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C/84-3
JOURNALISTS AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF
MODERN CHINESE POLITICAL CULTURE
Lu-tao Sophia Wang
Center for International Studies
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02139
July 1984
Foreword
This study by Dr. Lu-tao Sophia Wang is one of a series which examines
the development of professions as a key to understanding the different
patterns in the modernization of Asia.
In recent years there has been much glib talk about "technology
transfers" to the Third World, as though knowledge and skills could be easily
packaged and delivered.
Profound historical processes were thus made
analogous to shopping expeditions for selecting the "appropriate technology"
for the country's resources.
The MIT Center for International Studies's
project on the Modernization of Asia is premised on a different sociology of
knowledge.
Our assumption is that the knowledge and skills inherent in the
modernization processes take on meaningful historical significance only in the
context of the emergence of recognizable professions, which are communities of
people that share specialized knowledge and skills and seek to uphold
standards.
It would seem that much that is distinctive in the various ways in which
the different Asian societies have modernized can be found by seeking answers
to such questions as:
Which were the earlier professions to be established,
and which ones came later?
What were the political, social and economic
consequences of different sequences in the emergence of professions?
How well
did the professions maintain standards, and how appropriate were the barriers
of exclusion?
What is the effect on recruitment of the political elite and on
their style of politics for specific professions to have high status and
others low status?
How does it happen that emphasis upon the same professions
for achieving the same objectives in modernization can have dramatically
- i -
-
ii
-
different consequences in different societies?
(For example, in both Japan
and India the legal profession was encouraged early in order to produce
government officials, yet India became a litigious society but Japan did not.)
Other planned studies in the series include the experience of Japan,
China, the Philippines, India, and Indonesia.
The project has been made
possible by a grant from the Rockefeller Brothers Fund.
It will also include
a general book on Asia's modernization by the project's director.
Lucian W. Pye
JOUPNALSTS AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF MODERN CHINESE POLITICAL CULTURE
"Facts,
facts,
nothing
but facts." -penny press in the United States, 1870
Julius Chambers on
the
"Our political opinions have to
be
drawn
from
syntheses
of
facts.... If we think that we do not have enough facts to make a
judgment,
we
will refrain from making premature judgments and
present
only the
facts...."
-Huang
Yuanyong
journalistic responsibility in modern China, 1913
The
purpose
journalistic
of
the paper
profession
implications
in
culture.
Specifically,
objective
reporting
journalism
and
China
(1902-1937)
transformation
it
will
impact
upon
of
Chinese
examine
as a professional
its
the
is to study of the emergence of
in modern
the
on
the
model
interest
and
the
its
political
formation
of
in modern Chinese
articulation
in
politics.
Objective
reporting,
journalistic
revolution
of
profession,
opinions,
in
reporting.
interest
function
professional
first
emerged
model
in
the
should
be the main content of
also implied
journalism.
the
articulation, that
newspapers was
is,
liberal
With the rise
to be a medium
1
for
rather
newspapers.
of
idea of
pluralistic
a recognition
the
commercial
the formulation
The first was the
The second was
of
in
journalists now believed that news..
The invention of news
concepts
a
in American journalism in the 1830s.
the penny press,
than
as
that
the
two
(1)
new
objective
idea
of
the primary
people
to
articulate
their own self-interest and specific
interest.
These
new
trend
two
ideas
democratization
in
American society.
reflected
the
general
(2)
toward
politics and the rise of market economy in
To social
scientists,
the
concomitance
of
these two new values nevertheless poses an interesting question
as
to
whether
there
is
cognitive objectivity
interest
indeed
and
articulation.
the
Can
a causal
liberal
connection between
pluralistic
norm
we, for example, expect that the
rise of objective reporting in journalism promotes the
pluralistic
The
is
modern Chinese
not
readily available in the current study of
journalism,
Chinese
because,
journalism
aptly
while
most
depicted
a
studies
clear
objective reporting in the first thirty years of the
century,
few
of
them
discussed
articulation in modern China.
its
impact
Western
century,
businessmen
but,
journalists
had
up
to
much
1911
called
the
founding
the
upon
For
father
approved twists of facts in his
of
model
objective
modern
advocacy
in the journalistic profession.
China
Chinese
Liang
Chinese
of
to
a
elite
mobilization
Qichao,
so
journalism,
technigue
of
However, after the 1911
reporting gradually became an
2
interest
of the ninteenth
in political
example,
"frightening" (hai shu) in journalism.
Revolution,
middle
Revolution,
more interest
than in objective reporting.
rise of
(3)
around
the
of
twentieth
The idea of objective reporting was first introduced
by
liberal
interest articulation in other societies?
answer
modern
of
Mainly
because
important
of
his
skills
most
of
objective
reporting, Huang Yuanyong emerged as the
important journalist in Beijing in the first five years of
the Republic.
reporting
and
By the
was
Xin
wen
advocating
mid-twenties,
already well
bao,
both
objective
the
ideal
Da ggng bago
China",
also
objective
accepted in urban China.
the
largest
commercial
Shen bao
newspapers
reporting, had a circulation of
seven times over the circulation of the most
press.
of
important partisan
often treated as "the New
had
a
circulation
150,000,
over
York
Times
100,000
in
in
the
mid-thirties.
The success of the commercial
catering of commercial
nothing
about
press was often attributed to its
interest.
whether
a
However, we practically
liberal
pluralistic
interest articulation was in
fact
formed
press.
some
evidences
There
were
even
in
ideology
know
for
the
commercial
that
commercial
journalists were negative to the expression of self-interest or
special
interest in journalism.
of Shen baa1
for example, was a famous Taoist who
"non-action".
bao
Chen Leng, the editor-in-chief
Both
Li Haoran, the editor-in-chief of
the
seems
most
to
reporting
be
and
important
no
virtue
definitive
the
liberal
in social
relationship
pluralistic
in
Xin wen
and Zhang Jiluan, the editor-in-chief of Da ggng bg±
professed Confucianists who upheld the denial of
as
believed
were
self-interest
life.
Hence, there
between
norm
of
objective
interest
articulation in modern Chinese journalism.
It then becomes interesting to examine the roles of
3
these
two
in
values
culture, the issue of
for
to
popular
the
Chinese
in
was
objectivity
subjectivity versus
an
general
not valued in traditional
was
objectivity
that
view
contrast
It was found that, in
explanation.
in
culture
political
Chinese
fact not clearly settled in Confucianism, the dominant ideology
in
For
culture.
Chinese
traditional
in
dynasty, there was a utilitarian school
li
pai)
who,
Neo-Confucianists
In
politics. (4)
Song
late
the
Ming
and
due
subdued
was
thought
utilitarian
to
school
in
speculation
(si)
school
delineated.
criticism, in which
as
such
"opinions", or
"theory"
(7)
to
those
validity
relative
subjective
and
(xue)
With
from
of
objective
differentiate
"hypothesis",
(6)
In
the
concepts
and
"facts"
from
were
explicitly
these concepts and methods in textual
research, a few scholars in the school
the
the
to
as a method of moral cultivation.
of textual
methods,
Moreover,
(5)
objective learning was further developed into a
dynasty,
Qing
learning
objective
a
was similar to John
moral philosophy, a controversy developed as
of
in
dynasty
which was generally known as a
Neo-Confucianism,
importance
of
supremacy
the
important aspects.
Dewey's pragmatism in several
within
which
Confucianism
the
dynasties,
Neo-Confucianism, but it re-emerged in the Qing
even
the
through
of subjective willpower as the most urgent task in
cultivation
pragmatic
inborn
human
cultivation
moral
altruistic nature, emphasized
by
was attacked
in
believing
while
improve the
to
The school
material well-being of the people.
(gong
Confucianism
realism
political
advocated
which
in the Song
example,
Neo-Confucian
4
also began
subjective
to
question
approach to moral
cultivation and politics.
Hence, although subjective willpower
was heavily emphasized in Confucian moral philosophy, the value
of objectivity was not at all
However,
valued
overlooked.
in all these objective schools where
one
way
in
legitimate.
pragmatic
(8)
interests
For example, Dai
Confucianism
dynasty, attacked
moral
and
textual
Neo-Confucianists'
but,
cultivation,
like
in
politics
criticism in the Qing
subjective
approach
objectivity?
Moreover,
are
these
reporting
norm
answer
the
interesting
question,
theory
that,
changed at the same rate.
proposed
pluralistic
of
that
values
in
communications
in cultural
specific
Pool,
culture
for
held
values
can
be
changed
interest
have
subjective moral
cultivation was a lightly-held value
example,
saliency.
in traditional
Chinese culture,
and
self-interest was a deeply entrenched value, then
would not be very difficult for modern Chinese
5
an
easily, but not deeply
(9) Hence, if,
of
objective
be classified
entrenched ones.
denial
patterns
changes, values are not
Ithiel de Sola
a
scholars
according to their different degrees of rigidity and
Lightly
of
in modern Chinese journalism?
articulation
To
liberal
also
development
between
the
to
Why was the denial
precedents of the lack of causal connection
and
Dai
Neo-Confucianists,
self-interest so resistable to changes despite the
cognitive
was
Zhen, a leading scholar
repudiated the pursuit of self-interest.
of
was
or another, the pursuit of or the competition
between self-interests and special
never
objectivity
journalists
the
it
to
adopt
the
professional
model
of objective reporting, but
would be quite unlikely that the adoption of
automatically
articulation
promote
in
the liberal
the
model
pluralistic norm of
it
would
interest
politics.
The journalistic
profession in China during the
first
three and
half decades of the twentieth centry seems most appropriate for
a study of the relationship
interest
articulation.
when a neutral
Chinese
their
between
First of
objective
all,
profession,
Secondly,
had
to
existed
journalists,
address
to
and
by
during
the
this period received classical
education, and thus provided us with an
to
compare
the
Western impact.
questions
had
a
great
influence
young Mao Zedong,
and
on
period
as modern
opportunity
culture and the
during
this
,
and confessed
their
A study of the
ideology.
undoubtedly
period
contemporary Chinese elites.
for example, read Liang Qichao's New
Chen Duxiu's New Youth
his own political
this
as well
influences of the traditional
will
further
objective reporting and the form of
interest
The
Citizen
influences on
profession
our
of
Thirdly, the
excellent
Fourthly, the profession
influenced
the nature of
objectivity and interest articulation explicitly.
elite
and
this was the only period
and non-partisan press
politics.
reporting
during
understanding of
articulation
in
contemporary Chinese culture.
There
that,
were
also
disadvantages.
during this period,
profession.
Thus,
The
most
important
journalism was not yet
in contrast
6
to professional
a
one was
full-fledged
journalists
in
modern
countries,
part-time or
the
amateurish.
political
thinker or
a
tremendous
many journalists
press
China,
politician than
through New Youth.
on
but
as
a
for
example,
a journalist.
public
Chen
opinion
he was also
politician than a journalist.
primarily
were either
Liang Oichao, the founding father
in
influence
in this period
more
a
So did Hu Shi
historian and
a
was more of
a
Duxiu
a
during
of
thinker
an excellent opportunity
values
in
their
to
purest
compare
forms.
Shi,
the West in
each
of
traditional
It should
to
whom could be the subject
set
up
in
also be emphasized
issue of China
of a
book.
a base-line of
comparison,
objective
of
sociological
three parts.
profession.
the
analysis
It will
part
century,
modern
profession
trace the origins of
and
to
I
activities,
traditional
the
and
first
the
in the light
itself
The
consists of
analysis
of
the
Chinese press in the
newspapers
in
the
modern newspapers launched by
Western missionaries and businessmen
7
I shall
professions.
isa historical
twentieth century back to the
eleventh
of
journalistic
The first
What
reporting
pluralistic norm of interest articulation
on
(10)
their
liberal
research
modern
journalism.
discuss the correlation between
the
and
the lives of Liang Qichao, Chen Duxiu, or Hu
namely, their involvement
order
cultural
the profession offered
attempted to do was to focus on one aspect of
In
a
However, since our
that I did not intend to study the whole complex
versus
or
who was recognized
diplomat.
the underdevelopment of
had
this period
interest was not only the profession itself, but also
transformation,
of
in China
in the
ninteenth
Then
century.
value
the
of
reporting
objective
ideologies of elite journalists will
in
the
It was found
be examined.
that modern Chinese journalists could be categorized into three
types:
subiective advocates, gbjective advocates and oblective
Subjective advocates were journalists who, in order
reggrters.
to mobilize support for
the
emphasized
facts.
fabricate
fought
for
they
that
their
causes,
political
and
emotions
of
potentiality
reality
conquer
their
not
did
hesitate
Objective
advocates
political
causes
were
so
willpower
to
to
or
twist
journalists who
and
journalism
in
greatly
who
that objective reporting was the most effective means
believed
Objective reporters
to promote their causes.
believed
objective
in
Chinese and Western
participation.
and
willpower
symbols
political
avoided
for
who
objectivity,
also be analyzed to examine how
will
emotions
but
reporting
those
were
Chinese and Western cultures influenced their styles.
Lastly, I will analyze Chinese and Western symbols for interest
articulation used by elite journalists to examine
professional
model
pluralistic idea of
I shall
liberal
whether
of objective reporting promoted the liberal
interest articulation.
demonstrate that objective reporting
pluralistic
norm
did
not
interest articulation
of
cultural
Chinese
journalism
tradition than by
subjective
advocates,
the
was
the
influenced
impact
strongest
8
from
more
the
promote
in modern
model
China, because objective reporting as a professional
modern
the
by
in
Chinese
West.
For
influence came from the
subjective moral
approach in the Confucian
tradition,
whereas
the origin of objective advocates and objective reporters could
be traced to both utilitarian schools and the school of textual
criticism
in
Confucianism.
was only secondary.
objective
Hence,
advocates
The influence of Western culture
although
advocated
objective
objectivity,
objectively evaluated the Confucian moral
search of
reporter
neither
imperative
and
of them
that
the
or the competition between self-interests and special
interests
in
politics
was immoral.
Politics, thus, remained
fundamentally a process of moralization.
The findings are particularly valuable for our understanding of
contemporary Chinese political culture.
although
pragmatists
excesses of moral
realism,
methods
always
subjective
indicate
that,
capable
of
correcting the
approach
in
politics
with
it is extremely difficult for them to apply objective
to
interests.
in
and
are
They
questions
self-interests
and
special
Hence, it is unlikely that the limited objectivity
contemporary
pluralistic
involving
Chinese
culture
will
promote
the
liberal
form of interest articulation until such questions
are evaluated objectively.
9
Some
observations
on
objective
reporting
and
the
liberal
pluralistic norm of interest articulation in the light
of
the
analysis of modern professions
sociological
One
way to explain the concomitance of objective reporting and
the
liberal
journalism
American
norm
pluralistic
of
interest
men
become
in their actions.
emphasis
upon
The
in
belief
involves
and
in
actions
rational
self-interests
and
in
its
secularization
of
coordinating
objective
is
interests,
special
in
interest
different
basically
From this point
secularization in the normative dimension.
view,
in
analytical
norm
pluralistic
process
reporting,
Objective
facts,
liberal
rational,
a
in its recognition of the value of pluralism and
articulation,
its
objective
(11)
is,
that
increasingly
empirical
cognition.
in
is to treat both values as two components
of secularization in modern culture,
which
articulation
of
reporting and the liberal pluralistic norm of
values
interest articulation are in fact two basic
of
modern
culture.
However, under the influences of traditional
of
processes
secularization
straightforward.
For example,
even
are
value systems, the
simple
never
within
the
and
sociological
studies of the values of modern professions where the cognitive
attribute
analytical
problems,
of
and
a
modern
empirical
profession,
attitude
that
in
is,
solving
is widely recognized, it is not at all
10
the rational,
cognitive
clear what
is
exactly the normative attribute
of
modern
underdevelopment
of the sociological
was
to
partly
due
the
professions.
The
literature in this aspect
discrepancy
between
the
classical
assumption that altruism was the norm of modern professions and
empirical
evidences
that
altruism
was
dominating norm of modern professions.
review
both
profession
theoretical
to
explain
interest articulation
and
that
is in fact
no
means
the
In this section, I will
empirical
the
by
studies
of
modern
liberal pluralistic norm of
the
normative
attribute
of
modern professions.
A
It
occupation with several distinct attributes.
occupation requiring esoteric but useful
It
sociology, is an
profession, as defined in Western classical
serves
the
self-interest
of
the
association
to
profession.
It enjoys
enemies
of
of
interest
enforce
the
a
bureaucratization.
It
in
are
professions
rather
has
a
practice.
ethical
service
to
market-orientation
-o4them were the most important.
professions
perform specific functions.
norm of altruism, namely
ideal
of
greatest
and
(12)
cognitive rationality, namely,
competence
than the
professional
The
Among the numerous attributes of a profession, it
agreed that two
skills.
of ethics and to promote the
code
autonomy
knowledge and
community
profession.
is a full-time
was generally
The first was
claimed
technical
The second was the
professions
adhered
to
the
which the main objective was the welfare of
the clients rather than the self-interest of the
11
professional.
These
two attributes were thought closely related because both
the
were believed to be results of
modern
of
occupational
of
labor
in
a
According to Emile Durkheim, for example, the
society.
division
division
was
labor
in
groups
accompanied
which
of
organization
by
were motivated to
individuals
interest:
subordinate the self to the general
"Once the group is formed, a moral life appears naturally......
in
associating
For it is impossible for men to live together,
industry,
without
acquiring
a
sentiment of
the whole....,
preoccupying
whole,
to that
themselves
attaching
without
themselves with its interest, and taking account of it in their
conduct." (13)
In
another
word,
believed
Durkheim
that a professional
altruistic to his clients, because he felt that it was a
was
moral
toward his fellow professionals. Thus, he willingly
obligation
followed the code of ethics to serve the clients
so
the
that
whole community would not be damaged.
However,
was not
by
sustained
about professional's altruism
assumption
Durkheim's
empirical
For
studies.
example,
in
comparing businessmen's and professionals' motivations, Talcott
Parsons
to see that businessmen were more selfish than
failed
individuals.
professionals as
Harold
professions,
Wilensky
(14)
In
a
survey
very strong.
professionals'
technical
three
found that technical competence
correlated negatively with careerism, but the
not
of
correlation
was
He thus suggested that, careerism, a form of
self-interest,
competence.
In
(15)
not
was
a
survey
incompatible
of
altruism
expertise in journalism, Swen Windahl also found that
12
with
and
altruism
and
expertise
is to say,
were actually two independent dimensions.
expertise in journalism did not
keep
That
people
from looking for security and advancement in this field.
away
(16)
Other studies on professions even indicated that the concern of
self-interest, rather than altruism, was actually the norm.
a
survey
of
eleven
occupations, Richard Hall
found that the
more professionalized an occupation was in terms
of
competence,
For
the
less
compared to nurses,
ranked very low.
As
the
altruistic
physicians'
it
became.
devotion
to
In
technical
example,
pulbic
service
(17)
positive correlation between cognitive rationality and
altruism
was
sociologists
not
began
sustained
by
empirical
research,
to argue for a negative correlation.
historical study of professions, Magali
some
In a
Sarfatti-Larsons
proposed that altruism had already been replaced by the concern
norm of modern professionalism.
of self-interest as the ethical
(18)
She
argued
that,
in
the
great transformation of the
market economy in the ninteenth century, professions were
transformed.
to
In the market economy, professions were organized
monopolize
their products.
residue
at
also
and
knowledge
The
service
the market of
skills to control
ideal
was
only
a
traditional
their convenience to elicit and quarrantee buyers'
preferences and trust.
Sarfatati-Larsons' radical
Western
interpretation
of
interpretation
revolutionized
the
professional norms, but it was not
13
sustained by empirical
Wilensky's
and
data either.
Windahl's
cognitive and normative
Although
the
Previously,
studies
which
dimensions
proposed
were
not
Hall's study provided some data for
more
technical
professionalized
an
competence,
less
the
I
occupation
mentioned
that
the
interdependent.
the argument that
was
altruistic
in
terms
of
it became, other
studies suggested that the result was more likely
an
artifact
of the complexity of physicians' functions in a modern hospital
than
a real description of their motivations.
For example, in
a study of physicians in a modern teaching hospital,
Rue Bucher
found that physicians had at least three
different
functions,
patient
(19)
care,
devoted to
research
and
and
research
teaching.
teaching
might
Since those who
not
have
specific
clients, they might appear less oriented to public service.
study is also interesting from another point of view.
Bucher's
He suggested that, rather than
medical
a
homogeneous
to
scientific
For example, doctors
competed
with
doctors
who
believed
responsibility was to cure diseases.
modern
hospital
competitions,
who
research often ran into conflicts with
doctors who were more interested in teaching.
a
the
profession was in fact a composite of various segments
with different values and interests.
devoted
community,
was
bargainings
a
and
These
that
two
their
then
prime
Thus, decision-making
complicated
compromises
process
among
in
in
which
different
segments were very common phenomena.
Bucher's
findings
were
supported
14
by numerous studies on the,
journalistic
profession
conflicting
values.
which
profession
was
types:
gatekeeger
,
responsibility
advocate
long
In a sociological
found that the
the
had
was
to
report
by
two
believed
news
divided
by
study, Morris Janowitz
divided
who
been
professional
that
his
objectively,
prime
and
the
who believed that journalists should devote himself
,
to direct participation in social
newsgathering
in
reforms.
(20) In a
study
of
Washington under the Kennedy Administration,
Dan Nimmo discovered that most journalists indeed split between
gatekeepers and advocates (both
moderates
in
both
duplicated in the
American
ways.
29%),
(21)
seventies.
while
Nimmo's
John
the
results
Johnstone
rest
were
were almost
surveyed
1300
journalists and found that the profession was divided
into three types, the neutral
(34.9%), the UgCticiagnt
(29.9%)
and the moderate (35.4%).(22)
Then,
what
profession?
is
Weber,
attempts
in
the
from a
offered
modern
to
attribute of a modern
discussion
of
modern
an inspiring clue to solve the question.
professions
beyond.
(23)
association
were
As
was
products
of
Puritans'
a
indeed
consequence,
a
modern
qualitatively different
"community", for, while communual relationship was based
upon affectual or traditional
associations
human
normative
conquer the world so as to prove their salvations
world
professional
the
I believe that Max Weber's
associations
To
exactly
were
relations
repudiated
types of social
characterized
with
Durkheim's
by
rationality.
theory
15
that
an
actions,
modern
"objectification" of
Thus,
Weber
professionals
clearly
would
be
"naturally" motivated to commit themselves
to
the
collective
goals of the professional community.
However,
Weber did not object that some professionals might be
motivated by altruistic consideration.
He said;
"A social relationship will
be
called
"associative"
if
and
insofar as the orientation of social actions within it rests on
rationally motivated adjustment of interests or a similarly
a
motivated agreement, whether the basis of rational judgment
be
absolute
values or
reasons
of expediency.
It is especially
common.... for the associative type of relationship to rest on a
rational agreement
of
mutual
consent.
In
that
case,
the
corresponding
action is....oriented to a value-rational belief
in one's own obligation, or to a rational expectation that
the
other party will live up to it."
(24)
Hence,
Weber
believed
that
modern professional
associations
actually split into
two
While
believed in altruism as an absolute value,
one
segment
segments
with
regard
the other treated altruism as an intrumental
one's self-interest.
element
of
to
value
better
a modern association was not the absolute value or
parties
rational
to
It allowed both segments because the core
,the instrumental value of altruism, but a mutual
both
altruism.
to
actions
the
importance
in
coordinating
of
consent
pluralism
and
different
from
that of
values
and
interests.
With
the
proper
understanding of the cognitive and normative
attribute of a modern profession,
the
I shall proceed
development of modern Chinese journalism.
demonstrate
subjective
that,
advocacy
despite
in
the
modern
16
dominance
of
to
discuss
I shall seek to
the
model
of
Chinese journalism, objective
reporting emerged as an important professional
an important role in Chinese politics in the
half decades of the twentieth century.
17
model
first
and played
three
and
The development of modern Chinese press
Because of the invention of printing techniques, newspapers had
been an important social
early
as
the
eleventh
governmental control,
never
extensively
people.
The
missionaries
century.
newspapers
used
modern
and
institution in imperial
to
However,
in
press
businessmen
as
a
traditional
transmit
Chinese
China since as
China
information
was
tool
among
started
by
of
were
the
Western
in the early ninteenth century.
Chinese intellectuals entered the business in the mid-ninteenth
century.
Subsequently, Chinese press
distinctive
press.
types,
(25)
ignored
the
the
political
Generally speaking,
were
press
the
divided
and
into
the commercial
political
press
often
principle of objective reporting in its political
advocacy.
In contrast, commercial press
reporting
because
news
was
treated
emphasized
as
a
objective
commodity.
division continued up to 1949 when the Chinese Communist
took over China and confiscated all commercial
Besides
two
The
Party
newspapers.
these two types, a third type of modern press was also
developed in the early twentieth century by a
journalists
who
successfully
achieved
political
that
For
objective
reporting.
exceptional
a balance between the
journalistic responsibilities for
for
few
mobilization
and
convenience's sake, the
third type of modern press will be named the independent press.
Newspapers
(bao) as an
in Chinese culture.
institution or a technology, are not new
(26)
As
early
18
as
the
second
century,
"metropolitan
gazettes"
(di
correspondence concerning
provincial
areas.
(jin
agents
bao),
court
form
activities,
were
Bureau
of
yuan) was established in the imperial
invented
bao)
were
bao),
sent
from
Reports
bureaucracy to
After
printing
in the Song dynasty, metropolitan gazettes (jing
printed
officials.
private
Official
handle documents from and to the provincials.
was
of
in the capital to their superiors in remote
In the Tang dynasty, the
zou
a
About
periodically
to
be
circulated
among
the same time, underground newspapers
(xiao
containing reprints and other unofficial news leaked from
the bureau, proliferated. In 1160 A.D.,
became
so
underground
newspapers
annoying to the government that an official pleaded
for their suppression.
(27)
Subsequently,
press
regulations
banning the spreading of government secrets, rumors and obscene
literature
were
other imperial
newspapers
found
never
to
the criminal codes as well
proclamations.
dynasties had to
houses
in
disappeared
authorize
reprint
Nevertheless,
totally,
provincial
official
as
the
and
as many
underground
Ming
private
and
ging
printing
gazettes in o-der to counter the
underground press.
The official gazettes contained
activities,
edicts
proclamations, etc.
Ruthoritarian control than that
had
nothing
to
were
of
emperors'
censors
of
Being more a tool
political
do with the system of
(jian) in the bureaucracy or
Neither
accounts
concerning promotions and demotions in the
bureaucracy, ii-oerial
they
daily
communications,
"moral
"public opinion" in
known
of
the
criticism"
country.
to use any form of mass media to
19
promote their causes.
faction
in
the
Gu Xiancheng, the leader of the
sixteenth century, for example, used personal
correspondences to contact his followers
Thus, the total
underground
across
circulation of official gazettes and commercial
newspapers
was
probably
very
small.
The exact
to
estimate
they were about the same as the total number of
appointed
official-gentry, that is, about 0.04% of the
in
country.
the
figures are not known, but it would be reasonable
that
the mid- ninteeth century.
total
population
That would make them about
(28)
half of the circulation of the modern press in 1908,
first
modern
(Cha-shi-su mei
yg
Chinese
tgng ji
(30)
1821,
the
reached
of
circulation
Chinese
suspension
by
in
barely
Magazine
Monthly
1,000.
From 1815 to 1895, about 40 Chinese and
journals
were
(31)
founded.
( Wan gug
Chinese Globe Magazine
the
important
gggg bgg ),
and
sponsors
Chinese.
(32)
foreign
missionaries,
influentials,
Richard.
Its
such
as
From 1868 to its
Robert
160
established by the
Hart,
Knowledge
General
the
included
diplomats,
suspension in
and
most
other
Allen Young and Timothy
1907,
published over 1000 issues, over 369 million
20
foreign-languaged
The most important one was the
Society for the Diffusion of Christian
among
Malaysia
Its main purpose was to
At its final
preach Christianity among Chinese.
5.3%
Chinese Monthly Magazine,
zhuan) was founded in
1815.
in
missionaries
British
journal,
and
(29)
of the circulation of daily newspapers in 1936.
The
Donglin
Wan gg
pages
in
ggng bao
total.
Since
the
periodical
was aimed at spreading general
about the West rather than religious
won
a
large
number
preaching,
it
improve his knowledge of the West.
entered
ggng
the
newspaper
first
business
Chinese
in
1858.
ambassdor
to
Kong.
Wu
Washington,
,
an English
(33) Zhong wai xin bao used the printing
facilities of China Mail
Mail
Dr.
newspaper in Hong Kong,
with a set of Chinese types rented from China Mail
Hong
to
In 1903, it became the most
founded Zhogg wai xin baoL a commercial
in
bao
in China with a circulation of 54,349.
Tingfang, later the
paper
Its
In the 1898 reform, Emperor
Guangxu ordered a complete reprinting of Wan ggg
Chinese
gradually
of readers among the Chinese elite.
circulation reached 5,000 in 1897.
popular periodical
knowledge
,
and in exchange the owners of
China
obtained the right to put advertisements in Zhgng wai xin
bao for free.
The first edition of Zhgeg wai
xin bao contained
only one single sheet of 15,000 Chinese characters.
one
third of the space, while the rest was all
Usually it did not run editorials.
News
had
advertisements.
When it did, parables
were
used to avoid direct criticism.
Other
famous
early
(1864, Hong Kong),
Shanghai).
by
Hui
Chinese newspapers included Hua zi
bao
(1874, Shanghai),
All of them were commercial.
and Xin bao
Xin bagg
ri bao
(1876,
established
merchants in Shanghai, expressed the purpose clearly in its
opening editorial:
If
T
"In trade, the
most
valuable
thing
is
communication.
Our
newspaper
will
publish
everything
concerning
trade such as
21
national policies,
military
news, customs,
prices
and
the
timetables
of ship transportations.......
In Shanghai, people
speak all
kinds
of
dialects.
Trade
is
inhibited
by
the
difficulty
in
oral
communications. However, if they read our
newspaper, they will know when and
what
commodities
will
be
sold, so that they can go there and examine them........." (34)
It also had an advertisement to sell ads in the paper:
"In
order
to
promote
sales,
many shopowners spend a lot of
money to print leaflets to be posted
on
the
wall.
However,
they
are
easily destroyed by the wind, the rain or people who
have nothing else to do..... It is better if you summarize your
points to be printed in our newspaper.
It costs little, but it
can be transmitted very easily....." (35)
The most important Chinese commercial newspapers were Shen
and
Xin
wen
bao
both in Shanghai.
bao
Shen bao was founded in
1873 by Ernest Major, a British tea merchant.
It was
sold
to
its Chinese comprador at the beginnig of the twentieth century,
and
then
to a group of Chinese entrepreneurs in Jiangsu after
the 1911 Revolution.
Shen bao and,
newspaper
In the late teens,
Shi
Liangcai
bought
in the twenties and thirties, made it the largest
enterprise
in
China.
(36)
Shi
also founded many
satellite businesses, such as the famous Shen bag annals,
Shen
bao monthlies. S hen bao mobile libraries, and Shen bag work and
study
groups.
In 1933, Shi
However,
In
1929, he bought 60'4 of Xin wen bao's stock.
was elected the speaker of the Shanghai
in
November
1934, his career ended abruptly when he
was assassinated by five masked men.
caught,
the
The murderers were
but it was generally believed that Shi
secret
suspicious
police
of
his
of
Assembly.
the
Nationalist
intentions.
22
Party
never
was murdered by
who
became
(37) Shen bag continued to be
published under the management of Shi's family. It once
the
organ
of
the
puppet
Sino-Japanese War.
Shi's
family,
journalist.
government
in
Nanking during the
After the war, the paper
but
was
managed
became
was
returned
by Pan Gongbi,
Shen bao was confiscated by the
to
a Nationalist
Communist
regime
in 1949.
Xin
wen bao was established by a British merchant in 1891,
was sold to J.
C. Ferguson, the president of
of Technology
in
Chinese
comprador
to Wang's talent
baa beat Shen
century.
bought
Shanghai.
Ferguson
in the school,
baa
(38)
in
In
60%. of
circulation
wen
baa's
Wang
Hanxi.
to manage the paper.
stock
a
Thanks
and ad sales, Xin wen
around
1929, Shi Liangcai,
Xin
the Nanyang School
hired
in promoting circulation
and
the
turn
of
the
the owner of Shen baos
for
700,000
dollars.
However, since the government was appalled at Shi's ambition of
a
newspaper trust, the employees' union of Xin wen baa managed
to maintain control of the newspaper up
Sino-Japanese
wen baa
war,
which
journalist.
1937.
After
the
Shi's family regained the ownership of Xin
was
(39)
to
under
Xin
the
wen
baa
management
was
also
of
a
Nationalist
confiscated by the
Communist government in 1949.
Both
Shen
baa
responsibility
accurately.
that
it
was
and
to
Xin
be
to
wen
cover
baa
important in China.
at
their
Shen
comprehensive
baa
stated
clearly
coverage of everything
(40) In 1874, Earnest Major, the
23
prime
the news comprehensively and
In the first editorial,
aimed
regarded
owner
of
Shen
bao
went
,
to Taiwan to cover the story about natives'
murders of Japanese.
It
reporters
Chinese
story.
from
the
In 1881,
was
probably
press
the
first
when Shanghai and Tianjin were first connected
ever
transmitted
through
Shen
bao
the
built
1922
telegraphy in China.
first
correspondents in China.
in
national
eighty
network
Shen
bao
and
which about 8
Xin
news
In 1912,
of
news
Xin wen bao established its own radio
to receive foreign and domestic news.
pigeons
attack of Shanghai.
first
(41)
1929, Xin wen bao began to rear carrier pigeons.
sent
that
ever made to cover a news
with a telegraph line, Shen bao also published the
facilities
trip
In
1932,
In
it
to transmit news concerning the Japanese
(42) In the
twenties
and
thirties,
both
wen bag each day put out 20 to 30 pages of
to 10 pages were devoted to news.
Both newspapers were also the best-sellers in China, with sales
of
150 thousand in the thirties.
of Xin wen bag were
area.
sold
About 60% of Shen bao and 45%
outside
the
Shanghai
metropolitan
The growth of Shen bao under Shi Liangcai was especially
impressive.
copies.
In 1873, the first issue of Shen bao sold only 600
It increased to about 5000 in the eighties and stayed
there up to the 1911 Revolution.
Liangcai
in
After
it
was
sold
to
Shi
the late teens, the circulation grew rapidly.
It
reached fifty thousand in 1922, a hundred thousand in
1925, and
a hundred and fifty thousand in 1926.
bao
only
300
(43)
copies for the first two years.
Xin
In 1912,
circulation reached about 20,000, almost three
Shen
bao.
It
grew to fifty thousand in 1921,
24
wen
times
sold
its daily
that
of
over a hundred
thousand in 1924, over a hundred fifty thousand
stayed
(44)
there
newspapers
total
circulation
commercial
press
Lin
because
Yutang,
irresponsibility
of
Chinese
Xin wen bao.
Chinese intellectuals were nevertheless extremely
interest.
and
was about 3 million, among which, one in ten
was either Shen bao or
the
1928,
up to the outbreak of Sino-Japanese War in 1937.
In the mid-thirties, the
daily
in
to
for
its
of
critical
of
its catering to commercial
example,
readers
criticized
Shen
bao's
because it only filled news
into the broken spaces left over from its advertisements.
(45)
Ge Gongzhen also complained that 807. of the advertisements were
imported
goods.
(46)
It is, however, hard to deny that,
_h papers were economically successful,
:ain
life
.-- t.
non-partisan
throughout most of their
it
In 1912, it increased to 120,000
dollars.
In
built a new five-story building containing over one
hundred rooms to accomodate new facilities and
1929,
able
The initial value of Shen bao estate was about 1600
taels of gold.
1918,
positions
they were
another
five-story
thirties, its annual
building
was
net profit reached
employees.
completed.
600,000
In
In
the
dollars.
It
had three new American-made printers which could print over one
hundred
thousand
financial
copies
within
two
hours.
(47)
data for Xin wen bao has not been found,
well-known
that,
as
The early
but
early as 1909, Xin wen bao built
it
its own
new five-story building, and that in the late twenties, it
sold to Shi
Liangcai for 700,000 dollars.
25
(48)
is
was
The
prosperity of major commercial
guaranteed
According
salaries
above-average
to
Ge
Gongzhen,
newspapers in Shanghai also
editor
an
their
for
of
were as follows
range of monthly salary
position
300
manager
150-300
editor-in-chief
80-150
editor
100
special correspondent
40
local correspondent
50- 80
translator
40
photographer
20
proofreader
The
significance
survey of
showed
the
the
working
for
(49):
silver
(in
dollars)
of these figures can be seen from a national
middle-school
that
in
bao
Shi
mid-twenties, the monthly salaries of journalists
large newspapers in Shanghai
employees.
average
teachers'
teacher
salaries
earned
in
1924,
about
sufficient to maintain himself and a family of five.
26
which
60 dollars,
(50)
The
first
Chinese
political
newspaper
is
established by Wang Tao in Hong Kong in 1874.
worked
a
as
Shanghai.
sculptor
for
(51)
once
Wang
missionary publishing house in
a
with
the
In 1874, he founded the
was
its
page.
front
The
published a large number of editorials written
also
newspaper
on
editorial
Wang's
daily
The most important content of
propagate political reforms.
paper
frequently
After the rebellion
leaders.
Taiping
failed, Wang fled to Hong Kong.
the
bao,
Sympathetic to the Taiping Rebellion, he
corresponded
to
Xun huan ri
by Zheng Guanyin, another reform-minded comprador in Hong Kong.
Both Wang and Zheng had considerable
and
on
influence
Mao Zedong was
in the twentieth century.
revolutionaries
reformists
said to read, with tremendous admiration, Zheng's editorials at
Yat-sen
Hongzhang.
The
met
also
Wang
with
to
In
(52)
midnight to avoid his father's attention.
1895,
Sun
his memorial to Li
discuss
(53)
movement
reform
Chinese
politicized
at
the
end
newspapers.
ninteeth
century
From 1895 to 1912,
the most
of
the
famous newspapers were either reformist or revolutionary, while
most
influential
some
kind
newspapers.
of
in
journalists
Chinese intellectuals or politicians published
They
the former period
from
differed
in many ways.
Chinese
First of all,
they were Chinese elite rather than foreign merchants and their
Secondly,
compradors.
motivated
by
journalists
political
since
the urgent need of national
salvation, they were
much more interested in editorials to promote
causes
than
in news.
Thirdly, the political
27
were
their
political
press was funded
by donations, and
thus
Fourthly,
the
unstable.
A political
its
was
extremely
circulation
political
of
the
unstable
political
financially.
press was also
journal might be extremely popular
cause
became
the
issue
of
the day, but its
circulations would shrink immediately when the issue
be
the
focus
political
of
popular
periodical ever
attention.
exceeded
Even
20,000
when
ceased
to
at its peak, no
copies
until
the
Liang Oichao was the most famous.
His
outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war in 1937.
Among
the
reformists,
publications included Zhong wgi
Qing yi bao
(1896),
(1907),
gai
Yqng yen
zao
(1898),
(54)
dailies, such as Shi
Chen
bao
in
He
also
Beijing.
Liang began his press
under
the
support
xin bag in
Shanghai,
yy
and
reform.
enterprise
direction
were
as
of
a
his
the
part
of
teacher
most
the
Kang
important
reform
Youwei.
tool
to
for reform, Liang and Kang persuaded several
any
first
experience,
the
extremely
poor.
contained
nothing
quality
The
characters.
of
fag
to establish several
in 1895.
subscribers
baa
Zbeng lun
and Jie
important officials to fund Zhgng wai 1i wen
hundred
wu
All of them were founded by donations
Believing that newspapers
mobilize
(1902),
(1915),
helped
bao and Shi shi
Shi
(1895),
Xin min cong bag
from sympathizers of political
program
wen
Qa zong tug
(1911),
(1916).
.i
first
but
a
(55)
official
of
Liang's
edition
single
It
was
gazettes.
28
of
Zhong
political
delivered
Without
journal was
wai
ji
wen
essay of several
free
to
the
Liang even had to pay for
delivery.
Liang's second journal,
Shi wu
baoL
Shanghai, was better than the first.
of
about
thirty
thousand
established
(56)
in
1896
It was a tri-monthly
characters, containing editorials,
digests of Chinese and English newspapers, and other
It
sold
4,000
copies
at
popular
periodical
articles.
the beginning, but its circulation
quickly grew in one year to 17,000.
most
in
of
In
the time.
the reform movement failed, both Shi
1897,
it
became
the
However, in 1898, when
wu baa and
Zhgeg
wai
ii
wen were suspended.
Liang
then
fled
Qing yi bao.
third journal,
thousand
to Tokyo and there, in 1898, established his
It was also a
through
The
Japanese
it also helped to smuggle the journal
Japanese
(57) In 1901,
Government
companies
in
into
the international
after the publication of the one hundredth issue,
1902, Liang laurhed his fourth journal,
bi-monthly.
influence
Xin min cong bag
on
over ten times.
politicians.
Some of the later
Hu Shi
most
Liang's
issues were reprinted
important
praised Xin min cong bag
29
of
a
The first issue was
Most major cities in China
included
suspended.
Xin min cong bag
represented the peak
Chinese politics and press.
reprinted three times.
readers
China
settlement.
Qing yi bao was burned down by a fire and had to be
Its
30
only took care of all of Liang's daily expenses during its
preparation,
In
of
Chinese characters, supported by reformist Chinese in
Japan, and the Japanese Government.
not
tri-monthly
had
its
dealers.
intellectuals
which.
he
and
said,
gave
him
a new worldview, while Mao Zedong remembered that he
read and re-read some of Liang's articles until
memorize them.
(58)
he could almost
The circulation of Xin min cong baa at its
peak was estimated at 20,000.
As Liang's personal
the
suspension
influence on the Chinese press waned
of
Xin
min cong bag
journalists gradually transformed
journalists.
baa
in
Di
Shanghai
the
in
issue
"political
showed more interest in
of
baog
Shi
Di
from
clearly
"news".
comprehensive, quick, accurate, truthful
commentaries impartial,
to the point.
commercial
the
paper
In the editing principles that appeared in
commentary"
political
into
in 1904 with 20,000 dollars donated by Liang.
politics.
first
themselves
some reformist
Chuqing, one of Liang's disciples, founded Shi
(59) From the beginning, Di
than
in 1909,
after
(60)
Di
differentiated
News
had
to
and impersonal,
be
while
important, comprehensive and
also invented a short form of
political
commentary,
containing less than a hundred characters directly
related
the
to
deliberately
news.
kept
Shi
After
bao
the
away
1912
Revolution,
from Liang's
Di
influence.
In
newspaper
in
time, Sgi
baa became the third largest commercial
Shanghai
with a circulation of about 30,000, next only to Shen
baa and Xin wen baa.
Dong fang za zhi L a general
Commercial
Press,
monthly magazine published
the
was also established by reformists, and was
later transformed into a commercial
Press was originally
by
founded
by
30
enterprise.
Zhang
Yuanji,
The Commercial
a
reformist
bureaucrat
who lost his official
reform movement of 1898.
post after the failure of the
In 1904, the Commercial
fang za zhi to propagate reform. (61)
the Dong
Press started
It subsequently
became one of the most popular general
magazine
China
Dong fang za 1i
with
the most
a
circulation of 8,000.
long-lived
published
up
to
among
its
kind.
It
1949 in China itself.
in
was
Republican
was also
contiunously
In Taiwan, it resumed
publication in 1967 and currently remains in publication.
Sheng hug Weekly was
reformists.
Originally
Yenpei's Society
transformed
political
of
by
popular
a
weekly
Vocational
Zou
magazine.
outspoken
another
periodical
published
Education
Taofen,
its
1926,
because
of
155,000
Zou later became a communist sympathizer.
successfully
by
Huang
it
was
into
of
a
its
and anti-government positions, it was
in 1944, Mao Zedong praised Zou as a model
who
the
editor-in-chief,
the most popular magazine with a sale
issue.
by
in
(62) In the mid-thirties,
anti-Japanese
founded
transformed
copies
per
At his death
Chinese intellectual
himself into an
intellectual of
the people.
Among the reformist newspapers, Shi shi
xin bao in Shanghai
Chen bao in Beijing remained loyal
to the programs of
reform during the Republican era.
Pan Gongbi of
bao
and
Zhang
Dongsun
their anti-Nationalist
joined
the
Nationalist
Zhang Dongsun later
Shi
and
political
shi
xin
of Chen bao were especially noted for
positions
Party
organized
31
during
during
the
the
thirties.
Pan
the Sino-Japanese war.
Democratic
and
Socialist
Party, which still remains active in Taiwan.
support
established numerous newspapers with the financial
overseas Chinese and revolutionaries.
followers
his
and
Yat-sen
Sun
revolutionaries,
Among
The most famous of these
the 1911 Revolution included Su bao in Shanghai and Min
before
International
(63) Su bao was established in the
bao in Tokyo.
in Shanghai under a Japanese title, but its Chinese
Settlement
a
manager was soon transformed into
newspaper.
revolutionary
Zhang Taiyen, the leader of a revolutionary society in
In 1902,
was
Shanghai,
In order to mobilize
invited to be the editor.
racial hatred against the Qing government,
paper.
As the paper was in the International
government won the lawsuit.
The
court.
the
However,
was put in the jail.
racial
of
issue
against the Manchus was quickly picked up by Min baos
Sun
and
Tokyo,
Yat-sen's
became
the
the
Settlement,
lawsuit against the paper at the
Qing government had to bring a
of
a
treatise "the Revolutionary Army" in the
revolutionary
international
published
Zhang
racist
organ
of
Zhang
hatred
the party
Great Alliance of Revolution in
the
decisive
for
force
the
the
final
overthrow of the Manchu government in 1911.
Min
bao
was established in 1905, funded by membership dues of
the Alliance.
issue.
with
From 1906 to 1909, it was involved in
Liang
revolution".
against
It was a monthly, containing about 150 pages per
the
Qichao
Partly
Manchus,
on
future
the
of
because
partly
32
China:
of
racial
because
various
of
hatred
debates
"reform
of
or
Chinese
the failure of
the
for reform, Min bag
Manchus to meet with Liang's call
debates,
won
and attracted most reformists away from Liang.
1907, Min bag replaced Xin min cong bag
political
journal
among
Chinese
as
with
most
the
a
the
Since
popular
sale of 20,000 per
issue.
Other important revolutionary papers included Shen zhou ri bao.
Min li
Yu
Shen zhou fi bgg..
bag and Tian do bao.
Youjen in Shanghai
in 1907, aimed at arousing patriotism in
and
terms of China's rich culture
12-page
1i
large
daily, with a circulation of about
force
guiding
cultivated several
such
as
Zhang
It
history.
long
1911
the
during
It
It
Revolution.
important journalists in
was
10,000.
in 1910.
baa was also established by Yu in Shanghai
the
by
established
a
Min
was
also
Republican
China,
Haoran of
Xin wen
Jiluan of Da gong bao and Li
bag.
Tian do baa was established by
by
transformed
its
believed
that
editors",
and
secretary of
Under
the
"editors
Chen
yang
do
who
Bulei,
bao
were
who
a
1910,
but
revolutionary
Dai
included
was
organ.
Jitao,
who
never jailed were not good
later
became
the
personal
Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek.
Republic,
organs, Min ggg ri
Zhong
into
employees
Famous journalists of Tian
in
reformists
ri
the
Nationalist
Party
baoL established in 1916
bage in 1929 in Nanjing.
daily newspaper founded
by
Chen
33
Qimei,
had
in
Shanghai,
Min gio ri
a
two famous
and
bao was a
revolutionary
in
control
of
the
Shanghai
Arsenal
after the 1911 Revolution.
Chen was assassinated soon after the newspaper was founded, but
Min gug ji
bao was published continuously up to 1929.
not
the
only
vanguard
of
revolution
movement.
ri
Min
gyg
was
anti-warlord campaigns, but also a
center of the intellectual
(64)
It
during
bao sold about
the
May
Fourth
15,000 copies per
issue.
Zhog yag ri bao has been the organ of the
since
1929.
At
the
Nationalist
Party
beginning, it had only one reporter and
three editors who always felt short of
material
to
fill
the
two-page newspaper
(65)
In the early thirties, Cheng Cangpo, a
returned
from
France,
student
took
it
organize it in a more business-like way.
Zhong yang ri
For
the
journal
over,
In the
and began to
mid-thirties,
bao sold about 20,000 copies per issue.
cause
of intellectual revolution, the most
was Xin ging gien.
important
It was originally published in 1916
by Chen Duxiu in Shanghai under the title Qing nien za ji.
1917,
Chen went to Beijing to take up the position of the dean
of the School
of Literature and Arts at the Beijing University.
In 1918, Chen, joined by five other
Shi,
transformed
revolution.
support
In
including
conservatives.
young
students,
but
won
heartly
also furious attacks from
Chen was especially vulnerable because
in
Hu
ging nien to propagate an intellectual
Their totalistic anti-traditionalism
from
participation
Xin
professors,
of
his
anti-government strikes and the rumors about
his misconduct with a local
prostitute.
34
(66)
In
1920,
Chen
left
the
Beijing
University
for
Shanghai
where
he
was
tranformed into a Marxist-Leninist.
The Chinese Communist Party found its party organ. Xiang dag
in 1922.
Chen Duxiu, the party secretary, was the editor.
circulation
of
Xiang
dag
was
about
prepared to publish its daily, Xin hua
the
Sino-Japanese
war,
but
it
1,000.
i b
(67)
on
The
The party
the
eve
of
was not in publication until
after the outbreak of the war.
Besides the commercial press and the political press,
kind
of
press,
the
independent
the
twenties and thirties.
Chinese
avoid political participation.
indepedent
political
The
journalism
Like the commercial
independent press emphasized objective reporting,
not
third
press, emerged in the early
teens and assumed a leading role in modern
in
a
press, the
but
it
did
Hence. with few exception ,
journalists were good at
both
news
reporting
and
commentaries.
first important independent journalist in modern China was
Huang Yuanyong.
(68)
Huang was an associate of
Liang
Qichao,
but, unlike Liang, he believed in objective reporting.
Huang's
reports
on
his interviews with officials, including President
Yuan shikaiwas among the most reliable primary
political
events
in this period.
Other
data
the
Piaoping.
technigues
the
important independent
journalists in early Republican China included Cheng
Shao
for
Ping
and
(69) Both were noted for their contributions to
of
news
reporting
35
and
their
political
activities.
In
the
were
thirties,
Hu
Shi
the
and
news-oriented
most
Zhang
journal,
important independent
Jiluan.
Hu
was
philosophy
objective advocacy.
the
seven famous political
Du li
it
had
Jiluan
Dingchang,
a
readers
Da
of
banker
well-known
Zhengji
50,000
ggag
from
originally a
non-partisan
in
expounding
the
Hu's publications included
zhou ping
and
became
independent journalist
Hu
for
articulate
reviews, such as Mei
journalists,
1902,
any
1yn
and
By
economically
(71)
The most influential
Zhang
most
7,000
self-sufficient.
was
publish
(70) Du 11 ping lyg was published in 1931.
ping lun.
1934,
not
but, an ardent follower of John Deway's
pragmatism, he
of
did
journalists
the
in Tianjin.
Szechwan,
and
two
thirties
In 1926, Wu
professional
and Zhang Jiluan, bought Da ggng bag±
reformist
dollars.
newspaper
established
in
They declared that it would be a
independent paper
neither political
bao
in
which
power nor commercial
would
be
subjected
interest.
to
It would be a
public forum for the people, but it would not follow the public
blindly.
commercial
(72)
dollars),
1936,
the
from
either
the
standard
press or that of the political press,
was a success.
literature
Judging
DA
of
the
ggng
bgo
In 1935, it was able to establish a Da ggng bao
prize
of
5,000
dollars
(equal
five times the Pulitzer Prize at the
annual
to
2,500
time.
U.
(73)
S.
In
budget of Da ggng bao was 1,200,000 dollars.
(74) Its circulation reached
100,000 in 1937, next only to Shen
36
bao and
by
Xin wen bao.
its
national
editorials
It had the best
network
in Da ggng
influential
forces
in the world.
(75)
correspondents.
bao were also considered
in
bao won the Missouri
of
edited news columns
Republican politics.
award
thus providing a good opportunity
rationality
and
journalistic
profession in
political
Zhang Jiluan's
one of
the
In 1941,
for the most distinguished
The success of
press,
for
press,
the
newspaper
Da ggng bao was exceptional,
to
advocacy
study
how
professional
could be balanced in the
modern China.
commercial
press
and
I shall proceed to analyze the style and
and
against
most
Da gong
Having clearly identified three types of modern presses -political
sent
objective
journalism.
37
reporting
in
the
the independent
the
modern
ideology
Chinese
Objective reporting in modern Chinese journalism
In
style,
the
most
obvious difference between the political
press and the commercial
editorials and news.
the
most
press was their different treatmentsof
For the political
press, editorials
important content of newspapers.
were
They were printed
in bold-face type and put in the front page of the papers.
contrast,
for
the commercial press, the accuracy of news was
the life of a newspaper.
Editorials were often very short
buried in advertisements.
as
the
"theory
versus the
of
of
(76)
editorials
as
the
while
the newspapers"
eyebrows
of
the
The former argued that editorials were the
essence of a newspaper through which one
spirit,
and
Such differences were once described
editorials as the eyes of
"theory
newspapers".
In
the
latter
maintained
could
see
its
true
that editorials were a
minor but indispensable feature, just like
eyebrows
on
one's
face.
The
different
treatments
of
news
and
indicators for and against objective
the
subject
of
this
editorials
reporting.
are good
However,
paper is the transformation of cultural
values, it becomes very interesting to analyze the
content
news
styles
and
editorials
ideologies for and
space,
I
shall
as
to
againt
further
delineate
objective
the
reporting.
Limited
of
and
by
examine only two or three journalists in each
category.
I shall
also analyze rationalizations for these
different
styles
to
examine
38
the
influences
two
of Chinese and
Western cultures.
and
commercial
the
besides
As also indicated in the last section,
political
presses, a third type of modern Chinese press,
the independent press, emerged and played an important role
The independent
Chinese politics in the twenties and thirties.
press
was similar to the commercial press in its emphasis upon
objective
reporting,
commercial
press,
press advocated political
independent
the
section, I shall
this
to illustrate
objective
advocacy.
also examine two objective advocates
for
rationalization
and
style
the
non-participatory
the
unlike
but
participation, and thus formed a style of
In
in
objective
advocacy.
i.
the style of subjective advocacy and its rationalization
Licng
Qichao's (1872-1929) early involvement in journalism was
first
Shi wu baoL the
cause of subjective advocacy.
a typical
of Liang's journals, had only one page containing one editorial
advocating
contain
several
for
preference
publications.
editorials
journals were improved later to
Liang's
reforms.
articles
long
digests
and
(from several
min
nevertheless
his beautiful
cgng
all
bags
of
his
Liang's
thousand words to scores
of thousand) that they often ran serially
Liang
in
his
but
news,
prevailed
editorials
In Qing yi bao and Xin
were so long
of
in
several
issues.
attracted Chinese intellectuals because of
and passionate
style.
"Even
the
most
person in the world was aroused to uncontrollable crying"
39
stupid
(77)
Liang's
style
dramatization
conclusion.
was
which
The
characterized
were
style
by
layers
consummated
was
clear
in
his
in
of
an
first
emotional
arbitrary
political
treatise in 1895:
"Today we have a huge building a thousand years old.
Its tiles
are disintegrated.
Its
main
beam
is
broken........ It
will
However,
under the attack of storms.
definitely
fall
apart
if
they
those people inside are-still sleeping and playing as
Even those who know it is dangerous can
and see nothing.
hear
for
They cross their arms to wait
do nothing but weep deeply.
who are better try to repair the holes so that
Those
death.
they can steal some time.
These three
kinds
of
people
have
mind, but when the flood comes, they will all
kinds
of
three
get drowned.
Only those who know how to get rid of the broken
buy new materials, and to hire workers to renew the
to
parts,
The
comfortably.
finally
sleep
will
structure....
whole
former
If
the
same.
is
the
country
a
building
principle of
is
If the latter
course is followed, the country will perish.
(78)
followed, it will get strong."
Liang's
to
opposition
objective
reporting
illustrated by his advocacy of a technigue
journalism,
even
"hai
fabrications
shu",
of
in
1902.
for
news
of
could
be
frightening
best
in
"Hai shu" condoned twists or
the
purpose
of
political
mobilization:
the
journalists
have decided the goal, it is quite
"Once we
are
so
alright that we argue for it to the extreme.....People
used
to the old ways that, unless we use some extreme methods,
they will not be willing to change.... Therefore, if we like to
must
we
of
constitutionalism,
need
the
people feel
make
If we like to
frighten them about the need of people's rights.
the need of people's rights, we must frighten
feel
make
them
must
we
In
a
word,
revolution....
of
them about the need
than what we
extreme
more
something
about
frighten people
desire, then we can get exactly what we desire......" (79)
Some might object to designate Liang an opponent
40
of
objective
reporting
because
he
did
regret
later that his frightening
technigue damaged the country and its
Liang
often
upon several
Huang
advocated
objectivity
people.
(80)
Besides,
and had a great
influence
important objective advocates, such as Hu
Yuanyong
(81).
Shi
or
However, I have to argue that, unlike Hu
and Huang
who
reporting
and who tried to achieve a balance between objective
reporting
and
objectivity
hardly
betrayed
political
was
the
advocacy,
principle
Liang's
Liang's
of
the
However,
(82)
emotional
since
journalists
advocacy
of
The
oscillations
self-contradictory personality, which, to a
remarkable degree, resembled
"cyclothymia".
objective
characterized by frequent oscillation between
objective reporting and subjective advocacy.
reflected
of
a
psychological
disorder
named
It is interesting to explore the formation
disorder
data
in
about
the light of Chinese culture.
the
emotional
lives
of
other
are scanty and since Liang's oscillations could be
explained by the
Confucianism,
ambiquity
I
will
toward
focus
my
cognitive
analysis
objectivity
on
the
role
in
of
Confucianism in the formation of Liang's style.
The Confucian ambiquity toward cognitive objectivity was deeply
rooted in its theory of human nature.
believed
that
human
nature
was
First of all,
originally altruistic.
innate altruistic human nature was called
(83)
Confucius
"ren"
The
(benevolence).
However, he was ambiquous as to how to achieve "ren".
the one hand, he indicated that improper environment,
poverty,
nature.
inhibited
the
(84) On the other
full
hand,
41
realization
he
pointed
of
such
On
as
the human good
out
that
human
desires
also barriers to the perfection of human nature.
were
by
He himself solved the
theoretical
that
control of human basic
desires was a virtue of the elite,
not of the masses
(86),
but, for later Confucianists who strove
for consistency, a choice had to made.
for
example,
In
split
Confucianists
the
into
dynasty,
Song
two
the
and
Confucianism
utilitarian
ambiquity
saying
(85)
schools,
the
anti-utilitarian
The utilitarian school emphasized practical
Neo-Confucianism.
actions to improve the material well-being of the people.It was
quickly subdued due to the supremacy of
the
strong
sidestream
in
the
Yen
but
(shi) remained a
practical
Confucianism.
Confucianist
pragmatic
for
concern
utilitarian
Neo-Confucianism,
Yuan,
a
leading
in the Qing dynasty, was even believed
in
to be very similar to John Dewey
many
aspects.
important
(87)
In
contrast,
Neo-Confucianism
believed
fundamental
subjective
consideration
concern.
would
In
metaphysics
Song
the
was
be
also
a
politics
that
any
deviation
from
the
and
Ming
dynasties,
to
developed
support
According to the metaphysics, all
anti-utilitarianism.
in the universe were a unity, because they were all
forces,
the
physical
force
nature is essentially good
the
Heaven
as
a
part of
which was a part of
the moral force.
the
existence
its
things
The human
imparted
from
However, the good
of
the physical force.
42
a
made of two
the moral force.
(ren) because it was
nature was often obscured by
nature
and
is
and
rectification
fundamentally a process of moral
utilitarian
that
the
physical
The purpose of
moral
rectification was thus to purify the physical
to regain the original unity with the heaven.
in
general
The
already residing in human nature.
Confucian
concerns,
clear-cut,
rejected
represented
two
but the difference between them was
because
utilitarian
Neo-Confucian
theory
Neo-Confucianism
rejected
knowledge.
Xi,
Zhu
goodness was
(88)
Utilitarian Confucianism and Neo-Confucianism
never
metaphysics
tended to repudiate cognitive knowledge of external
objects, because it was believed that the original
main
force so as
of
the
the
Confucianism
moral
cultivation,
importance
master
of
never
of
nor
objective
Neo-Confucianism,
for
example, believed that, objective knowledge about all things in
the universe was also essential for
the
human
dynasty,
nature.
(89)
In
the
Qing
objective knowledge was further
textual
criticism
in
final
developed
perfection
the tradition of
into
learning
in
could be illustrated
(studying
facts
enough
the
by
Qing
slogans
diligently
true) and wu zheng du
evidences).
a
school
of
which concepts and methods of empirical
research were developed and extensively used.
objective
of
(90)
such
as
spirit
of
textual criticism
shi
shi
Ch~u
shi
until you can prove that they are
(do
xing
school of
The
not
believe
anything
without
The differences between a hypothesis
and a theory, or between an
opinion
carefully
There are certainly many important
identified.
(91)
and
differences between the Confucian school of
and
the Western sciences.
(92)
utilitarian concerns developed
43
in
a
fact,
textual
were
also
criticism
However, if combined with the
utilitarian
and
pragmatic
the
Confucianism,
factor in
formation
the
of
clearly a positive
is
training
cognitive
in
reporting
objective
modern
journalism.
Liang's oscillations between objective reporting and subjective
be
could
advocacy
explained
because, first of all,
Liang's classical education exposed
of
had been an exellent student
Born in
intellectual
activities
Neo-Confucian
of
scholar
leading
a
subjective
were
(93) Kang Youwei
fundamentally
these two schools was already very clear
met.
At
challenge
the
Kang
beginning
with
his
but
his
inspired
by
The clash between
(94)
metaphysics.
criticism
learnings,
Western
him
1872, Liang
textual
Confucian
until he went to study with Kang Youwei at 19.
was
tradition,
Confucian
thesetwo contrasting concerns.
to
equally
the
by
when
the
two
first
of their meeting, Liang attempted to
knowledge
of
Confucian
textual
criticism, but he was quickly convinced that Kang was much more
profound
that
he
was.
(95)
Later he described the core of
Kang's philosophy as follows:
the
"My taeacher believes that ren is the origin of the world,
If there is
the country, the family and the morality.
people,
Therefore,
no renL the heaven and the earth would be extinct.
it
our four limbs are numbed, we say they are not rD....
when
is because people in the world are like four limbs on the body.
ren.
not
are
When they do not know or love one another, they
which can not bear to see the sufferings of
mind
Jen
is the
others...." (96)
Liang then said
that
the
first
priority
of
K'ang's
training was in the cultivation of mind and willpower:
44
moral
"The
first
educational
principle
at
my
teacher
Nanhai's
Changxing Academy was the need to make up one's mind to
pursue
a
purpose.
Confucius
said,
"If
the world were in order, I
would not have to bother
to
change
it"....
Mencius
said,
"Without me,
who
else
in
the
world could put the world in
order?"
Master Zhu Xi said, "If there are
things
which
have
not
been
achieved in the world, it is because people have not
made up their minds to achieve them...." (97)
However, conditioned by his
early
could
challenge
not
but
frequently
cognitive
Kang
training,
because of Kang's
subjectivity even long after Liang became Kang's disciple.
example, he secretly complained to
fabricated
since. he
his
classmates
and twisted data to prove his point.
was
cultivation,
so
he
fascinated
immediately
by
Kang's
excused
(98)
theory
Kang:
that
For
Kang
However,
of
"Although
missed several minor points, he was essentially correct."
The
Liang
moral
K'ang
(99)
judgment clearly showed that, despite his dissatisfaction,
Liang fundamentally agreedto subjective advocacy.
45
Secondly,
Liang
aspects of life.
reflected
factulty
always
had
a
great
interest
His understanding of the mind,
Confucian
of the mind,
emphasis
upon
the
in irrational
for
emotional
rather than the rational
example,
and moral
faculty
of
the
mind in the West:
"In
the world, nothing is bigger than men. In men, nothing is
bigger than xin (the mind).
Xin seems to work
suddenly,
for
people
can
do- things without
knowing
that
they are doing
them....Since there is no way to name the suddenness of xina
I
have
to
call
it
inspiration.....Inspiration
occurs
when
thinking
and
emotions
are
at
their
heights.
Under
the
influence
of
sudden
inspirations, heroes
have
performed
astonishing deeds.
General Li Guang shooted an
arrow
into
a
rock
out
of
fear
because he thought the rock were a tiger.
Martin Luthermade best speeches when he was angry......... (100)
Like
Neo-Confucianists,
Liang
also
emphasized
"sincerity"
(zheng), a Confucian concept for willpower, as a method to gain
the mystical power of
Xin:
"Inspirations are beyond human understanding, but
there
is
a
way
to get
it.
It is through the way of sincerity.
When a
person is possessed with absolute sincerity, he can communicate
with the gods.
The weak becomes strong, the stupid, wise,
the
useless, useful." (101)
Elsewhere,
Liang suggested another Confucian irrational method
to attain the mystical power of xin:
realization
wei
to
do
that the goals are not achievable
things
in
(zhi qi
bu ke er
full
zhi):
"In order to save China, we should follow Confucius and
to
do
things even though we may believe that thW are not achievable,
because whether things are achievable or not is not determined.
If
everyone believes that it
is not achievable, it
will
become
truely unachievable.
If everyone believes
it
achievable
and
46
acts upon it
As
it will
,
indicated
by
become achievable"
(102)
many studies, Later Liang regretted that his
early subjective style was an attempt "to help the
by
pulling
them
up"
demonstrated a great
thoughts
in
(ya
interest
Confucianism.
mean that he believed that
problems
in
human
miao
zhu
in
zhang).
(103)
utilitarian
and
grow
He also
pragmatic
However, these concessions did not
rationality
society.
emphasized the importance of
crops
As
could
late
irrational
as
solve
1922,
all
he
the
still
actions:
"Life can not be divorced
from reason,
but
reason
can
not
control
the
totality of
life.
Besides
reason,
another
important part of life is
emotions, which
are
in
fact
the
motivating
force of
life.
Emotions can be expressed in many
ways, among which, at least two
ways,
love
and
beauty,
are
beyond
science.....A filial son would cut his own legs to feed
his ill parents......Jesus Christ
sacrificed
himself
on
the
cross
out
of
his
love for mankind.... These are all actions
beyond
rational
calculations, but
hey
are
all
beautiful
philosophies of life and ninety percent of history was created
by such mysticism...." (104)
Revolutionary
newspapers
objective reporting.
political
causes.
shared
Liang's
belittlement
News was often fabricated
to promote the
Su baoL for example, fabricated an imperial
edict ordering the arrest of returned students so as to
racial
hatred
against the Manchu government.
agencies.
genius
If that did not work out,
depend on Ye Chucang, its editor-in-chief,
of
news
from
Therefore, its editor lifted foreign news from
neighboring big newspapers.
still
ignite
(105) Min gug ri
bao was too poor to subscribe regularly for foreign
news
of
manufacturing
who
it could
had
the
foreign news out of his imagination.
47
(106)
The style of subjective advocacy
could
also
be
oppositions.
illustrated
Dai
Jitac
in
revolutionary
by its extreme intolerance toward
(1891-1949)
of
Tian
do
example, was twice jailed because in his political
he
frequently
instigated
adversaries whom he labeled
"dogs",
"foxes",
"transvestites"
7
hang Bingling,
Aat ional ist
a
readers
to
"robbers",
"mice",
(ren yao).
newspapers
and
(107)
revolutionary
murder
for
commentaries
his
"thiefs",
most
bao,
political
"bastards",
interestingly,
One of the "transvestites" was
who
later
broke
with
the
s:
"Fickle and Lascivious Transvestites
yao):
(shui xing yang hua di ren
"Zhang
Binling
has cheated people over one hundred times.
In
goes
to
the morning he goes to the east and in the evening he
the
west.
He is like a branch which receives birds no matter
He is like
whether they are from the north or from the south.
a leaf which waves in the wind no matter whether it is from the
east or from the west." (108)
Dai
then declared Chang a "traitor-thief" who "should die".
The influence of Confucianism upon Dai
as
as
little
education.
This is understandable because
formal
Dai
family
had
classical
He started to learn at age 3, but from eight to ten
he was sent to serve his father who was jailed for three
for
clear
in the case of Liang because Dai used many Western concepts
to justify his style.
very
Jitao was not
years
debts, and hence had very little formal education.
48
(109) He then
went
fourteen
to
and
to
a
Japan
Japanese
at
age
language
sixteen.
school
(110)
at
age
According to
himself, during the first ten years of his journalistic career,
that
is, the peak of his journalistic career,
vague
idea
about
Confucianism.
analysis of his commentaries
emotions
and
willpower
(111)
discloses
was
had
However,
that
fundamentally
neo-Confucian style of subjective advocacy.
once interpreted American spirit of
he
his
in
For
only
a
a
deeper
euology
accord
of
with
example,
he
"optimism" (le guan zhu yi)
as a willpower to conquer reality:
"Life is a fight, Those who are pessimistic can not fight.
Our
revolution
succeeded
because
we
revolutionaries
were
optimistic.... If we
were
frustrated
by
past
failures
and
became
pessimistic,
the revolution would not have succeeded.
Our ancestor also
said,
"Everything
is
achievable
if
only
people have the mind"....Therefore, the last thing we should do
is to destroy ourselves by abandoning our ambitions......" (112)
Hence,
it is not at all accidental
about Confucian moral
out
political
"sincerity"
theory in
(cheng)
as
that, once Dai learned more
1922,
the
he
most
immediately
fundamental
singled
virtue in
life:
"Dr. Sun
once said
that
nationalism,
peoples'
rights
and
peoples'
livelihood were three ways to achieve peace and order
in the world, and that knowledge, love and courage
were
three
essential
virtues
to attain these three goals, and that there
was only one way to achieve these three eseential virtues, that
is, through moral actions of
sincerity....Revlutionaries
have
to
select
the best
and
stick to it with all our hearts and
minds........ Revolutionaries should
never
retreat
before we
reach
the
goal.
The
willpower
is exactly
what we called
'cheng' in traditional Chinese thought......" (113)
Most journalists for the intellectual
49
revolution
also
shared
the
same
attitude
toward
objective
reporting.
example, advocated the spirit of "beating the
because
"if
good
people
be
drowning
dogs",
do not beat drowning dogs, the dogs
would eventually return to bite good people."
Chen Duxiu's
Lu Xun, for
(114)
(1879-1942) opposition to objective reporting
can
best illustrated by his constant denunciation of opponents'
rights of expression.
In Xin ching nien,
he told opponents
of
the intellectual revolution:
"We are
extremely narrow-minded when it comes to the question
of the truth.
We speak in
harsh
tones
and
put
on
furious
faces,
because we
would
rather
be scolded as villains than
pretend to be gentlemen who confuse right and wrong." (115)
In 1917, Hu Shi wrote to Chen
those
who
promote
opposed
meaningful
the
asking
cause of
discussion.
for
more
tolerance
of
literary revolution so as to
To
Hu's
suggestion,
Chen
replied without compromise:
"I
understand
that
tolerance of
oppositions and freedom of
discussion are
principles
for
advancing
academic
research.
However, on the question of literary revolution, it is so clear
who
is right
and who is wrong that there is no room for free
discussion.
We
know
that
our
principles
are
absolutely
correct.
We will not tolerate any suggestion for improvement."
(116)
Chen Duxiu became even more violent in language after he became
a
Communist.
In Xiang daoL the official organ of the Chinese
Communist Party, Chen scolded
Kang
Youwei
who
attempted
to
re-install a monarchy in Republican China by saying that he was
"an
ugly
prostitute
who
got married but could not stay home
50
contentedly."
(chou ji cong
Shizhao,
former
a
liang, bu an yu shi).
revolutionary
journalist
conservative, was called a "farting dog"
(117)
who
(fang pi
Zhang
became
a
gou) and:
"When Zhang used revolutionaries' money to publish journals, he
was passing gas like dogs (fang gou pi).
When he used
Warlord
Duan Qirui's money to publish journals, he was a dog who passed
gas (gou fang pi).
Now he uses Warlord Zhang Zongchang's money
to
publish journals, he becomes a dog who knows nothing but to
pass gas (fang pi
gou)..........
The
money was
won
by
the
warlord
in gambling.
Usually it was given to prostitutes (who
accompanied him in gambling).
Now the money was given to Zhang
Shizhao to publish his journal.
Therefore,
Zhang
Shizhao's
journal is even lower than prostitutes........" (118)
The
emotional
style
was
inconsistent with Chen's well-known
role in the movement for
"democracy
China
I
(119).
However,
have
and
to argue that,
advocated science, he never put his full
For example, in 1920, after he declared
as
two
Chinese
goals
of
culture
civilization
for
the
for
its
intellectual
its
rationality
fiery
science"
trust in
in
modern
although Chen
rationality.
"democracy and science"
revolution,
and
he attacked
praised
Western
emotional force derived from the
Christian tradition:
"Christianity is a religion of love.... We must cultivate Jesus
Christ's fiery and deep love for the mankind in
the
blood of
the Chinese people so that we can be saved from the cruel, dark
and
dirty
trap.... Chinese culture
is
dominated
by moral
principles.
Western
cutlure
is
dominated
by
emotions for
beauty
in Greek culture and emotions for trust and love in the
Christian tradition.
Hence, although both Chinese and
Western
cultures
are
originated
from
spiritual
impulses,
moral
principles in Chinese tradition are rational and
intellectual,
while
emotions
in
Western
tradition
are
natural
and
supra-rational ....
Moral actions are motivated by
knowledge
of
what
ought
to
be,
while
emotional actions are motivated by
innate feelings of willingness.
Morality is also originated in
natural feelings, but....
if
knowledge
is
dissociated
from
emotions,
it is a fragment, not the whole.
It is learned, not
51
innate.
It is the passanger, but not the master.
It
is
the
machine
and
the coal, but not the
steam or the fire.....What
we lack in Chinese culture is genuine passions.... That is
why
we are so degenerated...." (120)
In
this article, Chen used a Western concept of
of Jesus Chirst,
to
attack
love, the love
Chinese civilization,
of emotions and distrust of
but his
rationality was clearly
in
eulogy
accord
with Neo-Confucianism.
Likewise,
Chen
attacked
Confucian
ethics
theory of willpower to conquer reality.
but
endorsed its
He once explained that
tolerance was not a virtue because it inhibited the exercise of
willpower to conquer
point,
he
even
used
reality.
an
In
order
to
illustrate
the
example which echoed Liang Qichao's
technigue of frightening in journalism:
"Take a business deal as an example.
if the
seller
asks for
ten
dollars, the buyers offers three, the deal will be made at
five.
However, if
the
seller
asks for
five
at
the
very
beginning,
the final
deal
will
be only two and fifty.
The
inertia of social revolution works exactly like this.
We
must
advocate one
hundred
percent reform,
because since social
inertia will offer only thirty percent, the final
result
will
be
fifty
percent.
If
we advocate only fifty percent at the
beginning, we
will
end
up
with
only
twenty-five
percent.
Compromise is the way to describe the objective reality.
It is
not the way of advocacy." (121)
An
examination of Chen's education explained why his style was
basically in accord with the
biolgraphy,
we
know
that
Confucian
his
From
tradition.
life-time
concern
for moral
integrity was developed as early as he was six,
but he did
anything about the West until he was 17.
Hence,
he
was
an
anti-traditionalist,
52
(122)
his
moral
his
notA
although
concern
was
nevertheless fundamentally a product of Chinese culture.
53
ii.
objective reporting and its rationalization
Li
Haoran,
the
editor-in-chief
1947, was a typical
troubled
(123)
by
of
objective
Xin wen bao from
reporter.
He
was
1914 to
constantly
the possible inaccuracy of the news in the paper.
News
might
Telecommunications,
be
delayed
revised
banned by the government.
or
by
the
fabricatd
Sometime he had
Bureau
of
by politicians, or
to
leave
a
blank
space in the news to give the message that part of the news was
censored.
Li
Haoran's
avoidance of politics could be illustrated by his
editorials
in
extremely
dull.
in the news.
They were not only short
Xin wen gag.
but
also
He often repeated what had already been said
When
Interpretations were offered, they were cast
in great
uncertainty.
example,
On
July
4,
Advice
was
completely
absent.
For
1928, Li wrote on Japanese occupation in
Shandong as follows:
"The Japanese army in
Shandong
have become
more
aggressive
recently. Magistrates were expelled.
People's households were
ransacked.
Japanese are getting impossible.... It is hard for
me to understand their actions. The purpose of
Japan
was
to
invade
China,
but
would
such disturbances make them stay in
Shandong?.... It
is
probably
because
the
hardliners
had
to
withdraw
under
pressure,
but
they
were not
willing
to.
Therefore, they created confusion in the
area,
so
that
they
could stay.
Even so, I still could not understand why they did
not care about Japan's reputation......" (124)
In
Li's
theory about
objective reporting, the modern
"objectivity", "ke guang", was hardly mentioned.
54
term for
Instead, shi.
a popular term for objectivity and
Confucianism,
pragmatism
wen
utilitarian
was mentioned in ten of the nineteen articles on
culture and education in a sample survey of his
Xin
in
bao.
(125)
One
editorials
of Li's arguments for shi
in
went as
follows:
"Over-ambitions and vanity are the most important
sources for
the weakness of our nation-state.
We have been sick with them
ever since the Song dynasty.... Discussions
on
the
government
and
national defence within the government were abundant, but,
the reality was exactly the opposite.
People
suffered
from
malnutrition.
The armament was below sufficiency....
The more
the
discussion,
the
less the actual effect.... If we want to
revive our nation, we must commit ourselves to
the
practical.
If,
after
self-examination,
we
think
we
can
not
do
it
ourselves, we would rather not to talk about it.
We especially
should not propagate for things because they sound
fascinating
to
the ear......" (126)
"The only
way
to
save
us
from the national disaster is to
devote
ourselves
to
practical
actions...
Those
who
are
responsible
for
national
planning
have
to get rid of their
habits of empty talks and vanity.
Before
whatever
they
say,
they
have
to first
consider
whether
they
can put it into
practice.
If they can not,
they
should
stop
talking
about
it...
Those who have military power should also first consider
practical actions before they say anything.
All the people in
our
country should pay special attention to practical actions.
In such
a
time,
political
withdrawals will
not
save our
country,
neither
will
empty
slogans.
Only
if
we
commit
ourselves to do things, will we
be
able
to
stand
up
as
a
nation." (127)
What is more interesting about Li's theory about objectivity is
that,
in
contrast
to
reporting
promotes
the
the
Western assumption that objective
articulations
of
believed objectivity was a consequence of
"altruism".
in
an article about the the death of Dr. W.
of
the
Misourri
School
of
Journalism,
self-nterest,
In 1935,
Williams, the dean
Li
explained
subjective advocacy resulted from the lack of altruism:
55
Li
how
"Dr. Williams visited China three times and kept good relations
with
Chinese
journalists..... I would like to express my deep
sorrow for the death of this sincere man...... Among his
works,
the
most
influential
one
is
the
ten
commandments for the
journalistic profession.
Roughly, he made two main points.....
The first was that journalists should believe
that
newspapers
are
a
public
trustee.
Newspapers have a long history in the
world.
However, it has
never been
clear
what
a
newspaper
should
be.
Generally
speaking,
most
people
believe
that
newspapers should be used
for
propaganda....Very
few
people
worry about
the problem of the need for a public trustee.
In
international
politics,
national
boundaries
are
especially
clear.
Even newspapers which claim to serve the world interest
contest with one another in publicizing others' wrongdoings and
exaggerating one's own merits....
"The second
point
was to
be
accurate
and
fair....
Many
journalists share the concept that they should report
what
is
true
in their understading.
However, since thy are blinded by
their own national interest, it is impossible for
them
to
be
fair....
If we examine the current international conflicts, we
can understand that most journalists in the world do not report
Williams'
what they know about political reality.....Thus, Dr.
ten
commandments
are not for journalists only.
They are also
where the future of the world lies......." (128)
The argument seems very odd to people who are used to
objectivity as something value-free.
thinking
It is, nevertheless, very
reasonable in Confucian moral theory where altruism was treated
as the fundamental force in cosmic order and
in human nature.
Li's education explained why his objective style was so closely
related
pragmatic
to
Confucianism.
His father once studied
with Liu Guyu, a follower of Yen Yuan's pragmatic Confucianism,
earned the highest degree in the civil service examination
was
selected
to the
Imperial Academy.
(129)
studied with Liu and earned the second degree.
Li
and
himself also
He then went to
Japan to study at age twenty, but he was influenced very little
by Western culture.
(1O)
objective
in
reporting
Li's
modern
56
case
clearly
proved
that
Chinese journalism was formed
within the Confucian tradition itself.
Chen Leng, the editor-in-chief of Shen bao from
was also an important objective reporter.
for
Shen
bao's
at
least
every
editorials
were
always
of
and
abstract
political
farsightedness", "On misforture",
short
27
as
and
editorials
vague.
For
for
Shen
Except
rest
were
all
on
principles,
such
as
"On
"On anger over minor things".
pairs
of
"Being content and knowing where to stop",
and solidifying", and
his
not
editorials
the
He was particularly fond of dealing with
such
He
was
them mentioned either names or places.
two articles on finance and military,
general
he
was
(131)
very
example, in January 1927, Chen wrote
None
page
three times by pairs of proofreaders.
allowed to print.the news accurately.
bao.
1930,
proofreading system in which every editor was
was also known to temporarily suspend Shen bao if
Chen's
to
Chen was responsible
asked to proofread the pages he edited, while
proofread
1912
opposites,
"Expanding
"Principles and methods", and thus,
more like riddles than political
The riddle-like nature could be illustrated
by
made
commentaries.
the
following
example:
"On leaving or staying:
"If
people
can cooperate with one another, they stay. If not,
they leave.
If they like to cooperate, they make people
stay.
If
not,
they make
them leave.
Therefore, staying means not
You can not have
both
at
going, and going means not staying.
the
same
time.
However,
our Chinese do not think so.
When
they can not cooperate, they do not like to leave.
When
they
want
to
leave, they stay.
When they want people not to stay,
they do not make them leave.
When they
want
them to
leave,
57
they make them stay........." (132)
Like
Li
Haoran, Chen did not use the more term "objectivity".
This is understandable because, like Li,
Chen went to Japan
to
study
after he was twenty and stayed there for only two years.
(133)
However, unlike Li,
"practical
actions"
theory
"non-actions".
of
commentaries
much
Chen repudiated Confucian theory
and
more
claimed himself a follower of Taoist
The
withdrawal
Taoist
intriguing
unlike Li's repetitious and dull
political
of
flavor
than
Li's.
made
his
For example,
commentaries, Chen argued
for
with Taoist cyclical theory of historical
devel opment:
"Crimes and evils in the world will become more
solidified
if
people try
to
fight them.
If people let crimes and evils go
their own courses, the farther they go,
the
worse
they will
become.
When
crimes and evils reach the worst extremes, they
must of their own accord die out.
Then we shall
be
able
to
return to the original state of goodness." (134)
The Taoist concept
"wer
also
to form a functionally specific professional
helped
him
er bu you"
(to act,
attitude, that is, one should work hard
doing,
but
one
should
never
one's position for personal
in
but not to possess)
whatever
one
was
exploit the power derived from
benefits:
"Power is a public instrument.
When a man has a
position,
he
exercises the
power
of the position.
He does not possess the
power.
If he mistakenly believes that he
has
the
power
for
himself, he will not have the power for long."
"Power belongs
to
the position, not to the man who holds the
position. For example, a butcher has a knife because he
is
a
butcher.
He
is supposed to use the knife to kill cows, sheep
and pigs, not to kill people whom he does not like.
Power
is
58
like a butcher's knife."
A
remaining
(135)
question is that how a genuine follower of
Taoist
theory of non-actions could be as attentive to the accuracy
news
as
influenced
Chen.
by
I
did
pragmatic
not
find
of
any evidence that Chen was
Confucianism
or
Confucian
textual
criticism, but since both schools were very popular in the Late
Qing,
it
is
very possible that Chen was also well-trained in
one of the schools.
59
iii.
Hu
Objective advocacy and its rationalization
Shi
(1891-1962)
was
not
a
full-time
published any news-oriented journal.
professor
journalist and never
However,
as
a
philosophy
trained under John Dewey at the Columbia University, Hu
persistently argued for rationality and realism in journalism, and
hence, became the best theoretician of objective advocacy
age.
A
typical
in
his
Deweyan argument for objective advocacy went as
follows:
"Civilization is not created in a vague and general fashion. It is
created bit by bit and drop by drop.
Progress is not achieved
in
an evening, in a vague and general fashion.
It is achieved bit by
bit
and
drop by drop.
Nowadays people are fond of talking about
liberation
and
reconstruction,
but
they must
realize
that
liberation
does not
mean
liberation
at
the
level
of
vague
generalities, and reconstruction does not mean
reconstruction
at
the level of vague generalities.
Liberation means liberation from
this or that institution, from this or that belief,
for
this or
that individual... .Reconstruction means the reconstruction of this
or
that
institution,
of
this
or
that
idea,
of this or that
individual... .The work which must serve as the first step
in
the
reconstruction
of
civilization
is
the
study
of
this or that
problem.
The progress of such a
reconstruction
of
civilization
means simply the solution of this or that problem......" (136)
In his own political commentaries, Hu was indeed more rational
realistic
how
to
than most his colleagues.
revive
China,
unlike
most
and
For example, on the issue of
Chinese
intellectuals
who
attacked imperialism or capitalism, Hu said that concrete problems
in
need
of
immediate soluations in China were poverty, disease,
ignorance, corruption and social disorder.
political
freedom,
unlike
(137) On the
issue
most oppositions leaders who demanded
"immeidate release of all political prisoners," Hu demanded
in
which
of
arrests, inquiries and sentences of political
60
a
law
prisoners
would be legalized.
Hu
also
showed
individual
considerable
politicians.
Jingwei,
the
resigned
to
general
(138)
premier
protest
For
of
a
the
restraint
example,
in
in August
Nationalist
"blackmail"
his
criticism
of
1932 when Wang
Government,
suddenly
of 5 million dollars from a
in the Northeast, Hu criticized
Wang's
resignation
with
considerable tolerance and sympathy:
"We
have
always
had
great
respect
for
Mr. Wang's courage to
of
premiership.....
postion
the
in
taking
himself
sacrifice
First of all,
we
were
deeply disappointed this time.
However,
when our state is in great danger, the premier should never resign
the
his subordinate at
dissatisfaction with
of
his
because
Thus, although we are sympathetic to his anger, we can
frontier.
order
should
Secondly, the government
not forgive his methods.
generals to resist invasions and fire those who fail to
military
to
the
general
If the premier resigned to push
obey the order.
Thirdly, Mr.
system?
a
government
have
we
still
do
resign,
personal
Wang... accused the general of "attempting to accumulate
in
the name of national defence." We think the accusation
wealth
If the government beleives that there are
extremly inappropriate.
an
ask
should
it
spending,
military
in
irregularies
some
appropriate agency to investigate them. Before the investigation,
premier should not say that the request for financial support
the
from a general was for personal use......" (139)
Most obviously, Hu drew his
from
American
pragmatism.
he went to the United States
to
embrace
American
inspiration
for
objective
However, since Hu was already 19 when
(140),
pragmatism
it would be impossible for him
if
he
was
not
intellectually for it before he went to the United States.
Grieder
believes
advocacy
prepared
Jerome
that Hu Shi's early classical education focused
more on Neo-Confucian moral philosophy than on Confucian objective
textual
research.
misrepresentation
(141)
This
interpretation
is
nevertheless
a
of the orientation of Hu's classical education.
61
It is true that, under the influence of his father, Hu was
very
early about moral
cultivation.
However, there is also ample
evidence supporting the claim that both
great
interest
examination
supported
in
for
his
textual
the
Boxer
American
for
rulers
fundamental
research.
and
For
scholarship
study
on
the
(guei and ju).
training in Confucian
Hu
his
father
example,
program
had
in
which
the
later
education, Hu won a full mark on Chinese
language for his textual
concepts
taught
textual
intellectual
origins
(142)
research
orientation
of
two
The earlier cognitive
undoubtedly
and
Chinese
shaped
his
paved the way for his
conversion to American pragmatism.
If Hu Shi was the
best
theoretician
of
the
most
successful practitioner.
His
created
many
enemies
of his candid criticism, Zhang had no enemy at all.
readers
included
Nationalists,
intellectuals and students of all
in
What is most interesting
about Zhang's style is that, unlike Hu who
because
advocacy
(1886-1941) of Da gong pg
modern Chinese journalism, Zhang Jiluan
was
objective
Communists,
kinds of political
as
(143)
well
as
persuasions.
Some believed thaot Zhang's pupolarity came from his mastery of the
techniques
of
indirect
criticism
developed
diplomacy during the Warring State (403-201
nevertheless
once
said
continuation of Confucian
Then,
what
is
exactly
that
his
tradition
the
nature
objective style?
62
by
B.C.).
journalistic
of
and
moral
the
school of
(144)
career
criticism.
the origins of
Zhang
was
a
(145)
Zhang's
First of all,
Like
new.
loved to use the concept of "shi"
Zhang
Haoran,
Li
In
similar to Hu Shi's.
example-
of
theory
objective
editorial
his first
advocacy
was
Da ggng
in
he
when
Japan
also studied with Liu Guyu before he went to
Zhang's
Zhang
This is understandable, because like Li,
(being practical).
twenty.
nothing
was
advocacy
objective
Zhang's theory of
was
also very
bag-
for
Zhang listed four editing principles:
The first
Da gn!g bag upholds four editing principles.
"The new
express people's
will
paper
The
is non-partisanhip (bu dang).
biased partisan opinions. The
support
not
will
It
opinions.
accept
not
will
It
second principle is not for sale (bu mai),
from political power, so that its opinion will
support
financial
unselfishness
is
The third
not be altered by monetary concerns.
worked for newspapers to express our loyalty to our
We
(bu si),
country, not to gain personal fame or wealth... The fourth is that
We will not follow a
we will not follow anyone blindly (bu mang).
blindly.
anything
in
popular cause blindly, nor will we believe
engage in
to
emotions blindly
by
motivated
be
not
will
We
we
will
activites which we do not have sufficient knowledge, nor
A
blindly with others for radical and blind criticism.
compete
never
should
it
newspaper is an instrument for public opinions,
its staff as the public opinion....."
opinions of
the
treated
(146)
Except
the
third
principle,
selflessness,
the
three,
rest
non-partisanship, not for sale, and independence, were all
to
similar
Hu's theory of objective advocacy.
What
made
Zhang different from Hu was that he not only tolerated
opponents.
oppositions, but often appeared very supportive to his
For example, on the issue of freedom of expression, Zhang began to
attack
the
Nationalist
party's
censorship
with
a
statement
endorsing censorship:
"The central committee of the Nationalist Party
63
proposed
a
news
policy
which
would
allow
free flows
of information under the
premise that no
one
should
propagate
ideas
contradicting
the
doctrines of
the Three
People's
Principles.
We would like to
express our consent to and repsect for this proposal.
However, we
have to know that how the principle is put into practice
depends
upon
the
interpretation of concrete problems.. For exmaple, what
is a military secret? ......
If censors do not share the
center's
concern
for
freedom
of
expression,....If
they attempt to find
faults with newspapers....If they abuse their power,....If they do
not have sufficient knowledge about national security,... they are
bound to make mistakes...." (147)
On the problem of the Chinese Communist Party, Zhang also appeared
very
supportive
campaigns.
campaigns
to
the
Nationalist
Party's
extermination
However, when he continued to argue that extermination
would not eradicate Communists and that the best policy
to exterminate Communists was to
legalize
the
Communist
Party,
even Communists found it hard to disagree with him:
"The central
government
launched
a
large-scaled extermination
view,
point
of
campaign against Communists... However, from our
the
must
be
aimed at
eradicating
extermination
campaigns
Chinese
Communist
the
which
created
socio-economic conditions
Party.
When the conditions no long exist, Communists will not be
If we only attempt to exterminate Communist
able to exist either.
every
one
with force and do nothing to change the conditions, to
will
conditions
the
socio-economic
we
exterminate,
Communist
create many more...... We have
to
realize that
Communists
are
with
force or
be
pacified
which
can
from bandits
different
rewards.
They are directed
by
intellectuals,
supported
by
an
and collaborated with by workers and
organization,
international
peasants.
They
also have
political
organization
spread
over
they have already had a political aim
Since
provinces.
several
combat
them with
organization,
we have
to
and
a
political
political means...." (148)
On
the
surface,
Zhang's
style
was
indeed
identical
Diplomatists' indirect criticism in which "waving the red
to
oppose the red banners" was the norm.
However,
Zhang had nothing in common with Diplomatists.
64
to
banners
ideologically,
Then, was the style Confucian?
Zhang himself
seemed to believe so
than
because he once interpreted his own style as nothing more
form
of
indirect cirticism
concept
of
"using
principles
However,
in
(wei jian) derived from the Confucian
obscure
the
time
although
a
statements
of
to
disorder"
indirect
expound
(wei
criticism
yen
was
the
da
moral
i).
(149)
sanctioned
in
Confucianism, it was much more commonly used in the family setting
than in national politics.
professed
politics
Confucianist,
The question then becomes why Zhang, a
could
apply
the
technigue in national
so well?
An analysis of Zhang's biography discloses that he was able to
so
because
he
managed
to
displace
nationalism due to personal misfortune.
and
three
survive.
Hence,
brothers died early.
Confucian
Both of his
familial
to
parents
and
bear
any
child.
his life, Zhang was constantly troubled by his
inability to continue the Zhang's ancestral
became a way
with
Two of his three nephews did not
He married early but his wife did not
throughout
familism
do
compensate
his
line.
inadequacy
in
Journalism then
fulfilling
his
obligations:
"On
the
one hand,
I value
family
greatly, because I (always
regret) that I was not able to requit
the
infinite
love
of
my
parents
who
died
too
early.
As
an
orphan,
I
suffer
from
the
loneliness and anxiety about fulfilling my responsibility for
family.
Yet, on the other hand, I think it is wrong to take care
we can
not
of one's family during such a national crisis.... If
keep China intact, where are we going to find a safe place to keep
our families?
I support Chinese familism, but I also suggest that
we expand
familism.
We
should
expand
our
affection
to our
parents,, siblings and offspings.
We should
not
only
repay
our
also
the
affection for all our ancestors."
love,
but
parents'
(150)
65
Interest articulation in modern Chinese journalism
First of all,
except objective reporters, most Chinese journalists
did believe that one of the most important functions of journalism
was
to
make
petition for
political
political
a
demands.
constitution,
tradition,
For
Chen
Duxiu's
avoiding
Liang Qichao's
attack
of
Chinese
and Hu Shi's demands for human rights, were
all forms of interest articulations.
while
example,
direct
Even
objective
reporters.
political participation, reported others'
political demands, and performed a certain
function
of
interest
articulation.
However,
interest
articulation in modern Chinese journalism were
expected to be different from
articulation
because
differences.
First of all,
of
the
several
liberal
subtle
in Confucian
pluralistic
but important cultural
moral
theory,
was treated as the most fundamental virtue in social
in
contrast
to
the
Western
assumption
self-interest and particular interest in
and
desirable,
Chinese
would
interest
that
repudiate
life.
the
politics
the
altruism
Hence,
pursuit
is
of
legitimate
pursuit
of
self-interest and particular interest.
Secondly, although Chinese repudiated self-interest and particular
interest because of Confucian moral theory, the very theory
encourage
"altruistic" political demands.
would
In Confucianism, every
human being is believed to be endowed with a heavenly good nature,
so when Confucian elite thought
65
they
had
grapsed
the
heavenly
principle
residing
in
their
nature, they would be particularly
confident in making political demands.
demands
would differ from liberal
two ways.
would
First of
all,
altruistic
pluralistic
in altruistic
political
political
demands,
political
demands in at
be a strong tendency toward monopolization
Secondly, in altruistic
that
The
least
demands,
there
and intolerance.
"political
rights",
is, demands upon others for the self, would be confused with
"political obligations",
that
is,
demands
upon
the
self
for
others.
The hypotheses were well supported by the seven elite journalists'
theories
about
journalists,
competition
interest
none
for
them
accepted
self-interest
them did not even
1truistic
of
articulation.
allow
competition
the
the
pursuit
seven elite
of
and
and particular interest.
competition.
to
Among
some
Three
extent,
of
but
the
Four of
them
accepted
competition
for
-elf-interest and particular interest were never accepted.
As mentioned above, Dai Jitao did not know
moral
philosophy until
journalist.
altruism
the
most
about
Confucian
1922, a decade after he became a prominent
However, Dai too
as
much
did
not
hesitate
to
single
out
important virtue of revolutionaries.
For
example, in Dai's arguments for freedom, freedom meant the freedom
of the nation, not the freedom of the individual:
"Many revolutionaries sacrificed their lives in search of freedom.
What
they
fought
for
was freedom, but
they
lost
freedom
permanently
when
they
lost
their
own
lives.
Is there
contradiction there?
freedom
fight for
freeodm.
means
No, our camrades,
because,
in
freedom of the nation and the people.
our
minds,
In order to
freedom for our people, we must first give
up
our
own
If
we
fight for freedom for ourselves, we will not be
able to fight for freedom for the whole
66
country.
If
the
whole
country is not free, we will
Dai
not
did
hesitate
to
In 1919, in a reply to
whether
revolution
to
altruism
use
either.
should
(152)
never be really free."
a
reject competition
Communist
Chinese
asked
who
be monopoly, Dai said that revolution
the
had to be a struggle for monopolization, so long
purpose
of
monopolization was altruistic:
The
of a few people'.
monopoly
a
not be
should
"'Revolution
political
of
cause
The
statement contains a fundamental truth.
of
psychology
The
'monopolization'.
is
China
in
disorder
to
monopolization is selfishness (bao ban) Whoever is selfish has
monopolization
selfish
counter-revolutionary......However,
a
be
of
monopolization
struggle for
should not be confused with the
social
in
occur
always
revolutions
Since
revolutionaries.
real
in
legitimacy
their
disorder, revolutionaries have to fight for
and
hearts
their
all
concentrate
to
have
They
the society....
in
minds on revolution.... Everything else becomes destructible
is
revolution
of
purpose
the
although
Therefore,
their eyes.
as
be
might
Revolutionaries
cruel.
often
are
methods
the
peace,
is a crucial difference
However, there
as dictators....
cruel
is
dictator
a
While
dictator.
a
between a revolutionary and
(151)
selfish, a revolutionary is altruistic."
Like
Dai,
Chen Duxiu rejected competition in his reply to Hu Shi
about why revolutionaries should not
rejection
tolerate
oppositions.
of self-interest and particular interest was less clear
interests
than Dai for he did explicitly advocate individual
class
interests.
In
was
to
individuals' rights and to enrich individuals' happiness.
If not, the nation did not deserve to be loved.
However, this does not meant
without
and
his "patriotism and self-consciousness" in
1915, for example, he argued that the purpose of a nation
protect
His
In
reservation.
1918, Chen tried to
balance
that
Chen
advocated
individualism
on the meaning of life in
article
an
(153)
and
individualism
collectivism
by
saying that the society should respect individauls and individuals
should
sacrifice
In 1920, shortly before
for the society. (154)
_______
___67
_
_
_
_
_
_
Chen
was
tendency
to
converted
became
even
collectivistic
the
Marxism-Leninism,
In an article in the
clearer than before.
memory of revolutionaries in the Hunan province, Chen said:
years.
hundred
than a
"The life of an individual lasts no more
issue of life is not how long an individual lives, but
the
Hence
It
life?
by real
mean
whether he has a real life. What do I
the
to
leaves
individual
an
life
immortal
the
means
society.... Olive Shreiner once said in her fiction 'Have you ever
The first one got down to the
locusts cross rivers?
how
seen
the
came and went, so did
second
The
away.
washed
was
water and
Finally, the dead bodies accumulated and
the fourth.
and
third
Revolutionaries are
form a bridge +o all the rest to cross over.'
they
for
lives,
real
like locusts. Those who pass do not have
Those how die for the
leave nothing.
eventually die and
will
immortal..."
remain
will
bridge have real lives, for the bridge
(155)
What
is
the
most
about
interesting
Chen's
collectivism as a
Marxist-Leninst was that, despite his adoption of Marx's theory of
class struggle, his concern for national
survival often superseded
his concern for the interest of the working class.
struggle
was
more
a
means
iberation than an end itself.
a-ticle
argued
on
the
Nationalist
for
the
labor
to
achieve
the
end
To him,
of
For example, in June 1924,
Party
movement
class
national
in
an
and the labor movement, Chen
because
of
the
revolutionary
potentiality of the working class:
say the bourgeoisie is not revolutionary (in China's
not
"I
can
sure
struggle against imperialism and warlordism), but I know for
The higher
zeal for revolution is always intermittant.
its
that
it
more compromising
the class is, such as the bourgeoisie, the
lower the class is, such as the working class, the more
The
is.
advocates
Party
Nationalist
it
is.....The
revolutionary
cooperation among different classes, but it also has to know which
give it the greatest revolutionary potentiality.... We
class can
the
of
should never sacrifice the working class for the interest
the participation of the working
because, without
bourgeoisie,
be
able to
class which is the most revolutionary, we will never
(156)
liberation."
achieve the goal of national
68
As
mentioned
above,
Li
Haoran believed the lack of altruism was
the origin of international conflicts.
also known to
support
Movement,
revive
to
a
conservative
Chinese
In the early 1930s,
movement,
traditional
virtues was "righteousness", which, according
help others" and
Chen
Leng
virtues.
to
"not to seek self-advancement".
believed in Taoist theory of
also known to advocate Confucian
virtue
the
Li,
Li
New
was
Life
One of
the
meant
"to
(157)
"non-actions", but he was
of
altruism.
He
once
attacked Republican politicians' "self-centeredness" as follows:
"Once they have power, they like to deprive all others of power.
wealth.
Once they have wealth, they like to deprive all others of
they have
a
doctrine, they want to make others' doctrines
Once
illegitimate. When they are engaged in debates, they want to make
others completely in the wrong.
Whey they
are
in
competition,
they
will
be
happy only after
their
opponents
are
totaly
destroyed....." (156)
Ch'en then aruged that
such
"self-centeredness"
could
only
be
cured by denials of self-interest:
"If everyone puts the public before the private, everything can be
done.
If everyone puts the private before the public, things will
be difficult.
If everyone puts the public at the service of the
private, nothing can be done. What is 'the public'? It is to give
the
people."
(159)
priority to the interest of the country and
Chen continued to formulate a theory about political confiictsr
"If everyone puts the public before the private, there would be no
Conflicts are the biggest barrier for the development
conflicts.
of the public interest.....If everyone is for the public interest,
opinions,
one
arise
because of
different
but conflicts still
If it is impossible to dissociate, one
should dissociate oneself.
should retreat.
In the world, there are lots of worthwhile things
must we
destroy one
another because of temporary
to do,
why
disagreement?"
69
Liang
Qichao, the founding father of modern Chinese journalism as
well as modern
competition,
Chinese
but
political
competition
interest was never allowed.
rights
and
freedom.
thought,
for
self-interest
In 1902,
(160)
It
accepted
Liang
was
and particular
wrote
it
ended up as a defence of it.
an
essay
on
to be an attack
intended
against Confucianism, particularly its concept of
but
altruistic
altruism,
renL
I shall first introduce his
arguments against altruism :
"While Westerners are good at the discussion
of
rights, Chinese
Ren means that I love
at
the discussion
of
ren....
are good
others and that others love me.... It also means that, in
waiting
others
to love them, people would willingfully discard their
for
Therefore, the
autonomy (dai ren yu ren, er fang qi zi you)....
more people who
love others there are, the more people who wait
for others to love them.... Indeed the concept of ren impoverished
our national character....
"Selfishness and self-interest are
considered evils
in
Chinese
All morality
However, is it true that they are evils?
classics.
and laws are enacted for self-interest.... If there is no concpet
In
not be any concept of rights.
of
self-interest, there will
comopetitions, whoever knows how to achieve his own self-interest,
he must win."
However, in the same
rights
as
society."
"a
moral
essay,
Liang
interpreted
one
obligation
It is clearly a confusion of
owed
to
the
concept
oneself
of
and the
"rights", that is, demands
upon others, and "obligations", demands upon oneself.
Hence, it is not at all strange that, in the latter
essay,
Liang
stepped
back
from
half
of
the
his attack against altruism in
arguing that self-interest was in fact a form of altruism:
that
think
people
"If
self-interest,
they are
advocate
to
altruism
discard
I
completely
wrong.
Self-interest and
70
alturism are two sides of the same coin.
According to a
Japanese
philosopher,
there
are
two
kinds of
selfishness.
One is the
original selfishness, the other is disguised selfishness, that is,
altruism. A person can not live alone in the world, therefore
we
have social
groups.
Anyone
who
knows how
to
serve his own
interest the best will serve others' interest first
so
that
his
own
interest will
also
be
served.
Whoever loves others will
eventually serve his own interest well.
Selfishness and
alturism
are two names of the one origin."
Elsewhere, Liang expounded more on altruism:
"There are
two
kinds of altruism. The first is emotional.
The
second is rational.
People rejoice or
suffer
when
their
loved
ones
rejoice
or
suffer,
so they
love them
as they
love
themselves... This is what I call
emotional
altruism.
Rational
altruism
is
different.
Slaves
love their
master
to aovid
punishment.
Traders rejoice over other traders'
success
for
it
will
benefits their
own trade.... The principle is that if I do
not love others, my own interest will not be fulfilled." (161)
From the context, it
altruism"
twist
is
of
is
clear
"raitonal
terms
of
Liang
self-interest"
reflected
"self-interest" as a political
discussion
what
emotional
Liang's
value.
the
He
"patriotism
and
then
consmopolitan
Kang
Liang believed that,
expanded
Youwei's
jie
zong
qi
accept
from
through
family
to
living things in
famous
statement,
love are derived from the mind by
not being able to see the sufferings of others"
xia
to
The
More interesting is Liang's
altruism.
cited
"rational
ordinary usage.
to all human beings, and even to all
world.
by
reluctance
education, emotional alturism could be
countrymen,
in
meant
bu ren ren zhi xin),
(jiu guo jiu
tian
which could only be drawn
from Confucan theory of ren.
What is also interesting in Liang's
that
he
believed
discussion
of
"rights"
that the concept of rights also meant
71
was
"a moral
responsibility to sacrifice one's physical
twist
Neo-Confucian
of
the English
In English, rights meant both spiritual
rights.
protect
This interpretation is also clearly an
one's spiritual existence."
anti-utilitarian
to
existence
concept of
and physical,
and
it is certainly not a moral obligation that one must sacrifice the
for the former.
latter
natural
It then becomes
articulation,
in
Liang's
which
among
he
1913,
as
admitted
political
self-interest
interest
of
not.
the purpose of self-interest were
the
parties
the
but
political
For
head of the Progressive Party, Liang
wrote several treatises on the functions of parties
in
of
theory
competitions among different opinions were allowed,
but competitions for
example,
in
that,
in
democracy
importance of political competitions
both
denied
parties
as
the
pursuit
of
interest groups and the
pursuit of self-interest of parties members as individuals:
in
various
involved
and contradictions
to the complexity
to
ask a
be
unrealistic
it
would
interest,
and
group
nal
in
people
the
of
all
interests
the
tical party to represent
as the essence of a political party is
However,
the country....
on
opinions...
its
unselfishness,... the party has to formulate
If people
the basis of their understanding of national interest.
local
or
interests
class
interests,
individual
compete for
interests within a party, that party is not a real party.....
-
"Therefore, a person should join a party completely out of a sense
politics.....The "rights" of a party
national
of
obligation to
To the party, a member should behave like a
member do not exist.
He should
"Filial piety" is his obligation.
to his parents.
son
for
If he asks
never ask for compensation for his filial deeds.
compensation, it is not filial piety......" (162)
72
Like Chen Duxiu, Hu shi's collectivistic tendency was obscured
his
advocacy
of
individualism.
rturned to China from his study in
"individualism"
to
attack
For
example, shortly after he
the
United
Chinese
States,
traditionalism.
direction, Xin ging Dian put out a special
he advocated unconditional
by
he
used
Under
his
"Ibsen number" in which
egoism:
"What I most desire for you is a true and pure
egoism.
It
will
cause you to feel that the only things that are important in the
world are those that concern youself, and that the
rest
are
not
worth
counting.... At times I feel that the whole world is like a
sinking ship at the sea, and that the most important thing
is
to
save yourself." (163)
Hu
was
also
expression.
the
most
outspoken
In 1922, he drafted a
journalist
political
for
freedom
proposal
of
demanding
the Beijing government "to tolerate the freedom of the individiual
and
to
love and protect the development of individuality."
Under the Nationalist regime from 1928 to 1937, Hu was
leader in the protest against thought control'.
one
of
(165)
(164)
again
the
He was also
the few steadfast supporters of democracy in the thirties
when most Chinese intellectuals were overwhelmed by the success of
Italian Fascist Movement.
(166)
However, Hu Shi's liberalism was also tainted with Confucian moral
theory, and turned out to be quite different
the
West.
To
However,
liberalism
in
be sure, as early as 1906, Hu declared that he no
longer believed in Mencius' theory
(167).
from
this
of
human
altruistic
nature.
does not mean that he valued altruism any
less than Confoucian philosophers
did.
Like
Liang
Qichao,
Hu
asserted the value of self-interest for its altruitic results.
In
73
1919,
defending pure and true egoism, Hu said ,
in
fact the most valuable kind of
Qichao,
confused
Hu
yta
to
accord with the moral
nor will
anything
the
principle of yi,
in
He
(169)
moral
of
it is not in
not
give
(fei qi
I receive anything from anyone."
by the fundamental
self-interest
will
I
Liang
1932, in an
In
"rights", "If
of
concept
like
concept
Confucian
quated
i ge bu yu ren, i ge bu qu yu ren)
bothered
Also
(168)
obligations.
with
rights
article on human rights, he
obligation,
altruism."
"Egoism is in
not
seemed
anyone
yi ye,
at
all
incompatibility between the denial of
Confucian
tradition
the
and
assertion
of
self-interest in Western liberalism.
Hu
failed
to
recognize
incompatibility,
the
because,
in his
understanding, liberalism in the twentieth century had undergone a
drastic change in which free
giving
way
to cooperation.
competition
that
cooperation,
a
replace the old negative concept
(170)
However,
Hu's
self-interests
was
The inspiration apparently came from
John Dewey's essay "Individualism, old and
preached
of
positive
of
new"
in
individualism,
of
his
should
competition.
individualism,
interpretation
Dewey
which
master's
new
individualism was clearly more Confucian than Deweyan:
is
It
is egoism.
The
first
"Individualism has two meanings.
It
of egoism is selfishness.
The nature
individualism.
false
care about
not
does
and
interest,
only cares about one's own
The second is true individualism. It aims at
interest.
others'
devel oging one's own individuali ty throghg
indegendent
thinking..
It takes full responsibility for the results of one's own thinking
authority nor the sacrifice of
fears neither
It
beliefs.
and
ggsgal
truths. but not
the
It
recognized
life.
onw's own
interests.
"
(171)
74
In the text, Hu made at least two points which were more Confucian
than
an antithesis of individualism.
individualism
interest is
The first is that Hu believed personal
Deweyan.
meant
solely
The second is
independent
reflected a classic Confucian assumption.
that
The
thinking.
The
believed
Hu
latter
former
reflected
the anti-utilitarian bias in Neo-Confucianism.
Hence,
Hu's
theory of political parties was very similar to that
of Liang Qichao.
parties
in
Like Liang, Hu admitted the merits of
democracy
but
political
insisted that political parties should
work for the common interest of the
whole
society,
not
special
interest of a few:
necessary devise in the
parties as a
"We recognize political
tolerate
never
we will
democratic politics, but
practice of
parties which promote the interest of a few or of
in
membership
one class, rather than the happiness of the whole society." (172)
Hu later even retreated from his support of pluralism and
a theory of
"suprapartisan politics" in which
political
invented
parties,
the institution for interest articulation, was totally rejected:
"Most people believe that demoncracy has to be partisan politics.
in
the
somewhat
eased
has been
Fortunately, the superstition
In my opinion, partisan politics will not
twenty years.
recent
because,
future,
dominate Chinese consitutional politics in the
consciousness expands, partisan consciousness will
national
when
National consciousness, such as the idea that
definitely decline.
suprapartisan
and
the state is above all, will create a national
(173)
politics."
Hence,
despite
his advocacy of tolerance and rationality and his
faith in democracy, Hu was not able to conceive politics
75 - "
as
a
a
process
competition and reconciliation of self-interests, not
of
to mention to provide a workable format to implement it.
Following
Liang
pluralism
is
political
Qichao,
inevitable
pluralism in
Zhang
in
Jiluan
democracy.
also
recognized
that
In 1922, Zhang preached
modern China:
"According to Liang Qichao, there are three regional characters in
The Cantonese are radical....
China (san da liu yu zhi min xing).
People in the Yangtze River Region are
progressive.....People
in
three
These
River
Region are conservative....
the
Yellow
characters are all good and
necessary for
nation-building.
If
admit one another's merits and try to compromise, or if
they all
they compete with one another in the right way, our nation will be
However, the problem right now
is that each
unified very soon.
one
of
the three wants to unify the nation with its own specific
itself
is
only
of
them believes that
Each one
ideology.
absolutely correct
and
tries to eliminate
the
existence
of
others......" (174)
What makes Zhang's pluralism different from Liang is, unlike Liang
who denied the pursuit of self-interest, Zhang recognized that, in
reality, most people did pursue their self-interest
For
example,
Generalissimo
on
New
Chiang
Year's
Day
of
Kai-shek's
New
1930,
in
politics.
Zhang commented on
Year's
address
on
"righteousness and thrift" as follows:
"Mr.
Chiang
must
have been
motivated by a great feeling about
touching
a
in our
country to write such
inadequacy
moral
say a few words about the methods to
essay.....However, we must
among
the
thrift.....
Most people
promote righteousness and
general
populace
have only average
intelligence.....
Their
they can
have
If
morality is dictated by their self-interest.
peace and
glory with righteousness and thrift, they will become
and
get
only humiliation
If
they
can
righteous and thrifty.
poverty
with
righteousness and
thrift ,
they will not become
righteous and thrifty ..... " (175)
76
However,
moral
since Zhang was also
philosophy,
solution to
altruism
the
and
he
was
reality
differentiate politicians
Chinese
not
discrepancy
the
politicians,
heavily
ready
between
of
and
Zhang
influenced
to
the
moral
in
masses.
indicated
but not for
imperative
politics
In
an
that
self-interest in politics was an inevitable evil
populace,
Confucian
forego altruism.
selfishness
the
by
of
was to
article
on
search
of
the
for
His
the
general
politicians:
"I
believe that the only method to solve the problem of political
corruption
is
to revive
the
traditional
Chinese spirit.....
Chinese used
to
treat
politics as the business of scholars who
believed that politics was a great moral obligation and
that
the
most
important political virtue was to to thrifty...
The social
disorder at our times,... is directly caused by political
leaders
who reward the greedy.... Thus, the best way to save our nation is
to reform the morale in the political world.....Once our political
aders
regain the traditional spirit... .of moral obligation and
'tical
conscience, it will not be very
difficult
to restore
.tical order...." (176)
The
underlying
principle
can
be
easily
traced
to Confucius'
statement that self-denial was the virtue of the elite,
of
the
massess.
This
for
of
them
power.
recognition
politicians
are
altruistic,
are motivated by self-interest or unconscious need
(177)
of
that
is, however, not an empirical statement,
because, empirically, although some
many
not
It
demonstrates
that,
despite
Zhang's
the value of self-interest in reality, he was not
able to avoid the Confucian tendency of moralization
the role of self-interest in politicians' behavior.
77
in evaluating
reporting
Objective
China --
contemporary
in
articulation
interest
norm
pluralistic
liberal
the
and
of
a historical
perspective
China is well-known for its theory and practice
and
communications,
particularly, its massive exploitation of
Great
the
as
Forward in the late fifties and the
Leap
(178)
However,
is not true that objective reporting was ignored.
Even Mao
Great Cultural Revolution in the late sixties.
it
periods,
radical
mass media for moral mobilization during its
such
persuasive
of
Zedong, the architect of subjective
considerable
attention
paid
problems in reality, as
practical
to
mobilization,
moral
"Report
examplified in his articles like "On practice" and
an investigation into the peasant movement in Hunan"
of
(179)
Objective reporting in journalism was also explicitly advocated
by
leaders,
pragmatic
as Liu Shaoqi
such
Proletarian Cultural Revolution in 1966.
of
reporting
objective
later
propagating the "capitalist road" in China.
Zedong
and
his
who
followers
Liu's
(180)
one
became
prior to the Great
of
his crimes in
According
that
the
Communist
press
to
Mao
upheld the orthodox theory of
moral persuasion, Liu ignored that truth had a class
and
advocacy
should
never
give
character
space to
"enemies and hostile ideas."
Besides advocating objective reporting, Liu was also accused of
promoting selfish personal
interest,
incentives to encourage productivity.
78
such
as
using
material
However, this accusation
toward
attitude
Liu's
twisted
fact
in
attentive
of personal interest, Liu believed
denial
dramatic
of
For example, in contrast
to material well-being of the people.
Maoist
problem
On the one hand, Liu did appear more
self-interest.
to
the
that "So long as the interests of the Party are not violated, a
develop
Party member can have his private and family life, and
Yet, on the other hand, Liu also
inclinations."
his individual
individuals
that
stated
personal
interests to that of the collective.
the
of
issue
subordinate
always
should
clearly
(181)
Thus,
on
interest, Liu was more in accord with
personal
pragmatic Confucianism than with capitalism.
since
Liu died in 1971 in humiliation, but,
in
Maoists
downfall
the current regime.
Modernizations"
"Four
Thus, it is quite natural that Liu's ideas
For example, in March
interest articulation were brought back.
line,
1978, Deng Xiaoping, the leader of the current pragmatic
The masses responded with
expression.
Big
posters
and
underground
Democracy Wall for big
worldly
movement to allow more freedom of
democratization
a
known
far.
actually
put
to
praise
The
flourished.
quickly
public forum for political criticism.
socialism,
He charged
Peking
in
enthusiasm.
tremendous
publications
posters
when some of the critics began
attack
in
reporting and the liberal pluralistic norm of
objective
launched
of
his pragmatic ideas have become the guiding
1978,
force for the pragmatic policies of
about
the
became
a
However,
capitalism
and
to
Deng decided that the movement had gone too
that
their
in
attacking
personal
socialism
interest
79
above
these
the
people
national
interest.
when
end
many writers were arrested and big posters and undergroud
Many then came to the conclusion the
publications were banned.
whole
an
to
came
1979, the movement
In April
(182)
movement
democratization
consolidate his own power.
the
manipulated
value
was
Deng
by
staged
to
However, it is also clear that Deng
limit of
the
within
objectivity
of
altruism, a practice quite common in the pragmatic approach
in
Chinese political culture.
The
leaders of the democratization movement fought for freedom
of expression, and thus was accused of being "individualistic."
However, it seems
"altruistic"
most
that
of
rather than "individualistic."
sent
to
the
labor
For example, after
Beijing
in
journal
Liu Qing, the publisher of an underground
was
themselves
considered
them
in the Northwest on charges of
camp
counter-revolution, he smuggled a big-poster back to Beijing to
In
accuse the public security system of abuses.
suicidal
attempt,
selflessness in a way
Liu
not
comforted
very
himself
different
from
this
with
a
almost
his
own
Confucian
Martyr:
It can
"The public security bureau has total control over me.
I
until
fight
will
I
but
me,
to
wants
it
do whatever
injustice without any
people tolerate
a
if
die.... because,
are not
people
Chinese
protest, it is determined to perish.
Even under the most severe totalitarian control, it
like that.
sacrifice
will
daughters who
sons and
many
has
always
(183)
criticism."
of political
themselves for the right
Neither the liberal pluralistic norm of
was
accepted
interest
articulation
in Taiwan where elections for local officials had
80
been held
regularly
example,
in
1983, 56.4%
should
an
in
the
opinion
past
poll
thirty
five
years.
conducted in Taipei
of
the
citizens
believed
refuse
to
promote
special
that
For
in October
representatives
interests
of
their
constituencies so that they could supervise the government with
fair-mindedness.
18.43% believed that they should
balance
their
between
groups and the
government.
responsibility
responsibility
Only
7.92%
actively promote special
for
fair
for
maintain
special
supervision
a
interest
of
the
believed that representatives should
interest groups.
(184)
The paper demonstrates, during the first three and half decades
of twentieth century, objective reporting was well
established
as a professional
model in modern Chinese journalism.
unlike
journalism during the age of the penny press,
American
objective reporting did not
promote
the
liberal
However,
pluralistic
norm of interest articulation because the norm contradicted the
most deep-seated value in Chinese cultural tradition, altruism.
The
pattern
certainly
persists in contemporary Chinese culture and will
remain
as
the
most
fundamental
transformation of Chinese political culture.
81
issue
in
the
Discovering the Nwgs
Schudson,
Michael
1.
Notes:
New York, 1978
History gf American Newsg~gggr
2.
ibid.
a Social
pp. 57-60
journalism, see
Chinese
3. For a historical review of modern
Itgngggg iin tai bag kan shi (A history of modern
Hanqi,
Fang
nian
shi
gi
Guanglin,
Lai
1981;
Shaanxi,
Chinese press),
past
the
in
press
Chinese
of
(A history
shi
Zhongggg bgg ye
shi
xue
gAg
Zbgagggg
Gongzhen,
Ge
1981;
Taipei,
seventy years),
Itt
Yutang,
Lin
1926;
Shanghai,
press),
Chinese
of
(A history
Public Oginion in Chings Chicago,
the Press and
gf
Hitry
ggvernment Control of the Press in
1937; and Lee-hsia Hsu Ting,
Modern China. 1290-1949 Cambridge, 1974
li
gong
4. see, for example, Hsiao Kung-chuan, "Liang Song di
si xiang" (The utilitarian thought in the Northern and Southern
dynasties) and "Yuan you dang ren ji li xue jia zhi zheng
Song
and the
lun" (The political theories of the Yuan you faction
Neo-Confucianists) Zhnggg ztgng zhi si xiang shi (A
orthodox
history of Chinese political thought) Taipei, 1971 pp. 445-519
Yen Yuan's
on
Qichao's study
Liang
example,
for
5. see,
Li xue pai
"Yen
(xi),
actions
practical
of
theory
(1635-1704)
modern
the
and
Kung
Li
Yuan,
(Yen
chao"
si
yu
jiao
dai
yu xian
wgn Ii. Taipei, 1978, 14, pp.
educational
thought)- Yin -bin 3-22
Yu
example,
for
see,
6.
Intellectualism" The Tsing Hug
pp.105-146
Confucian
"Ch'ing
Ying-shih,
Journal of Chinese Studies 1975,
Fate
its Modern
China and
Cgnfucian
Levenson,
Joseph
7.
"Some Common
William deBary
and
5-8
Berkeley, 1958, pp.
ed.,
Nivison,
in
David
in
Neo-Confucianism"
Tendencies
Confucianism in Action Stanford, 1959, pp. 25-62
Zhen who
Dai
8. For a discussion of the moral philosophy of
self-interest,
of
value
the
denied
but
objectivity,
advocated
Dai
of
(The philosophy
see, Hu Shi Dai Qgigyan di zhe xue
1967. For a general discussion of the lack
Taipei,
Dongyuan)
W.
Lucian
of interest representation in Chinese politics, see
Ijg Dynamics of Chinese Politics . Cambridge, 1981, pp.
Pye,
77-86
the
in
9. Ithiel de Sola Pool, "The Mass Media and Politics
gmunications and
Modernization Process" in Lucian Pye, ed.,
Political DevelgogMet . Princeton, 1963, pp. 234-254
10. for studies on the political thoughts of Liang Qichao, Zhen
Chi-ch'ao
Liag
Chang,
Duxiu and Hu Shi in English, see Hao
and
the Intellectual Transition in China . 190-1907 Cambridge,
Chinese
modern
and
Ligng Ch'i-ch'ao
Huang,
Philip
1971;
and
Tu-hsiu
"Ch'en
Schwartz
Benjamin
1972;
Seattle,
Liberalism
g
History
the
the Acceptance of the Modern West" Journal of
(January 1951); Jerome Grieder Hu Shih and Chinese
7:1
Ideas
82
Liberalism Cambridge, 1969; and Yu-sheng
Chinese Consciousness Madison, 1979
Lin,
Ifti
Qcsis
of
11.
Gabriel Almond and Bingham Powell, 9gfggcative Politics. a
Develolgmental Aggroach Boston, 1966
12. Harold L. Wilensky "The Professionalization for
Everyone?"
American
Journal of Sociology 70 (September 1964), pp 137-140;
see also
Howard
M.
Vollmer
and
Donald
Mills,
ed.,
Professionalization
Englewood Cliffs, 1966; Kenneth S. Lynn,
ed., Ibe Professions in America , Boston, 1965;
Wilber Moore,
The Professions: Roles and Rules , New York, 1970.
13. Emile Durkheim,"Some Notes on Occupational Groups", preface
to
the second
edition, Division of Labor in Society , tr. by
George Simpson, New York, 1933
14. Talcott Parsons, "Professions and
the Social
Structure"
EssyM in Sociological Theory New York 1954, pp. 34-49
15.
Harold L. Wilensky "The Professionalization for Everyone?"
American Journal of Sociology 70 (September 1964), pp. 137-158
16.
Swen
Windalh
and
karl
Erik
Rosengren,
"Newsmen's
Professionalization:
Some Methodological problems" Journalism
Quarterly 55 (Fall 1978) pp. 466-73
17. Richard Hall, "Professionalization and
Bureaucratization"
American Sogiological Review 30 (February 1968) pp. 93-104
18.
Magali
Sociogigcal
Sarfatti-Larson,
rhM Risg
Analysis Berkeley, 1977
g
Professionalism
19. M. Rue Bucher and Anselm Strauss, "Professions in
American Journal of Sociology , 66 (1961), pp 325-335
a
Process"
20. Morris
Janowitz,
"Professional Models in Journalism: the
Gatekeeper and the Advocate" Journalism
Quarterly 52
(1975),
pp. 618-626, 662
21. Dan Nimmo, The Newsgathering in Washingiga. New York, 1964
22.
John
Johnstone
"The
Professional
Values
of
American
Newsmen" Public Oginion Quarterly 36 (1972),
pp. 64-77
23.
Max Weber,
The Religion of China
,
New York,
1951 p.
248
24. Max Weber, "The Types of Social Actions" in The
Theory
of
Social
and
Economic
Organization
tr.
by A. M. Henderson and
Talcott Parsons, New York, 1947. pp. 115-117; and
his Eggmy
and Society. Berkeley, 1978, pp. 40-43
83
25. For
a
historial review of modern Chinese journalism, see
Fang Hanqi, Zhagggg lin dai bao kan shi (A history
of
modern
Chinese
press) Shaanxi,
1981;
Lai
Guanglin,
gi
shi
nian
Zhongggg bag y@ shi (A history of Chinese press
in
the past
Taipei,
1981; and Lin Yutang, The History of
seventy
years),
the Press and Public Oginion in China , Chicago, 1937.
26. Ge Gongzhen, Ztgngggg
Press), Shanghai, 1926
aog
xue shi
(A
history
of
Chinese
27.
Lee-hsia Hsu
Ting,
gvernment
Control
of the Press in
Modern China& 190-1949 Cambridge, 1974, pp. 7-8
28. Robert Marsh,
Ih
Mandarin
,
New York,
1961,
p.
14;
according
to Marsh,
in
the ninteenth
century, about 2% of
Chinese total population belonged to the gentry class.
Among
the 2%,
about 2%
were actually
appointed,
12%
were
not
appointed, while 86% were local elite, not eligible for office.
29. According to Andrew Nathan,
the
total
circulation
of
Chinese press was 300,000 in 1908; see his "Jin dai Zhongguo yu
lun
zhi
xing qi" (The rise of public opinion in modern China)
Zhggggg xian dai shi zhuan ti ygn lig
bao
ggg
10,
Taipei,
1980;
the
total
circulation
of daily newspapers in 1936 was
about 3 million, see Lin Yutang, IftC History of the
Press
and
Public 0ginion in China Chicago, 1937, p. 48
30.
Fang
p. 48
Hanqi, lageggg
31.
ibid.,
pp. 18-19
32. ibid.,
pp. 23-31
33. ibid.,
p. 29
jin dai
34. Lin Yutang, The History g
Ching2
Chicago, 1927, p. 87
bao kan shi
Shaanxi,
,
1981,
the Press and Public 0ginion
in
35.
Mai
Siyuan,
"Qi shi nian lai Hong Kong zhi bao ye" (Hong
Kong press in the past seventy years) in Hua zi ri bao gi shi i
ni
. nian kan Hong Kong, 1935
36. Fang Hanqi, Zhgogggg jin
p. 58
dai bao kan shi
,
Shaanxi,
1981,
37. Hu Daojing, " Shen bao liu shi liu nian shi", (A history of
Shen gag
in the past 66 years), Xin wen shi shang di xin shi
dai (A new era in the history of journalism),
Shanghai,
1946,
p. 103
38. Hu
Daojing, " Xin wen bao si
Xin wen bao in the past 40 years),
(September 16, 1948)
39.
Ming
Du,
"San
shi
nian
84
shi nian shi",
xue
in
Bao
hui
i
hua
(A history of
,
2
za zhi
cang
sang"
(On
vicissitudes in the past thirty years)
1962)
40. Fang Hanqi
50
Zhgngggg jin
dai
a
in
kan
Bao
,
xue
(January,
Shaanxi,
1981, p.
41.
Sun
Ruling,"Zhongguo
jin
dai xin wen shi ye zhi yen jin"
(The evolution of the journalistic enterprises in modern China)
Baa xue (January, 1957)
42. Hu Daojing, " Xin wen bao si shi nian shi",
itL 2 (September, 1948)
in Bao xue
za
43.
Hu Daojing, " Shen baa liu shi liu nian shi", Xin wen shi
gsbng di xin Shi dai Shanghai, 1946, p. 103
44. Hu Daojing, "
jit
2 (September,
Xin wen bag
1948)
si shi nian shi",
in Bao
xue
za
45. Lin Yutang, Tbg Higgy of the Press and Public Oginion in
China , Chicago, 1937, p. 131
46. Ge Gongzhen, Klangggg bag
xue shi
,
Shanghai,
47. Hu Daojing, " Shen baa liu shi liu nian shi",
shang di xin shi dai Shanghai, 1946, p.93
48.
Ming Du,
"San
(January, 1962)
shi
nian hui
49. Ge Gongzhen, Zhgaggggg ba
327-28
1926
Xin
wen
shi
i hua cang sang" in Baa xue
xue shi
,
Shanghai,
1926,
pp.
50.
Gu Mei, Xian dai Zhongguo Ii gi Iiag yM (Modern China and
its eduction), Shanghai, 1934,
pp.
371-72.
The
relatlively
high
salary
of
journalists working
for
large
commercial
newspapers were, however,
exceptional.
As
most
of
other
newspapers were struggling
for
existence, their journalists
were paid very little.
After the 1911
Revolution,
about
500
newspapers were established in the country, newerly four times
as many as ten years before.
However,
most
had circulations
only
around
2,500.
Many were quickly
shut
down.
(Lai
Guanglin, gi shi nign Zhgogggg bag ye shi ,
Taipei,
1981,
p.
18)
Under
the suppression of the new president Yuan Shikai,
the number of newspapers was reduced to 139 in 1913. According
to the Nationalist Government,
China
had
628
newspapers
in
Only one third of them had
1927,
and
910 newspapers in 1935.
on full-sized
sheet
or more each
issue
and
only
31
had
circulations above 5,000 (ibid, pp. 95-97).
Judging from the
small number of successful
newspapers,
it
is reasonable to
conclude
that,
a
great number
of the commercial newspapers
could
not
afford handsome
salaries for
their
employees.
Besides,
there were many
irregularities in the journalsitic
profession.
According to several
reporters in
Beijing, at
least
40 to 50
newspapers in
Beijing in the tweities were
actually "ghosts newspapers"
without
real
existence.
(Wang
85
Xinming,
Xin
wen
ggan nei si shi nian , Taipei, 1957) They
were
"published" only to blackmail
bureaucrats
in
the
government.
"Ghost journalists" had an organization in which
they took turns putting
out
a
newspaper
containing
patches
taken
from large newspapers.
Others then changed the title to
make it into their
own.
"Ghost journalists"
were probably
supported
very well
by
politicians,
but
they
were hardly
journalists.
51. Fang Hanqi, Zbggggg jin
pp. 66-72
52. ibid.,
p.
72
53. ibid.,
p.
69
54.
Zhang
Xueyuan
"Xin
Qichao as a
journalist),
(February, 1940)
55.
xu
,
dai
wen
in
bag
kan shi
,
Shaanxi,
1981,
ji
zhe di Liang Qichao" (Liang
Xin
wen
xue
ji
kan
,
2:2,
Sun Ruling, "Zhongguo jin dai xin wen xue zhi yen jin" Bgo
(January, 1957)
56. Fang Hanqi,
pp. 78
57. Ibid.,
Ztgagggg lin dai bag kan shi
,
Shaanxi,
1981,
pp. 183-88
58. Li Ao, HUghi
Ring zhuga (A critical biography of Hu Shi),
Taipei, 1964, pp. 139-42; Fang Hanqi, Lbgagggg lin dai bao
kan
shi , Shaanxi, 1981, p. 194
59. ibid.,
60.
Ge
204-05
pp. 271-77
Gongzhen,
Zggggg
ag
e
ghi
,
Shanghai,
1926,
pp.
xing
Ii
gi
ying
61. Huang Liangji, Qgog igng g zhi zhi kan
xian"g
(The publication
and
influence of Dgag fAng KA zhi )
Taipei,
1969;
for
the ciruculation
of
the magazine,
see
Shanghai
xin wen shi ye shi liao ii yAo Dalian, 1924, Taipei,
reprint, 1977, appendix p. 33
62. Zou Taofen, Taofen wen
Beijing, 1981, pp. 1-17
1
i
(Selected essays of Zou
63.
Fang
Hanqi,
Zbgngggg
jin
dai
1981,pp.
230-240, and pp. 355-89
bao
kan
hij
Taofen),
,
Shaanxi,
(Daily newspapers in
di
ri
bao"
"Shanghai
64. Hu Daojing
bAggbgi xin wen shi yg gAi il ygg (Collected essays
Shanghai),
on
newspapers in
Shanghai),
Dalian,
1924, Taipei, reprint,
1977, p. 280
65. Yen Shenyu "Ben bao di chuang kan" (The founding
ygag Ei bao ) Zhong yang ri bao , March 12, 1946
86
of
Zhong
66.
The
episode
was
disclosed
in
Hu
shi's personal
correspondences recently discovered in China, see Lign
he
bao
(United daily) , Taipei, September-October, 1982
67.
Lee-hsia Hsu
Ting,
Government
Modern China Cambridge, 1974, p. 71
68. Huang Yuanyong, YUgn shgag i zhu
Yuanyong) Taipei, 1962, p. 7
Control
of the Press in
(Selected essays of
Huang
69.
For a biography of Cheng Ping, see Cheng Cangpo, "Zhongguo
zi you shi shang di yi wei du li di
ji
zhe"
(An independent
journalist
in
the history of freedom in China) in Cang pg wen
xygn
Taipei, 1964, pp. 269-75; "Shi lie i bag chu
chuang
jie
duan"
(The creation of Shi lie ri bag ) in Xin wen ygn lig zi
liag Beijing, 1980; For a biography of Shao Piaoping,
see
Xie
Xinliang "Zhui diao Shao Piaoping xian sheng" (In memory of Mr.
Shao Piaoping)
Ging hua zhou kan 25, pp. 10-12 (1925) and his
own Shih ji ying ygog xin
wen
xue
(Journalism in
practice)
Beijing, 1923
70.
Li Ao, "Bo zhong zhe Hu Shi"
Hu Shi yga jig Taipei, 1964
(Hu Shi,
71. Jerome Grieder, HU Shih and Chinese
1969
the seed-planter) in
Liberalism
Cambridge,
72.
Zhang Jiluan,
"Da gong bao yi wan hao fa kan ci" (On the
publication of the number one hunderd thousand Da ggag bao ) Da
ggag ag , May 5, 1931
73. Lai Guanglin,
1981, p.
115
i shi nian Zhonggguo bag
yg
bi
,
Taipei,
74.
Zhang
Jiluan "Ben bao fu kan shi nien ji
nien ci" "On
tenth anniversary of the new Da ggog bag ) in
Jiluan
wen
(Selected essays of Zhang Jiluan) , Shanghai, 1947, p. 202
75. Lai
p. 116
Guanglin, Gi shi
nian Zhongguo bao yg sti Taipei,
the
cun
1981
76.
Chen
Bulei
"Yi
ge xin wen jie jiu ren zhi zi shen jing yen
tan" (On my personal experiences in the journalistic world) in Cao
Juren, ed., Xian dai Zhonggug bag ggg wen xue
xuan.
Hong Kong,
1963
77. Fang Hanqi
Zhgogggg lin dai
bao kan shi
78.
Liang
Qichao
"Lun bu bien fa zhi
avoiding political reforms) Yin bin shi
3
79. Liang Qichao "Jing kao wo tong ye
journlaists) ibid., 4, p. 36
Shaanxi,
1981, p. 83
hai" (On damages caused by
wen :i Taipei, 1978, 1, p.
zhu
80. Liang Qichao "Bao guo hui yen shuo ci"
of national Preservation), ibid., 2, p. 27
jun"
(To
my
comrade
(Address to the Society
81.
Jerome
Grieder
Hu
Shih
and Chinese Liberalism3 Cambridge,
1969, pp. 28-29 Huang Yuanyong, Yuan sheng yi zhu Taipei, 1962, p.
3
82. See Lu-tao Sophia Wang, "Self-contradictory Liang Qichao -A
Psychological
Interpretation",
manuscript,
January
1983.
Cyclothymia is a mild emotional disorder seen
in
the
biological
relatives of
manic-depressive patients. Patients do not differ
from normal people except that they often
had
short
periods of
drastic mood
and behavior swings between elation and depression,
such as hyperactivity and inactivity, over-confidence and feelings
of
self-inadequacy, over-optimism
and
pessimism,
unusually
creative thinking and
inability of clear thinking, uninhibited
people-seeking and social withdrawal,
etc.,
see Diagcngtic
and
Statistical
manual
of
Mental
Disorder 1980, pp. 218-219;
Some
attempted to explore its psychodynamic and cultural causes but the
findings were not
conclusive.
As most
patients
were
found
biologically related to patients of manic-depressive disorder, the
cyclothymic
disorder is generally attributed to biological rather
than cutlural causes.
I would like to thank Dr. Paul Yin
at
the
Brockton
V.
A.
Medical
Center
for the
identification of the
disorder.
83. Confucius, eAgigS
7:29
84. Max Weber, IhM Egligion of China New York, 1964, p. 245
Weber
is correct in pointing out that, compared to Puritanism, "the lack
of
asceticism"
in Confucianism is related to its theory of human
nature.
However, as will be be discussed in
the
following, far
from being
denied,
the role of
asceticism
was
in fact very
ambiguous in Confucianism.
85. For example, Confucius taught that wealth and honor should not
be enjoyed if they are attained in violation fo moral principle
(
Anal etsL
4:5)
Mencius allso contrasted "human life" and "moral
righteousness" as fish and bear paws and advised that a great
man
should
give up
the former for the latter.
(The Book of Mencius
3B: 9)
88
86.
Confucius,
analects 4:16
87. Yen Yuan (1635-1704), a famous utilitarin thinker in the Qing
dynasty, advocated
studying
through practical experiences,
see
Liang Qichao "Yen Li si xiang yu xian dai jiao yu
si
chao"
(Yen
Yuan,
Li
Kung and the modern educational thought) in Yin pin shi
wen 1i Taipei, 1978, 14, pp. 1-27; and Hu Shi Dai Dongyuan zhe xue
Taipei, 1967, pp. 4-8
88. see for example, Wang Yangming's moral philosophy in Wint-tsit
Chan "Dynamic idealism in Wang Yangming" in his A Sourcg Bggk
in
Chinese Philosoghy Princeton, 1963, p. 665
89. Yu Ying-shih, "The Ch'ing Confucian Intellectualism" The Tsing
Hua Journal of Chinese Studies 1975, p. 110
90. ibid.,
p.
105
91. Liang Qichao Qing dAi xue shu gai
in the Qing dynasty) Taipei, 1963
92. Joseph Levenson,
1958, pp. 5-8
lun (The intellectual trends
gonfucian China and its Modern Fate Berkeley,
93.
Ding
Wenjiang,
Ligng
gon-kgng Kian sheng nian Ru gang bian
chu ggg Taipei, 1959, pp. 12-13
94. Hsiao Kung-chuan, "Liang Qichao"
xiang ati Taipei, 1971, p. 733
in
Zhogggg
Kbgng
zhi
si
95.
Ding
Weijiang,
Lging Bga_-kgng Kian sheng nian gu chang bian
chu ggg Taipei, 1959, pp. 12-13
96. Liang Qichao, "Nanhai Kang xian sheng zhuan" (A
biography of
Mr.
Kang
Youwei
from Nanhai) Yin bin shi wen 1i Taipei, 3, pp.
57-89
97. Liang Qichao, "Wan mu cao tang xiao xue ji" (On my
education
at the Wan-mu Academy) Yin bin shi wen ji Taipei, 2, pp. 33-35
98.
Liang
Qichao, Qing
qAi
xue
shu ggi
trends in the Qing dynasty) 1926, pp. 56-57
lun
(The intellectual
99. ibid.
100. Liang Qichao "Wei xin"
Shanghai, 1902, 7, pp. 76
101. Liang Qichao "Yen shi
42-44
(On
Idealism)
po li chun"
Yin
bin
shi
(Inspiration) ibid.,
wen
ji
9, pp.
102.
Liang
Qichao
"Bao guo hui
yen
shuo ci" (Address to the
Society of National Preservation) Yin bin shi wen ji Taipei, 2, p.
27
103. Liang Qichao "Ru ho cai neng wan cheng guo
89
qing
di
yi
yi"
(How can we achieve the true meaning of the Naitonal
Day) Yin bin shi weC ij Taipei, 15, p. 17
Independence
104. Liang Qichao "Ren sheng guan yu ke xue" (Philosophy
and science) Yin bin shi wen 1i Taipei, 14, pp. 21-26
105.
83-84
Fang
Hanqi lagegggg .in dai
bao kan shi
Shaanxi,
"Dan
dao
zhi
ru lu" Dai Tianchog.
life
1981, pp.
106. Wei Shaozheng "Ye Chucang xian sheng di yong rong" i
3, (1965), p. 16
107.
Dai
Jitao,
Taipei, 1962
of
wen
zhi
ni III,
Ng
108. ibid.
109. Dai Jitaa "Yu zhi du shu ji" (On my education) in
xian sheng wgn cun Taipei, 1959, pp. 541-49
Dai
Jitao
110. ibid.
111.
598
Dai
Jitao
"Ji shao shi
shi"
(On my childhood) in ibid.,
p.
112.
Dai
Jitao
"San min zhu
yi
di
zhe
xue
ji
chu"
(The
philosophical
foundation
fa
the
Three People's Principles) Dai
Jitao xian sheng wen cun Taipei, 1959, p. 401
113. ibid.,
pp. 325-340
114. Lun Xun "Lun fei er
po lai
yin
gai
huan xing"
necessity
of
postponing
"fair
play") Lun Xun gan
1i
works of Lu Xun) Beijing, 1956, 1, p. 247
(On the
(Complete
115. Lai Guanglin "Xin ching nian" in his Jin dai Zhonagguo ba
ren
yg tag ye (Journalists and journalism
in
modern
China)
Taipei,
1979
116. Hu Shi "Lun rong ren yu zi you" (On tolerance and freedom) in
Liu Fu-zeng,
ed.,
Zjtggggg zhe xue shi lun li II, Taipei, 1978,
pp. 153-62
117. Chen Duxiu, "Wu Peifu yu Kang
Youwei"
Youwei) Xiang dao 25 (May 16, 1923)
118.
Chen
Duxiu,
farting dog) ibid.,
119. D.
W.
Y.
Honolulu, 1965
(Wu
"Fang guo
pi di Jia yin"
185 (January 27, 1927)
Kwok,
Scientism
in
Chinese
120.
Chen
Duxiu
"Ji
du jiao yu Zhongguo ren"
Chinese) Xin ching nian 7:3 (February 1920)
121.
Chen Duxiu "Tiao he
lun
yu
jiu
90
dao
te"
Peifu
and
Kang
i
is like a
Thought
1900-1950
J
(Christianity and
(Compromise
and
traditional virtues) in ibid.,
122. Chen Duxiu Shi an zi
7:1
(December 1919)
zhuan Taipei,
1967
123.
Li Haoran, "Shi nian bian ji jing yen tan" (On
experiences as a newspaper editor) Xin wen gUan san
nian ji Shanghai, 1923, p. 14
124.
Haoran
"Ri-ben zhi
zhen
yi ho zai"
intention?) Ain wen ba,
January 27, 1932
my ten year's
%hi
nign
ji
(What is Japan's real
125. An sample survey of Li's editorials in Xin wen bao from
to 1938.
Sample size,
222.
126.
Haoran,
"Min zu fu xing zhi
nation) Xin wen bag April 1, 1934
127. Haoran "Zhu yi shi xing"
Xin wen bao march 5, 1932
yao jian"
1928
(Basics to revive our
(Pay attention to practical actions"
128. Haoran, "Diao wei-lian bo shi"
Xin wen bao August 5, 1935
(In memory
of
Dr.
Williams)
129.
Information
given by Cheng Cangpo in an interview with this
author in June 1982, Taipei.
130. Li Haoran "Zhang Jiluan tong xue wu shi
shou
xu"
(On the
fiftieth
birhtdy of
my classmate Zhang Jiluan) Guo wen zhou bao
14:2 p. 70; Li rarely discussed
Western
political
theories or
practices
in
his
editorials, but
he did
mention
Yen
Fu's
translations of Western political theories occassionally.
For
an
xample,
see his
discussion of
Yen
Fu's translation of Herber
Spencer's rhe Princiole of Sociology Kin wen tgg August 5, 1935
131. Zhao Junhao, "Chen Jinghan xian sheng yu Shanghai
Shen
baa"
(Mr. Chen Jinghan and Shea bag in Shanghai) Bao Xue lun ji Taipei,
1965, p. 51
132. Chen Leng "Qu liu"
8, 1909
(on leaving and staying) Shih bao December
133.
Bao Tianxiao, Zbggg ying ig
ying Tower) Hong Kong, 1971
hgi yi lu
(Memoirs in th Zhuan
134. Chen Leng "Zi gu bu xia" (On even having trouble
care of oneself) Shen bag January 6, 1924
in
talking
135.
Chen Leng "Lu xing zhi wo" (About my traevlling experiences)
in Lu xing za zhi 100, 1936, p. 96
136. Hu Shih "Xin si chao di
yi
yi"
(The meaning of
the new
thought)
Xin ging
nian
December
1919, translation
by Jerome
Grieder in Hu Shih and Chinese Liberalism Cambridge, 1969, p. 126
137. Hu Shi "Wo men zou na yi
Xin Yue December 10, 1929
tiao lu"
91
(Which way shall
way
go?)
138. Hu Shi "Min chuan di bao zhang"
g 1i Ring lun February 19, 1933
(How to protect human rights)
"Wang Jingwei yu Zhang Xueliang"
Shi
Hu
139.
Zhang Xueliang) Du 1i ping lun August 14, 1932
(Wang Jingwei and
140. For Hu Shi's biographies, see Li Ao, Hu
Shi
ging zhgan
(A
critical biography of Hu Shi), Taipei, 1964 and Jerome Grieder, Hu
Shih and Chinese Liberalism Cambridge, 1969
141.
ibid. p. 5
142.
Li
Ao, HU
Shi
ing
abuan
Taipei,
1964, p. 161; and Yu
ho
Ying-shih "Zhongguo jin dai si xiang shi shang di Hu shi) Lien
bao Taipei, May 4-14, 1983
143.
Hu
Shi,
for
example,
was accused of being a man with a
was
and
Chinese body but an American brain by Chinese Communists
the
object of mass criticism in China in 1957, see Jerome, Grieder
Hu Shih and Chinese Liberalism Cambridge, 1968 p. 307
144. Cheng Cangpao "Wo so ren shi di Zhang Jiluan xien sheng" (Mr.
pp.
10-11
wen
xue 30:6
Zhang Juluan in my knowledge) Zhuan Ji
(1977)
145. Zhang Jiluan "Dui yu yen lun zi you zhi chu bu ren shi" (On a
minimal
understanding of freedom of expression) Da Gong ag April
26, 1930
agg
(on
fa xing i wan hao ji nian ci"
146. Zhang Jiluan " D& ggag
of the number ten thousandth Da ggag bag) Da gong
the publication
bao May 25,-1931
147.
Zhang
Jiluan
expression) Da ggag
"Guan yu
yen
lun zi you"
January 25, 1935
(About freedom of
agg
148. Zhang Jiluan "Jiao fei yao wu" (An essential point about
to extermiante Communists) Da ggng tag June 19, 1932
149. Zhang Jiluan "Eu zhu kong zhong"
ggng tag April 25, 1930
Jiluan
150.
Zhang
12:1 January 1, 1934
"Guei xiang ji"
(An appeal
to the public) Da
(Homecoming) Gug
wen zhou bac
151. Dai Jitao, "Go ming, ho ku, wei ho"
(Revolution,
and why) Dai Jitao xian sheng wgn gun 3, 1968, p. 647
152.
Dai
Jitac
xian sheng wen gn
"Bai
xun" (One hundred lessons),
2, Taipei, 1962, pp. 276-277
153. Lin Yu-sheng, The Crisis of
1979, p. 60
154.
Chen
Duxiu,
Chinese
"Ren sheng zhen yi"
92
how
for
what,
191, Qai Jitac
Consciousness
Madison,
(The true meaning of
life)
Xin
iing
ain 4:1
(February 15,
1918)
155. Chen Duxiu, "Huan ying Hunan ren di jing
shen"
(We
the Hunanese spirit) Xin ging nign 20, (January 5, 1920)
welcome
156.
Chen Duxiu,
"Guomingdang
yu lao
dong
yung
dong"
Naitonalist Party and the Labor Movement) Xiang dgg zhou
bao
(June 25, 1924)
157. Haoran, "Xin sheng huo yun dong zhong lun li
yi lian
rituals, righteousness,
frugality and
shame
in
the
Movement) Xin wen bao. March 27, 1933
158. Chen Leng "Can ren yu ren ai"
bao January 15, 1928
(The
71,
chi" (On
New Life
(Cruelty and benevolence)
Shen
159. Chen Leng,"Gong si san shuo" (Three theories about the public
and the private) Shen bag January 15, 1927
160.
Liang Qichao,
"Lun chuan
li si xiang" (On the concept of
rights) Yin bin shi wen ji Shanghai, 1902 edition, 10, pp. 29-36
161. Liang Qichao, "Le li zhu yi tai do Bianxin zhi xue shuo"
(On
the
thought of Bentham, the master of utilitarianism) Yin bin shi
wen jit Taipei, 1978 edition, 5, p. 38
162. Liang
Qichao,
"Jing gao zheng
dang yu
dang
yuan"
(To
political
parties and
party members) Yin bin shi wen ji Taipei,
1978 edition, 11, pp. 1-13
163. Hu Shi,
1918)
"I-bu-sheng zhu yi"
nign
(Ibsenism) Xing ging
(June
164.
Hu
Shi,
"Wo meng
di
zheng zhi zhu zhang"
proposal) Nu li zhou baa (May 14, 1922)
(Our political
165. Hu Shi,
19, 1933)
lun
"Ming chuan di bao zhang" Du li
ging
(February
166. Hu
Shi,
"Zhongguo
wu du cai di bi yao yu ke neng" (It is
neither necessary nor possible to promote dictatorship
in
China)
Du li ping lun (December 16, 1934)
167.
Jerome
1969, p. 32
Grieder,
168. Hu
Shi
"Fei
non-individualistic
cun 4, Taipei, 1953
169. Hu Shi,
1933)
du Shih and Chinese Liberalism.
Cambridge,
ge
ren
zhu yi
di
xin
sheng
ho"
(A
new
life) dated January 26, 1920 Hu Shi wen
"Min chuan di bao zhang" Du li
ping lun
(February 19,
170. George Geiger, Jobh
2gwey in Persggtive. 1981 and John Dewey
Intelliggngg in the Modern World, 1939
171.
Hu
Shi
"Fei
ge ren
zhu
yi
di
xin
non-individualsitic new life) date January 26,
cun 4, Taipei, 1953
sheng
huo"
(A
1920, in Hu Shi wen
172.
Hu
Shi "Zheng zhi tong yi di tu jin" (The path to political
unification) Du 1i Ding 1un (January 21, 1934)
zhi"
(From
wu
dang di
zheng
yi
dang
dao
173. Hu Shi "Cong
one-party
to
nonpartisan politics"
Du
1i ging lun (October 6,
1935)
174. Zhang Jiluan "Zhongguo san da liu yu zhi
ming xing"
(Three
regional characters in China) Zhong u
x ing
agg October 24, 1922
175.
Zhang Jiluan "Lun ti chang qi jie lian chi"
righteousness and thrift) Da ggag tgg January 7,
Jiluan wen cun pp. 3-5
(How to advocate
1930
see also
176.
Zhang
Jiluan
"Zhongguo zheng zhi fu bai zhi ben yuan"
origins of political corruption in China) Da ggag bao
April
1923
(The
20,
177.
see
for
example, Robert Dahl Modern Political Analysis New
Haven, 1976 pp. 113-116
94
178.
see for
example, Godwin Chu
Radical
Changes Trgggh
Communications in Mao's China Hawaii,
1980;
Ithiel
de
Sola
Pool,
"Public Opinion
in Totalitarian Societies" Handbggk Of
Communication
Chicago,
1973;
Alan
Liu
Communications
and
National
Inegraction
in
Communist China. Berkeley, 1971; and
Lucian Pye "Communcations and the Power of Words" The
DynaMics
of Chinese Politics Cambridge, 1981
179.
Mao Zedong, "On practice" and "Report of an investigation
into the-peasant movement in Hunan" in Stuart R.
Schram,
ed.,
The
Political
Thought g
Mao
Ise-tung New York, 1977, pp.
190-194,
pp.
250-59.
Mao's famous quote
on
pragmatism
"Experiments are the only criteria to test the validity of the
truth" (Shi yen shi jian yen zhen li di wei yi
biao zhun)
is
now used extensively to justifiy the current pragmatic program
of "Four Modernizations", but many argued that the quote is
in
fact
a variation of Hu Shi's pragmatic slogan "Experiments are
touchstones of the truth" (shi yen shi zhen li di shi jin
shi)
For
Hu's
influence on
Mao, see Rober
A.
Scalapino
"The
Evolution of a Young Revolutionary -- Mao Zedong
in
1919-1921"
The
Journal
of Asian StudieL 42:1 (November 1982) pp. 29-62;
and Yu Ying-shih "Zhongguo jin dai si xiang
shi
shang
di
Hu
Shi"
(Hu Shi in modern Chinese intellectual history) Lian he
bag May 4-14, 1983
180. Lowell Dittmer Li
ghgg-Sh'i
and
the
Chinese
Cultural
Revolution. thg eglitics of Mass Criticism Berkeley, 1974, pp.
269-70
181.
ibid.,
p. 216-218
182. "I qie cong guo jia han ren min di gen ben li yi
chu fa"
(Everything should
be
considered
from the standpoint of the
fundamental national interest), editorial, Ren min ri bao April
2, 1979
183. Zhou Ye "Cong si wu dao Zhongguo zhi chun" (From April
5,
1976 to
the Spring
of
1979 in China) Shi bao za zhi (China
Times Weekly) no. 175 (April 10, 1983), pp. 58-62
184.
Zhong yang Ci bao (Central Daily) October 17, 1983.
The
poll
was conduced
by 41 municipal council members in Taipei.
The result was drawn from 46,221 questionnaires
(return ratio
15.41%).
95