3
and 4).
(120) a.
b.
c.
d.
i-ɛnma-n
1Abs-path-Poss
k-ɔd-ɛmia-ɡuɾuɡɛ-da
1Erg-Refl-hand-wash-Near
tɔɾik-kom-bɛ
big-Pl-Adjr
kɔɡɔlɔnɛ n-iʧ-a
tomorrow Abs-Aux-Perm
idinman
‘my path’
idimiaɡuɾuɡɛda
‘I am going to wash
my own hand (near)’
‘it is big’
idiɾikɔmbɛ
idiɡɜlɜnɛ niʧɜ66
‘leave it for
tomorrow’
It can be seen above that the ludlingant /idi-/ occurs word-initially in polymorphemic
words, as it does in monomorphemic ones. In (120a and b) the deletion process goes over
the vowel of the prefix and is extended to the first vowel of the stem, deleting two
vowels. In monomorphemic words (see example (116a) above) the deletion process
deletes only one vowel, not extending deletion over the second vowel of the stem. In
(120a and b) the deletion acts completely over the personal and reflexive prefixes. The
example below also shows the complete deletion of a prefix:
(121) ugu-pʧi-n-ɡɔm
idipʧinɡɔm
‘our (incl.) leg’
12Abs-leg-Poss-Pl
As happens with /-ɡV-/, the ludling /idi-/ also occur in larger linguistic structures,
such as sentences.
O
V
Oblique
(122) idi-aɾa
in-wɔ-tkɛ-lɯ
idi-ɡɔnŋɛ
idi-ukaɾa
bɔk
LUD-macaw.(sp.) 1Erg-kill-Iter-Rec LUD-yesterday LUD-inga.tree on
‘I repeatedly killed macaws yesterday in the inga tree’
65
Word formed through reduplication.
66
Here there is a variation with the vowel: /a/ → [ɜ].
47
S
AP
(123) idi-upa
tɜɾik-kom-bɛ tɜ(ɡiɛ)
LUD-banana big-Pl-Adjr very
‘the bananas are very big’
Again, as triggered by the ludling /-ɡV-/, the changes triggered by /idi-/ only occur
within the scope of a word, and thus do not affect the surrounding words, phonologically
speaking. The same occurs in terms of grammatical structures, following the patterns of
the base language. Some words that start with a voiceless stop in the Arara base language
preserve their voiceless nature after the addition of the ludlingant /idi-/, while others do
not, changing from voiceless to the corresponding voiced counterparts, as can be seen
below:
(124) a.
b.
piluŋɔ
pɔu
idipiluŋɔ
idibɔu
‘bird hind quarter’
‘small peccary’
(125) a.
b.
kɯdɛn
kɔʧi
idikɯdɛn
idiɡɔʧi
‘cassava’
‘a fish’
As can be seen in (124a) and (125a) above, neither [p] nor [k] voices after the
addition of /idi-/. However, in examples (124b) and (125b), both [p] and [k] voice after
this ludlingant. Therefore, the variation between [p] and [b], and [k] and [ɡ] is better
explained as a devoicing process (utterance-initially) than a voicing process after a vowel
across a morpheme boundary. This same kind of devoicing process is found in the Arara
base language (see Section 3.1.1, examples (21) and (22)). There is no example showing
this variation between the alveolar stops [t] and [d]. Only the voiceless counterpart occurs
in this environment.
(126) a.
takɯi
b. tawɛ
c.
tamɡɔ
d. tuktɔ
iditakɯi
iditawɛ
iditamɡɔ
idituktɔ
‘manioc flour’
‘capuchin monkey’
‘old man, grandfather’
‘cultivated field’
Absence in the variation of voicing between the alveolar stops may be due to limited
data. This same absence of variation is also present among the affricates [ʧ] and [ʤ], but
48
this is expected from the base language, where an affricate does not voice after a vowel.
It voices only after a nasal consonant (see Section 3.1.1, examples (12)). The general data
show that the ludlingant /idi-/ occurs with all syllable types:
(127) a.
V
a.ɛ
idiɛ
‘a wasp’
b. CV
kɯ.dɛn
idikɯdɛn
‘cassava’
c.
VC
ik.pa
idikpa
‘a fish’
d. CVC kut.kut
iditkut
‘night monkey’
All the ludlings formed by prefixation, except for /un-/, such as /idi-/, /wi-/, /pɔ-/,
/nɯ-/, /pi-/, /tɔ-/, /ɛŋna-/, and /ɛŋnaɾa-/, work in similar ways in terms of phonological
processes, mainly the last seven ones that have the syllabic shape CV.
4.2.3
Large Bird Talk
Large birds, including chickens, muscovy ducks, Brazilian mergansers, guans, and
curassows are, respectively, called [ʧaɾina], [bakeni], [jaɾambi] [wogaɾaum], and [pawi]
in Arara. The ludling for these species of large birds is labeled in Arara [ʧaɾina, bakeni,
jaɾambi, wogaɾaum, pawi bene lumbanbɔt] ‘to make the tongue of chickens, muscovy
ducks, Brazilian mergansers, guans, and curassows’. The morphological process used by
the Arara people to build these large birds’ ludling is the addition of the /wi-/ prefix.
(128) a. nu
winu
‘abcess, tumor’
b. wɔt
wiwɔt
‘fish’
c. kɔk
wiɡɔk
‘night, evening’
The phonological patterns of this ludling work almost exactly the same way as those
of the ludling /idi-/. See section 4.2.2 (Duski Titi Monkeys Talk) for a description of
these phonological patterns, which are analogous to that ludling. Thus the data in (128)
show examples of the /wi-/ ludling in monosyllabic words. In (129) below there are
examples of this ludling attached to polysyllabic words, resulting in a haplology process:
/wi-(C)V/ → [wi(∅)∅].
(129) a. wi-aɛ
b. wi-taupa
c. wi-ɔɛt
→ wi-∅ɛ
→ wi-∅∅upa
→ wi-∅ɛt
49
[wie]
[wiupa]
[wiet]
‘a wasp’
‘a banana’
‘rubber tree’
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
wi-abat
wi-onat
wi-jɛmɛ
wi-pɔmu
wi-ɔɾɛmi
wi-muni
→
→
→
→
→
→
wi-∅bat
wi-∅nat
wi-∅∅mɛ
wi-∅∅mu
wi-∅ɾɛmi
wi-∅∅ni
[wibat]
[winat]
[wime]
[wimu]
[wiɾemi]
[wini]
‘manioc bread’
‘corn’
‘mom, my mother’
‘a beetle’
‘a fish’
‘my brother’
It is interesting to note that example (129h) shows that /wi-/ triggers a different
phonemic process than the ludlingant /idi-/ above. The /idi-/ extends deletion to the next
syllable with an /ɾ/-onset (see example (118) above); /wi-/ does not extend deletion to this
/ɾ/-initial syllable. On the other hand, similar to /idi-/, here this deletion process does not
extend to the coda of a vowel to be deleted.
(130) a. wi-ɛnbɛn
→ wi-∅nbɛn
b. wi-ikpa
→ wi-∅kpa
c. wi-ɔtpidɔ
→ wi-∅tpidɔ
d. wi-kutkut
→ wi-∅∅tkut
e. wi-womjum → wi-∅∅mjum
[winben]
[wikpa]
[witpidɔ]
[witkut]
[wimium]
‘his penis’
‘mud’
‘armadillo’
‘night monkey’
‘banana’
This ludlingant, as /idi-/ and the other ludlings, can occur within polymorphemic
words, such as nouns, verbs, and adjectives, as can be seen in (131) below (see
Appendices 3 and 4).
(131) a.
i-ɛnma-n
1Abs-path-Poss
b. k-ɔd-ɛmia-ɡuɾuɡɛ-da
1Erg-Refl-hand-wash-Near
c.
in-dɛkɛ-lɯ
1Erg-write-Rec
d. tɔɾik-kɔm-bɛ
big-Pl-Adjr
winman
‘my path’
widɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
windɛkɛlɯ
‘I am going to wash
my own hand (near)’
‘I wrote it’
wɛɾik-kɔm-bɛ67
‘they are big’
Unlike the ludling /idi-/, the deletion here does not act over the personal and reflexive
prefixes, only over the first CV syllable, as in (131b) above. But like /idi-/, it deletes
identical vowels in a prefix:
(132) ugu-pʧi-n-ɡɔm
12Abs-leg-Poss-Pl
67
wipʧinɡɔm
‘our (incl.) leg’
Here the speaker changed /wi-/ to [we-] ‘LUD’, in a dissimilation process.
50
In terms of exceptions, in a couple of words starting with a bilabial consonant, no
deletion occurs:
(133) a.
pɔu
b. pɔɾat
wibɔu
wibɔɾat
*wiu
*wiɾat
‘small peccary’
‘catfish’
There are similar examples where the deletion process does apply:
(134) a.
pɯɾak
wiɾak
‘arrow (type of)’
b. pɛɾa
wiɾa
‘fruit (type of)’
As the /idi-/ ludling, /wi-/ also occurs in sentences, following the parameters of the
base language.
O
V
Oblique
in-wɔ-tkɛ-lɯ
wi-ɡɔnŋɛ
wi-ukaɾa
bɔk
(135) wi-ɾa
LUD-macaw.(sp.) 1Erg-kill-Iter-Rec LUD-yesterday LUD-inga.tree on
‘I repeatedly killed macaws yesterday in the inga tree’
S
AP
wi-ɾik-kɔm-bɛ da(ɡiɛ)
(136) wi-upa
LUD-banana.(sp.) LUD-big-Pl-Adjr very
‘the bananas are very big’
The ludlingant /wi-/, as does /idi-/, also demonstrates the devoicing process of stops.
(137) a.
piluŋɔ
wipiluŋɔ
‘bird hind quarter’
b. pɔu
wibɔu
‘small peccary’
It was seen that in the /idi-/ ludling there is no example of variation of voicing
between the alveolar stops [t] and [d]. With /wi-/, in addition to [t] and [d], there is also
no example showing variation of voicing between the velar [k] and [ɡ], mainly because of
the deletion process over the CV syllable word-initially, such as in the following
examples:
(138) a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
takɯi
tawɛ
tamɡɔ
tuktɔ
kɯdɛn
kɔʧi
wikɯi
wiwɛ
wimɡɔ
wiktɔ
widɛn
wiʧi
‘manioc flour’
‘capuchin monkey’
‘old man, grandfather’
‘cultivated field’
‘cassava’
‘a fish’
This deletion process is also true of the palatal affricate [ʧ].
51
(139) a.
b.
ʧɛlɯ
ʧamit
wilɯ
wimit
‘sister’
‘squirrel monkey’
The general data also show that this ludling occurs with all syllable types.
(140) a.
V
a.ɛ
wiɛ
‘a wasp’
b. CV
kɯ.dɛn
widɛn
‘cassava’
c.
VC
ik.pa
wikpa
‘mud’
d. CVC kut.kut
witkut
‘night monkey’
4.2.4
Trumpeter and Woodpecker Talk
Trumpeters and woodpeckers are, respectively, called [waɾakina] and [iebɛɾɛbɯɾɯ]
in Arara. The ludling for these species of animals is labeled in Arara [waɾakina
iebɛɾɛbɯɾɯ bene lumbanbɔt] ‘to make the tongue of the trumpeters and woodpeckers’.
The morphological process used by the Arara people to build the trumpeters’ and
woodpeckers’ ludling is the addition of a /pɔ-/ prefix.
(141) a. nu
pɔnu
b. wɔt
pɔwɔt
c. kɔk
pɔɡɔk
‘abcess, tumor’
‘fish’
‘night, evening’
The phonological patterns of this ludling work almost exactly the same way as those
of the /idi-/ and /wi-/ ludlings. However, it is much more similar to the patterns of the
/wi-/ ludling (see Section 4.2.3). Thus, example (141) illustrates the ludlingant /pɔ-/ in
monosyllabic words. In (142) below there are examples of this ludling attached to
polysyllabic words, resulting in the haplology process: /pɔ-(C)V/ → [pɔ(∅)∅]. Here are
some examples:
(142) a. pɔ-aɛ
b. pɔ-taupa
c. pɔ-ɔɛt
d. pɔ-abat
e. pɔ-ɔnat
f. pɔ-jɛmɛ
g. pɔ-pɔmu
68
→
→
→
→
→
→
→
pɔ-∅ɛ
pɔ-∅∅upa
pɔ-∅ɛt
pɔ-∅bat
pɔ-∅nat
pɔ-∅∅mɛ
pɔ-∅∅mu
[pɔɛ]
[pɔupa]
[pɔet]
[pɔbat]
[pɔnat]
[pɔmɛ]
[pɔmu]68
‘a wasp’
‘a banana’
‘rubber tree’
‘manioc bread’
‘corn’
‘mom, my mother’
‘a beetle’
Here the word resulting after the addition of the ludlingant is coincident with the base Word. Therefore,
there is a homonym process between the base language and this ludling, in this case.
52
h.
i.
j.
pɔ-ɔɾɛmi
pɔ-kuɾɔ-kuɾɔ
pɔ-muni
→ pɔ-∅ɾɛmi
→ pɔ-∅∅ɾɔ-kuɾɔ
→ pɔ-∅∅ni
[pɔɾemi]
[pɔɾɔkuɾɔ]
[pɔni]
‘a fish’
‘a bird’
‘my brother’
Like /wi-/, this ludlingant does not extend deletion to an /ɾ/-initial syllable (see
Section 4.2.3). And like all the other (V)CV prefixed ludlings, it does not extend deletion
to the coda of a vowel to be deleted.
(143) a. pɔ-ɛnbɛn
→ pɔ-∅nbɛn
b. pɔ-ikpa
→ pɔ-∅kpa
c. pɔ-ɔtpidɔ
→ pɔ-∅tpidɔ
d. pɔ-kutkut
→ pɔ-∅∅tkut
e. pɔ-womjum → pɔ-∅∅mjum
[pɔnben]
[pɔkpa]
[pɔtpidɔ]
[pɔtkut]
[pɔmium]
‘his penis’
‘mud’
‘armadillo’
‘night monkey’
‘banana’
This ludlingant, like the other ones, can occur within polymorphemic words, such as
nouns, verbs, and adjectives, as can be seen in (144) below (see Appendices 3 and 4).
(144) a.
i-ɛnma-n
pɔnman
‘my path’
1Abs-path-Poss
b. k-ɔd-ɛmia-ɡuɾuɡɛ-da
pɔdɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
‘I am going to wash
my own hand (near)’
1Erg-Refl-hand-wash-Near
c.
in-dɛkɛ-lɯ
pɔndɛkɛlɯ
‘I wrote it’
1Erg-write-Rec
d. tɔɾik-kɔm-bɛ
pɔɾik-kɔm-bɛ
‘they are big’
big-Pl-Adjr
Like the ludling /wi-/, and unlike /idi-/, the deletion here does not act over the
personal and reflexive prefixes, only over the first CV syllable of the word, as in (144b)
above. But unlike /idi-/ and /wi-/, it does not delete identical vowels in a prefix:
(145) ugu-pʧi-n-ɡɔm
pɔgɔpʧinɡɔm69
‘our (incl.) leg’
12Abs-leg-Poss-Pl
Like /wi-/, there are exceptions to the deletion process (/pɔ-(C)V/ → [pɔ(∅)∅]):
(146) a. pɔu
pɔbɔu
*pɔu
‘small peccary’
b. pɔɾat
pɔbɔɾat
*pɔɾat
‘catfish’
There are similar examples where the deletion process does apply:
(147) a.
pɯɾak
pɔɾak
‘an arrow’
b. pɛɾa
pɔɾa
‘a fruit’
69
Here the expected form is [pɔgupʧingom]; or better yet, [pɔpʧingom], deleting the whole prefix /ugu-/,
as occurs with the other ludlings.
53
Like the two previous ludlings formed by prefixation (/idi-/ and /wi-/), this ludling
also occurs in sentences, following the parameters of the base language.
O
V
Oblique
(148) pɔ-ɾa
in-wɔ-tkɛ-lɯ
pɔ-ɡɔnŋɛ
pɔ-ukaɾa
bɔk
LUD-macaw.(sp.) 1Erg-kill-Iter-Rec LUD-yesterday LUD-inga.tree on
‘I repeatedly killed macaws yesterday in the inga tree’
S
AP
(149) pɔ-upa
pɔ-ɾik-kom-bɛ taɡiɛ
LUD-banana.(sp.) LUD-big-Pl-Adjr very
‘the bananas are very big’
And like /idi-/ and /wi-/, this ludling also demonstrates the devoicing process of stops.
(150) a.
piluŋɔ
pɔpiluŋɔ
‘bird hind quarter’
b. pɔu
pɔbɔu
‘small peccary’
And like /wi-/, there is no example showing variation of voicing between the alveolar
[t] and [d], and velar [k] and [ɡ], mainly because of the deletion process over the CV
syllable word-initially, such as in the following examples:
(151) a.
takɯi
pɔkɯi
b. tawɛ
pɔwɛ
c.
tamɡɔ
pɔmɡɔ
d. tuktɔ
pɔktɔ
e.
kɯdɛn
pɔdɛn
f.
kɔʧi
pɔʧi
‘manioc flour’
‘capuchin monkey’
‘old man, grandfather’
‘cultivated field’
‘cassava’
‘a fish’
This deletion process is also true of the palatal affricate [ʧ]:
(152) a.
ʧɛlɯ
pɔlɯ
‘sister’
b. ʧamit
pɔmit
‘squirrel monkey’
Like the other ludlings, the general data show that this ludling occurs with all syllable
types:
(153) a.
b.
c.
d.
4.2.5
V
CV
VC
CVC
a.e
kɯ.dɛn
ik.pa
kut.kut
pɔe
pɔdɛn
pɔkpa
pɔtkut
‘a wasp’
‘cassava’
‘mud’
‘night monkey’
Coati Talk
Coatis are called [ʧiɾuka] in Arara. The ludling for this species of animal is labeled in
Arara [ʧiɾuka lumbanbɔt] ‘to make the tongue of the coati’. The morphological process
54
used by the Arara people to build the coati’s ludling is the addition of a /nɛ-/ or /nɯ-/
prefix.70
(154) a.
b.
c.
nu
wɔt
kɔk
nɯnu
nɯwɔt
nɯɡɔk
‘abcess, tumor’
‘fish’
‘night, evening’
The phonological patterns of this ludling work almost exactly the same way as those
of the prefixed ludlings already presented. However, it is much more similar to the
patterns of those ludlings formed of two phonemes, such as /wi-/ and /pɔ-/ (see Sections
4.2.3 and 4.2.4). Thus, example (154) illustrates the ludlingant /nɯ-/ in monosyllabic
words. In (155) below there are examples of this ludling attached to polysyllabic words,
resulting in a haplology process: /nɯ-(C)V/ → [nɯ∅∅]. Here are some examples:
(155) a. nɯ-aɛ
→ nɯ-∅ɛ
[nɯe]
‘a wasp’
b. nɯ-taupa
→ nɯ-∅∅upa
[nɯupa]
‘a banana’
c. nɯ-ɔɛt
→ nɯ-∅ɛt
[nɯet]
‘rubber tree’
d. nɯ-abat
→ nɯ-∅bat
[nɯbat]
‘manioc bread’
e. nɯ-ɔnat
→ nɯ-∅nat
[nɯnat]
‘corn’
f. nɯ-jɛmɛ
→ nɯ-∅∅mɛ
[nɯme]
‘mom, my mother’
g. nɯ-pɔmu
→ nɯ-∅∅mu
[nɯmu]
‘a beetle’
h. nɯ-ɔɾɛmi
→ nɯ-∅ɾɛmi
[nɯɾemi]
‘a fish’
i. nɯ-kuɾɔ-kuɾɔ
→ nɯ-∅∅ɾɔ-kuɾɔ [nɯɾɔkuɾɔ]
‘a bird’
j. nɯ-muni
→ nɯ-∅∅ni
[nɯni]
‘my brother’
Like the other prefixed ludlings formed of two phonemes, this ludlingant does not
extend deletion to an /ɾ/-initial syllable. And like all the other (V)CV prefixed ludlings, it
does not extend deletion to the coda of a vowel to be deleted.
(156) a. nɯ-ɛnbɛn
→ nɯ-∅nbɛn
[nɯnben]
b. nɯ-ikpa
→ nɯ-∅kpa
[nɯkpa]
c. nɯ-ɔtpidɔ
→ nɯ-∅tpidɔ
[nɯtpidɔ]
d. nɯ-kutkut
→ nɯ-∅∅tkut
[nɯtkut]
e. nɯ-wɔmjum
→ nɯ-∅∅mjum [nɯmium]
‘his penis’
‘mud’
‘armadillo’
‘night monkey’
‘banana’
This ludlingant, like the other ones, can occur within polymorphemic words, such as
nouns, verbs, and adjectives, as can be seen in (157) below (see Appendices 3 and 4).
70
During my latest field work (2010), I collected data mainly with the /nɯ-/ prefix; before that, data were
formed with [ne-]. I will use /nɯ-/ here, since it is the most recent form noted.
55
(157) a.
b.
c.
d.
i-ɛnma-n
1Abs-path-Poss
k-ɔd-ɛmia-ɡuɾuɡɛ-da
1Erg-Refl-hand-wash-Near
in-dɛkɛ-lɯ
1Erg-write-Rec
tɔɾik-kɔm-bɛ
big-Pl-Adjr
nɯnman
‘my path’
nɯdɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
nɯndɛkɛlɯ
‘I am going to wash
my own hand (near)’
‘I wrote it’
nɜɾik-kɔm-bɛ71
‘they are big’
Like the ludlings formed of two phonemes, and unlike /idi-/, the deletion here does
not act over the personal and reflexive prefixes, only over the first CV syllable, as in
(157b) above. And like all of the prefixed ludlings, except for /pɔ-/, the ludlingant here
deletes identical vowels in a prefix:
(158) ugu-pʧi-n-ɡɔm
12Abs-leg-Poss-Pl
nɯpʧinɡɔm
‘our (incl.) leg’
Also like the other prefixed ludlings, there are exceptions to the deletion process
/nɯ-(C)V/ → [nɯ(∅)∅]:
(159) a. pɔu
nɯbɔu
b. pɔɾat
nɯbɔɾat
*nɯu
*nɯɾat
‘small peccary’
‘catfish’
Like the other prefixed ludlings, there are also similar examples where the deletion
process does apply:
(160) a.
pɯɾak
b. pɛɾa
nɯɾak
nɯɾa
‘an arrow’
‘a fruit’
And like all of the ludlings, /nɯ-/ also occurs in sentences, following the parameters
of the base language.
O
V
Oblique
(161) nɯ-ɾa
in-wɔ-tke-lɯ
nɯ-ɡɔnŋe
nɯ-ukaɾa
bɔk
LUD-macaw.(sp.) 1Erg-kill-Iter-Rec LUD-yesterday LUD-inga.tree on
‘I repeatedly killed macaws yesterday in the inga tree’
71
This datum is part of the latest recordings I made, in 2010. The speaker used different forms for this
ludlingant, such as /ni-/, /nɛ-/, /nə-/, etc.
56
S
AP
(162) nə-upa
ne-mi-am
nə-ɾik-kom-be
tah(ie)
LUD-banana.(sp.) LUD-hand-Loc LUD-big-Pl-Adjr very
‘the bananas in his/her hand are very big’
Like the other ludlings, this ludling also shows the devoicing process of stops.
(163) a.
piluŋɔ
nɯpiluŋɔ
‘bird hind quarter’
b. pou
nɯbou
‘small peccary’
And like the ludlings formed of two phonemes, there is no example with variation of
voicing between the alveolar [t] and [d], and velar [k] and [ɡ], mainly because of the
deletion process over the CV syllable word-initially, such as in the following examples:
(164) a.
takɯi
nɯkɯi
‘manioc flour’
b. tawɛ
nɯwɛ
‘capuchin monkey’
c.
tamɡɔ
nɯmɡɔ
‘old man, grandfather’
‘cultivated field’
d. tuktɔ
nɯktɔ
e.
kɯden
nɯden
‘cassava’
f.
kɔʧi
nɯʧi
‘a fish’
Yet, like the other prefixed ludlings formed of two phonemes, there are examples of
deletion of the palatal affricate [ʧ].
(165) a.
ʧɛlɯ
nɯlɯ
b. ʧamit
nɯmit
‘sister’
‘squirrel monkey’
Like the other ludlings, the general data show that this ludling occurs with all syllable
types:
(166) a.
b.
c.
d.
4.2.6
V
CV
VC
CVC
a.e
kɯ.den
ik.pa
kut.kut
nɯe
nɯden
nɯkpa
nɯtkut
‘a wasp’
‘cassava’
‘mud’
‘night monkey’
Agouti Talk
Agoutis are called [jaguɾi] in Arara. The ludling for these species of animals is
labeled in Arara [jaguɾi lumbanbɔt] ‘to make the tongue of agoutis’. The morphological
process used by the Arara people to build these animals’ ludling is the addition of a /pi-/
prefix.
(167) a.
b.
c.
nu
wɔt
kɔk
pinu
piwɔt
piɡɔk
57
‘abcess, tumor’
‘fish’
‘night, evening’
The phonological patterns of this ludling work almost exactly the same way as those
of the prefixed ludlings already presented. However, it is much more similar to the
patterns of those ludlings formed of two phonemes (see the ludlings above). Thus,
example (167) illustrates the ludlingant /pi-/ in monosyllabic words. In (168) below there
are examples of this ludling attached to polysyllabic words, resulting in a haplology
process: /pi-(C)V/ → [pi(∅)∅]. Here are some examples:
(168) a. pi-aɛ
→ pi-∅ɛ
[pie]
b. pi-taupa
→ pi-∅∅upa
[piupa]
c. pi-ɔet
→ pi-∅et
[piet]
d. pi-abat
→ pi-∅bat
[pibat]
e. pi-onat
→ pi-∅nat
[pinat]
f. pi-jeme
→ pi-∅∅me
[pime]
g. pi-pɔmu
→ pi-∅∅mu
[pimu]
h. pi-ɔɾemi
→ pi-∅ɾemi
[piɾemi]
i. pi-kuɾɔ-kuɾɔ
→ pi-∅∅ɾɔ-kuɾɔ
[piɾɔkuɾɔ]
j. pi-muni
→ pi-∅∅ni
[pini]
‘a wasp’
‘a banana’
‘rubber tree’
‘manioc bread’
‘corn’
‘mom, my mother’
‘a beetle’
‘a fish’
‘a bird’
‘my brother’
Like other prefixed ludlings formed of two phonemes, this ludlingant does not extend
deletion to an /ɾ/-initial syllable. And like the other (V)CV prefixed ludlings, it does not
extend deletion to the coda of a vowel to be deleted.
(169) a. pi-enben
→ pi-∅nben
[pinben]
b. pi-ikpa
→ pi-∅kpa
[pikpa]
c. pi-ɔtpidɔ
→ pi-∅tpidɔ
[pitpidɔ]
d. pi-kutkut
→ pi-∅∅tkut
[pitkut]
e. pi-womjum
→ pi-∅∅mjum
[pimium]
‘his penis’
‘mud’
‘armadillo’
‘night monkey’
‘banana’
This ludlingant, like any other, can occur within polymorphemic words, such as
nouns, verbs, and adjectives, as can be seen in (170) below (see Appendices 3 and 4).
(170) a.
i-ɛnma-n
pinman
‘my path’
1Abs-path-Poss
b. k-ɔd-ɛmia-ɡuɾuɡɛ-da
pidemiaɡuɾuɡɛda
‘I am going to wash
my own hand (near)’
1Erg-Refl-hand-wash-Near
c.
in-dɛkɛ-lɯ
pindɛkɛlɯ
‘I wrote it’
1Erg-write-Rec
58
d.
tɔɾik-kɔm-bɛ
big-Pl-Adjr
peɾik-kɜm-bɛ72
‘they are big’
Like the ludlings formed of two phonemes, and unlike /idi-/, the deletion here does
not act over the personal and reflexive prefixes, only over the first (C)V syllable. And
like all of the prefixed ludlings, except for /pɔ-/, the ludlingant here deletes identical
vowels in a prefix:
(171) ugu-pʧi-n-ɡɔm
12Abs-leg-Poss-Pl
pipʧinɡɔm
‘our (incl.) leg’
Also like the other prefixed ludlings, there are exceptions to the deletion process
/pi-(C)V/ → [pi(∅)∅]:
(172) a. pɔu
pibɔu
b. pɔɾat
pibɔɾat
c. malɔn
pimalɔn
*piu
*piɾat
*pilɔn
‘small peccary’
‘catfish’
‘that’s okay’
Like the other prefixed ludlings, there are also similar examples where the deletion
does apply:
(173) a.
pɯɾak
b. pɛɾa
piɾak
piɾa
‘an arrow’
‘a fruit’
And like all of the ludlings, /pi-/ also occurs in sentences, following the parameters of
the base language.
O
V
Oblique
in-wɔ-tkɛ-lɯ
pi-ɡɔnŋɛ
pi-ukaɾa
bɔk
(174) pi-ɾa
LUD-macaw.(sp.) 1Erg-kill-Iter-Rec LUD-yesterday LUD-inga.tree on
‘I repeatedly killed macaws yesterday in the inga tree’
Adv:Manner
V
Oblique: Source
(175) pi-pɔɾɛ
taɡiɛ w-ɛbɯ-lɯ
pi-dua-n-dubɔ-p
LUD-empty very 1Erg-arrive-Rec LUD-forest-Ela-Former-now
‘I arrived from the forest without any load’
Like other ludlings, this ludling also shows the devoicing process of stops.
(176) a.
piluŋɔ
pipiluŋɔ
‘bird hind quater’
b. pɔu
pibɔu
‘small peccary’
72
This is a variant of [piɾikombɛ].
59
And like the ludlings formed of two phonemes, there is no example with variation of
voicing between the alveolar [t] and [d], and velar [k] and [ɡ], mainly because of the
deletion process over the CV syllable word-initially, such as in the following examples:
(177) a.
takɯi
pikɯi
‘manioc flour’
b. tawɛ
piwɛ
‘capuchin monkey’
c.
tamɡɔ
pimɡɔ
‘old man, grandfather’
d. tuktɔ
piktɔ
‘cultivated field’
e.
kɯdɛn
pidɛn
‘cassava’
f.
kɔʧi
piʧi
‘a fish’
Yet, like the other prefixed ludlings formed of two phonemes, there are examples of
deletion of the palatal affricate [ʧ].
(178) a.
ʧɛlɯ
pilɯ
b. ʧamit
pimit
‘sister’
‘squirrel monkey’
Like the other ludlings, the general data show that this ludling occurs with all syllable
types:
(179) a.
b.
c.
d.
4.2.7
V
CV
VC
CVC
a.ɛ
kɯ.dɛn
ik.pa
kut.kut
piɛ
pidɛn
pikpa
pitkut
‘a wasp’
‘cassava’
‘mud’
‘night monkey’
Peccary and Dog Talk
Peccaries and dogs are, respectively, called [abianã] and [wɔkɔɾi] in Arara. The
ludling for these species of animals is labeled in Arara [abiana wokɔɾi bene lumbanbɔt]
‘to make the tongue of the peccary and the dog’. The morphological process used by the
Arara people to build the peccary’s and dog’s ludling is the addition of a /tɔ-/ prefix.
(180) a. nu
tɔnu
‘abcess, tumor’
b. wɔt
tɔwɔt
‘fish’
c. kɔk
tɔɡɔk
‘night, evening’
The phonological patterns of this ludling work almost exactly the same way as those
of the prefixed ludlings already analyzed. However, it is much more similar to the
patterns of those ludlings formed of two phonemes (see these ludlings above). Thus,
example (180) illustrates the ludlingant /tɔ-/ in monosyllabic words. In (181) below there
60
are examples of this ludling attached to polysyllabic words, resulting in a haplology
process: /tɔ-(C)V/ → [tɔ(∅)∅]. Here are some examples:
(181) a. tɔ-aɛ
→ tɔ-∅ɛ
[tɔe]
b. tɔ-taupa
→ tɔ-∅∅upa
[tɔupa]
c. tɔ-ɔɛt
→ tɔ-∅ɛt
[tɔet]
d. tɔ-abat
→ tɔ-∅bat
[tɔbat]
e. tɔ-ɔnat
→ tɔ-∅nat
[tɔnat]
f. tɔ-jɛmɛ
→ tɔ-∅∅mɛ
[tɔme]
g. tɔ-pɔmu
→ tɔ-∅∅mu
[tɔmu]
h. tɔ-ɔɾɛmi
→ tɔ-∅ɾɛmi
[tɔɾemi]
i. tɔ-kuɾɔ-kuɾɔ
→ tɔ-∅∅ɾɔ-kuɾɔ
[tɔɾɔkuɾɔ]
j. tɔ-muni
→ tɔ-∅∅ni
[tɔni]
‘a wasp’
‘a banana’
‘rubber tree’
‘manioc bread’
‘corn’
‘mom, my mother’
‘a beetle’
‘a fish’
‘a bird’
‘my brother’
Like the other prefixed ludlings formed of two phonemes, this ludlingant does not
extend deletion to an /ɾ/-initial syllable. And like all the other (V)CV prefixed ludlings, it
does not extend deletion to the coda of a vowel to be deleted.
→ tɔ-∅nbɛn
[tɔnben]
(182) a. tɔ-ɛnbɛn
b. tɔ-ikpa
→ tɔ-∅kpa
[tɔkpa]
c. tɔ-ɔtpidɔ
→ tɔ-∅tpidɔ
[tɔtpidɔ]
d. tɔ-kutkut
→ tɔ-∅∅tkut
[tɔtkut]
e. tɔ-womjum
→ tɔ-∅∅mjum
[tɔmium]
‘his penis’
‘mud’
‘armadillo’
‘night monkey’
‘banana’
The haplology process triggered by the ludlingant /tɔ-/ seems not to apply in base
words starting with labial consonants:73
(183) a. wɔtɔmɔ
→ /tɔ-wotomo/
b. wakat
→ /tɔ-wakat/
c. mɯda
→ /tɔ-mɯda/
d. mɯta
→ /tɔ-mɯta/
e. muni
→ /tɔ-muni/
f. manaŋ
→ /tɔ-manaŋ/
g. pɔu
→ tɔ-pɔu
h. pɔɾat
→ tɔ-pɔɾat
[tɔwɔtɔmɔ̃]
[tɔwakat]
[tɔmɯda]
[tɔmɯta]
[tɔmuni]74
[tɔmanaŋ]
[tɔbou]
[tɔbɔɾat]
‘tapir’
‘alligator, cayman’
‘waitǃ’
‘a monkey’
‘brother’
‘a coconut bug’
‘small peccary’
‘catfish’
There are similar examples, with bilabial stops, where the deletion process does
apply:
73
But there are exceptions, such as: /tɔ-womjum/ → tɔ-∅∅mjum [tɔmium] ‘banana’ (see example (182e)).
74
However, see example (181j) above, where we have the form [tɔni] for this ludling.
61
(184) a.
b.
pɯɾak
pɛɾa
tɔɾak
tɔɾa
‘an arrow’
‘a fruit’
This ludlingant, like any other, can occur within polymorphemic words, such as
nouns, verbs, and adjectives, as can be seen in (185) below (see Appendices 3 and 4).
(185) a.
i-ɛnma-n
tɔnman
‘my path’
1Abs-path-Poss
b. k-ɔd-ɛmia-ɡuɾuɡɛ-da
tɔdɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
‘I am going to wash
my own hand (near)’
1Erg-Refl-hand-wash-Near
c.
in-dɛkɛ-lɯ
tɔndɛkɛlɯ
‘I wrote it’
1Erg-write-Rec
d. tɔɾik-kɔm-bɛ
tɔɾik-kɔm-bɛ
‘they are big’
big-Pl-Adjr
Like the ludlings formed of two phonemes, and unlike /idi-/, the deletion here does
not act over the personal and reflexive prefixes, only over the first CV syllable, as in
(185b) above. And like all of the prefixed ludlings, except for /pɔ-/, the ludlingant here
deletes identical vowels in a prefix:
(186) ugu-pʧi-n-ɡɔm
12Abs-leg-Poss-Pl
tɔpʧinɡɔm
‘our (incl.) leg’
And like all of the ludlings, /tɔ-/ also occurs in sentences.
O
V
Oblique
(187) tɔ-ɾa
in-wɔ-tkɛ-lɯ
tɔ-ɡɔnŋɛ
tɔ-ukaɾa
bɔk
LUD-macaw.(sp.) 1Erg-kill-Iter-Rec LUD-yesterday LUD-inga.tree on
‘I repeatedly killed macaws yesterday in the inga tree’
AP
S
(188) tɔ-ɾik-kom-bɛ
(tɔ-tɔ)
tɔ-upɜ
LUD-big-Pl-Adjr hesitation LUD-banana
‘the bananas are big’
Like the other ludlings, the ludling /tɔ-/ also shows the devoicing process of stops.
(189) a.
piluŋɔ
tɔpiluŋɔ
‘bird hind quarter’
b. pɔu
tɔbɔu
‘small peccary’
And like the ludlings formed of two phonemes, there is no example with variation of
voicing between the alveolar [t] and [d], and velar [k] and [ɡ], mainly because of the
deletion process over the CV syllable word-initially, such as in the following examples:
62
(190) a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
takɯi
tawɛ
tamɡɔ
tuktɔ
kɯdɛn
kɔʧi
tɔkɯi
tɔwɛ
tɔmɡɔ
tɔktɔ
tɔdɛn
tɔʧi
‘manioc flour’
‘capuchin monkey’
‘old man, grandfather’
‘cultivated field’
‘cassava’
‘a fish’
Yet, like the other prefixed ludlings formed of two phonemes, there are examples of
deletion of the palatal affricate [ʧ].
(191) a.
ʧɛlɯ
tɔlɯ
b. ʧamit
tɔmit
‘sister’
‘squirrel monkey’
Like the other ludlings, the general data show that this ludling occurs with all syllable
types:
(192) a.
b.
c.
d.
V
CV
VC
CVC
a.ɛ
kɯ.dɛn
ik.pa
kut.kut
tɔɛ
tɔdɛn
tɔkpa
tɔtkut
‘a wasp’
‘cassava’
‘mud’
‘night monkey’
There are homonyms in this Arara language game resulting from the addition of the
ludlingant /tɔ-/ and from the phonemic processes the base words undergo.
(193) a. ɛmuɾu
/tɔ-ɛmuɾu/
→ tɔ-∅muɾu
[tɔmuɾu]
‘his testicles’
b. amuɾu
/tɔ-amuɾu/
→ tɔ-∅muɾu
[tɔmuɾu]
‘alcoholic drink’
4.2.8
Small Bird Talk
Small birds, including macaws, parrots, orange-cheeked parrots, and parakeets are,
respectively, called [kaɾa (awɯ, kaɾaja, kaɾaum)], [ʧaɾɔkʧaɾɔ], [kui], and [eɾidak] in
Arara. The ludling for these species of small birds is labeled in Arara [kaɾa (awɯ, kaɾaja,
kaɾaum), ʧaɾɔkʧaɾɔ, kui, eɾidak pene lumbanbɔt] ‘to make the tongue of macaws,
parrots, orange-cheeked parrots, and parakeets’. The morphological process used by the
Arara people to build these small birds’ ludling is the addition of an /eŋna-/ prefix.
(194) a. nu
eŋnanu
‘abcess, tumor’
b. wɔt
eŋnawɔt
‘fish’
c. kɔk
eŋnaɡɔk
‘night, evening’
The phonological patterns of this ludling work almost exactly the same way as those
of the prefixed ludlings already analyzed. However, it is much more similar to the
63
patterns of those ludlings formed of two phonemes (see these ludlings above). Thus,
example (194) illustrates the ludlingant /eŋna-/ in monosyllabic words. In (195) below
there are examples of this ludling attached to polysyllabic words, resulting in a haplology
process: /eŋna-(C)V/ → [eŋna(∅)∅].75 Here are some examples:
(195) a. ɛŋna-aɛ
→ ɛŋna-∅ɛ
[eŋnae]
b. ɛŋna-taupa
→ ɛŋna-∅∅upa
[eŋnaupa]
c. ɛŋna-ɔɛt
→ ɛŋna-∅ɛt
[eŋnaet]
d. ɛŋna-abat
→ ɛŋna-∅bat
[eŋnabat]
e. ɛŋna-onat
→ ɛŋna-∅nat
[eŋnanat]
f. ɛŋna-jɛmɛ
→ ɛŋna-∅∅me
[eŋname]
g. ɛŋna-pɔmu
→ ɛŋna-∅∅mu
[eŋnamu]
h. ɛŋna-ɔɾɛmi
→ ɛŋna-∅ɾemi
[eŋnaɾemi]
i. ɛŋna-muniŋmɔ
→ ɛŋna-∅∅niŋmɔ [eŋnaniŋmɔ]
‘a wasp’
‘a banana’
‘rubber tree’
‘manioc bread’
‘corn’
‘mom, my mother’
‘a beetle’
‘a fish’
‘my brothers’
Like the other prefixed ludlings formed of two phonemes, this ludlingant does not
extend deletion to an /ɾ/-initial syllable. And like all the other (V)CV prefixed ludlings, it
does not extend deletion to the coda of a vowel to be deleted.
(196) a. ɛŋna-ɛnbɛn
→ ɛŋna-∅nbɛn
[eŋnanben]
b. ɛŋna-ikpa
→ ɛŋna-∅kpa
[eŋnakpa]
c. ɛŋna-ɔtpidɔ
→ ɛŋna-∅tpidɔ
[eŋnatpidɔ]
d. ɛŋna-kutkut
→ ɛŋna-∅∅tkut
[eŋnatkut]
e. ɛŋna-womjum → ɛŋna-∅∅mjum [eŋnamium]
‘his penis’
‘mud’
‘armadillo’
‘night monkey’
‘banana’
Like /tɔ-/, the haplology process triggered by the ludlingant /eŋna-/ seems not to
apply in base words starting with labial consonants:76
(197) a. muni
→ ɛŋna-muni
[eŋnamuni]77
b. matɛ
→ ɛŋna-matɛ
[eŋnamate]
c. mɯda
→ ɛŋna-mɯda
[eŋnamɯda]
d. malɔn
→ ɛŋna-malɔn
[eŋnamalɔn]
e. manaŋ
→ ɛŋna-manaŋ [eŋnamanaŋ]
f. piluŋɔ
→ ɛŋna-piluŋɔ
[eŋnapiluŋɔ]
g. pɔu
→ ɛŋna-pou
[eŋnabou]
h. pɔɾat
→ ɛŋna-pɔɾat
[eŋnabɔɾat]
75
‘brother’
‘let’s go!’
‘waitǃ’
‘that’s okay’
‘a coconut bug’
‘bird hind quarter’
‘small peccary’
‘catfish’
There is one example of deletion of a second vowel (haplology, since it also deletes the onset of this
vowel) in a monomorphemic word: /eŋna-enaɾut/ → eŋna-∅∅∅ɾut → [eŋnaɾut] ‘his sister’.
76
But there are exceptions, such as: /ɛŋna-pɔmu/ → ɛŋna-∅∅mu [eŋnamu] ‘beetle’ (see example (195g))
and /ɛŋna-womjum/ → ɛŋna-∅∅mjum [eŋnamium] ‘banana’ (see example (196e)).
77
However, there is a form [eŋnaniŋmɔ] ‘brothers’ in Appendix 3. This example is in (195i).
64
There are similar examples, with bilabial stops, where the deletion process does
apply:
(198) a.
b.
pɯɾak
pɛɾa
ɛŋnaɾak
ɛŋnaɾa
‘an arrow’
‘a fruit’
The ludlingant /eŋna-/, like any other, can occur within polymorphemic words, such
as nouns, verbs, and adjectives, as can be seen in (199) below (see Appendices 3 and 4).
(199) a.
i-ɛnma-n
ɛŋnanman
‘my path’
1Abs-path-Poss
b. k-ɔd-ɛmia-ɡuɾuɡɛ-da
ɛŋnadɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
‘I am going to wash
my own hand (near)’
1Erg-Refl-hand-wash-Near
c.
in-dɛkɛ-lɯ
ɛŋnandɛkɛlɯ
‘I wrote it’
1Erg-write-Rec
ɛŋnaɾik-kɔm-bɛ
‘they are big’
d. tɔɾik-kɔm-bɛ
big-Pl-Adjr
Like the ludlings formed of two phonemes, and unlike /idi-/, the deletion here does
not act over the personal and reflexive prefixes, only over the first CV syllable, as in
(199b) above. And like all of the prefixed ludlings, except for /pɔ-/, the ludlingant here
deletes identical vowels in a prefix:
(200) ugu-pʧi-n-ɡɔm
12Abs-leg-Poss-Pl
eŋnapʧinɡɔm
‘our (incl.) leg’
And like all of the ludlings, /eŋna-/ also occurs in sentences.
O
V
Oblique
in-wɔ-tkɛ-lɯ
ɛŋna-ɡɔnŋɛ
ɛŋna-ukaɾa
bɔk
(201) ɛŋna-ɾa
LUD-macaw.(sp.) 1Erg-kill-Iter-Rec LUD-yesterday LUD-inga.tree on
‘I repeatedly killed macaws yesterday in the inga tree’
Adv:Manner
V
Oblique: Source
(202) ɛŋna-pɔɾɛ taɡiɛ w-ɛbɯ-lɯ
ɛŋna-dua-n-dubɔ-p
LUD-empty very 1Erg-arrive-Rec LUD-forest-Ela-Former-now
‘I arrived from the forest without any load’
Like the other ludlings, the ludling /eŋna-/ also shows the devoicing process of stops.
(203) a.
piluŋɔ
eŋnapiluŋɔ
‘bird hind quarter’
b. pɔu
eŋnabɔu
‘small peccary’
65
And like the ludlings formed of two phonemes, there is no example with variation of
voicing between the alveolar [t] and [d], and velar [k] and [ɡ], mainly because of the
deletion process over the CV syllable word-initially, such as in the following examples:
(204) a.
takɯi
eŋnakɯi
‘manioc flour’
b. tawɛ
eŋnawɛ
‘capuchin monkey’
c.
tamɡɔ
eŋnamɡɔ
‘old man, grandfather’
d. tuktɔ
eŋnaktɔ
‘cultivated field’
e.
kɯdɛn
eŋnadɛn
‘cassava’
f.
kɔʧi
eŋnaʧi
‘a fish’
Yet, like the other prefixed ludlings formed of two phonemes, there are examples of
deletion of the palatal affricate [ʧ].
(205) a.
ʧɛlɯ
ɛŋnalɯ
b. ʧamit
ɛŋnamit
‘sister’
‘squirrel monkey’
Like the other ludlings, the general data show that this ludling occurs with all syllable
types:
(206) a.
b.
c.
d.
V
CV
VC
CVC
a.ɛ
kɯ.dɛn
ik.pa
kut.kut
ɛŋnaɛ
ɛŋnadɛn
ɛŋnakpa
ɛŋnatkut
‘a wasp’
‘cassava’
‘mud’
‘night monkey’
There are homonyms in this Arara language game resulting from the addition of the
ludlingant /eŋna-/ and from the phonemic process the base words undergo.
(207) a. eŋna-emuɾu
→ eŋna-∅muɾu [eŋnamuɾu]
‘his testicles’
b. eŋna-amuɾu
→ eŋna-∅muɾu [eŋnamuɾu]
‘alcoholic drink’
4.2.9
Toucan Talk
Toucans are called [tɯapko] in Arara. They can also receive specific names like
[pilik], [kagak] and [ʧiɾɔ]. The ludling for these species of birds is labeled in Arara
[tɯapkɔ lumbanbɔt] ‘to make the tongue of the toucans’. The morphological process used
by the Arara people to build the toucans’ ludling is the addition of an /eŋnaɾa-/ prefix.
(208) a. nu
ɛŋnaɾanu
‘abcess, tumor’
b. wɔt
ɛŋnaɾawɔt
‘fish’
c. kɔk
ɛŋnaɾaɡɔk
‘night, evening’
66
The phonological patterns of this ludling work almost exactly the same way as those
of the prefixed ludlings already analyzed. However, it is much more similar to the
patterns of those ludlings formed of two phonemes (see these ludlings above). Thus,
example (198) illustrates the ludlingant /eŋna-/ in monosyllabic words. In (209) below
there are examples of this ludling attached to polysyllabic words, resulting in a haplology
process: /eŋnaɾa-(C)V/ → [eŋnaɾa∅∅].78 Here are some examples:
(209) a. ɛŋnaɾa-aɛ
→ ɛŋnaɾa-∅ɛ
[eŋnaɾae]
b. ɛŋnaɾa-taupa
→ ɛŋnaɾa-∅∅upa
[eŋnaɾaupa]
c. ɛŋnaɾa-ɔɛt
→ ɛŋnaɾa-∅ɛt
[eŋnaɾaet]
d. ɛŋnaɾa-abat
→ ɛŋnaɾa-∅bat
[eŋnaɾabat]
e.
f.
ɛŋnaɾa-ɔnat
ɛŋnaɾa-jɛmɛ
→ ɛŋnaɾa-∅nat
→ ɛŋnaɾa-∅∅mɛ
g.
h.
i.
j.
ɛŋnaɾa-pɔmu
ɛŋnaɾa-ɔɾɛmi
ɛŋnaɾa-kuɾɔ-kuɾɔ
ɛŋnaɾa-muni
→
→
→
→
ɛŋnaɾa-∅∅mu
ɛŋnaɾa-∅ɾemi
ɛŋnaɾa-∅∅ɾɔ-kuɾɔ
ɛŋnaɾa-∅∅ni
[eŋnaɾanat]
[eŋnaɾame]
[eŋnaɾamu]
[eŋaɾaɾemi]
[eŋnaɾaɾɔkuɾɔ]
[eŋnaɾaniŋmɔ]
‘a wasp’
‘a banana’
‘rubber tree’
‘manioc
bread’
‘corn’
‘mom, my
mother’
‘a beetle’
‘a fish’
‘a bird’
‘my brothers’
Like the prefixed ludlings formed of two phonemes, this ludlingant does not extend
deletion to an /ɾ/-initial syllable. And like all the other (V)CV prefixed ludlings, it does
not extend deletion to the coda of a vowel to be deleted.
(210) a. ɛŋnaɾa-ɛnbɛn
→ [eŋnaɾanben]
b. ɛŋnaɾa-ikpa
→ [eŋnaɾakpa]
c. ɛŋnaɾa-ɔtpidɔ
→ [eŋnaɾatpidɔ]
d. ɛŋnaɾa-kutkut
→ [eŋnaɾatkut]
e. ɛŋnaɾa-womjum
→ [eŋnaɾamium]
‘his penis’
‘mud’
‘armadillo’
‘night monkey’
‘banana’
The haplology process triggered by the ludlingant /eŋnaɾa-/, unlike /tɔ-/ and /eŋna-/
(see Sections 4.2.7 and 4.2.8), applies in base words starting with labial consonants:
(211) a. ɛŋnaɾa-matɛ
→ [eŋnaɾate]
‘wait’
b. ɛŋnaɾa-manaŋ
→ [eŋnaɾanaŋ]
‘a coconut bug’
78
There is one example of deletion of a second vowel in a monomorphemic word: /ɛŋnaɾa-ɛnaɾut/ →
ɛŋnaɾa-∅∅∅ɾut → [eŋnaɾaɾut] ‘his sister’; and there is an example where the last vowel of the ludlingant
is deleted /ɛŋnaɾa-jɔɾu/ → ɛŋnaɾa-∅∅∅ɾu → [eŋnaɾu] ‘tortoise’. Here the two /ɾ/’s merge into just one,
presumably due to the violation of the OCP.
67
c.
d.
ɛŋnaɾa-pɯɾak
ɛŋnaɾa-pɛɾa
→ eŋnaɾaɾak
→ eŋnaɾaɾa
‘an arrow’
‘a fruit’
This ludlingant, like the other ones, can occur within polymorphemic words, such as
nouns, verbs, and adjectives, as can be seen in (212) below (see Appendices 3 and 4).
(212) a.
i-ɛnma-n
ɛŋnaɾanman
‘my path’
1Abs-path-Poss
b. k-ɔd-ɛmia-ɡuɾuɡɛ-da
ɛŋnaɾadɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda ‘I am going to wash
my own hand (near)’
1Erg-Refl-hand-wash-Near
c.
in-dɛkɛ-lɯ
ɛŋnaɾandɛkɛlɯ
‘I wrote it’
1Erg-write-Rec
d. tɔɾik-kɔm-bɛ
ɛŋnaɾaɾik-kɔm-bɛ
‘they are big’
big-Pl-Adjr
Like the ludlings formed of two phonemes, and unlike /idi-/, the deletion here does
not act over the personal and reflexive prefixes, only over the first CV syllable, as in
(212b) above. And like all of the prefixed ludlings, except for /pɔ-/, the ludlingant here
deletes identical vowels in a prefix:
(213) ugu-pʧi-n-ɡɔm
12Abs-leg-Poss-Pl
ɛŋnaɾapʧinɡɔm
‘our (incl.) leg’
And like all of the ludlings, /eŋnaɾa-/ also occurs in sentences.
O
V
Oblique
(214) ɛŋnaɾa-ɾa
in-wɔ-tkɛ-lɯ
ɛŋnaɾa-ɡɔnŋɛ ɛŋnaɾa-ukaɾa bɔk
LUD-macaw.(sp.) 1Erg-kill-Iter-Rec LUD-yesterday LUD-inga.tree on
‘I repeatedly killed macaws yesterday in the inga tree’
Adv:Manner
V
Oblique: Source
(215) ɛŋnaɾa-pɔɾɛ taɡiɛ w-ɛbɯ-lɯ
ɛŋnaɾa-dua-n-dubɔ-p
LUD-empty very 1Erg-arrive-Rec LUD-forest-Ela-Former-now
‘I arrived from the forest without any load’
Like the other ludlings, the ludling /eŋnaɾa-/ also shows the devoicing process of
stops.
(216) a.
b.
piluŋɔ
pɔu
ɛŋnaɾapiluŋɔ
ɛŋnaɾabɔu
68
‘bird hind quarter’
‘small peccary’
And like the ludlings formed of two phonemes, there is no example with variation of
voicing between the alveolar [t] and [d], and velar [k] and [ɡ], mainly because of the
deletion process over the CV syllable word-initially, such as in the following examples:
(217) a.
takɯi
ɛŋnaɾakɯi
‘manioc flour’
b. tawɛ
ɛŋnaɾawɛ
‘capuchin monkey’
c.
tamɡɔ
ɛŋnaɾamɡɔ
‘old man, grandfather’
d. tuktɔ
ɛŋnaɾaktɔ
‘cultivated field’
e.
kɯdɛn
ɛŋnaɾadɛn
‘cassava’
f.
kɔʧi
ɛŋnaɾaʧi
‘a fish’
This deletion process is also true of the palatal affricate [ʧ].
(218) a.
ʧɛlɯ
ɛŋnaɾalɯ
‘sister’
‘squirrel monkey’
b. ʧamit
ɛŋnaɾamit
Like the other ludlings, the general data show that this ludling occurs with all syllable
types:
(219) a.
b.
c.
d.
V
CV
VC
CVC
a.ɛ
kɯ.dɛn
ik.pa
kut.kut
ɛŋnaɾaɛ
ɛŋnaɾadɛn
ɛŋnaɾakpa
ɛŋnaɾatkut
‘a wasp’
‘cassava’
‘mud’
‘night monkey’
There are homonyms in this Arara language game resulting from the addition of the
ludlingant /eŋnaɾa-/ and from the phonemic process the base words undergo.
(220) a. ɛŋnaɾa-ɛmuɾu → ɛŋnaɾa-∅muɾu
[eŋnaɾamuɾu] ‘his testicles’
b. ɛŋnaɾa-amuɾu → ɛŋnaɾa-∅muɾu
[eŋnaɾamuɾu] ‘alcoholic drink’
4.2.10 Spider Monkey Talk
Spider monkeys are called [woŋoum] in Arara. The ludling for these species of
monkeys is labeled in Arara [woŋoum lumbanbɔt] ‘to make the tongue of the spider
monkey’. The morphological process used by the Arara people to build the spider
monkey’s ludling is the addition of an /un-/ prefix.
(221) a. un-nu
unu
b. un-wɔt
unwɔt
c. un-kɔk
unɡɔk
‘abcess, tumor’
‘fish’
‘night, evening’
We can see in the data above that there is no morphophonological process when [un-]
is attached to a monosyllabic word, except if the base word starts with an alveolar
69
consonant, as in (221a). In this case, the alveolar consonant is deleted (see below for
more examples of this process). But deletion also does not occur in some polysyllabic
words. For example, there is no deletion when the base word starts with /m/.79
(222) a.
muni
unmuni
‘brother’
b. mɯda
unmɯda
‘wait!’
c.
matɛ
unmatɛ
‘go!’
d. malon
unmalon
‘that’s okay’
e.
mɯdaimɔ
unmɯdaimɔ
‘a fish’
f.
muɾɛi
unmuɾɛi
‘bench’
g. manaŋ
uŋmanaŋ80
‘a coconut bug’
Also no deletion occurs if the ludlingant /un-/ is added to a word that starts with a
closed syllable: un-(C)VC.81
(223) a.
un-kutkut
b.
un-ɔtpidɔ
c.
un-ɔtkoimo
d.
un-ikpa
e.
un-ambamba
f.
un-ɛnbɛn
g.
un-wɔmjum
→
→
→
→
→
→
→
[unɡutkut]
[unɔtpidɔ]
[unɔtkoimõ]
[unikpa]
[unambamba]
[unenben]
[unwomjum]82
‘night monkey’
‘armadillo’
‘armadillo’
‘mud’
‘sting ray’
‘his testicles’
‘banana’
However, some deletions occur as a result of the addition of the ludlingant /un-/ in
polysyllabic words. One deletion occurs when this ludlingant is added to a word starting
with an alveolar consonant. In this case, the alveolar consonant is deleted: un-C[Cor] →
un-∅.83
79
Here deletion has scope only over bilabial nasals and not over bilabial consonants in general, similar to
what happens with /tɔ-/ and /eŋna-/ (see Sections 4.2.7 and 4.2.8).
80
The form /uŋ-/, for this ludlingant, is a speaker variant.
81
There are exceptions: /pɔtpɯɾi/ → [unbɯɾi] ‘wood tick’, /ɔnma/ → [unma] ‘path’.
82
The form [uŋmjum] was also attested (datum from 2010).
83
There is one exception: /un-ʧamit/ → un-∅∅mit → [unmit] ‘squirrel monkey’, instead of the expected
form: *[unamit].
70
(224) a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
un-nu
un-tawɛ
→ un-∅u
→ un-∅awɛ
un-napkɔ
un-ʧɛlɯ
un-tuktɔ
un-taupa
un-taukaɾa
un-nabiɔt
un-takɯi
un-tamɡɔ
→
→
→
→
→
→
→
→
[unu]
[unawɛ]84
un-∅apkɔ
un-∅ɛlɯ
un-∅uktɔ
un-∅aupa
un-∅aukaɾa
un-∅biɔt
un-∅akɯi
un-∅amɡɔ
[unapkɔ]
[unɛlɯ]
[uniktɔ]85
[unaupa]
[unaukaɾa]
[unabiɔt]86
[unakɯi]87
[unamɡɔ]
‘abcess, tumor’
‘capuchin
monkey’
‘let it there’
‘sister’
‘cultivated field’
‘a banana’
‘inga tree’
‘sweet potato’
‘manioc flour’
‘old man,
grandfather’
It is noteworthy that some words can be input to different phonological processes
when the ludlingant /un-/ is added. For example, /nu/ ‘abcess, tumor’, as a monosyllabic
word, can be an input to the deletion blocking process. At the same time, it can undergo
deletion, since it is a word that starts with an alveolar consonant. As can be seen, the
deletion does apply (see (221a) and (224a) above). Neither *[unnun] nor *[unːun] are
attested.
Another deletion occurs when the ludlingant /un-/ is attached to a word whose first
two vowels are identical, except if the first syllable has a coda (see examples in (223)
above). In this case, the syllable of the first vowel is deleted (haplology): /un(C)ViCVi/→ [un-∅∅CV].88
(225) a. /un-abat/
→
b. /un-ibiɾinda/ →
c. /un-jɛmɛ/
→
d. /un-papa/
→
un-∅bat
un-∅biɾinda
un-∅∅mɛ
un-∅∅pa
[unbat]
[inbiɾinda]89
[unme]
[unba]
‘manioc bread’
‘companion’
‘mom’
‘dad’
84
There also exists the form [undawe], collected at the same time (January 2003) as [unawe].
85
Here the speaker changed the high round back vowel /u/ to /i/.
86
The form [uŋbiɔt] was recorded as well. Besides deleting the vowel /a/, there is an unexpected change in
the place of articulation of the nasal consonant from the prefix.
87
The form [unɡɯi] is also attested.
88
There are exceptions such as /un-kaɾa/ → [ungaɾa] ‘macaw (spp.)’ and /un-kamap/ → [ungamap] ‘gourd
container’ where no deletion occurs.
89
The expected form was [unbiɾinda].
71
e.
f.
/un-kɔkɔ/
/un-ɯpɯ/
→ un-∅∅kɔ
→ un-∅pɯ
[unɡɔ]
[umbɯ]90
‘uncle’
‘yam’
It is noteworthy that the stops in (225d-f) are voiced after a nasal consonant, as occurs
in the normal language (see Section 3.1.1, examples (14) and (15)). Again it is
noteworthy to see that some words can be input to different phonological processes when
the ludlingant /un-/ is added. For example, /manaŋ/ ‘a coconut bug’ can be an input to the
blocking process or to the deletion triggered by the addition of /un-/ before a word whose
first two vowels are identical. However, only the blocking process applies (see (222g)
above). The form *[unanaŋ] is not attested.
It was seen that deletion is blocked in some words: monosyllabic words, words that
do not start with bilabial nasal, and words that do not start with a closed syllable. It was
also seen that some words undergo deletion: words that start with an alveolar consonant
and words whose first two vowels are identical. For other words, their behavior is not
always consistent. For example, there are some cases where no phonological process
occurs even though the first two vowels of the base word are different.
(226) a.
/un-aɛ/
[unae]
‘a wasp’
91
b. /un-aɾun/
[unaɾun]
‘howler monkey’
‘a fish’
c.
/un-ɔɾɛmi/
[unɔɾemi]
d. /un-ɔnat/
[unonat]92
‘corn’
e.
/un-pɔu/
[unbou]93
‘small peccary’
f.
/un-pɔmu/
[unbɔmu]
‘a beetle’
g. /un-pɛɾa/
[unbeɾa]
‘a fruit’
h. /un-pɯɾak/
[unbɯɾak]
‘an arrow’
i.
/un-pɯlɛptɛ/
[unbɯlepte]
‘knife’
j.
/un-kuɾɔkuɾɔ/
[unguɾɔkuɾɔ]
‘a bird’
90
Here the nasal assimilates to the place of articulation of the following consonant. As can be seen from the
other examples, this assimilation is not a general process among the ludlings.
91
In the data I recorded with an elderly man the following alternative forms appear: [unum], [unɾun], and
[uniɾun].
92
The form [unat] was also attested (/un-ɔnat/ → un-∅nat → un-∅∅at).
93
Here and elsewhere, only voiced obstruents occur after a nasal consonant (see Section 3.1.1, examples
(14) and (15)).
72
However, similar words undergo deletion.
(227) a. /un-ɔɛt/
→ un-∅ɛt
b. /un-ɔmiaɛɡu/
→ un-∅miaɛɡu
c. /un-pɔɾat/
→ un-∅ɔɾat
d. /un-idua/
→ un-∅dua
e. /un-apon/
→ un-∅pon
f. /un-aɡulɯ/
→ un-∅ɡulɯ
g. /un-kɔtʃi/
→ un-∅∅tʃi
h. /un-kɯdɛn/
→ un-∅∅dɛn
[unet]
[unmiaeɡu]
[unɔɾat]
[undua]
[unbon]
[unɡulɯ]
[undʒi]
[unden]
‘rubber tree’
‘manioc bread’
‘catfish’
‘forest’
‘club’
‘I ate it’
‘a fish’
‘cassava’
Therefore, there is no general pattern for these data, from (226) and (227) above.
Other variatons by the speaker can also be found. There is a change from a back vowel to
a front vowel in the prefix /un-/, either into [in-] or [en-]:
(228) a. /un-idamuɾu/
[indamuɾu]
‘his grandson/granddaughter’
b. /un-ikamabuɾu/
[inɡamabuɾu]
‘a gourd container’
c. /un-ipun/
[inbun]
‘his/her foot’
d. /un-ɛmuɾu/
[enemuɾu]
‘his testicles’
Also there is an example with /i/ epenthesis:
(229) /kuʧamit/
→ un-kuʧamit
[uniʧamit]
‘duski titi monkey’
There are examples with vowel mutation in the base word, from /e/ to [i] and /u/ to
[i], respectively:
(230) a. /ɛnaɾut/
b. /tuktɔ/
→ un-ɛnaɾut
→ un-tuktɔ
[uninaɾut]
[uniktɔ]
‘his sister’
‘cultivated field’
This ludlingant, like the other ones, can occur within polymorphemic words, such as
nouns, verbs, and adjectives, as can be seen in (231) below (see Appendices 3 and 4).
(231) a.
i-ɛnma-n
unman
‘my path’
1Abs-path-Poss
b. k-ɔd-ɛmia-ɡuɾuɡɛ-da
undɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
‘I am going to wash
my own hand (near)’
1Erg-Refl-hand-wash-Near
c.
in-dɛkɛ-lɯ
undɛkɛlɯ
‘I wrote it’
1Erg-write-Rec
d. kuɾɛ-p
unɡuɾɛp
‘they are big’
good-Adjr
It can be seen above that the ludlingant /un-/ occurs word-initially in polymorphemic
words, as it does in monomorphemic ones. Here the deletion process can also be
73
extended over two vowels word-initially. However, like the other prefixed ludlingants,
this deletion process occurs only if the first vowel is part of a prefix, as in (231a) above.
Similar to the other ludlings that are prefixes, except /pɔ-/, this ludlingant deletes a whole
prefix when it is formed of two identical vowels:
(232) ugu-pʧi-n-ɡɔm
unbɯʧinɡɔm
12Abs-leg-Poss-Pl
‘our (incl.) leg’
However, in order to fit into Arara syllable structure, the stem used here is the one
that occurs after a noun, bɯʧinɡɔm, and not the one that occurs with prefixes -pʧinɡom
(see the vowel deletion process that occurs here in section 3.1.5). And like all of the
ludlings, /un-/ also occurs in sentences:
O
V
Oblique
(233) un-ɡaɾa
in-wɔ-tkɛ-lɯ
un-ɡɔɡɔnŋɛ
un-aukaɾa
bɔk
LUD-macaw.(sp.) 1Erg-kill-Iter-Rec LUD-yesterday LUD-inga.tree on
‘I repeatedly killed macaws yesterday in the inga tree’
Adv:Manner
V
Oblique: Source
(234) un-bɔɾɛ
taɡiɜ w-ɛbɯ-lɯ
un-dua-n-dubɔ-p
LUD-empty very 1Erg-arrive-Rec LUD-forest-Ela-Former-now
‘I arrived from the forest without any load’
As seen above (231d-h), all obstruents are voiced after the ludlingant /un-/. Here are
some more examples:
(235) a.
un-papa
b. un-kɔkɔ
c.
un-ɯpɯ
d. un-kɔtʃi
unba
unɡɔ
[umbɯ]94
undʒi
‘dad’
‘old man, grandfather’
‘yam’
‘a fish’
The general data show that the present ludling occurs with all syllable types:
(236) a.
V
a.ɛ
unaɛ
‘a wasp’
b. CV
pɯ.ɾak
unbɯɾak
‘an arrow’
c.
VC
ik.pa
unikpa
‘mud’
d. CVC kut.kut
ungutkut
‘night monkey’
94
Here the nasal assimilates to the place of articulation of the following consonant. As can be seen from the
other examples, this assimilation is not a general process in the ludlings.
74
4.2.11 Squirrel Monkey Talk
Squirrel monkeys are called [ʧamit] in Arara. The ludling for these species of
monkeys is called in Arara [ʧamit lumbanbɔt] ‘to make the tongue of a squirrel monkey’.
The morphological process used by the Arara people to build the squirrel monkey’s
ludling is the addition of an infix /-pt-/ after the first vowel of the base word.
(237) a. nu
nuptu
‘abcess, tumor’
b. wɔt
wɔptɔt
‘fish’
c. kɔk
kɔptɔk
‘night, evening’
As seen above, when the ludlingant [-pt-] is inserted into a monosyllabic word, the
vowel from the syllable nucleus is repeated after the addition of the infix. This seems to
happen so that the output forms can accommodate Arara syllable structure. Without this
repetition these output forms would present consonant clusters, such as *nupt, *wɔptt,
and *kɔptk, respectively, not licensed by the CVC Arara canonical pattern.
When this ludlingant occurs in words with a vowel sequence in the two first syllables,
it simply separates the two vowels: /(C)VV(C)/ → [(C)V-pt-V(C)].
(238) a.
aɛ
a-pt-ɛ
[apte]
‘a wasp’
b. ɔɛt
ɔ-pt-ɛt
[ɔptet]
‘rubber tree’
c.
pɔu
pɔ-pt-u
[poptu]
‘small peccary’
95
‘a banana’
d. taupa
ta-pt-upa
[taptupa]
If the first vowel in the word is followed by a consonant, the ludlingant replaces this
consonant: /(C)V-C-V(C)/ → [(C)V-pt-V(C)].
(239) a. /kɔkɔ/
→ kɔ-pt-ɔ
b. /jɛmɛ/
→ jɛ-pt-ɛ
c. /papa/
→ pa-pt-a
d. /abat/
→ a-pt-at
e. /ʧɛlɯ/
→ ʧɛ-pt-ɯ
f. /ɔɾɛmi/
→ ɔ-pt-ɛmi
g. /ɔnat/
→ ɔ-pt-at
h. /pitɔt/
→ pi-pt-ɔt
i. /mɯda/
→ mɯ-pt-a
95
[kɔptɔ]
[jepte]
[papta]
[aptat]
[ʧɛptɯ]
[ɔptemi]
[ɔptat]
[piptɔt]
[mɯpta]
‘my uncle’
‘mom’
‘dad’
‘manioc bread’
‘sister’
‘a fish’
‘corn’
‘a fruit’
‘wait!’
This example is in Appendix 3, example (12), line C. In that appendix, in the sentence section, example
(20), line C, the speaker gave the form [taupta], with the ludlingant after the second vowel.
75
If there are two consonants following the vowel, both of them will be replaced by the
ludlingant /-pt-/. Thus we can have /(C)V-CC-V(C)/ → [(C)V-pt-V(C)], as can be seen in
the examples below.
(240) a. /ɛnbɛn/
b. /ɔnma/
c. /ɔtpa/
d. /ikpa/
e. /tamɡɔ/
f. /kutkut/
→
→
→
→
→
→
ɛ-pt-ɛn
ɔ-pt-a
ɔ-pt-a
i-pt-a
ta-pt-ɔ
ku-pt-ut
[epten]
[opta]
[opta]
[ipta]
[taptɔ]
[kuptut]
‘his penis’
‘path’
‘a fish’
‘mud’
‘old man, grandpa’
‘night monkey’
There are other examples that support this hypothesis. Similar, but not identical to
/idi-/ (see Section 4.2.2, example (118)), if the next consonant in the sequence of
phonemes is a flap and the vowel following the flap is identical to the one before it, the
replacement extends until the flap: /(C)V-CViɾ-Vi/ → [(C)V-pt-Vi].
(241) a. /ibiɾinda/
→ i-pt-inda
[iptinda]
→ i-pt-a
[ipta]
b. /ibaɾa/
c. /amuɾu/
→ a-pt-u
[aptu]
‘companion’
‘nothing’
‘alcoholic drink’
The only other ludlingant that causes this kind of deletion is /idi-/, for duski titi
monkeys talk (see Section 4.2.2). On the other hand, a palatal affricate does not delete.
(242) a. /kɔtʃi/
→ kɔ-pt-tʃi
kɔ-p∅-tʃi [kɔptʃi]
‘a fish’
ɛ-p∅-ʧin
[epʧin]
‘his daughter’
b. /ɛmʧin/ → ɛ-pt-ʧin
Since the lundlingant /-pt-/ ends in an alveolar stop, and the contiguous affricate
begins with a similar stop, the OCP is violated with a consequent deletion of the alveolar
stop from the ludlingant (for OCP see Section 3.1.5). This is the only example of a
ludlingant undergoing a phonemic process. However, there is an example where the
affricate is replaced.
(243) ugu-ptʃi-n-gɔm
12Abs-leg-Poss-Pl
→ ugu-pt-ingɔm
[uguptingom]
‘our (incl.) leg’
Different from the normal language, this ludling does not palatalize an alveolar stop
before the vowel /i/ (see Section 3.1.1, examples (7b and c)).
(244) a. /ɔtpidɔ/
→ ɔ-pt-idɔ
[ɔptidɔ]
b. /ɔmiaɛɡu/
→ ɔ-pt-iaɛɡu
[optiaɛɡu]
76
‘armadillo’
‘a fish’
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
/wɔmjum/
/nabiɔt/
/ibiɾinda/
/ibin/
/ibit/
→
→
→
→
→
wɔ-pt-ium
na-pt-iɔt
i-pt-inda
i-pt-in
i-pt-it
[woptium]
[naptiɔt]
[iptinda]
[iptin]
[iptit]
The ludlingant [-pt-] has other variants, such as [-kt-] and [-tt-].
(245) a. /ɯun/
→ ɯ-kt-un
[ɯktun]
b. /ugɔnɡɔm/
→ u-kt-ɔnɡɔm
[uktɜnɡom]96
c. /itutun/
→ i-tt-un97
[itːun]
‘banana’
‘sweet potato’
‘companion’
‘her brother’
‘her younger
sister’
‘my food’
‘men’
‘her vagina’
Other variants seem to be systematic, being allomorphs of [-pt-]. One of them is
[-ht-], which occurs in few a words that have an alveolar consonant, such as /d/, /l/, /n/,
and /t/, following the first vowel of the base word:98
(246) a. /matɛ/
→ ma-ht-ɛ
[mahte]
b. /kɯdɛn/
→ kɯ-ht-ɛn
[kɯhten]
c. /malɔn/
→ ma-ht-ɔn
[mahtɔn]99
d. /muni/
→ mu-ht-i
[muhti]100
‘let’s go!’
‘cassava’
‘that’s ok’
‘brother’
But as can be seen above (example (239e-i)), alveolar consonants, such as /l/, /ɾ/, /n/,
/t/, and /d/, are also replaced by the form /-pt-/. One other variant is that the voiced
coronal stop /d/ also occurs replacing alveolar consonants, such as /ɾ/ and /l/.
(247) a. /aɾun/
→ a-d-un
[adun]
‘howler monkey’
b. /jɔɾu/
→ jɔ-d-u
[jɔdu]
‘tortoise’
c. /malon/
→ ma-d-on
[madon]101
‘that’s okay’
Here the alveolar consonants are liquids. But as was seen, there are liquids which are
replaced by the form /-pt-/ as well (see (239e and f)). Again the motivation to the
96
Here the speaker used [ɜ] instead of [o].
97
In this example an extra syllable deletes. The expected form is [iptutun]. This is the only example where
the OPC violation does not result in deletion from the first consonant onward.
98
However, there are examples where alveolar consonants are replaced by [-pt-], such as /mate/ → [mapte]
‘you can go’, /wɔtɔmɔ/ → [wɔptɔmõ] ‘tapir’, /ɛduɛt/ → [eptuet] ‘his/her hammock’, /manaŋ/ → [maptaŋ] ‘a
coconut bug’.
99
The form [madon] was also attested (see example (247c) below).
100
In Appendix 3, example (10), line C, there also exists the form [muptiŋmɔ] ‘brothers’.
101
The form [mahtɔn] was also attested (see example (246c)).
77
replacement triggered by the form /-d-/ instead of /-pt-/ seems not to be phonemic. There
are also examples where two replacements take place within a word:
(248) a. /i-ɛnaɾut/
→ iɛ-pt-a-d-ut
[ieptadut]
‘my (man) sister’
1Abs-sister
b. /i-manɔ/
→ i-pt-a-d-ɔ
[iptadɔ]
‘his younger
brother’
3Abs-brother
In this case, the first replacement is with /-pt-/, which replaces the consonant that
follows the first syllabic nucleus of the base word; the second replacement is with the
segment /-d-/, which replaces the alveolar sonorant that follows the second vowel of the
base word. It is not clear when the form /-d-/ has a primary or a secondary role.
The data presented so far are mainly monomorphemic. But this ludlingant, like the
other ones, can occur within polymorphemic words, such as nouns, verbs, and adjectives,
as can be seen in (249) below (see Appendices 3 and 4).
(249) a.
i-ɛnma-n
iɛ-pt-an
1Abs-path-Poss
b. k-ɔd-ɛmia-ɡuɾuɡɛ-da
kɔ-pt-ɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
1Erg-Refl-hand-wash-Near
c.
in-dɛkɛ-lɯ
i-pt-ɛkɛlɯ
1Erg-write-Rec
d. wɯɾɯp-pɛ
wɯ-pt-ɯpɛ
bad-Adjr
‘my path’
‘I am going to wash
my own hand (near)’
‘I wrote it’
‘it is bad’
It can be seen above that the ludlingant /-pt-/ occurs in polymorphemic words, as it
does in monomorphemic ones, i.e., after the first syllabic nucleus of the base word. In this
sense, a vocalic sequence can be read as one vocalic cluster, if the first vowel of this
sequence is a prefix. If this first vowel is part of the stem, it is not considered a cluster
together with the following vowel (see example (238) above). Similarly to the other
ludlings, except for /pɔ-/, this ludlingant treats a prefix formed by two identical vowels as
one whole, being added after the last vowel of the prefix:
78
(250) ugu-ptʃi-n-gɔm
12-Abs-leg-Poss-Pl
ugu-pt-ingɔm
‘our (incl.) leg’
And like all of the ludlings, /-pt-/ also occurs in sentences:
O
V
Oblique
(251) ka-pt-a
in-wɔ-tkɛ-lɯ
kɔ-pt-ɔnŋɛ
tau-pt-a102
bɔk
ma-LUD-caw.(sp.) 1Erg-kill-Iter-Rec yes-LUD-terday inga-LUD-tree on
‘I repeatedly killed macaws yesterday in the inga tree’
Adv:Manner
V
Oblique: Source
(252) ta-pt-ɔɾɜ
taɡiɛ w-ɛbɯ-lɯ
i-pt-ua-n-dubɔ-p
em-LUD-pty very 1Erg-arrive-Rec for-LUD-est-Ela-Former-now
‘I arrived from the forest without any load’
Like the other ludlings, the general data show that this ludling occurs with all syllable
types:
(253) a.
b.
c.
d.
V
CV
VC
CVC
a.ɛ
kɯ.dɛn
ik.pa
kut.kut
aptɛ
kɯhtɛn
ipta
kuptut
‘a wasp’
‘cassava’
‘mud’
‘night monkey’
There are homonyms in this Arara language game resulting from the addition of the
ludlingant /-pt-/ and from the phonemic process the base words undergo.
(254) a. /ɔnma/
→ ɔ-pt-a
[ɔpta]
‘path’
b. /ɔtpa/
→ ɔ-pt-a
[ɔpta]
‘a fish’
(255) a.
b.
/ikpa/
/ibaɾa/
→ i-pt-a
→ i-pt-a
[ipta]
[ipta]
‘mud’
‘nothing’
4.2.12 Howler Monkey Talk
Howler monkeys are called [aɾun] in Arara. The ludling for this species of monkeys is
labeled in Arara [aɾun lumbanbɔt] ‘to make the tongue of a howler monkey’. The
linguistic process the Arara people use to build the howler monkey’s ludling is
phonological, i.e., the placement of nasalization on the vowels of the base words:
102
The expected form is [taptupa] (see Appendix 3, example (352d)).
79
(256)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.
Base Language
nu
wɔt
kɔk
aɛ
kɯdɛn
ikpa
kutkut
abat
eduɛt
jɔɾu
ɯpɯ
→
→
→
→
→
→
→
→
→
→
→
Ludling
/nu, [nas]/
/wɔt, [nas]/
/kɔk, [nas]/
/aɛ, [nas]/
/kɯdɛn, [nas]/
/ikpa, [nas]/
/kutkut, [nas]/
/abat, [nas]/
/eduɛt, [nas]/
/jɔɾu, [nas]/
/ɯpɯ, [nas]/
[nũ]103
[wɔ̃t]
[kɔ̃k]
[ãẽ]
[kɯ̃ dẽn]
[ĩkpã]
[kũtkũt]
[ãbãt]
[ẽdũẽt]
[jõɾũ]
[ɯ̃ pɯ̃ ]
English Gloss
‘abcess, tumor’
‘fish’
‘night’
‘a wasp’
‘manioc flour’
‘mud’
‘night monkey’
‘manioc bread’
‘hammock’
‘tortoise’
‘yam’
To my ear, the nasalization here is slighltly weaker than the (allophonic) nasalization
that occurs on a vowel after a nasal consonant and before silence (see Section 3.1.1).
This ludlingant, like the other ones, can occur within polymorphemic words, such as
nouns, verbs, and adjectives, as can be seen in (257) below (see Appendices 3 and 4).
(257) a.
i-ɛnma-n, [nas]
[ĩẽnmãn]
‘my path’
1Abs-path-Poss, LUD
b. k-ɔd-ɛmia-ɡuɾuɡɛ-da, [nas]
[kɔ̃dẽmi ̃ãɡũɾũɡẽdã] ‘I am going to
wash my own
1Erg-Refl-hand-wash-Near,
hand (near)’
LUD
c.
in-dɛkɛ-lɯ, [nas]
[ĩndẽkẽlɯ̃ ]
‘I wrote it’
1Erg-write-Rec, LUD
d. wɯɾɯp-pɛ, [nas]
[wɯ̃ ɾɯ̃ pẽ]
‘it is bad’
big-Adjr, LUD
Besides occurring in polymorphemic words, like all of the ludlingants, this ludlingant
occurs in sentences:
O
V
(258) a. kãɾã
ĩn-wɔ̃-tkɛ̃-lɯ̃
macaw.(sp.), LUD 1Erg-kill-Iter-Rec, LUD
Oblique
b. kɔ̃ɡɔ̃nŋɛ̃
tãũkãɾã
bɔ̃k
yesterday, LUD inga.tree, LUD on, LUD
‘I repeatedly killed macaws yesterday in the inga tree’
103
CV content monosyllabic words in Arara are very rare. When they are spoken in isolation, a final glottal
stop is added.
80
Adv:Manner
V
Oblique: Source
(259) tãpɔ̃ɾɛ̃
tãɡi ̃ɛ̃
w̃ -eɛ̃bɯ̃ -lɯ̃
ĩdũã-n-dũbɔ̃-p
empty, LUD very, LUD 1Erg-arrive-Rec, LUD forest-Ela-Former-now, LUD
‘I arrived from the forest without any load’
As can be seen above, the nasalization spreads across the whole utterance. Since this
ludling spreads nasalization over a whole utterance, it occurs with all syllable types from
the base languge:
(260) a.
V
b. CV
c.
VC
d. CVC
a.ɛ
kɯ.dɛn
ik.pa
kut.kut
ãɛ ̃
kɯ̃ dɛ̃n
ĩkpã
kũtkũt
‘a wasp’
‘cassava’
‘mud’
‘night monkey’
4.2.13 Tortoise Talk
Tortoise are called [joɾu] in Arara. The ludling for this species of animals is labeled
in Arara [joɾu lumbanbot] ‘to make the tongue of a tortoise’. There is no morphological
process to form this ludling. Instead, there are two phonological processes used by the
Arara people to build the tortoise’s ludling: murmuring the whole base word, plus
lowering and/or fronting the first vowel, some vowels, or even all the vowels. In this
case, the optimal vowel to be achieved in Arara is [æ], which is at the same time the most
advanced and the lowest vowel. It is interesting to note that this vowel is not part of the
Arara phonemic inventory. Here are some examples:
(261) a. nu
→ [næ] (murmured)
b. kɔk
→ [kak] (murmured)
c. aɛ
→ [æɛ] (murmured)
d. ikpa
→ [ikpæ] (murmured)
e. abat
→ [æbæt] (murmured)
f. kɯdɛn
→ [kedæn] (murmured)
g. kɔkɔ
→ [kækæ] (murmured)
h. muni
→ [mɔnɪ] (murmured)
i. kutkut
→ [kækæt] (murmured)
j. ʧɛlɯ
→ [ʧæle] (murmured)
k. ɛmuɾu
→ [ɛmʊɾʊ] (murmured)
‘abcess, tumor’
‘night’
‘a wasp’
‘mud’
‘manioc bread’
‘cassava’
‘my uncle’
‘brother’
‘night monkey’
‘sister’
‘his testicles’
This ludlingant, like the other ones, can occur within polymorphemic words, such as
nouns, verbs, and adjectives, as can be seen in (262) below (see Appendices 3 and 4).
81
(262) a.
b.
c.
d.
i-ɛnma-n
1Abs-path-Poss, LUD
k-ɔd-ɛmia-ɡuɾuɡɛ-da
1Erg-Refl-hand-wash-Near,
LUD
in-dɛkɛ-lɯ
1Erg-write-Rec, LUD
wɯɾɯp-pɛ
big-Adjr, LUD
[iænmæn] (Mur)
‘my path’
[kædæmiæɡɛɾɛɡɛdæ] ‘I am going to
(Mur)
wash my own
hand (near)’
[indækælæ] (Mur)
‘I wrote it’
wæɾæpæ (Mur)
‘it is bad’
Besides occurring in polymorphemic words, like all of the ludlingants, this ludlingant
occurs in sentences:
O
V
(263) a. kæɾæ
in-wa-tkɛ-lɛ
macaw.(sp.), LUD 1Erg-kill-Iter-Rec, LUD
Oblique
b. kɛɡɛnŋɛ
tæukæɾæ
bɛk (Mur)
yesterday, LUD inga.tree, LUD on, LUD
‘I repeatedly killed macaws yesterday in the inga tree’
Adv:Manner
V
Oblique: Source
(264) tæpɛɾæ
tæɡiɛ
w-æbɛ-lɛ
ɛduaæ-n-dubɛ-p (Mur)
empty, LUD very, LUD 1Erg-arrive-Rec, LUD forest-Ela-Former-now, LUD
‘I arrived from the forest without any load’
As can be seen above, this ludlingant spreads across the whole utterance. Since this
ludling spreads frontness and murmuring over a whole utterance, it occurs with all
syllable types from the base language:
(265) a.
V
a.ɛ
æɛ
kækæ
b. CV
kɔ.kɔ
c.
VC
ik.pa
ikpæ
d. CVC kut.kut
kætkæt
4.3
‘a wasp’
‘my uncle’
‘mud’
‘night monkey’
Summary of the Ludlings
In the Arara ludling constructions surveyed above, the most frequently used strategy
is to add prefixes to the base words, in a total of nine out of thirteen cases. Among the
other four strategies, two involve the addition of an infix, one the addition of nasalization,
and the last one the lowering and fronting of vowels, as well as murmuring. Below a
82
summary of all the ludlings described above is presented, with /abat/ ‘manioc bread’ as
the base word.
abat
(266) a.
[abaɡat]
b.
[idibat]
c.
[wibat]
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
[pɔbat]
[nɯbat]
[pibat]
[tɔbat]
[eŋnabat]
i.
j.
k.
l.
m.
[eŋnaɾabat]
[unbat]
[aptat]
[ãbãt]
[æbæt]
(murmured)
‘manioc bread’
‘capuchin monkey’
‘duski titi monkey’
‘large birds: chicken, muscovy duck, Brazilian
merganser, guan, and curassow’
‘trumpeter and woodpecker’
‘coati’
‘agouti’
‘peccary and dog’
‘small birds: macaw, parrot, orange-cheeked parrot,
and parakeet’
‘toucan’
‘spider monkey’
‘squirrel monkey’
‘howler monkey’
‘tortoise’
A summary of some of the phonological processes triggered by the addition of the
ludlingants to the base language forms is also presented. Some of these processes include
voice-voiceless contrast, neutralization of a voicing contrast, haplology, and quasiabsence of haplology.
(267) Voice-Voiceless
Contrast
idiwipɔnɯpitɔeŋnaeŋnaɾa-
Neutralization of
Voicing Contrast
un-
Haplology
wipɔnɯpitɔeŋnaeŋnaɾa-
Few Haplology
idi-
un-
Ludlingant prefixes ending in a vowel show contrast among voice and voiceless stops
at the beginning of the following root. The ludlingant prefix ending in a nasal consonant
(/un-/) neutralizes this contrast, as can be seen in the first two columns in the chart above.
Ludlingants ending in a vowel, except /idi-/, trigger haplology. The ludlingant ending in a
83
nasal consonant (/un-/), with rare exceptions, does not feed haplology. The ludlingant
/idi-/ does not trigger haplology like the other ludlingant prefixes ending in a vowel do.
However, it has more examples triggering haplology than /un-/ does. To show this, it is
placed between the column that causes haplology and the one which usually does not.
The other ludlingants are not crucial for these phonological processes.
84
CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION
In this thesis I have described thirteen different ludlings extant in the Arara language.
As can be seen, they are used only by some elderly Arara people living in the village of
Laranjal. And despite their large number, the ludlings fulfill a very restricted
sociolinguistic purpose: speaking to pets.
All ludlingants seem to occur with different word classes of the Arara base language.
There is even an example of /-ɡV-/ in an auxilary word: kɔɡɜlone niʧaɡah ‘leave it for
tomorrow’. In future research I intend to directly attempt to elicit ludlings in conjunction
with functional parts of speech such as postpositions, interjections, etc.
Based on the descriptions presented in this thesis, the ludlingants can be grouped in
six different ways:
un(V)CV-
-ɡV-
nasalization
-pt-
fronting/murmuring
The first form above includes all of the prefixes except /un-/: /idi-/, /wi-/, /pɔ-/, /nɯ-/,
/pi-/, /tɔ-/, /eŋna-/, and /eŋnaɾa-/. These eight prefixes are grouped together because they
form a specific ludling class that shares a similar deletion process triggered on the stems
of the base language. The addition of the other five types of ludlingants also triggers
deletion and other phonological processes on the stems of the base language. Some of
these processes include copying of vowels, nasalization, murmur, and lateralization of
taps.
85
Sherzer (1982) claims that there are similarities and differences among the linguistic
structures of play languages vs. ordinary languages. In Arara, these similarities include
stress, syllable patterns, word order, ergativity, restrictions on consonant occurrence, etc.
For the sake of illustration, the addition of the ludlingant /-pt-/ on monosyllabic words,
such as /nu/, /wɔt/, and /kɔk/, would result in the unacceptable forms *nupt, *wɔptt, and
*kɔptk, respectively. However, for these forms to accommodate the canonical Arara
syllable pattern, the vowel from the syllable nucleus is copied directly after the ludlingant
/-pt-/, resulting in /nuptu/, /wɔptɔt/, and /kɔptɔk/, respectively. Another example is the use
of the allomorph bɯʧinɡɔm ‘our (incl.) leg’ instead of the allomorph -pʧingɔm. Using the
latter would result in a sequence of three consonants, *[npʧ] and the consequently
unacceptable form *unpʧinɡɔm, which violates Arara syllable structure. However, the
use of the first allomorph produces the acceptable form [unbɯʧinɡɔm]. In addition to
this, the ludling for capuchin monkeys has the same child speech substitution of a flap for
a lateral, such as in /jɔɾu/ → [jɔlu] ‘tortoise’ (as stated above it was through this similarity
that I came to know about these Arara ludlings).
Another important conclusion is that the Arara ludlings are different from the base
language. For example, the alveolar stop of the ludlingant /-pt-/, used to address squirrel
monkeys, does not undergo palatalization before the vowel /i/, as occurs in the base
language. This can be illustrated with the base word /ibiɾinda/ ‘companion’, which after
the addition of the ludlingant is realized as [iptinda], not *[ipʧinda]. Furthermore, in the
normal Arara language there is no front low vowel [æ]. However, in the tortoise ludling
this is the optimal vowel to be achieved.
Perhaps the Arara ludlings were developed in the early Arara culture because in their
mythic past, animals played an important part, the capuchin monkey being the most
86
important. He did many things as the Arara mythic hero, including transforming the
kapok tree branches into manioc and transforming a vine nodule into his younger brother.
He and his younger brother are referred to as [pamdaŋmɔ], for which name I do not have
a translation. I only know that the suffix [-ŋmɔ] marks the plural form. The agouti was
the sister of the capuchin monkey; the tapir was his relative; the vulture was his friend.
In the mythic past, it was believed that the Arara people reproduced through eggs,
like birds do. But Pamdaŋmɔ made them understand that there was another way. So it is
not a surprise that the Arara people are extremely connected to their pets, even to the
point of inventing a specialized way to address them.
87
APPENDICES
Appendix 1
Contrast Among Consonants
- [p] and [b]:
(1) a. [ɯpɯ]
b. [ɯbɯ]
(2)
a.
b.
‘yam’
‘stone’
[tapɔɾe]
[tabɔɾe]
‘without load/baggage’
‘open arm/wing’
- [p] and [m]:
(3) a.
[ɔɾepi]
b.
[ɔɾemĩ]
(4)
a.
b.
‘bare-faced curassow’
‘a fish’
[pɔbu]
[mɔbu]
‘a palm tree’
‘mahogany, canoe’
- [p] and [w]:
(5) a.
[maɾapa]
b.
[kaɾawa]
(6)
a.
b.
‘paddle’
‘manioc root’
[peɾa]
[weɾɔ]
‘a wild fruit’
‘wild cat’
- [b] and [m]:
(7) a. [ibit]
b. [imit]
(8)
a.
b.
‘her younger sister’
‘its root’
[ɯbɯ]
[imɯ]
‘stone’
‘his/her father’
- [b] and [w]:
(9) a. [ibet]
b. [iwet]
(10)
a.
b.
‘his/her leg’
‘his/her excrement’
[abelɯ]
[ewelɯ]
‘it dried’
‘his/her necklace’
89
- [m] and [n]:
[mɔk]
(11) a.
b.
[nɔk]
‘that one (animate)’
‘who?’
(12)
a.
b.
[imun]
[inun]
‘his son’
‘his/her kidney’
(13)
a.
b.
[mumbɔ]
[munbɔ]
‘a wild fruit’
‘rat, mouse’
(14)
a.
b.
[ɔɡum]
[uɡɔn]
‘wasp’
‘man’
- [m] and [ŋ]:
[emuɾu]
(15) a.
b.
[eŋuɾu]
‘his testicles’
‘his/her eye’
(16)
a.
b.
[inmɛ]
[inŋɛ]
‘s/he does not want/like it’
‘it is sour’
(17)
a.
b.
[imɯ]
[ɯŋɯ]
‘his/her father’
‘grub, larva’
- [m] and [w]:
(18) a.
[mɔk]
b.
[wɔk]
(19)
a.
b.
[amɯ]
[awɯ]
- [t] and [d]:
(20) a. [mɯta]
b. [mɯda]
(21)
a.
b.
[kaɾatɔ]
[aɾadɔ]
- [t] and [ʧ]:
(22) a. [mɯta]
b. [mɯʧaŋ]
(23)
a.
b.
[kaɾaʧu]
[kajatu]
- [t] and [n]:
(24) a. [mɯta]
b. [mɯna]
‘that one (animate)’
‘a medicinal vine’
‘head louse’
‘blue-and-yellow macaw’
‘monkey’
‘wait!’
‘gourd container’
‘bamboo’
‘monkey’
‘skin ulcer’
‘spoon’
‘peach fronted parakeet’
‘monkey’
‘over there (in that direction)’
90
(25)
a.
b.
[tuna]
[nunɔ]
‘a proper name for a boy’
‘moon’
(26)
a.
b.
[iput]
[ipun]
‘his/her hair’
‘his/her foot’
- [t] and [ɾ]:
(27) a.
[kutɔ]
b.
[uɾɔ]
(28)
a.
b.
[kutɯ]
[juɾɯ]
- [t] and [l]:
(29) a.
[patɯt]
b.
[alɯ]
(30)
a.
b.
[taɡat taɡat]
[laɡat]
- [d] and [n]:
(31) a.
[idun]
b.
[inun]
(32)
a.
b.
[amdet]
[amnet]
- [d] and [ɾ]:
(33) a.
[adɔ]
b.
[aɾɔ]
(34)
a.
b.
[adɯlɯ]
[aɾɯlɯ]
- [d] and [l]:
(35) a. [adɯ]
b. [alɯ]
(36)
a.
b.
[waɾada]
[waɾala]
- [ʧ] and [j]:
(37) a. [kaɾaʧu]
b. [kuɾuju]
(38)
a.
b.
[ʧaɡa]
[jɔɡɔ]
‘a toad’
‘I’
‘a proper name for a woman’
‘puddle’
‘porcupine, coendou’
‘core, the one from inside’
‘flute (type of)’
‘lizard’
‘his/her jealousy’
‘his/her liver’
‘handle, strap’
‘blood vessel, vein’
‘fish’
‘his, her lung’
‘s/he tore it’
‘s/he looked at it’
‘a small wild fruit’
‘core, the one from inside’
‘a honey’
‘a palm tree’
‘spoon’
‘small gourd container’
‘food cooked in palm leaves’
‘bee’
91
- [ʧ] and [ɾ]:
(39) a.
[mɯʧaŋ]
b.
[juɾan]
(40)
a.
b.
[kaɾaʧu]
[tuɾu]
- [n] and [ŋ]:
[manan]
(41) a.
b.
[manaŋ]
‘skin ulcer’
‘pepper’
‘spoon’
‘a tree’
‘a herbaceous plant’
‘a coconut bug’
(42)
a.
b.
[ʧanɔ]
[wɔŋɔ]
‘a poison’
‘game, meat’
(43)
a.
b.
[aŋna]
[onŋon]
‘mortar’
‘cacao’
- [n] and [ɾ]:
(44) a. [pɔnat]
b. [pɔɾat]
(45)
a.
b.
[ɔnon]
[ɔɾɔt]
- [l] and [ɾ]:
(46) a.
[ilu]
b.
[iɾu]
(47)
a.
b.
[walɔ]
[aɾɔ]
- [k] and [ɡ]:
(48) a. [akulɯ]
b. [aɡulɯ]
(49)
a.
b.
[wakat]
[waɡa]
- [ɡ] and [ŋ]:
(50) a.
[eɡuɾu]
b.
[eŋuɾu]
(51)
a.
b.
[aɡoŋ]
[aŋon]
- [ɡ] and [w]:
(52) a.
[taɡi]
b.
[pawi]
‘a palm tree’
‘catfish’
‘barbasco plant’
‘wild cashew’
‘his/her tongue’
‘his older brother’
‘a hawk’
‘lung’
‘it darkened’
‘he ate it’
‘alligator, cayman’
‘vulture’
‘its stain, spot’
‘his/her eye’
‘graze it, clear it (field)!’
‘fallen on the ground (fruit)’
‘cricket’
‘curassow’
92
(53)
a.
[eɡɯ]
b.
[awɯ]
‘throat, cartilage from the curassow's throat
to its anus’
‘blue-and-yellow macaw’
93
Appendix 2
Contrast Among Vowels
- [i] and [e] (and [ɛ])
(1) a.
[kubi]
b.
[kube]
(2)
(3)
(4)
a.
b.
a.
b.
a.
b.
‘a fish’
‘arrow (type of)’
[itkɔ]
[etkɔ]
‘lay down!’
‘take it, catch it!’
[eɾin]
[ɛɾɛn]
‘an insect’
‘his/her liver’
[ibit]
[ibet]
‘her younger sister’
‘his/her leg’
- [i] and [ɯ]
(5) a.
[pawi]
b.
[awɯ]
‘curassow’
‘blue-and-yellow macaw’
(6)
a.
b.
[ibit]
[ibɯt]
‘her younger sister’
‘his wife’
(7)
a.
b.
[niba]
[nɯba]
‘let him/her take a bath’
‘let him/her give him/her a bath’
(8)
a.
b.
[ibɯɾɯ]
[ɯbɯɾɯ]
‘his arrow’
‘my arrow’
- [u] and [ɔ]
(9) a.
[kutkut]
b.
[kɔtkɔt]
‘monkey’
‘bird’
(10)
a.
b.
[ɔɡum]
[ɔɡɔm]
‘wasp’
‘blind-snake’
(11)
a.
b.
[kui]
[koi]
‘a parakeet’
‘leaf that dogs eat to become brave’
(12)
a.
b.
[tudɔ]
[tɔdɔ]
‘an awl’
‘leporinus fish’
94
- [u] and [ɯ]
[ɯwɛlu]
(13) a.
b.
[ɯwɛlɯ]
‘my flashlight’
‘my necklace’
(14)
a.
b.
[imu]
[imɯ]
‘its egg’
‘his/her father’
(15)
a.
b.
[muaŋ]
[mɯaŋ]
‘an insect’
‘a fish’
- [a] and [e] (or [ɛ])
[kuba]
(16) a.
b.
[kube]
‘an armadillo’
‘an arrow’
(17)
a.
b.
[pawi]
[pɛwit]
‘curassow’
‘a hawk’
(18)
a.
b.
[amuɾu]
[ɛmuɾu]
‘manioc beer’
‘his testicles’
- [a] and [ɔ]
(19) a.
[waɡa]
b.
[waɡɔ]
‘vulture’
‘a sloth’
(20)
a.
b.
[pɯɾak]
[pɯɾɔk]
‘arrow (with four points)’
‘a parakeet’
(21)
a.
b.
[taɾik]
[tɔɾik]
‘big’
‘several’
95
Appendix 3
Chart with Ludlings
In this appendix I present examples of ludling data in three large charts, with all
ludlingants using the same base words or sentences, to show all ludlings present in the
Arara language. I obtained these data through a broad phonetic transcription that I made
in 2010 on location in Laranjal village (see Chapter one and Chapter two). I recorded the
data from Tjimi Arara, a 73 year old male, after being authorized by him to do so. Since
he does not know how to read or write, I read aloud an Informed Consent document to
him. He agreed with the terms presented in the document and impressed his thumbprint
on it. We had several meetings. In the process of eliciting these data, I told him a base
word or a base sentence and asked him to say each ludling for that word or sentence. I
repeated the base word or sentence each time he was going to say a ludling. So these big
charts are formed from elicited data. Consequently, a few variations in the speaker’s
pronounciation were attested in this material, such as for the word ‘tree’, which seems not
to follow any pattern. I did not record these charts electronically, as I did for Appendix 4.
For each base word or sentence in the charts, there is a gloss. In this appendix there is a
table with isolated nominals, a table with isolated verbs, and a table with sentences.
Isolated Nominals
(1)
A
B
C
D
Gloss
Base Word
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
a fish
kɔʧi
kɔʧiɡi
idiɡɔʧi
kɔpʧi
wiʧi
path
ɔnma
ɔnamaɡa
idinma
ɔpta
winma
96
my path
iɛman
iɛnamaɡan
idinman
iɛptan
winman
rubber tree
ɔɛt
ɔɛɡɛt
idiɛt
ɔptɛt
wiɛt
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Pecarry, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
pɔʧi
nɯʧi
piʧi
tɔʧi
ɛŋnaʧi
ɛŋaɾaʧi
unʧi
kɔ̃ʧĩ
kæʧɛ
pɔnma
nɯnma
pinma
tɔnma
ɛŋanma
ɛŋnaɾanma
unma
ɔ̃nmã
ænmæ
pɔnman
nɯnman
pinman
tɔnman
ɛŋnanman
ɛŋnaɾanman
unman
i ̃ɛ̃nmãn
iænmæn
pɔɛt
nɯɛt
piɛt
tɔɛt
ɛŋnaɛt
ɛŋnaɾaɛt
unɛt
ɔ̃ɛt̃
aæt
(2)
Gloss
Base Word
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
fish
wɔt
wɔɡɔt
idiwɔt
wɔptɔt
wiwɔt
pɔwɔt
nɯwɔt
piwɔt
tɔwɔt
ɛŋnawɔt
ɛŋaɾawɔt
unwɔt
wɔ̃t
wæt
my fish
ɯwɔt
ɯwɔɡɔt
idiwɔt
ɯptɔt
wiwɔt
pɔwɔt
nɯwɔt
piwɔt
tɔwɔt
ɛŋnawɔt
ɛŋnaɾawɔt
unɯwɔt
ɯ̃ wɔ̃t
ɛwæt
a fish
ɔɾɛmi
ɔɾɛmiɡi
idimi
ɔptɛmi
wiɾɛmi
pɔɾɛmi
nɯɾɛmi
piɾɛmi
tɔɾɛmi
ɛŋaɾɛmi
ɛŋaɾaɾɛmi
unaɾɛmi
õɾɛ̃mi ̃
æɾæme
a fish
ɔtpa
ɔtpaɡa
iditpa
ɔpta
witpa
pɔtpa
nɯtpa
pitpa
tɔtpa
ɛŋnatpa
ɛŋaɾatpa
unba/?unotpa
ɔ̃tpã
ɛtpæ
Gloss
Base Word
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
mud
ikpa
ikpaɡa
idikpa
ipta
wikpa
pɔkpa
nɯkpa
pikpa
tɔkpa
ɛŋnakpa
ɛŋnaɾakpa
unikpa
ĩkpã
ikpæ
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
(3)
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
we all
uɡɔɾɔŋmɔ
uɡɔɾɔŋmɔɡɔ
idigɔɾɔŋmɔ
uptɔŋmɔ
wigɔɾɔŋmɔ
pɔgɔɾɔŋmɔ
nɯgɔɾɔŋmɔ
pigɔɾɔŋmɔ
tɔgɔɾɔŋmɔ
ɛŋnagɔɾɔŋmɔ
ɛŋnaɾagɔɾɔŋmɔ
ungɔɾɔŋmɔ
ũgɔ̃ɾɔ̃ŋmɔ̃
ugɛɾɛŋmɛ
97
night
kɔk
kɔɡɔk
idiɡɔk
koptɔk
wiɡɔk
pɔɡɔk
nɯɡɔk
piɡɔk
tɔɡɔk
ɛŋnaɡɔk
ɛŋnaɾaɡɔk
unɡɔk
kɔ̃k
kak
abcess
nu
nugu
idinu
nuptu
winu
pɔnu
nɯnu
pinu
tɔnu
ɛŋnanu
ɛŋnaɾanu
unu
nũ
næ
(4)
Gloss
my clothes
forest
tree
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
Base Word
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
iabɔi
iabɔiɡi
idibɔi
iaptɔi
wibɔi
pɔbɔi
nɯbɔi
pibɔi
tɔbɔi
ɛŋnabɔi
ɛŋnaɾabɔi
unbɔi
ĩãbɔ̃i ̃
iæbɔi
idua
iduaɡa
ididua
iptua
widua
pɔdua
nɯdua
pidua
tɔdua
ɛŋnadua
ɛŋnaɾadua
undua
ĩdũã
eduæ
iei
iɛiɡi
idijɛi
jɛptɛi
wijɛi
pɔjɛi
nɯɛɛi/nɯɛi
piɯɛi
tɔjɛi
ɛŋnaɯi
ɛŋnaɾai
unɛi
i ̃ɛ̃i ̃
iæi
(5)
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
Gloss
Base Word
Capuchin
Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
(6)
Gloss
knife
armadillo
a bird
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
Base Word
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
pɯlɛptɛ
pɯlɛptɛɡɛ
idibɯlɛptɛ
pɯptɛtɛ
wilɛptɛ
pɔlɛptɛ
nɯlɛptɛ
pilɛptɛ
tɔlɛptɛ
ɔtpidɔ
ɔtpidɔɡɔ
iditpidɔ
ɔptidɔ
witpidɔ
pɔtpidɔ
nɯtpidɔ
pitpidɔ
tɔtpidɔ
kɔtkɔt
kɔtkɔɡɔt
iditkɔt
kɔptɔt
witkɔt
pɔtkɔt
mɯtkɔt
pitkɔt
tɔtkɔt
A
small
peccary
pɔu
pɔuɡu
idibɔu
pɔptu
wibɔu
pɔbɔu
nɯbɔu
pibɔu
tɔbɔu
ɛŋnabɔu
ɛŋanɾabɔu
unbɔu
pɔũ
pæu
bench
muɾɛi
muɾɛiɡi
a fish
omiaɛgu
omiaɛɡuɡu
a fish
mɯdaimɔ
mɯdaimɔɡɔ
stingray
ambamba
ambambaga
idimuɾɛi
muptɛi
wimɛɾɛi
pɔmɛɾɛi
nɯmɛɾɛi
pimɛɾɛi
tɔmɛɾɛi
ɛŋnamuɾɛi
ɛŋnaɾamuɾɛi
unmɛɾɛi
mũɾɛ̃i ̃
meɾæi
idimiaɛɡu
ɔptiaɛɡu
wimiaɛɡu
pɔmiaɛɡu
nɯmiaɛɡu
pimiaɛɡu
tɔmiaɛɡu
ɛŋnamiaɛɡu
ɛŋnaɾamiaɛɡu
unmiaɛɡu
unõmi ̃ãɛɡ̃ ũ
æmiæɛɡu
idimɯdaimɔ
mɯptaimɔ
widaimɔ
pɔdaimɔ
nɯdaimɔ
pidaimɔ
tɔdaimɔ
eŋnadaimɔ
eŋnaɾadaimɔ
unmɯdaimɔ
mɯ̃ dãi ̃mɔ̃
mædɐimæ
idimbamba
aptamba
wimbamba
pɔmbamba
nɯmbamba
pimbamba
tɔmbamba
eŋnambamba
eŋnaɾambamba
unambamba
ãmbãmbã
æmbæmbæ
98
night
monkey
kutkut
kutkuɡut
iditkut
kuptut
witkut
pɔtkut
mɯtkut
pitkut
tɔtkut
I
J
K
L
M
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
eŋnalɛptɛ
eŋnaɾalɛptɛ
unbɯlɛptɛ
pɯ̃ lɛ̃ptɛ̃
pɛlɛptɛ
(7)
Gloss
Base Word
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
armadillo
ɔtkɔimɔ
ɔtkɔimɔɡɔ
iditkɔimɔ
ɔptɔimɔ
witkɔimɔ
pɔtkɔimɔ
nɯtkɔimɔ
pitkɔimɔ
tɔtkɔimɔ
ɛŋnatkɔimɔ
ɛŋnaɾatkɔimɔ
unɔtkɔimɔ
ɔ̃tkɔ̃i ̃mɔ̃
ætkæimæ
Gloss
Base Word
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
Gloss
Base Word
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
(8)
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
(9)
A
B
C
D
ɛŋnatpidɔ
ɛŋnaɾatpidɔ
unɔtpidɔ
ɔ̃tpi ̃dɔ̃
ætpidæ
ɛŋnatkɔt
ɛŋnaɾatkɔt
ungɔtkɔt
kɔ̃tkɔ̃t
kætkæt
ɛŋnatkut
ɛŋnaɾatkut
ungutkut
kũtkũt
kætkæt
penis
ɛnbɛn
enbɛɡɛn
idinbɛn
ɛptɛn
winbɛn
pɔnbɛn
nɯnbɛn
pinbɛn
tɔnbɛn
ɛŋnanbɛn
ɛŋnaɾanbɛn
unɛnbɛn
ɛ̃nbɛ̃n
ænbæn
head
imumʤi
imumʤiɡi
idimumʤi
iptupti
wimumʤi
pɔmumʤi
nɯmumʤi
pimumʤi
tɔmumʤi
ɛŋnamumʤi
ɛŋaɾamumʤi
unmumʤi
ĩmũmʤĩ
æmɔmʤi
a fruit
pɛɾa
pɛlaɡa
idibeɾa
pɛpta
wiɾa
pɔɾa
nɯɾa
piɾa
tɔɾa
ɛŋnaɾa
ɛŋnaɾaɾa
unbeɾa
pɛ̃ɾã
pɛɾæ
a beetle
pɔmu
pɔmuɡu
idimu
pɔptu
wimu
pɔmu
nɯmu
pimu
tɔmu
ɛŋnamu
ɛŋnaɾamu
unbɔmu
pɔ̃mũ
pamu
uncles
kɔkɔŋmɔ
kɔkɔŋmɔɡɔ
idikɔŋmɔ
kɔptɔŋmɔ
wikɔŋmɔ
pɔkɔŋmɔ
nɯkɔŋmɔ
pikɔŋmɔ
tɔkɔŋmɔ
ɛŋnakɔŋmɔ
ɛŋnaɾakɔŋmɔ
ungɔŋmɔ
kɔ̃kɔ̃ŋmɔ̃
kækæŋmæ
an arrow
pɯɾak
pɯɾaɡak
idibɯɾak
pɯptak
wiɾak
pɔɾak
nɯɾak
piɾak
tɔɾak
ɛŋnaɾak
ɛŋnaɾaɾak
unbɯɾak
pɯ̃ ɾãk
pɛɾæk
her vagina
itutun
itutuɡun
iditutun
ittun
witutun
club
apon
apoɡon
idipon
apton
wipon
99
his wife
ibɯt
ibɯɡɯt
idibɯt
iptɯt
wibɯt
wood tick
pɔtpɯɾi
pɔtpɯɾiɡi
iditpɯɾi
popti
witpɯɾi
pɔtpɯɾi
nɯtpɯɾi
pitpɯɾi
tɔtpɯɾi
ɛŋnatpɯɾi
ɛŋnaɾatpɯɾi
unbɯɾi
pɔ̃tpɯ̃ ɾĩ
pɛtpɛɾi
wasp
aɛ
aɛɡɛ
idiɛ
aptɛ
wiɛ
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
pɔtutun
nɯtutun
pitutun
tɔtutun
ɛŋnatutun
ɛŋnaɾatutun
unitutun
ĩtũtũn
ɛtɛtɛn
pɔpon
nɯpon
pipon
tɔpon
ɛŋnapon
ɛŋnaɾapon
unbon
ãpõn
æpɛn
(10)
Gloss
brothers
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
Base Word
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
bird hind
quarter
muniŋmɔ
piluŋɔ
muniŋmɔɡɔ piluŋɔɡɔ
idimuniŋmɔ idipiluŋɔ
muptiŋmɔ
piptuŋɔ
winiŋmɔ
wipiluŋɔ
pɔniŋmɔ
pɔpiluŋɔ
nɯniŋmɔ
nɯpiluŋɔ
piniŋmɔ
pipiluŋɔ
tɔniŋmɔ
tɔpiluŋɔ
ɛŋnaniŋmɔ
ɛŋnapiluŋɔ
ɛŋnaɾaniŋmɔ ɛŋnaɾapiluŋɔ
unmuniŋmɔ unbiluŋɔ
mũnĩŋmɔ̃
pi ̃lũŋɔ̃
mæniŋmæ
pɛlɛŋæ
(11)
Gloss
bird
macaw spp.
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
Base Word
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
kuɾɔkuɾɔ
kuɾɔkuɾɔɡɔ
idiɾɔkuɾɔ
kuptɔkuɾɔ
wiɾɔkuɾɔ
pɔɾɔkuɾɔ
nɯɾɔkuɾɔ
piɾɔkuɾɔ
tɔɾɔkuɾɔ
ɛŋnaɾɔkuɾɔ
ɛŋnaɾaɾɔkuɾɔ
unguɾɔkuɾɔ
kũɾɔ̃kũɾɔ̃
kæɾækæɾæ
kaɾa
kaɾaɡa
idiɡaɾa
kapta
wiɾa
pɔɾa
nɯɾa
piɾa
tɔɾa
ɛŋnaɾa
ɛŋnaɾaɾa
unɡaɾa
kãɾã
kæɾæ
100
pɔbɯt
nɯbɯt
pibɯt
tɔbɯt
ɛŋnabɯt
ɛŋnaɾabɯt
unbɯt
ĩbɯ̃ t
ɛbæt
pɔɛ
nɯɛ
piɛ
tɔɛ
ɛŋnaɛ
ɛŋnaɾaɛ
unaɛ
ãɛ ̃
æɛ
his bird hind
quarter
ipilun
ipiluɡun
idipilun
iptilun
wipilun
pɔpilun
nɯpilun
pipilun
tɔpilun
ɛŋnapilun
ɛŋnaɾapilun
unbilun
ĩpĩlũn
ɛpɛlun
catfish
deceased
father
papamɡɛni
papagamɡɛni
idipamɡɛni
paptamɡɛni
wipamɡɛni
pɔpamɡɛni
nɯpamɡɛni
pipamɡɛni
tɔpamɡɛni
ɛŋnapamɡɛni
ɛŋnaɾapamɡɛni
unbamɡɛni
pãpãmɡɛ̃ni ̃
pæpæmɡɛni
pɔɾat
pɔɾaɡat
idibɔɾat
pɔptat
wibɔɾat
pɔbɔɾat
nɯbɔɾat
pibɔɾat
tɔbɔɾat
ɛŋnabɔɾat
ɛŋnaɾabɔɾat
unɔɾat
pɔ̃ɾãt
pɛɾæt
gourd
kamap
kamaɡap
idimap
kaptap
wimap
pɔmap
nɯmap
pimap
tɔmap
ɛŋnamap
ɛŋnaɾamap
ungamap
kãmãp
kæmæp
(12)
Gloss
my food
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
Base Word
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
ɯun
ɯuɡun
idiun
ɯktun
wiun
pɔun
nɯun
piun
tɔun
ɛŋnaun
ɛŋnaɾaun
unɯun
ɯ̃ ũn
ɛun
Gloss
Base Word
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
our (all) leg
uɡupʧinɡɔm
uɡupʧinɡɔgɔm
idipʧinɡɔm
uguptinɡɔm
wipʧinɡɔm
pɔgɔpʧinɡɔm
nɯpʧinɡɔm
pipʧinɡɔm
tɔpʧinɡɔm
ɛŋnapʧinɡɔm
ɛŋnaɾapʧinɡɔm
unbɯʧinɡɔm
ũgũpʧĩnɡɔ̃m
ɛgupʧinɡɔm
(13)
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
men
banana
(type of)
uɡonɡom
taupa
uɡonɡoɡom
taupaɡa
idiɡonɡom
idiupa
uktɜnɡom
taptupa
wiɡɜnɡom
wiupa
pɔɡɔnɡom
pɔupa
neɡɜnɡɜm
nɯupa
piɡɜnbɛ
piupa
tɔɡɔnɡom
tɔupa
ɛŋnaɡɜnɡom
ɛŋnaupa
ɛŋnaɾaɡonɡom ɛŋnaɾaupa
ununɡɜnbɛ
unaupa
uɡɜ̃nbɛ̃
tãũpã
uɡɜnɡɜm
tæepæ
banana
womjum
womjuɡum
idimium
wɔptium
wimium
pɔmium
nɯmium
pimium
tɔmium
ɛŋnamium
ɛŋnaɾamium
uŋmium
wõmj ̃ũm
wɜmjɜm
Isolated Verbs and Adjectives
(14)
Gloss
slept
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
Base Word
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
tɔwɯnɡɯt
tɔwɯnɡɯɡɯt
idiwɯnɡɯt
tɔptɯnɡɯt
wiwɯnɡɯt
pɔwɯnɡɯt
nɛwɯnɡɯt
piwɯnɡɯt
101
I’m going to
sleep (near)
ɯwɯnɡɯda
ɯwɯnɡɯdaga
idiwɯnɡɯda
ɯptɯnɡɯda
wiwɯnɡɯda
pɔwɯnɡɯda
nɯwɯnɡɯda
piwɯnɡɯda
make her/him sleep
iɯnɡɯnɔpkɔ
iɯnɡɯnɔpkɔɡɔ
idiwɯnɡɯnɔpkɔ
iɯptɯnɡɯnɔpkɔ
wiwɯnɡɯnɔpkɔ
pɔwɯnɡɯnɔpkɔ
nɯwɯnɡɯnɔpkɔ
piwɯnɡɯnɔpkɔ
H
I
J
K
L
M
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
(15)
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
Gloss
Base Word
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
(16)
Gloss
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
Base Word
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
tɔwɯnɡɯt
ɛŋnawɯnɡɯt
ɛŋnaɾawɯnɡɯt
unɯnɡɯt
tɔ̃wɯ̃ nɡɯ̃ t
tæwænɡɛt
tɔwɯnɡɯda
ɛŋnawɯnɡɯda
ɛŋnaɾawɯnɡɯda
unɯnɡɯda
ɯ̃ wɯ̃ nɡɯ̃ dã
ɯwænɡædæ
s/he ate
aɡulɯ
aɡulɯɡɯ
idiɡulɯ
aptulɯ/aktulɯ
wiɡulɯ
pɔɡulɯ
nɯɡulɯ
piɡulɯ
tɔɡulɯ
ɛŋnaɡulɯ
ɛŋnaɾaɡulɯ
unɡulɯ
ãɡũlɯ̃
æɡulɛ
for her/him
ɯwɯna
ɯwɯnaɡa
idiwɯna
ɯptɯna
wiwɯna
pɔwɯna
nɯwɯna
piwɯna
tɔwɯna
ɛŋnawɯna
ɛŋnaɾawɯna
ɯnɯwɯna
ɯ̃ wɯ̃ nã
ɯwænæ
I’m going to wash my
own hand
kɔdɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
kɔdɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛdaɡa
idimiaɡuɾuɡɛda
kɔptɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
widɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
pɔdɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
nɯdɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
pidɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
tɔdɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
ɛŋnadɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
ɛŋnaɾadɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
undɛmiaɡuɾuɡɛda
kɔ̃deɛ̃mi ̃ãɡũɾũɡɛ̃dã
kædæmiæɡɛɾɛɡɛdæ
102
tɔwɯnɡɯnɔpkɔ
ɛŋnawɯnɡɯnɔpkɔ
ɛŋnaɾawɯnɡɯnɔpkɔ
unɯnɡɯnɔpkɔ
i ̃ɯ̃ nɡɯ̃ nɔ̃pkɔ̃
iænɡænæpkæ
I wrote
indɛkɛlɯ
indɛkɛlɯɡɯ
idindɛkɛlɯ
iptɛkɛlɯ
windɛkɛlɯ
pɔndɛkɛlɯ
nɯndɛkɛlɯ
pindɛkɛlɯ
tɔndɛkɛlɯ
ɛŋnandɛkɛlɯ
ɛŋnaɾandɛkɛlɯ
undɛkɛlɯ
ĩndɛ̃kɛ̃lɯ̃
indækælæ
it’s good
it’s bad
kuɾɛp
kuɾɜɡɛp
idiɾɛp
kuptɛp
wiɾɛp
pɔɾɛp
nɯɾɛp
piɾɛp
tɔɾɛp
eŋnaɾɛp
eŋnaɾaɾɛp
unguɾɛp
kũɾɛ̃p
kuɾæp
wɯɾɯpɛ
wɯɾɯpɛɡɛ
idiɾɯpɛ
wɯptɯpɛ
wiɾɯpɛ
pɔɾɯpɛ
nɯɾɯpɛ
piɾɯpɛ
tɔɾɯpɛ
ɛŋnaɾɯpɛ
ɛŋnaɾaɾɯpɛ
unɯɾɯpɛ
wɯ̃ ɾɯ̃ pɛ̃
wæɾæpæ
Sentences
(17)
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
(18)
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
(19)
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
Gloss
Base Sentence
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
I came from the forest without any load
tapɔɾɛ taɡiɛ wɛbɯlɯ iduandubɔp
tapɔɾɛɡɛ taɡiɛ wɛbɯlɯ iduandubɔɡɔp
idipɔɾɛ taɡiɛ wɛbɯlɯ ididuandubɔp
taptoɾɛ taɡiɛ wɛbɯlɯ iptuandubɔp
wipɔɾɛ taɡiɛ wɛbɯlɯ widuandubɔp
pɔpɔɾɛ taɡiɛ wɛbɯlɯ pɔduandubɔp
nɯpɔɾɛ taɡiɛ wɛbɯlɯ nɯduandubɔp
pipɔɾɛ taɡiɛ wɛbɯlɯ piduandubɔp
tɔpɔɾɛ taɡiɛ wɛbɯlɯ tɔduandubɔp
ɛŋnapɔɾɛ taɡiɛ wɛbɯlɯ ɛŋnaduandubɔp
ɛŋnaɾapɔɾɛ taɡiɛ wɛbɯlɯ ɛŋnaɾaduandubɔp
unbɔɾɛ taɡiɛ wɛbɯlɯ unduandubɔp
tãpɔ̃ɾɛ̃ tãɡi ̃ɛ̃ wɛ̃bɯ̃ lɯ̃ i ̃dũañ dũbɔ̃p
tæpɛɾæ tæɡiɛ wæbɛlɛ ɛduændubɛp
Gloss
Base Sentence
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
my deceased father ate the tropical fruit (spp.)
pitɔt jɛmilɯ papamɡɛni
pitɔɡɔʧɛmilɯ papaɡamɡɛni
iditɔʧɛmilɯ idipamɡɛni
piptɔʧɛmilɯ paptamɡɛni
witɔʧɛmilɯ wipamɡɛni
pɔtɔʧɛmilɯ pɔpamɡɛni
nɯtɔʧɛmilɯ nɯpamɡɛni
pitɔʧɛmilɯ pipamɡɛni
tɔtɔʧɛmilɯ tɔpamɡɛni
ɛŋnatɔʧɛmilɯ ɛŋnapamɡɛni
ɛŋnaɾatɔʧɛmilɯ ɛŋnaɾapamɡɛni
unbitɔʧɛmilɯ unbamɡɛni
pĩtɔ̃ʧɛ̃mi ̃lɯ̃ pãpãmɡɛ̃ni ̃
petaʧɛmilɛ pæpæmɡɛni
Gloss
Base Sentence
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
the tayra did not eat the tropical fruit (spp.)
pitɔt jɛmibɯra ɡumɯk wajugɔ
pitɔgɔʧɛmibɯra ɡumɯk wajuɡɔɡɔ
iditɔʧɛmibɯra ɡumɯk idiwajuɡɔ
piptɔʧɛmibɯra ɡumɯk waptuɡɔ
witɔʧɛmibɯra ɡumɯk wiuɡɔ
pɔtɔʧɛmibɯra ɡumɯk pɔjuɡɔ
nɯtɔʧɛmibɯra ɡumɯk nɯjuɡɔ
pitɔʧɛmibɯra ɡumɯk piuɡɔ
tɔtɔʧɛmibɯra ɡumɯk tɔjuɡɔ
ɛŋnatɔʧɛmibɯra ɡumɯk ɛŋnajuɡɔ
103
J
K
L
M
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
ɛŋnaɾatɔʧɛmibɯra ɡumɯk ɛŋaɾajuɡɔ
unbitɔʧɛmibɯra ɡumɯk unwajuɡɔ
pĩtɔ̃ʧɛ̃mi ̃bɯ̃ rã ɡũmɯ̃ k wãjũɡɔ̃
petaʧɛmibɛræ ɡumɛk wæjuɡa
(20)
Gloss
Base Sentence
Capuchin Monkey
Titi Monkey
Squirrel Monkey
Curassow
Trumpeter
Coati
Agouti
Peccary, Dog
Macaw
Toucan
Spider Monkey
Howler Monkey
Tortoise
I killed repeatedly macaws yesterday on the inga tree
kaɾa inwɔtkɛlɯ kɔɡɔnŋɛ taukaɾa bɔk
kalaɡa inwɔtkɛlɯ kɔɡɔnŋɛɡɛ taukalaɡa bɔk
idiaɾa inwɔtkɛlɯ idiɡɔnŋɛ idiukaɾa bɔk
kapta inwɔtkɛlɯ kɔptɔnŋɛ taupta bɔk
wiɾa inwɔtkɛlɯ wiɡɔnŋɛ wiukaɾa bɔk
pɔɾa inwɔtkɛlɯ pɔɡɔnŋɛ pɔukaɾa bɔk
nɯɾa inwɔtkɛlɯ nɯɡɔnŋɛ nɯukaɾa bɔk
piɾa inwɔtkɛlɯ piɡɔnŋɛ piukaɾa bɔk
tɔɾa inwɔtkɛlɯ tɔɡɔnŋɛ tɔukaɾa bɔk
ɛŋnaɾa inwɔtkɛlɯ eŋnaɡɔnŋɛ ɛŋnaukaɾa bɔk
ɛŋnaɾaɾa inwɔtkɛlɯ ɛŋnaɾaɡɔnŋɛ ɛŋnaɾaukaɾa bɔk
ungaɾa inwɔtkɛlɯ unɡɔɡɔnŋɛ unaukaɾa bɔk
kãɾã ĩnwɔ̃tkɛ̃lɯ̃ kɔ̃ɡɔ̃nŋɛ̃ tãũkãɾã bɔ̃k
kæɾæ inwatkɛlɛ kɛɡɛnŋɛ tæukæɾæ bɛk
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
104
Appendix 4
Recording of Ludlings
In this appendix I present examples of ludling data in the context of larger syntactic
units, including phrases, clauses, sentences, and discourse. I have transcribed
(phonetically) these data based on recordings I made in 2010 on location in Laranjal
village (see Introduction and Chapter one). The recordings were made using the program
Audacity; the microphone used was a Galaxy Audio on an HDR2 (handheld digital
recorder). The speaker is Tjimi Arara, a 73 year old male. I asked him to make up one
story or conversation about each of the different ludlings. I suggested that he use the
Arara base word /taupa/ ‘species of banana’ as a consistent topic for each one of these
texts. Each ludling story in this appendix is separated into its own distinct table. Glosses
of each individual morpheme appear right below the Arara forms (in the same cell), and a
free translation is given in the column to the right. When I could not make out certain
words that Tjimi said in the recordings, I use numbers in the free translation column to
refer to the location in the Audacity file where that portion of speech occurs.
It is noteworthy that Tjimi is the only Arara speaker who still remembers all thirteen
ludling forms. Furthermore, he appears to be the only speaker who can fluently put these
words together into larger utterances of this type, i.e., conversations. However, it is very
evident in these recordings that he frequently hesitates, as though he finds the task
difficult. In addition, the ludling which he hesitates with the most is the squirrel monkey
ludling (see the third section below “Squirrel monkeys ludling”). All other Arara
105
speakers familiar with this ludling consistently form it by infixing /-pt-/ after the first
vowel. Nevertheless, while Tjimi uses /-pt-/ in most cases, such as in this appendix, he
sometimes changes this empty morpheme to /-kt-/, or even /-tt-/, as in Appendix 3.
Capuchin Monkey ludling: /-ɡV-/; /ɾ/ > [l] (see Section 4.2.1)
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
(8)
(9)
(10)
(11)
(12)
(13)
(14)
(15)
(16)
(17)
taupa-ɡa
dɜŋ
banana-LUD be
tɜupɜ
taupa-ɡa
banana-LUD
tɔlek-kom-bɛ-ɡe taɡie tɔɾɔŋ dɔɾɔŋ dɔdeː
big-Pl-Adjr-LUD very Ideoph Ideoph Ideoph
i-enba-ɡa-n
1Abs-food-LUD-Poss
i-nba-n
2Abs-food-Poss
i-enba-ɡa-n
1Abs-food-LUD-Poss
ũhũ, i-enba-n
biɡet (matu)
Ideoph 1Abs-food-Poss few ?
(m)-enep-tɔmɛ-ɡɛ
mondo lon
(2Erg)-bring-Fut-LUD there Emph
imbala-ɡa ja
Neg?-LUD Emph?
ug-enba-ɡa-n-gom
dəŋ
12Abs-food-LUD-Poss-Pl be
enŋa
(hɜ̃hɜ̃)
agreement (hesitation)
taupa-ɡa
tɔɾik-kom-be-ɡe tahie kumɯk
banana-LUD big-Pl-Adjr-LUD emph Rem.Imperf
ɯː
tan bɯdek an pe-ɡe pa darik ka ɡumɯk
Ideoph here like
? ?
? big Q Rem
kun-ɡe bɯla it-taŋ-ɡɯ
Rem-say ?
Aux?-Uni-Imperf?
man
m-an-enep…
attention 2Erg-Inc-bring
m-an-enep-tomɛ (ũh)
2Erg-Inc-bring-fut (hesitation)
106
‘it is a banana’
‘banana’
‘banana’
‘they are very big, very big,
very big’
‘it is my (soft) food’
‘it is your food’
‘it is my food’
‘yes, it is my little bit of
food (matu: speech error?)’
‘you will bring it from
there’
‘no (emphatic)’ (location in
the file: 15)
‘it is our food’ (change in
the order of the ludlingant)
‘good ideaǃ’
‘the bananas were very big’
(fricativization of /ɡ/: tahie)
‘(location in the file: 2428)’
‘(location in the file: 2530)’
‘look, you start bringing…’
‘you will start bringing
them’
(18)
(19)
(20)
m-enep-tome-ɡe
2Erg-bring-Fut-LUD
kɔɡɜlone n-iʧ-a-ɡah
tomorrow Abs-Aux-Perm-LUD
heŋa
(hũ)
agreement (hesitation)
‘you will bring them’
‘leave it for tomorrow’
(extra /h/ in the ludlingant)
‘good ideaǃ’ (extra /h/ in the
word for agreement)
Titi monkeys ludling: /idi-/ (see Section 4.2.2)
(21)
(22)
(23)
(24)
(25)
(26)
(27)
(28)
(29)
(30)
(31)
(32)
(33)
(34)
(35)
(36)
(37)
idi-upa
LUD-banana
taupa
idi-upa
(hũhũ)
LUD-banana (hesitation)
idi-ɔmjum-ɯɾɯ
LUD-banana-field
hɔhɔ ɜdɔ ɔmjum-ɯɾɯ
?
?
banana-field
malɔn-ne
to-bin-de
enough-only T-ripe-Nmlz
eʧid edaɾe-ɡe-n
?
?
idi-ɾik-kom-bɛ taɡie
LUD-big-Pl-Adjr very
ka-am-bɯɾa wɯna dite...
high-Loc-Neg ?
?
m-an-enep-tɔ(me)
2Erg-Inc-bring-Fut
m-an-enep-tɔme
botkɯn
2Erg-Inc-bring-Fut very
idi-nakta
LUD-?
idi-ɡɜlɜne
n-iʧ-ɜ
tetʃiŋ
LUD-tomorrow 3-Aux-Perm ?
malon uɾɔ tẽkete hũ
enough I ?
babbling
n-eneb-a
wɯ-ɡe-naŋɯɾɯ...
3Abs-bring-Perm 1Erg-say-Prog
idi-βe-ta-nbom
LUD-bring?-Dist-later
idi-ɾɜ lɜn
LUD-? Emph
‘banana’
‘banana’
‘banana’
‘banana field’
‘banana field’
‘(in the field there are) only
ripened (yellow) ones’
‘(location in the file: 4950)’
‘they (bananas) are very
big’
‘they (the trees) are short,
…’
‘you will start bringing
(them)’
‘you will start bringing
(them, emphatic)’
‘(location in the file: 57)’
‘leave it for tomorrow’
‘(location in the file: 1:001:05)’
‘let him bring (them), I say’
‘you bring (them) later’
‘(location in the file:
1:06.0)’
107
(38)
idi-upa
tɜɾik-kom-be tɜ(ɡie)
LUD-banana big-pl-Adjr very
‘the bananas are very big’
Squirrel monkeys ludling: /-pt-/ or /-kt-/ (see Section 3.2.11)
(39)
(40)
(41)
(42)
(43)
(44)
(45)
(46)
(47)
(48)
(49)
(50)
(51)
ta-pt-ɔpa
(hɯ̃ )
banana-LUD-banana (hesitation)
tɜmhep tɔ-biu-n-de
a-wɔmjum-ɯɾɯ
?
T-bridge-?-? 3Abs-banana-field
ta-pt-ɔpa
lɜn ɯndik-kom-be taɡalia
banana-LUD-banana Emph big-Pl-Adjr very?
lili (w)adi(te)
? how.is.it
ẽ,
womjum-ɯɾɯ-p taɾik-kom
Ideoph banana-field-Adjr big-Pl
womjum tɔp taɾik-kom-be kun-ʤa-dɯ-k, ehe
banana ? big-pl-Adjr Rem-say-Pl-? yes
tɜ-pt-ɔpa
banana-LUD-banana
ɯ-wɜ-pt-jum-ɯɾɯ-p
1Abs-banana-LUD-banana-field-Adjr
ũhũː, malon kun-it-ta-ɡ
lɜn
Ideoph enough Rem-Aux-always-? Emph
tan'dakpomamiŋ taɾik-kom matanaŋ ɡaje
?
big-Pl
?
?
i-ep-tome …
1Erg-come-Fut
ẽhũhũ i-enba-n
Ideoph 1Abs-food-Poss
i-enba-n
m-an-enep-tome
1Abs-food-Poss 2Erg-Inc-bring-Fut
i-enep-tome
1Erg-bring-Fut
‘banana’
‘? .... his banana field’
‘the bananas themselves are
very big’
‘? …. oh boy! (lit.:how is
it)? (location in the file:
1:20-1:25)’
‘yes, the banana field is big’
‘yes, they say that the
bananas are big’
‘it is a banana, my banana
field’
‘yes, it is always good’
‘(location in the file: 1:34.01:35.0)’
‘I will come …’
‘yes, my food’
‘you will start bringing my
food’
‘I will bring (it)’
Curassows, chicken, hen, muscovy ducks, Brazilian merganser, guans ludling: /wi-/ (see
Section 4.2.3)
(52)
(53)
(54)
(wi-u)
wi-upa
(LUD-bana…) LUD-banana
taupa
wi-upa
wi-ɾik-kom-be da(ɡie)
LUD-banana LUD-big-Pl-Adjr very
108
‘(bana…), banana’
‘banana’
‘the bananas are very big’
(55)
(56)
(57)
(58)
(59)
(60)
(61)
(62)
(63)
(64)
(65)
(66)
(67)
(68)
(69)
(70)
(71)
(72)
wɛ-ɾɛɡɜn
LUD-Ideoph
eː kɜ-ɜm-bɯɾa ɡun-it-ta-k
? high-Loc-Neg Rem-Aux-always-?
pɯɾəptadatpɯamo
?
we-ɾik-kom-be
LUD-big-Pl-Adjr
wi-mɔ... wi-m...
LUD-bana LUD-bana
wi-womjum-ɯɾɯ
LUD-banana-field
ũhũ malon-ne
Ideoph enough-only
i-enba-n
m-an-enep-ta-nbom
1Abs-food-Poss 2Erg-Inc-bring-Dist-later
i-enep-ta
1Erg-bring-Dist
wi-nep-ta-nbom
LUD-bring-Dist-later
wi-nɛɾɛŋ
LUD-Ideoph
wi-mom-ʤi bɔk
LUD-head-Poss on
odɯ-ba- pan-ba ….
what-doubt ?
m-enep-ta-nbom
botkɯn
2Erg-bring-Dist-later very
i-enep-ta
wi-dɜ dɯd wi-it-tup
LUD-go want LUD-Aux-if
wi-kpɯ-a
wi-baɾa kumɯɡ
ja
LUD-good-Perm LUD-Neg Rem.Imperf Emph?
n-akpɯ-a
bohtkɯn anumeɾe pɜtpeʧin
3Abs-good-Perm Emph
?
?
109
‘they are standing up’
‘it (the tree) is always short’
‘(location in the file: 1:52.01:53.0)’
‘they are big’ (/we-/ instead
of /wi-/ ‘LUD’)
‘bana(na), ba(nana)’
‘the banana field’
‘yes, that’s good’
‘later you start bringing my
food’
‘I am going to bring it
(from there)’
‘later I will bring it (from
there)’
‘it (the stalk) is hanging
down’
‘(bring them) on your head’
‘oh boy!’
‘later you will bring it
(emphatically)’
‘I am going to bring it
(from there)’
‘if you want to go’
‘let it get ripe; it was not
ripe’
‘let it get ripe
(emphatically)’ (extra h)
Trumpeters and woodpeckers ludling: /pɔ-/ (see Section 4.2.4)
(73)
(74)
(75)
(76)
(77)
(78)
(79)
(80)
(81)
(82)
(83)
(84)
(85)
(86)
(87)
(88)
(89)
(90)
(91)
(92)
pɔ-upa
LUD-banana
taupa
pɔ-upa
pɔ-ɾik-kom-be
taɡie
LUD-banana LUD-big-Pl-Adjr very
pɔ-neɾeŋ
LUD-Ideoph
hɛ̃hɛ̃ kɜ-ɜm-mɯɾa tɯ-mɜɾɜŋ
Ideoph high-Loc-Neg T-?
uɡ-enba-n
ũhũ
12Abs-food-Poss Ideoph
pɔ-ɡ-ɜnba-n
ɡa-k …
LUD-12?-food-Poss Q-3
pɔ-upa
taɾik-kom-be pɔ-ɾik-kom-be taɡie
LUD-banana big-Pl-Adjr LUD-big-Pl-Adjr very
pɔ-nɛɾɛŋ
LUD-Ideoph
(pɔ-) pɔ-m-bɯɾa taɡihe
LUD LUD-Loc-Neg very
ka-am-bɯɾa ɡun-it-tɜ-k
high-Loc-Neg Rem-Aux-always-?
tɜdɛŋbɔ aptandakpɔ-ŋmɔ emi-am
?
?-Pl
hand-Loc
pɔ-lɔnɔ pɔ-tɜŋ
LUD-? LUD-?
m-on-ip-tomɛ
2Erg-Inc-come?-Fut
wini ni-piɡaɡun-de-Nmlz-naŋɯɾɯ
?
3Abs-ripe-Verb-Caus-Prog
i-nba-(n)
lɜn
2Abs-food-Poss Emph
hũ
pɔ-nba-(n)
lɜn dɜŋ-ɡɯ
Ideoph LUD-food-Poss Emph be-Imperf
pɔ-da-nbom
LUD-?-later
pɔ-ɡɔlɜne
n-iʧ-ɜ
LUD-tomorrow 3Abs-Aux-Perm
enŋɛ
agreement
110
‘banana’
‘banana’
‘the bananas are very big’
‘it (the stalk) is hanging
straight down’
‘they (the banana trees) are
short’ ([mɯra] instead of
[bɯra])
‘yes, it is our food’
‘is it our food …?’
‘the bananas are big, very big’
‘it (the stalk) is hanging
straight down’
‘they (the banana trees) are
very short (extra [h] in
“tagie”)’
‘they are always short’
‘? … in the hand’ (location in
the file: 2:42.0)
‘?’ (location in the file:
2:45.0-2:46.0)
‘you will start coming’
‘it (something) is causing it to
become ripe (yellow)’
‘it is your own food’
‘yes, it was my food, later’
‘later … (hesitation?)’
(location in the file: 2:50)
‘leave it for tomorrow’
‘good ideaǃ’
(93)
idɜ tət itkɜβɜ ũ ũ ũ
go want ?
hesitation
‘? if (you) want to go …’
(location in the file: 2:55)
Coati ludling: /nɯ-/ or /ne-/ (see Section 4.2.5)
(94)
(95)
(96)
(97)
(98)
(99)
(100)
(101)
(102)
(103)
(104)
(105)
(106)
(107)
(108)
(109)
(110)
nə-upɜ
hə̃
LUD-banana hesitation
ne-wɜmjum-ɯh ulɜnɜmɯ
LUD-banana-? ?
tarik-kom-be ɡa-k
big-Pl-Adjr Q-3
ni-rĩk-kɜm-bɛ
ɡɜŋ
LUD-big-Pl-Adjr be?
enen-da
see-Dist
nɛɾɛŋ ũ
Ideoph hesitation
(i)-maɾa-ŋmɔ iɡana tɔɾik-kom-be te
3-small-Pl ?
big-Pl-adjr ?
nɜ-ɾik-kom-be
LUD-big-Pl-Adjr
nə-upa
ne-mi-am
LUD-banana LUD-hand-Loc
nə-ɾik-kom-be
tah
LUD-big-Pl-Adjr very?
nɜhnɜɾɜh te
?
i-enba-n
m-enep-ta
m-enep-ta-nbom
1Abs-food-Poss 2Erg-bring-Dist 2Erg-bring-Distlater
idɔ te
it-tu(p)
go want Aux-if
idɔ te(t) m-it-tup
waŋpɜ hɜ̃
go want 2Erg-Aux-if ?
hesitation
ug-eɾemak-tadam-ane-ba
2Erg.1Abs-hurry-Iter-Admon-Aff
n-eŋab-a
3Abs-eat-Perm
ne-ɡɜlɜne
n-itʃ-a
LUD-tomorrwo 3-Aux-Perm
enŋa
kɜɡɜlɜn
agreement tomorrow
111
‘banana’
‘banana’
‘are they big?’
‘they are big (location in
the file: 3:05)’
‘go there to see (them)’
‘it (the stalk) is hanging
straight down’
‘are they small, or big …?’
(location in the file: 3:10)
‘they are big’
‘the bananas in his/her hand
are very big’
‘?’ (location in the file:
3:15)
‘later you will bring my
food’
‘if s/he wants to go’
(missing /t/ in [te])
‘if you want to go …’
‘do not hurry me!’
‘let her/him eat it’ (different
word for ‘eat’)
‘leave it for tomorrow’
‘good idea, tomorrowǃ’
(111) kɜɡɜlɜn-ne
(n)-i-ɡune-lɯ
moŋ
tomorrow-only by-3Abs-sweat-Rec Aux
(112) ɯdɯ
i-pə …pə ʧitʃi
be.careful 3-Adjr ? sun
(113) o-mum-ʤi-kpɔ-taŋ
2Abs-head-Poss-sore-Fut
(114) iu-mɔm-ʤi
?-head-Poss
(115) nə-mum-ʤi muɾen mum-ʤi-kpɔ-tane
LUD-head-Poss small head-Poss-sore-Admon
(116) ehe ɛdɯ
Ideoph be.careful
(117) abudu-p ɡumɯk-pa mum-ʤi-kpɜ-nbɔ-ŋɔ
sore-Adjr Rem-Aff head-Poss-sore-Nmlz.Past-?
‘only tomorrow it will have
gotten hot’
‘be careful; it is sunny’ (if
you carry bananas on it)
(location in the file: 3:30)
‘your head will be sore’
(location in the file: 3:35)
‘my head’
‘my little head can get
soreǃ’
‘hey, be careful’
‘usually our head gets sore
(if we carry something on
it)’
Agoutis ludling: rodents: /pi-/ (see Section 4.2.6)
(118) pi-upa
LUD-banana
(119) taupa
(120) pi-upa
ɜ̃hɜ̃
LUD-banana babbling
(121) pi-wɔmjum-ɯɾɯ
LUD-banana-field
(122) pi-nɜɾɜŋ
LUD-Ideoph
(123) tɜːɾik-kom-be ɡun-it-ta-k-p(a)
eɾɔ hɜ̃
big-Pl-Adjr Rem-Aux-always-Aff this babbling
(124) pe-ɾik-kɜm-βɛ
LUD-big-Pl-Adjr
(125) (pi-ɔ̃) pi-ɔ̃mjum-ɯɾɯ
(LUD-) LUD-banana-field
(126) pi-tanbə
LUD-?
(127) m-enep-tɔme botkɯn
2Erg-bring-Fut very
(128) n-ipiɡaɡun-de-Nmlz-taŋdɯβɯda
3Abs-ripen-Verb-Caus-?
(129) pi-piɡɜ lɜn-ne
LUD-? even-only
112
‘banana’
‘banana’
‘banana’
‘banana field’
‘it (the stalk) is hanging
straight down’
‘they are always big’
‘they are big’
‘banana field’
‘?’ (location in the file:
40:0)
‘you will bring them
(emphatically)’
‘let it get ripe (yellow)’
‘?’ (location in the file: 4:04:05)
(130) pi-nba-(n)
lɜn dɜŋ-ɡɯ
LUD-food-(Gen) even be-Imperf
(131) nɛ-kuba-p
kumɯk-pa
LUD-beer-Purp Rem-Aff
‘it was my food’
‘it (the banana) is good for
making beer’ (different
LUD)
‘it was beer’
(132) pi-kuba dɜŋ-ɡɯ
LUD-beer be-Imper
(133) pi-nba-n
LUD-food-Poss
(134) ẽɲɛ
agreement
(135) m-etamɯ hɯ̃ kəhɜ̃
2Erg-?
? ?
(136) lalale mapilɔ
?
?
(137) pi-ɾa lɜn bep-tomɛ
LUD-? even ?-Fut
(138) pi-ʧiŋ
LUD-?
‘it was my food’
‘yes, that’s right’
‘?you …’ (location in the
file: 4:10)
‘?’ (location in the file:
4:10-4:15)
‘?’ (location in the file:
4:15)
‘?’ (location in the file:
4:15-4:20)
Peccary and Dog ludling: /tɔ-/ (see Section 4.2.7)
(139) tɔ-upa
LUD-banana
(140) taupa
(141) tɔ-upa
dɜŋ
LUD-banana
(142) tɔ-mjum-ɯɾɯ-p
tɔ-ɾik-kom-be
ta(ɡie)
LUD-banan-field-Purp LUD-big-Pl-Adjr very
(143) dɔ-nɛɾɛŋ
LUD-Ideoph
(144) taɾik-kom-bɛ ɡun-it-ta-k-pa
eɾɔ
big-Pl-Adjr Rem-Aux-always-?-Aff this
(145) tɔ-ɾik-kom-bɛ
(tɔ-tɔ)
tɔ-upɜ
LUD-big-Pl-Adjr (LUD-LUD) LUD-banana
(146) taupa endɔ-dɯ(dɯ)-k-pa-nba edet
banana here-PL(Pl)-?-Aff-also name
(147) tɔ-upa
lɜn
LUD-banana even
(148) ɯ̃
malɜn botkɯn
Ideoph enough very
(149) lɜnba ɔɡɜɾaumɔ wɔ taupa hɜ̃
also Arara? for banana even
113
‘banana’
‘banana’
‘it is a banana’
‘the banana field is very
big’
‘it (the stalk) is hanging
down’
‘these (bananas) are always
very big ’
‘the bananas are big’
‘what else? banana is its
name’
‘banana itself (is its name)’
‘? yes, that’s it (emphatic)’
‘also for the Arara (its
name) is banana’
(150) ũ
malɜn
Ideoph enough
(151) nu-meŋəɾə kuɾe-p
ku(mɯ)k-p(a) uade-koβa-p
?-drink? good-Adjr Rem-Aff
?-beer-Purp
(152) tɜɾek tɔn tɔ-wɔːɡɯ-rɯ ɡede-h kiubaɡan
many be? self-drink-Poss 3? ? ?
(153) kobaː eŋ m-enep-tɔmɛ botkɯn
?
? 2Erg-bring-Fut very
(154) inɜmne nɯ-dɔmɛ ĩhĩhĩ
?
?-Fut
hesitation
(155) uktɔmɛninːabɯlɯ tɔtɜnbɔ
?
?
(156) tɔ-ɡɜlɜn-ne
tɜ-ʧiŋ
LUD-tomorrow-only LUD-?
‘yes, that’s it’
‘it has been good …’
(location in the file: 4:45)
‘there is a lot to be drunk
….’ (location in the file:
4:45)
‘… you will bring it
(emphatic) (location in the
file: 4:50)’
‘? …. (location in the file:
4:50-4:55)’
‘? ….’ (location in the file:
4:55)
‘only tomorrow …’
(location in the file: 4:555:00)
Macaws ludling: /eŋna-/ (see Section 4.2.8)
(157) en-ɜpɜ̃ hɜ̃
LUD-banana
(158) taupa
(159) en-ɜpã
LUD-banana
(160) (eŋ)naɾa-umjum
LUD-banana
(161) unama-umjum-ɯɾɯ-p
LUD?-banana-field-Adjr
(162) malɜn dɜŋ ɔmjum-ɯɾɯ-p
lɜn-nɯ̃
enough be banana-field-Adjr even-?
(163) nep eŋnaɾa-tɜ wadite
?
LUD-?
how.is.it
(164) (iŋ)na-ta-nba
LUD?-fetch-also
(165) hiŋna-ta-n(ba)
LUD?-fetch-also
(166) m-et-ta
… wɯ-ɡi-ɜŋ
2Erg-fetch-Dist 1Erg-say-Uni
‘banana’
‘banana’
‘banana’
‘banana’ (different
ludlingant)
‘it is a banana field’
‘that’s right, it is a banana
field (emphatically)’
‘? …., how could it be?
(location in the file: 5:10)’
(different ludling)
‘you will fetch it’
‘you will fetch it’ (extra [h]
in the ludlingant)
‘I said, “you will fetch it
there”’ (incomplete
sentence)
‘? …. (location in the file:
5:20)’
(167) nekup neŋnaɾa-kuβa-dandiɜŋ
?
?-
114
(168) enŋa
agreement
(169) m-et-ta
mɯ̃ tkɯ̃ n
2Erg-fetch-Dist very?
‘yes, that’s right’
‘you will fetch it
(emphatically)’ (incomplete
sentence)
‘?’ (location in the file:
5:25)
‘?’ (location in the file:
5:25)
‘it is also beer’
(170) tɔ-nielumeptan-de bɜɾa
T-?-Nmlz
Neg
(171) inaɾaɡ nɜnɜkomiŋe
?
?
(172) eŋna-kuβa dɜŋ-ɡɯ-nba
LUD-beer be-Imperf-also
(173) enŋa
agreement
(174) ɯnba lɜn ɯ-wɔɡɯ-ɾɯ lɜn
also even 1Abs-drink-Poss even
(175) wadite-βa-nba hə̃
how.is.it-uncertain-also
‘yes, that’s right’
‘it is also (emphatic) my
drink (emphatic)’
‘how could it be?’
Toucans ludling: /eŋnaɾa-/ (see Section 4.2.9)
(176) (eŋ)naɾa-upa hĩ
LUD-banana hesitation
(177) taupa
(178) (eŋ)naɾa-upa
LUD-banana
(179) eŋnaɾa-dɛ hɯ̃
LUD-?
hesitation
(180) (eŋ)na-rek-kom-be tahie unaɾa-upɜ
ũhũ
LUD-big-Pl-Adjr very LUD-banana Ideoph
(181) i-maɾa-ŋma iedadɯt kəbənitək
3Abs-small-Pl ?
?
(182) (eŋ)na(ɾa)-lik-kɜm-bə
LUD-big-Pl-Adjr
(183) (eŋ)naɾa-wɜmjum-ɯɾɯ hɯ̃
LUD-banana-field
hesitation
(184) ɔmjum-ɯɾɯ lɜn mɔɾɔ wanɔ-p-pa
banana-field even it
what.for-Adjr-uncertain
(185) m-enep-tə
ndaɾata-nbɜ
2Erg-bring-Dist ?-also
(186) (eŋ)naɾa-ʧiŋ
LUD-?
115
‘banana’
‘banana’
‘banana’
‘? … (location in the file:
5:40)’
‘yes, the bananas are very
big’ (/unara/ - different
ludlingant)
‘they are small … (location
in the file: 5:45)’
‘they are big’
‘it is a banana field’
‘oh boy, it (itself) is a
banana field’
‘you will also bring …’
(location in the file: 5:505:55)
‘?’ (location in the file:
5:55)
(187) ẽhẽ
jumpak
Ideoph ?
(188) n-ep-tomɜ botkɯn hũ
3-come-Fut very
hesitation
(189) (eŋ)naɾa-tɜm (eŋ)naɾa-upa
LUD-?
LUD-banana
(190) ũhũ
Ideoph
(191) n-akpɯ-t
(eŋ)naɾa-kpɯ-t potkɯn
3Abs-ri(pe)-Nmlz LUD-ripe-Nmlz very
(192) ha
akpɯ-lɯ wadite-βɜ
hũ
hesitation ripe-Rec how.is.ti-uncertain ?
(193) m-et-tɔmɛ
botkɯn (eŋ)naɾa-tɜmɜ
2Erg-fetch-Fut very LUD-?
‘yes, … (location in the file:
5:55)’
‘let him come back’
‘… the banana (location in
the file: 6:00)’
‘yes, that’s okay (hesitation
for: [enŋa])’
‘let it get ripe, very ripe
(yellow)’
‘it got ripe; how could that
be?’
‘you will fetch it
(emphatically) … (location
in the file: 6:05)’
Spider monkeys ludling: /un-/ (see Section 4.2.10)
(194) un-aupa
LUD-banana
(195) taupa
(196) un-aupɜ
LUD-banana
(197) kɜmben nundɛrɛ
?
?
(198) kɜmbẽn itakpɯeɾə ũ
?
?
hesitation
(199) ɯdɯ
un-ɔpa
e-ɯnan wɔmjum-ɯɾɯ
be.careful LUD-banana ?-?
banana-field
(200) malon
enough
(201) m-enep-ta-n(bom)
2Erg-bring-Dist-later
(202) num-et-ta-nbɔh
LUD?-Fecth-Dist-later
‘banana’
‘banana’
‘banana’
‘?’ (location in the file:
6:15-6:20)
‘?’ (location in the file:
6:20)
‘be careful, the banana, …
it is a banana field’
(location in the file: 6:206:25)
‘that’s okay’
‘later you will bring it
(from there)’
‘later I will bring it’
(different ludlingant; /h/
instead of /m/)
‘?’ (location in the file:
6:25-6:30)
‘yes, that’s right’
(203) uŋ-ɯʧĩ
LUD-?
(204) ɛhẽ-(e)ŋɜ
Ideoph-agreement
(205) idɜ tet
it-tu(p) eliõ…
go want Aux-if? ?
‘if s/he wants to go …’
116
(206) (ɯ)tɜ tet it-tuh
go want Aux-if
(207) ɯdɔ
go
(208) (w)-ɯdɔ-nɜŋəɾə kɜkɜ
1Erg-go-Prog ?
(209) un-tɜ lɜn-ne
udɜ
LUD-go even-only go
(210) nɛhɛː
Ideoph
(211) m-et-tomɛ
2Erg-fetch-Fut
(212) ɔ-(w)ɔɡɯ-ɾɯ lɜn
2Abs-drink-Poss even
(213) omʊɾɔ e-weʧi-(p)
moŋ-ne un-ɜmɡʊ βɜk
you 3-addict-Adjr Aux-Rem LUD-beer on
(214) nə-muɾu waditi tək
LUD-beer how ?
(215) ne-wɜɡɜ-ɾə
LUD?-drink-Poss
(216) un-wɔɡɜ-ɾɯ
dɛhẽ
LUD-drink-Poss be-Imperf
(217) ɔ-wɔɡɯ-ɾɯ
lɜn wanɔ-p-pa
2Abs-drink-Poss even what.for-Adjr-uncertain
(218) m-enep-ta-nbom
botkɯn
2Erg-bring-Dist-later very
(219) n-anane teɡeɾe hũ
LUD-one? very? hesitation
‘if s/he wants to go’ (/h/
instead /p/)
‘goǃ’
‘I am going …. (location in
the file: 6:30-6:35)’
‘then go, go! ’
‘yes’
‘you will fetch it’
‘it (itself) is your drink’
‘you usually are addicted to
beer’
‘the other kind of beer, how
could that be?’
‘your drink’
‘it was my drink’
‘your drink (itself), oh boy’
‘later you will bring it
(from there)’ (emphatically)
‘only a bit’
Howler monkeys ludling: nasalization of vowels (see Section 4.2.12)
(220)
(221)
(222)
(223)
taupɜ̃
taupa
tãũpɜ̃ …
wõmj ̃ũm naː lɜ̃n hũ
banana ? even hesitation
(224) ne-kom-be an
te-k pene
big?-Pl-Adjr Rhet be-3 also
‘banana’
‘banana’
‘banana...’
‘it is a/the banana (itself)’
‘isn’t it also big? (rhetorical
question)’ (variation of
pronunciation)
‘isn’t the banana big?’
(variation of pronunciation)
‘you will fetch it’
(225) nɛ-kɜ̃m-b(e) uãː hũɜ ̃ tɔ̃up̃ ɜ̃
big?-Pl?-Adjr Rhet? ? banana
(226) m-et-tɜmu
2Erg-fetch-Fut
117
(227) ẽː
i-et-tã-nbõm
Idioph 1Erg-fetch-Dist-later
(228) ɔ-wɔɡɯ-ɾɯ
lɜn paɾu weʧi-(p)
2Abs-drink-Poss even water addict-Adjr
moŋ-ne
Aux-Rem
(229) ɯ̃ -wɔɡɯ-ɾɯ
lɜ̃n hũ
1Abs-drink-Poss even babbling
(230) i-et-tã-mbɜm
bə
1Erg-fetch-Dist-later ?
(231) jẽmẽ n-ĩŋnɔ̃βɯ̃ -lɯ̃
mom by-prepare-Rec
(232) hẽɲɜ
n-iŋnop-ta-ɡ-a
agreement 3Abs-prepare-Perm-Imp-Perm
(233) wanɔ-p-pa
hũ
what.for-Adjr-uncertain hesitation
(234) m-enep-tomɛ-wɜ
2Erg-bring-Fut-then
(235) ɜ̃
i-et-ta-nbom
Ideoph 1Erg-fetch-Dist-later
(236) tɯpu piɡen ʧɔŋ
?
small? Ideoph?
(237) hẽɛ
malɜn hũ
Ideoph enough hesitation
‘yes, later I will fetch it’
(variation of pronunciation)
‘it is your drink (itself); you
usually are addicted to
water’
‘it (itself) is my drink’
‘later I will fetch it’ (/mb/
instead /nb/)
‘it is to be prepared by
mom’
‘that’s right, let her prepare
it’ (new structure: [-ta-g-a])
‘oh boy’
‘then you will bring it’
‘yes, later I will fetch it’
‘... small …’ (location in
the file: 7:25)
‘yes, that’s okay’
Land tutles ludling: towards [æ] (see Section 4.2.13)
(238) tɛɛpæ
(239) daupa
(240) tɛɛpɜ dɜŋ
banana be
(241) wamjum
(242) tɛ̃ːi ̯ ɡa dək
have Q be
(243) tɜmɛ daɾik-kɜm-be una tahik ɡa dɔk itɛːɾa
?
big-Pl-Adjr ? ?
Q be ?
(244) keh
tæupɜ
hesitation banana
(245) malon
(246) m-enep-tomɛ ɯ-wɔɡɯ-ɾɯ
bɯɾa
2Erg-bring-Fut 1Abs-drink-Poss Neg
(247) ɛ-waɡɛ-ɾɛ
tẽ fadof padua
1Abs-drink-Poss ? ?
banana
118
‘banana’
‘banana’ (voicing process)
‘it a is banana’
‘banana’
‘is there any?’ (Portuguese
word: tem ‘have’)
‘... big (location in the file:
7:40)’
‘it is a banana’
‘that’s okay’
‘you will bring it; there is
nothing for me to drink’
‘it is my drink ... banana’
(248) jækoβa
beer
(249) enŋa
agreement
(250) jakuba-p ku(mɯ)k … kuɾe-p
kumɯk-p(ɜ)
beer-Purp Rem
? good-Adjr Rem-Aff
(251) i-ɛt-tæ-nbɜm
jɛmɛ n-eŋnɜbɯ-lɯ
1Erg-fetch-Dist-later mom by-make-Rec
119
‘it is beer’
‘that’s right’
‘usually, it is good for
making beer’
‘later I will fetch it for mom
to make some’
Appendix 5:
Flora and Fauna Identification
In this appendix I present the flora and fauna mentioned in this thesis in alphabetical
order by the Arara term. The second column gives an English gloss, the third column a
probable (but not certain) scientific identification, and the fourth column the local
Portuguese terms. The scientific names are not the result of scientific studies nor were
they provided by an expert, but rather based on my personal research using the internet,
comparing photographs and descriptions there with my personal experience in the Arara
area. They should not be taken as certain identifications but simply as aids for future
researchers.
Arara
[abianã]
[adɔ]
[amɯ]
[aɾun]
[awɯ]
[erin]
[jaɾambi]
[iebɛɾɛbɯɾɯ]
[jaɡuɾi]
[jɔɡɔ]
[jɔɾu]
[kaɡak]
[kajatu]
[kaɾa]
[kaɾaja]
[kaɾatɔ]
[kaɾaum]
English Gloss
a peccary
Scientific names
Dasyprocta sp.
Apis sp.
Geochelone sp.
Ramphastos sp.
Aratinga aurea
Ara chloropterus
Arara macao
Lagenaria sp.
Portuguese
queixada, porco do
mato
mandi
piolho
macaco guariba
arara canindé
cigarra pequena
carará, mergulhão
pica-pau
cutia
mel, abelha
jabuti
tucano
periquito maracanã
arara
arara vermelha
cabaça
a fish
head louse
a howler monkey
blue-and-yellow macaw
a small cicada
Brazilian merganser
woodpeckers
an agouti
honey, honey bee
turtoises
a toucan
peach-fronted parakeet
a red and green macaw
a scarlet macaw
a bootle gourd, gourd
container
a blue macaw
Pimelodus sp.
Pediculus humanus
Allouatta sp.
Ara arauna
Anodorhynchus sp.
arara azul
Tayassu albirostris
Cicadedae
Mergus octosetaceus
Picidae
120
Manihot sp.
mandioca braba
[kaɾiamɯ̃ ]
[kɔtkɔt]
non-edible
cassava/manioc
a deer
yellow-rumped cacique
Mazama sp.
Cacicus cela
[kɔʧi]
[kuba]
[kubi]
a leporinus fish
an armadillo
a fish
Leporinus sp.
Cabassous unicinctus
[kui]
[kuŋʤi]
a parakeet
a quail
veado
japu, japurá,
rescongo
piau
tatu rabo de couro
bicudo, caibu,
agulhão
curica
uru
[kuɾuju]
[kutkut]
[kutɔ]
[kuʧamit]
small squash or gourd
a night monkey
a toad
a titi monkey
[kɯden]
[ɔtkɔi'mɔ̃]
[ɔtpa]
sweet manioc/edible
cassava
kapok tree
muscovy duck
a herbaceous plant
a fruit
a toad
a biting midge
a bird of the cuckoo
family
a tree/fruit
a large predatory fish
a small monkey
sweet potato
rubber tree
blind snake
wasp
a small predatory fish
cacao tree/fruit
the barbasco plant
a spotted fish
bare-faced curassow
native cashew tree/fruit
cultivated cashew
tree/fruit
giant armadillo
a catfish
[ɔtpidɔ]
an armadillo
[kaɾawa]
[kɯdeɾai ebɯ]
[mak kɛni]
[manan]
[mɔβɛ]
[mɔɛ]
[muaŋ]
[mulik]
[mumbɔ]
[mɯdaimɔ]
[mɯta]
[nabiɔt]
[ɔet]
[ɔɡɔm]
[ɔɡum]
[omiaeɡu]
[onŋon]
[ɔnon]
[ɔɾɛmĩ]
[ɔɾepi]
[ɔɾɔt]
[ɔɾɔʧum]
Ctenoluciidae
Brotogeris sp.
Odontophorus
capoeira
Cucurbita sp.
Aotus sp.
Bufonidae
Callicebus sp.
Manihot sp.
Ceiba pentranda
Cairina maschata
Ischnosiphon aruma
Spondias mombin
Bufonidae
Culicoides sp.
Crotophaga sp.
Bagassa guianensis
Hoplias sp.
Callitrichidae
Ipomoea batatas
Hevea brasiliensis
Scolecophidia
Vespidae
Hoplias sp.
Theobroma cacao
Lonchocarpus urucu
Pseudoplaystoma sp.
Crax fasciolata
Anacardium sp.
Anacardium sp.
cabacinha
macaco da noite
sapo
macaco zoguezogue
macacheira, aipim,
mandioca doce
samaúma
pato
arumã
cajá, taperebá
sapo cururu
maruim
anu preto
tatajuba
trairão
macaco suim
batata doce
seringa
cobra cega
marimbondo
traíra
cacau
urucu
surubim
mutum pinima
caju silvestre
caju cultivado
Priodentes maximus
Hoplosternum
littorale
tatu canastra
tamoatá, cascudo
Dasypodidae
tatu
121
[patɯt]
[pawi]
[pɛwit]
[pilik]
[pɔmũ]
[ponẽ]
[pɔɾat]
[pou]
[pɯɾɔk]
[tagi]
[taukara]
[tawɛ]
[tomɡem]
[toŋʤiɾi]
porcupine
curassow
a raptor
a toucan
a beetle
piranha
a catfish
a small peccary
a parakeet
cricket
inga tree/fruit
capuchin monkey
a black biting fly
a lizard
[tɔɾɔmɔ̃]
[ʧamit]
Brazil nut tree/fruit
squirrel monkey
[ʧaɾɔkʧaɾɔ]
[ʧirɔ]
[ʧiɾuka]
[tɔdɔ]
[tudɔ]
[tɯapkɔ]
[waɡa]
parrot
a toucan
coati
a banded leporinus fish
an owl
a toucan
a bald vulture
[wagɔ]
[wagwak]
[wakat]
[walɔ]
[waŋwa]
[waɾakina]
[wauɾi]
[weɾɔ]
[woɡaɾaum]
[wɔŋɔum]
[wotomõ]
[ɯpɯ]
a sloth
a bird
alligator, cayman
a raptor
a tree
trumpeter bird
a palm tree/fruit
a small wild cat
a guan bird
a spider monkey
tapir
yam
Coendu sp.
Cracidae
Falconiforme
Ramphastos sp.
Coleoptera
Serrasalmus sp.
Baryancistrus sp.
Tayassu tajacu
Brotogeris sp.
Gryllidae
Ingeae
Cebus sp.
Simulium sp.
Tropidurus sp.;
Ameiva sp.
Bertholletia excelsa
Saimiri sp.
Ramphastos sp.
Procyonidae
Anostomidae sp.
Strigiformes
Ramphastos sp.
Cathartidae
Folivora
Penelope sp.
Alligatoridae
Falconiforme
Cecropia sp.
Psophia sp.
Oenocarpus sp.
Leopardus sp.
Penelope sp.
Ateles sp.
Tapirus terrestris
Dioscoreaceae
122
quandu
mutum
gavião
tucano
besouro
piranha
cari, cascudo
caititu
periquito
grilo
ingá
macaco prego
pium
calango
castanha do Pará
macaco mão-deouro
papagaio
tucano
quati
piau listrado
coruja
tucano
urubu de cabeça
pelada
bicho-preguiça
jacu
jacaré
gavião
embabaúba
jacamim
bacaba
gato maracajá
jacu
macaco capelão
anta
cará
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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theory. John Goldsmith (ed). Massachusetts: Blackwell. (697-712)
Botne, Robert & Davis, Stuart. 2000. Language Games, Segment Imposition, and the
Syllable. Studies in Languages. vol. 24, n. 2. John Benjamins Publishing Company. (319344)
Cahill, Michael. 2008. Word Games as Experimental Linguistics. SIL forum for language
fieldwork 2008-008, September. http://www.sil.org/silepubs/Pubs/50507/SILForum2008008.pdf. Accessed on June 7, 2010.
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