The Population Policy of the People's Republic of ChinaTwo translations from Human Rights Forum
and a discussion of their global context
An Honors Thesis (HONRS 499)
by
Shannon A. Michel
Thesis Advisor
Dr. Min Zhang
-
Ball State University
Muncie, Indiana
May 6,1998
Date of graduation: May 9, 1998
.-
.
Purpose of Thesis
The translations from Chinese articles published in the Human Rights Forum
discuss issues of direct relevance to the policies of population control in the People's
Republic of China. It is important to view the information available in Chinese, as it is
the way information is conveyed to those directly involved either by citizenry or ancestry.
The first article discusses the need for states to develop the quality of life of women in
order to achieve lasting population stabilization, and the second discusses the abuses of
(mainly handicapped and female) children who are in state care. Along with my
translations is included an in-depth examination of the need for population policy in a
global context as well as exploring further the merit of developing women's rights and
explaining reasons for the neglect in China's orphanages. It is very important to
contextualize population policy in developing countries, China in particular, which is the
most populated country in the world.
-
'/'\',
,:
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thanks to Dr. Min Zhang for her guidance in putting together these translations,
and for two very valuable years of Chinese language study. Her patience and remarkable
enthusiasm has been unwavering.
Thanks also to Sophia Woodman, my mentor at Human Rights in China, for
offering me the internship that changed my views of life in China and gave them depth.
Thanks also to Dr. Ann Jordan, who introduced me to the notion of women's rights as
human rights and wouldn't stand for fence-straddling.
Finally, thanks to the Honors College for enriching my experience here at Ball
State by allowing me to vent my creativity and apply my knowledge to bring to the
university a sample of the international education that I received at the Chinese
University of Hong Kong.
Shannon A. Michel
May 6,1998
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CHINA RIGHTS FORUM
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48
OfINA RIGHTS fORUM
Spring 1996
Life in the Shanghai Children's Welfare Institute
o Zhang Weiguo
Recently,
although
the
Chinese
Mimi, Gao Junzhu, Xu Xinyuan and others who
government published a white paper on human
"conducted
a
thorough
investigation"
and
rights, Wei Jingsheng's sentence was just
published an "emergency proposal" to deal with
increased, and the human rights conditions at the
the ill treatment and high death rates of
Shanghai Children's Welfare Institute have been
handicapped children increasing year after year
trampled underfoot. The latter became the focus
in the Shanghai Children's Welfare Institute,
of fierce international criticism.
seemed to have dropped the proposal.
Chinese
In addition, in a December 1991 report
government, besides their usual custom of firm
published by the Shanghai Worker's Union
denial of claims, also hosted a press conference,
office in the third supplement of the Trade Union
inviting international reporters to "make an on-
Bulletin, titled "Repeated abuse of handicapped
the-spot visit."
children and annually increasing death rate-
In response
to this,
the
However, this is just another maneuver
Shanghai
Children's
Welfare
Institute's
to gloss over the matter- the Chinese government
problems of resolution," exposed the following:
in fact shows contempt for human rights and
"According to the Worker's Union's inquiry into
treats human life like dirt. Not to mention that
complaints as well as lawyers' investigation"
they don't want criticism to feed international
have found that the Shanghai Children's Welfare
public opinion, and the lives of public figures in
Institute has been "inhuman and brutal, and
China who have knowledge are being oppressed
handicapped
in the same way as the human rights in the
treatment," "management is chaotic, and the
Shanghai
Institute.
death toll of children has risen progressively year
Nonetheless, some have not tolerated this
after year (in 1985, 141 died- 60%)," as well as
dismissal and have stepped forward bravely. As
"practiced fraud, gained confidence under false
early as 1992, the writer who personally
pretenses," and other serious facts. A member of
witnessed important Shanghai delegates Ma
the Shanghai Children's Welfare Institute said,
Children's
Welfare
children
have
suffered
ill
and
a death camp."
economics, and the occurrence of these matters
when
Shanghai
news
reporters reported the records of these serious
centers
culture
most
Nevertheless,
developed
of
"Our children's welfare institute has turned into
causes no limit to the imagination of what is
happening in other places."
imposed tight
As a result of Asia Watch and a British
restrictions to suppress the article even though it
television station's continual unremitting efforts,
was already printed, and as before were not
exposure
allowed to re-open the investigation, unable to
mistreatment
appear in newspapers, and at that time the then
Children's Welfare Institute, although already
Shanghai leader, Wu Bangguo, the current Vice
late by several years, fmally caused extreme
Premier to the Chinese Communist Party, issued
shock in the UN. Beijing authorities would not
orders to the Shanghai news department: it was
engage in talks but focussed its rebuttal on a
not allowed to appear in newspapers, not allowed
strike back at a criticism of the world's
to spread.
However, you cannot wrap fire in
criticisms, the Chinese government, besides the
paper, and the aforementioned facts finally in
use of bureaucratic language to deny the facts,
1992 became known by the general headquarters
attacked those who exposed them, saying they
of HRIe. At the same time, the UN Committee
were enemies of the PRC, plus the Chinese
for the Protection of Women and Children and
government made a great fuss by inviting foreign
the Chinese People's Party held a mass meeting,
reporters to visit. Moreover, they adopted some
and the Chinese People's Party and the National
unusual means which were very rarely used in
Political
recent years-accusing family members
problems, Shanghai officials
Department
and
Song
Qingling
of the
cover
of children
up
of the
at the
cruel
Shanghai
or
celebrated the foundation's length of service,
implicating those who were involved.
reflecting on the conditions of the Shanghai
means of handling the situation was criticized by
Children's Institute in a newspaper.
the Chinese Communist Party themselves after
The
newspaper reported "China's labor union
IS
This
the Cultural Revolution.
organized under the Communist Party. This way
At first, Zhang Jian, the brother of Dr.
the blatant cruelty and death, also the silence, are
Zhang Shuyun, who was the main person that
organized by them. Shanghai is one of China's
exposed this major legal case, was arrested by
Shangai National Security Bureau. He used to
interest and avoided the crisis of a strike; again
be a cadre in Baoshan county.
in virtue of his request to handle cases with
Soon after that, Xu Xinyuan and Shi
quality preparation has affected his fame, and
Shengren were also arrested by Shanghai police.
has many litigants asking for him to be their
Xu was the former representative of the
defense lawyer.
Shanghai People's Delegation. He turned in the
Because of the UN's scrutiny and the
case of the Shanghai Children Welfare Institute
appeal of international public opinion, the
to the Shanghai People's delegation. Shi was a
Chinese government cannot cover up this arrest,
lawyer who reported the truth of the persecution
although they have framed him and trumped up
of the orphans to the Shanghai party committee.
charges against him, he has been given limited
This briefly mentioned person, being a
"famous lawyer," Shi Shengren, and is the legal
whether Shi Shengren has been freed.
advisor to the Shanghai Workers' Union who
circumstances have developed to the degree of
sixty years ago was accused of being a "rightist".
"dragging in records" of people who may be
Yet no amount of hardship could turn off his
involved, because of their being frowned upon
conscience, as well as justice and true qualities
by the external world, they are subject to serious
of integrity.
persecution.
According to witness testimony,
Thus the
after the opening of reform in China, he again
People can't help asking questions, for
threw himself into the building of an adequate
this law case, if in fact is a true model children's
legal system, and in addition to his professional
institute
work, investigated the issue, and has been a
government, is there any need to get so worked
positive
up by condemning them in both speech and
example
of grass-roots
support-
as
advertised
by
the
Chinese
constructing Trade Union law as a network to
writing,
help those in danger.
suppression of those who are good at what they
In virtue of his work in the late 1980's,
-
liberties; however, so far there is no word as to
and
covering
the
facts
through
do?
representing a conductor on the labor union staff
From a 1992 issue released by HRIC whose
in a dispute against the Public Transportation
content gave an identical report at that time,
Company, his intervention protected the labor
Beijing gave a silent admission of guilt.
The acquiescence at that moment was a
in Shanghai, wanted to investigate this matter of
sharp contrast to their usual reaction. In the end,
responsibility,
is today yesterday's wrongdoing, or is yesterday
immediately break it up, they could throw down
today's wrongdoing? At the moment, this "give
the gauntlet and make rules to help the
yourself away by protesting too much" is an
casualties.
excessive reaction, because on account of the
international
censure
suffered,
though
they
can't
Actually, having to hide the truth from
decreasing
the masses for a while probably in some places
"national" prestige, can the reason still be the
(for instance, in China) is possible, however
disapproval of accusers? Is this matter occurring
hiding the truth nowadays and restricting
in similar places and being denied in other cities
breaking international news and not accepting
in China? ••••
basic rights is despotic.
China has not been open to human
-
even
Why not make a
genuine attempt to make a few human rights
rights organizations and the Red Cross on-the-
improvements?
spot supervision and inspection.
The Chinese
leaders of China's southern coast courageously
government has exhausted whatever promises
attempt to give diplomatic recognition, and
they have made and can't achieve minimum
seriously
trust; at analysis of the history of the Chinese
responsible, perhaps at least fully and closely
government's fierce reactions over time, the
investigate afterwards, again to deal with
failure shouldn't be overlooked: Shanghai is at
international public opinion and criticism and
present the momentary cradle of China's
make a sound judgement, the result could replace
prosperity in the central southern coastal region,
risking one's life with being on good terms with
the exposure of the incidence of the cruel killing
many.
hold
Imagine for a moment, if the
specific
logical
people
of children at the Shanghai Children's Welfare
The government in Beijing must first
Institute is undoubtedly their "fire in the
have a reaction, identify and get rid of their own
backyard." Especially at the time the law case
incorrigible hard-liners-those who defy the
taking place was exposed there when Jiang
whole democratic world's human rights' trends,
Zemin, Zhu Rongji, and Wu Bangguo came, if
their own civilization, the opening of the Chinese
their political opponents, chief regional officers
economy and simultaneous development, and
-
realize the shape of and retreat from the era of
dictatorship of the East which will make them
fall behind.
-
CHINA RIGI-ITS FORUM
Fall 1995
Amartya Sen
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51
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FaU 1995
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Human Rights in China
-
FaIl199S
CHINA RIGHI'S FORUM
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Human Rights in China
S3
-
Population-Delusion and Reality
D Amartya Sen
and have a bearing on the separate choices they
The Deprivation of Women's Rights
Reducing the birth rate and resolving
make for themselves.
Many women in poor countries have no
other long-range problems demand immediate
attention.
The solution as Kang-duo Er-sai
freedom
pointed out is simply two-fold:
from
other
activities,
even
are
reduction of
confronted with dangerous medical treatment
pollution of new technology, and lifestyle
and high mortality rates. From this it is clear ,
behavior;
demanding adoption and expansion of their
(I) Develop waste reduction,
(2) Gradually
improving
-
say in the accumulation of births, have no
lower
societal
the
population
conditions
and
by
responsibility
the
opportunities, improving women's status, as well
in
the
exercise
of political
economic environment.
as strengthening their own capabilities, are
In terms of reducing the birth rate, many
fundamental to reducing the birth rate.
believe that it is not merely important to develop
Once people receive basic education,
the economy, but to strengthen the economy and
understand family planning, not just easily
also to stress education, especially education of
accepting the pain of birth as a precursor to
women.
obtaining economic security, it is not difficult for
Those with more education will have a
them to be as Kang-duo Er-sai said, on the basis
better understanding of the value of life,
of gender, as voluntary methods give rise to
especially because many third world women are
choice, the rate of increase will also naturally
put in a position to bear the most dull and
reduce. In the meantime, they no longer worry
strenuous burdens. This burden in a way is the
about infant mortality, and enables them to
direct result of the high birth rate.
comfortable
Therefore,
retirement.
Along
with
the
reducing the birth rate necessarily will take
improvement of women's education, lowering of
seriously the supervision of women's welfare
the death rate, economic protections as well as
First, in this way, many poor countries
public discussion of lifestyle, many nations'
birth rates are already to some extent declining.
lack extensive measures of the effects of
Development and Coercion
universal education combined with strong health
Along with the development of the
care.
Sri Lanka, Costa Rica,
Indonesia, and
economics of society, correspondingly birth rates
Thailand are examples.
no doubt will decrease. World population rate of
advancing the quality of life in society, but are
increase in the 1970's of 2.2% dropped through
measures that significantly decrease popUlation.
the 1980's and in 1992 was at 1.7%.
It is
Some others advocate coercive methods, taking
supposed that faced with imminent disaster,
delight in talking about the widespread carrying
people have justified severe population control
out of reforms in China since 1979 and the "one
measures to achieve change. Nevertheless, it is
child policy." Many point out that the Chinese
not good fortune, as this pessimistic prediction
birth rate from 1992 was 19 per thousand, and
has no foundation.
within the corresponding period, India was
The top priority at the present time is to
Not only are these
estimated at 29 per thousand. Other poor nations
adopt and extend education, and medical care as
average about 31 per thousand.
well as develop society, not economy, and
moment has a total birth rate (counting every
improve
through
woman with a child) of 2.0, India at about 3.6,
educational programs to raise awareness of their
with other lower income nations at about 4.9. Is
own decisions.
it not China's real goal to reach a "resolution" of
people's
consciousness
[n this way, who will offer to
China at the
support the cost of expanding education?
the population problem using new methods?
Education,
China's Population Policy
medical
care
and
many
other
programs improve the quality of life, and all this
China's "method" has some serious
belongs to the labor-intensive model. In virtue
problems. First, it deprives people of personal
of the overwork of those in impoverished
choice, and undoubtedly damages the society's
nations, these services are relatively cheap. Poor
value of body integrity. Women's organizations
nations
are conscious of their important role in child-
short
of
funds
supply
these
[services]because expenses are relatively low.
bearing responsibilities, and have been fighting
hard to make this right valid.
--
Asian nations' rights supporters follow
Secondly, whether or not people accept
culture and traditions not like those of the West,
external measures, it must be considered an
and use the excuse that Asians tend to accept
imposition.
totalitarianism as an argument in their defense.
caused consequences which are too ghastly to
If Eastern cultural traditions can use this as an
contemplate.
excuse, then Western religious judgement could
policy" has caused people to neglect second
use the same excuse for absolving the Nazi
births, thus causing the infant mortality rate to go
concentration
camps.
Chinese
up. Also, there a male child is more important
Government
still
"Confucian
than a female-according to China's ranking
tradition", that people are used to the use of
compared to many other Asian countries-the
imposed force to carry out measures, but this is
one child policy frequently leads to people
not just the specialty of only Asians; it is very
devaluing the life of the girl baby, a phenomenon
unclear what "Confucian tradition"
widespread in China.
Moreover,
emphasizes
means to
modem Asians.
For example, the "one child
In addition, it has a
bearing on teaching and produces a common
Whether the society accepts these
occurrence of drowning female babies. Through
coercive methods voluntarily or not, certainly
morality and just persuasion, this is impossible to
citizens must be allowed to express what they
condone, and in the long term, it appears, has a
think.
harmful effect on national politics.
China is incapable of this kind of
relationship.
-
So far, forced birth control has
India's "unusual times" in the
Thirdly, in the end how much do forced
1970's raised the issue of coercive family
birth control methods decrease the birth rate?
planning measures and met with great voter
The fact is, of China's many long term plans,
opposition. India's family planning experts put
developing economy also has helped decrease
forth a program that would pair forced birth
the birth rate. Strengthening culture, widespread
control with the carrying out of consciousness-
health care, expanding women's employment
raising, but the implementation was impeded
opportunities, and rapid economic development-
because
these factors in themselves cause the birth rate to
people
thereafter
suspicion for the entire program.
harbored
deep
lower to some degree.
Therefore it is very
difficult to define the extent of the effect force
methods exert to "extremely lower" the birth
rate.
For example, take China's and others'
equality of life expectancy, women's
education level
and women's
life
employment
China and India
China and India are the world's most
populated
countries,
and
comparing
the
development of the two countries can help one to
opportunities which exceed China's national
understand the problem better.
average, then one can see how much the effect
looking at the average birth rate, China's
has been on the birth rate in China. According to
achievements have been bigger than India's. But
the 1994 "World Development Report,"
only
it is still difficult to measure from this
Jamaica,
comparison the effect of China's coercive
three such countries were listed:
Thailand, and Sweden. Based on this, it seems
By simply
measures.
China's education and women's employment
Because, looking at aspects of women's
measures over time have acted to some extent to
education level, equality of life expectancy, and
lower the birth rate, so it is very difficult to
women's employment opportunities, China's
determine the genuine results of
birth rate must go down a lot.
forced
But India's
regulations are not the same, in that each is
measures.
As a matter of fact, in some regions of
aware with
respect to
education,
healthy
China, very few use coercion to manage family
economy, and development of society that most
planning, but
in some districts, especially
provinces in India are behind those of China in
comparatively less developed areas, governments
terms of education (except Tibet), others with
frequently adopt stem measures to implement
comparable birth rates, so Kerala, in India's
coercive methods of family planning, which also
southern region, was examined in terms of basic
bring about serious infant mortality rates, and
education, medical care and other aspects poor in
especially the phenomenon of female infanticide.
relation to China.
Imperceptibly people handle the decreased birth
29,000,000 surpassing the populations of many
rate and attribute success to the government's
countries in the world, yet their birth rate (18
force measures, but their development and
births per 1000) in reality was lower than
individual cooperation are greatly neglected.
China's (19 per 1000), in 1991 having a birth
Their population reached
rate of 1.8%, China in 1992 was 2.0%, and in
Kerala there were no coercive measures enacted
China has an obvious standard of high female
to control the birth rate of their population.
infant mortality.
Those public figures who
Kerala's success may be attributed to
approve of China's family planning should take
their development organization. Their women's
notice of these facts. Those people who have a
education level is 86%, higher than China's
tendency to adopt "forced pressure methods" to
68%; their rural areas receive education levels
lower the population's birth rate, frequently as a
higher than any of China's examined. China's
result
life span difference between men and women is
cooperation, and voluntary means bring slower
67 and 71 years, but according to figures in
results. Based on facts, Kerala's birth rate in the
Kerala from 1991, their ratio is 71 and 74 years.
1950's was 44 per 1000 and lowered to 18 per
Women are clearly centrally active in Kerala's
1000 by 1991, so the time required was not long.
political and economic activity, many of the
Kerala is not the only one of two, also
people engage in skilled trades and in half of the
on the same schedule are Sri Lanka, South
skilled trades, a considerable amount participate
Korea, and Thailand, who are all trying to
in furthering education. Kerala for a long time
develop education with encouraging success.
has openly discussed the development of
According to figures, China has demonstrated
women's rights, equally encouraging marriage at
the slowest lowering of the birth rate, although
a mature age and late births. Kerala reformed
already implementing one child policies and
laws
voluntary
family planning. Thus it can be seen, despite the
cooperation, unlike China, whose force measures
Chinese government's planned birth work and
result in high infant mortality rates. In Kerala
many difficulties, the coercive practices of China
the infant mortality rate is 16.5 per 1000 (males
through "forced family planning" still are not as
17 per 1000; females 16.5 per thousand), but
effective.
China's rate is 31 per 1000 ( males 28 per 1000;
Family Planning
to
demonstrate
people's
females 33 per 1000).
Kerala
discrimination,
their
mistaken
perception
of
Even those who would not propose
does
and
of
not
infant
have
sex
mortality
rates
resemble European and American conditions, but
using legal and economic force propose the use
of different types
of force,
for
instance
promoting birth control as the nation's "first
priority", even though this intention can weaken
rate must fall to 2.0. In order to achieve this,
education and healthcare as well as other
women's education and other development
development measures.
This view gains more
measures must not be neglected. India's biIth
and more support. So much so that people still
rate in every province make a worthwhile
frequently claim, it is useless to depend on
comparison. Kerala and Tamil Nadu both have
improved education and wellness, but depend
achieved great success in lowering birth rates ,
singly on family planning to greatly lower the
the northern provinces which lag behind the
birth rate.
country's average education level, particularly
Bangladesh's experience is frequently
women's education and public medical care,
cited, looked on as the family planning model.
have birth rates which are high. (although in fact
In practice Bangladeshi women's illiteracy rate
they have used forced birth control measures,
is very high, only 22% can read, general female
such as sterilization and other methods). It is
life span exceeds 55 years, and by means of
thus clear that education is important.
improved birth control counseling services,
Still, the world faces a population crisis
births have fallen substantially. Nevertheless, if
and many developing nations are often urged to
the evidence is carefully examined for a moment,
adopt family planning programs, but still are not
new problems seem to emerge. Naturally at flrst
required to adopt education and wellness
the successes of Bangladesh from 1975 to 1990
measures.
can be regarded as positive, the birth rate fell
conferences
from 7.0 to 4.5, but this only shows people in
proposals. If all acted like this, not only could
poor countries can accept family planning.
people's well-being be affected, but also their
However,
by not depending on women's
liberty would be affected; if the main purpose is
education and other development measures, can
to stabilize population, they are digging their
family planning in itself cause the birth rate to
own graves.
lower to a satisfactory level? Bangladesh's birth
"family planning flrst," part of the reason being
-
make
these
People have faith in the slogan
comparatively high, India's average birth rate is
ability lowers the birth rate, in addition they still
3.6, and for real stabilization of population, birth
have the mistaken idea that education and health
lowered
is
frequently
that they still do not clearly understand how
although
4.5,
also
still
rate,
to
Policy makers and international
care are the heart of tremendous development
occupational and political participation, the
expenditures.
above mentioned are all factors which have
Based on what has already been
mutual effects on the latter, and the birth rate
mentioned, these developing societies center
will greatly reduce, naturally when conditions
upon the "labor intensive model" therefore even
are right, success will follow.
though always poor, combined expenses are not
The above mentioned conditions at
great. Kerala for example, though comparatively
present are in the process of being fulfilled in
poor, has developed education and lowered the
certain places, leading to a decrease in the rate of
mortality rate
increase of the world's overall population. The
and
birth rate
both
quite
optimum way to resolve the population problem
remarkably.
At
present,
critical
is through world-wide efforts to disseminate
population problem is by no means because of
these methods, as an alternative to the critics
the imbalance in proportion of "population's
who predict disasters for mankind and prescribe
natural increase and the limited food supply"
"emergency measures" in essence leading to
disaster predicted by some. We do have reason
failure of counter measures, meanwhile also
to worry that population will have a negative
impeding reasonable and stable family planning
effect on the environment in the long run and
implementation. Forced birth control policies in
that high birth rates also can lower mankind's
one respect comes at a tremendous sacrifice and
quality of life, especially women's standard of
cost to society, yet can't effectively lower the
living.
educational
earth's birth rate; still those serious cooperation
opportunities (especially women's educational
measures however can successfully achieve a
opportunities) lowering the death rate (especially
lower rate of increase in the population.
Along
the
with
world's
improving
infant mortality rates), increasing the chances for
security (especially economic safeguards for the
elderly),
as
well
as
increasing
women's
.-
The preceding translated articles address two issues: first the state's systematic
neglect of orphans and the burden put on women by the one-child policy in China. The
former, I argue, is a symptom of the one-child policy, and the latter I expand on for the
purpose of understanding population control in a global context, China in particular.
Discourse on population in recent decades has generally focused on terms such as
"overpopulation" or "population explosion." Flashed in front of the eyes of the world are
pictures of crowded streets teeming with diseased, malnourished, and poverty-stricken
children. To the average citizen in "developed" countries, the assumption generally is
that these afflictions affect people in "third world" countries because of overpopulation.
So to people who haven't heard the stories behind these scourges, the easy solution is for
.-.
governments to limit population. More dangerously, this is the view taken by many
policy-makers in developing countries who believe that limiting population will eliminate
the most important stumbling block to rapid development.
In the case of China, classified as a developing country and still "third world" in
many areas, the problem is seen as more acute than anywhere else in the world (with the
exception of India) as China supports about 115 of the world's population-l.2 billion
people and is growing. The automatic world response to China's strict family planning
policy is one of mute acceptance, because population is the so-called "cause" of China's
problems.
But before analysis of the effectiveness of China's present fertility policy can be
made, the following questions must be explored: What exactly is the world population
problem? What are the global effects of a rapidly growing population? The importance
of these issues lies in the integration of the global community- the interrelationships and
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growing interdependence of nations. So in looking at China's fertility policies, global
context is key to understanding why China has taken these courses of action.
2
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It is extremely important to first discuss the reasoning behind fertility regulation,
because of the distortion that has occurred through media, and the prevailing force of
theories such as those of Malthus and Condorcet 1, who have shaped our perceptions of
population growth. The modern interpretation of these theories in combination with the
idea of sustainable development have made it imperative to look closer at solutions to
focus on the reconstruction of society, and not just a temporary limitation of fertility.
Population policies which are coercively administered leave much room for abuse.
Not just abuse of power on the part of the state, but abuse of those who become
"unwanted" by society by familial and custodial relations. In a nation where only one
child per couple is allowed, the pressure for that one child to be healthy both mentally and
physically is greatly magnified, leaving those who are handicapped falling through the
cracks through female infanticide, abandonment, and neglect to the point of death.
Fertility by its very nature is first and foremost a personal and familial situation.
It's not something that can be handled by issuing a law and expecting surface enforcement
to end the problem in any long term sense. The importance of restructuring the workings
of the family, and redefining the worth of the person is paramount, especially in the
context of China's female population. Only through "developing" China's women can
there be a lasting change in fertility trends.
THE GLOBAL POPULATION PROBLEM
World population as of 1995 is quoted to be about 5.6 billion people, with an
annual increase of 1.6%, which translates into about 90 million additional people yearlf.
Of this amount, approximately 77% of the total live in developing countries and 23%, or
about 1.2 billion people live in developed ones3 • So to put China's status into perspective,
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These two theorists will be discussed later in the paper.
Cohen, Joel E. How Many People Can the Earth Support? pp. 13
3 UNFP A, p'p. 9
1
2
3
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on a landmass nearly equivalent to one developed country, the U.S., and with only 7% of
the world's total arable land\ its population is about the same size as that of all the
developed countries in the world put together! Because of this, China (among others
whose population seems to be stretching the limits of national terrain) is said to be "overpopulated." So what does that mean?
Competing schools of thought
Modern population discourse focuses mainly on deduction based on two
competing schools of thought: Malthusian Theory concerning food production versus
popUlation growth, and Condorcet's Theory of population growth and flexibility through
human technical and social ingenuity. The need to discuss these hypotheses is important
in order to contextualize our own preconceptions about population- both the foundations
and their modem manifestations.
Malthusian Theory
Malthusian theory pervades modem discourse on the global popUlation problem,
and needs to be analyzed because so many people take it as a proven fact. The theory
basically states that as population grows geometrically and agriculture grows
arithmetically, without preventative checks, eventually population would outgrow food
supply. This would lead to war, starvation, pestilence and death, reducing the population
to numbers more sustainable by the environments.
This assumes a natural and
measurable equilibrium between two finite variables.
The force of this theory has survived and is currently reinforced by the media,
which presents famine, affliction and civil conflict as symptoms of the plague of
overpopulation6 , even though the civilizations Malthus studied and predicted these
Peng Yu. "China's Experience in Population Matters: An Official Statement" pp. 488
Perlman, Mark. "The Population Summit: Reflections on the World's Leading Problems" pp.345.
6 Cohen, pp. 429
4
5
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outcomes for never met with the apocalyptic consequences predicted by him 7 • This is
something which should be taken into account.
Condorcet's Theory
The opposing hypothesis, devised by several theorists of the 1700's, and led by the
French philosopher Marquis de Condorcet, basically argues that "necessity is the mother
of invention," that is, that the population versus food production model leaves out a
crucial element, that of scientific innovation8 • In Condorcet's view, every person added
to the earth is not just another mouth to feed, but an additional pair of hands to work,
making room for himlherself within the biosphere9 • Therefore, there is not some finite
limit that population should not cross, but rather it is made elastic through human
ingenuity.
-
Today's Interpretation lO
The modern interpretation of Malthus's theories has established a school of
thought mostly represented by what are referred to as Malthusian environmentalists.
Their hypothesis is that the "absorptive capacity of the biosphere" is being ruined and will
be irreparably damaged with cataclysmic results if population continues to increase past
this new generation, and that local and regional environmental degradation, "of which
population increase is the prime engine of change," will lead to Malthus's foretold
collective misery, an increase in migrants and refugees, or large scale migration causing
civil strife and political instabilityll.
Kelley, Allen C. pp. 1697
Cohen, pp. 37
9 Cohen, pp. 434
10 The following infonnation is given in order to illuminate what modem debate on all levels includes.
Environmental issues will not be analyzed here.
II Rothschild, Emma. "Echoes of the Malthusian Debate at the Population Summit" pp.353
7
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This contrasts with the belief of modem economists from the Condorcet school
who hold that rapid population growth creates discomfort in the short run, but is reacted
to by governments with shifts in spending towards education and health which raise the
standard of living for the population just enough to slow population growth l2 • This works
in cooperation with the idea of diminishing returns, that is that limited land supply
eventually reduces labor force productivity (with respect to agriculture in the case of third
world countries) which is responded to with an alteration of technology, expanding the
quality and even the quantity of land 13 •
THE CASE OF CHINA
Both of these schools have compelling arguments, and to discard one in favor of
the other would be unwise. A practical example of the folly of this occurred in 1974 at
the World Population Conference in Bucharest l4 •
One of the leading voices who
advocated a more integrated approach in dealing with population control came from
China.
China's historical fertility policies
China's population policies had been undergoing drastic ideological changes since
the creation of the People's Republic of China. In 1953 China had its first national census
showing popUlation at about 602,000,000 15 . During the 1950's, Mao Zedong advocated
women to be "glorious mothers having more babies,1611 despite the voices of leaders
within the party such as Ma Yinchu, who advocated birth control policies at the time l7 .
Kelley, pp. 1699
Kelley, pp. 1710
14 "Chinese Statements on Population at Bucharest, 1974, and Mexico City, 1984" pp.454
15 Ma lisen. "1.2 billion-retrospect and prospect of population in China" pp. 261.
16 HRIC. "Caught between tradition and the state" pp. 34
17 Ma lisen. pp. 262
12
13
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6
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This was not to say that birth control advocates had never had Mao's support, but rather
that other considerations overshadowed any policy-making on behalf of fertility changes.
The biggest consideration had to do with the Cold War. After the 1957 Moscow
meeting of the Communist and Workers' Parties, which celebrated the triumph of
Sputnik, and the spread of communism into more than ten countries, the idea of catching
up with the V/est in industrial output was the most prominent goal, and the idea of a
possible war between East and West was common l8 . So taking this into account, China
fell back on it's most reliable resource- it's people.
After the meeting, Mao's stance on birth control changed from support to
chastisement. This happened partly because of a bumper crop in 1958 and later false
reports of incredibly high output which led Mao to espouse the advantages of having
more people.
-
In criticizing Tao Lujia, the Shanxi Provisional CCP secretary who
protested that there was not enough land for so many people and that there were food
shortages, Mao said, "It's hard to ask the rural people to practice birth control, as we are
still short of people now. 19"
Theneedforchange
However, from 1959 to 1962, as a product of the Great Leap Forward, more than
40 million people died as a direct result of widespread grain shortages. In the years
immediately following this, in 1963, an unprecedented population growth rate of 4.33
20
percent occurred in China. As a result of the realization of the stresses this was putting
on the economic development of the country, birth planning came back into the realm of
acceptable discourse in China21 .
Ma lisen. pp. 263
Ma Jisen. pp. 263
20 As a response to the massive loss of life and improved economic conditions due to emergency measures
to regulate the economy, the birth rate increased rapidly, with a simultaneous decrease in the mortality rate
The highest measured population growth rate up until then was 2.6%.
21 Ma Jisen. pp. 265
18
19
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The first attempt at family planning was a policy that gave a lot of individual
discretion to families. Promoting later marriages and birth spacing along with Zhou
Enlai's model of "one is not wanting, two are good, three are excessive22 " had and still has
23
merit, but at the time it was unable to slow population momentum enough
to avoid
surpassing the government decreed population ceiling of 1.2 billion people by the end of
the century24. Although there was a definite decrease in population growth markedly
starting from I 972 25 , it was deemed promising, but not sufficient enough. As a result in
1979, for the purpose of achieving this numerical goal, the "one child policy26" was born.
GLOBAL EFFECTS- CHINA AFFECTED
Butting Heads
The 1974 World Population Conference in Bucharest challenged traditional ideas
of population effects and the need to control population numbers.
China's own
experiences and evolution of their fertility policies (as previously described) fueled their
leadership at this conference27 .
Huang Shu Tse, Minister of Health and head delegate speaking on behalf of
China, attacked the ideological stand of the two superpowers (U.S. and U.S.S.R) saying
that they were using population to divert attention from their own culpability for the
poverty of China. He argued the Western claim that "over-population is the reason the
have-not countries are poor" is an exhausted recitation of the superpowers28 who use that
22 Tien, H. Yuan. China's Strategic Demographic Initiative. pp. 258
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23 The Cultural Revolution, among other things, seriously disrupted family planning work.Ma lisen. pp. 265
24 Tien, H. Yuan. China's Strategic Demographic Initiative. pp. 258
25 Qu Geping and Li Jinchang. Population and the Environment in China. pp. 29
26 Scotese, Carol A. and Ping Wang. "Can Government Enforcement Permanently Alter Fertility? The
Case of China." pp.552
The "one child policy" allows one child per couple.
27 It should be noted that the one-child policy had not been implemented at this time.
28 "Chinese Statements on Population at Bucharest, 1974, and Mexico City, 1984" pp.454
8
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excuse in order to escape blame for the repercussions of their aggression and plundering
of resources in Asia, Africa, and South Arnerica29 •
He went on to assert that the
superpowers were exploiting the issue to further entrench their own hegemonism by
providing aid with a contingent political agenda. Further, China's population policy was
constructed under the premise that it "... is in the interest of the thorough emancipation of
women and the proper bringing up of future generations as well as of national
construction and prosperity.30"
This adversarial commentary helped to bring to light the stance of the third world
on the issue of population, and maintained that collective responsibility towards the
population dilemma should not be an excuse for imperialistic intervention on the premise
of population alarmism. China helped to bring about a crucial change in the relations
between developed and developing countries concerning population issues, proclaiming
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population as an issue best assessed on the basis of individual country need and national
sovereignty31.
POPULATION AS A DEVELOPMENT ISSUE
Because of this shift, the international community, and especially China, has
adopted strategies based on a "development model", which reflects a more pragmatic
international consensus that seems to favor Condorcet's theory-although some
concessions are made to the Malthusian school.
This model suggests that economic
growth per capita would be more rapid in an environment with slower population
growth32.
The concession to Malthus, in the China case anyway, has to do with that
aforementioned crucial tum in policy when so many died due to grain shortages33 . The
29
"Chinese Statements on Population at Bucharest, 1974, and Mexico City, 1984" pp.451
30 "Chinese Statements on Population at Bucharest, 1974, and Mexico City, 1984" pp.456
31 "Chinese Statements on Population at Bucharest, 1974, and Mexico City, 1984" pp. 457
32
Kelley, pp. 1716
33 see the case a/China. Ma lisen. pp.265
9
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assumption is that with a stable amount of mouths to feed, resources can be managed
better in order to care for that need. This clears up resources so that they can be allocated
towards setting up social structures to ensure access to long-term development schemes.
Subsequent population conferences are now titled "International Conference on
Population and Development," reflecting that discourse relating to population policy is
now inextricably linked with development. This is best illustrated by a statement issued
by the World Bank, which declared that it is "an international development agency, and
for it (the World Bank) to be indifferent to the inescapable consequences of rampant
population growth in the poorer nations would amount to its being indifferent to the
larger goal of development itself. "34
One reason the development argument for population management is foremost
within international community is because of the belief that "development is the best
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contraceptive35 ."
But there is much more to development than population control.
Development has to do with the social and economic progression of a civilization36 .
What is Sustainable Development?
Sustainable development presumes two things. First, that basic needs for the
population include education, employment, and social security in addition to survival
necessities such as food and shelter. Second, that growth relies on transforming industry,
employment, and consumption so that general productive capacity is made more
proficient37 .
Population policies are integral in the achievement of sustainable
development, and sustainable development strategies will help to curb ballooning
population growth.
34 Johnson, pp. 102
35Stated by the head of the Indian delegation at the 1974 Bucharest Conference.
Ashford, Lori S. New Perspectives on Population: Lessons from Cairo. pp. 7
36 Ashford, Lori S. pp.30
37 Qu Geping and Li Jinchang. pp. 190
10
How do sustainable development and population affect each other?
The
relationship is complex. To start with, there is a direct relationship between poverty and
rapid population growth. This is not a causal relationship, that is, population does not
cause poverty, but it does exacerbate it.
Also, rapid population can be seen as a symptom of poverty. Studies done in
different countries have found that annual population growth rates above 2% inhibit
individual economic advancement. Economic uncertainty encourages the propagation of
more children (on the principle of every person having two hands to work with, aside
from a mouth to feed). But in order to contribute to the economy, basic health services
and education must be provided, as well as infrastructure and investments that create
jobs38 .
The question ofsustainable development in China
"China is a developing country with a large population, but a fairly poor
economic foundation and relatively inadequate natural resources." This was a statement
made in March 1994 by China's Representative to the United Nations Population
Commission. He went on to point out certain elements concerning the uniqueness of
China's population dilemma, including the impossibility of "population diversion
overseas," one ofthe factors that acted as a crucial safety valve for Europe during its own
population surge at the beginning of its industrialization39 •
Because of this, the
population stress has to be alleviated from inside China.
Rapid population growth and it's correlation to poverty is extremely significant to
China. Poverty is frequently accompanied by illiteracy, poor health, and low status of
women. Rapid population growth worsens these trends, and makes solutions harder to
implement, as government concentration is forced to work on catching up to the
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38
39
Ashford, Lori S. pp. 31
Peng Yu. pp.489
11
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population's basic needs instead of improving the opportunities for additional people
4o
•
Even as of 1995, basic health services were unavailable to approximately 118.4 million
Chinese. Such basic skills as literacy are still greatly lacking in China. The 1995 Human
Development Index lists 173.6 million illiterate adults in China. 122.4 million of that
amount are women41 .
DEVELOPING WOMEN
In order for reproductive initiatives to be effective, they must be accompanied by
comprehensive measures toward raising the quality of human life. A study done to track
the effectiveness of government enforcement on long term fertility practices42 found that
"evidence suggests that only shocks to preferences (rather than government power) have
induced long fertility cycles in China."
Moreover, it supported data from previous
studies43 which reveal that social dynamics playa decisive role in fertility decisions 44 .
The most compelling consideration coming from this statement deals with what
type of social dynamics support more responsible fertility choices, that is, that a social
dynamic favoring female empowerment is crucial to slowing population growth. In a
joint statement at the "Science Summit" on world population in 1993 concerning
population and development, it was agreed that:
"Reducing fertility rates ... cannot be achieved merely by providing more
contraceptives .... Even when family planning and other reproductive health services are
widely available, the social and economic status of women affects individual decisions to
use them. The ability of women to make decisions about family size is greatly affected by
Ashford, Lori S. pp. 31
Human Development Report 1995, pp. 160
42 Measured fertility rates while controlling for household preferences, including alterations in taste as well
as in education, health care and the changing role of women, and production technology, especially changes
in agricultural output or income.
Scotese, Carol A. and Ping Wang. "Can government enforcement permanently alter fertility? The case of
China." pp. 553
43 Correlated to the studies done by Easterlin [1968] and Lee and Loschky [1987].
44 Scotese, Carol A. and Ping Wang. pp.569
40
41
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gender roles within society ... (and) ensuring equal opportunity for women in all aspects of
society is crucial.,,45
Supporting equality- Chinese government acts
China has not disputed this. In fact, the Chinese government has taken an active
stance in working towards raising the status of women since the establishment of the
People's Republic of China nearly 40 years ago. A strong example of this dealt with the
institution of marriage.
In most societies and for thousands of years in China, marriage determined the
boundaries of a woman's life. The Marriage Law of the People's Republic of China
46
adopted in 1950 was an unmistakable proponent of equality between the sexes . Article
One states the stance of the new government quite plainly. It abolishes the old nuptial
system based upon the "supremacy of man over woman," putting forth measures to
ensure that "the New-Democratic marriage system, which is based on the free choice of
partners, on monogamy, on equal rights for both sexes, and on the protection of the
lawful interests of women ... is put into effect. 47
and child custody, among other rights.
It instituted equality in land ownership
The Marriage Law of 1980 was presumably
written in the same spirit, but goes further in that it incorporates family planning into the
system as a joint responsibility48.
THE 'ONE CHILD' POLICY
Empowering women is important in limiting population growth, but whether or
not China's birth control policies have had a sufficient societal impact to affect long-term
fertility changes, has yet to be seen.
Under the direction of birth control policies
45 "Science Summit" on World Population: A joint Statement by 58 of the World's Scientific Academies.
pp.236
46 The following Marriage Laws are mentioned only as an illustration of the P.R.C.'s willingness to
implement measures towards achieving women's equality, and will not be described in depth.
47 The Marriage Law of the People's Republic of China, Article 1, para. 2. 1950
48 The Marriage Law of the People's Republic of China, 1980.
13
mentioned before, and especially under the 'One Child' policy,49, population growth in
China has continued to progressively fall.
This has happened not only because of grassroots awareness about the population
problem increased through propaganda and the government's intensive efforts to
encourage family planning, but also because of benefits the policy has brought to
women's overall health 5o . Between the years of 1972 and 1984, growth continued to
decline from 30 per thousand to 10.81 per thousand5l •
Opening Small Holes
In 1984, Document #7 was drafted by the Central Committee towards the creation
of policies on the basis of "fairness and reasonableness, mass support and ease of
management by cadres." This launched an experimental and district-preferential second
child policy resulting from one-child implementation problems on the grass-roots level
and referred to the loosening of restrictions as "opening small holes". It allowed a
second child after adequate spacing of at least 4 years 52 • In 1985 at the 4th National
Conference, Liang Zhongtang put forth that "5% of couples truly and voluntarily want
(only) one child ... (therefore) the ban on second births has placed our policy in opposition
to no more than 90% of the masses. ,,53
Big Holes
The timing of this policy was premature, and the effects of it mixed with the
political and economic liberalization on the local level to affect an upsurge in the growth
rate. First of all, the economic reforms disbanded the socialist collectives, which eroded
cadre power. This undermined the system of incentives and penalties for fertility policy
'One Child" policy refers to one child per couple.
Pearson, Veronica. "Women and health in China." pp.535
5l Qu Geping and Li Jinchang. pp. 29
52 Tien, H. Yuan. pp. 134
53 Tien, H. Yuan. pp. 136
49
50
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enforcement by taking the discretion out of the hands of cadres. Secondly, the political
reforms on the local level making cadres directly elected leaders increased the social
pressure on local leaders to be more lenient, for purposes of re-election. Thirdly, the
accounting shift from the collective to the household depleted village coffers, diminishing
funds for non-profit tasks such as birth contro1. 54 All of this led to an increase in the
fertility rate from 1985-1987 to as high as 16.16 per thousand55 •
Plugging the Holes
The loosening of controls was abandoned in light of these results, and changes
were made from the top down.
Cadres regained influence because of higher-level
pressure and national reforms 56 • Party-led birth planning associations were created for the
purpose in aiding in gynecological exams, financially assisting policy-following
households, and conducting educational propaganda for the purposes of promoting health,
reproductive, economic, and population education57 • Other reforms strengthened
responsibility systems by making cadres more accountable by raising and lowering
salaries in accord with their success or failure in bringing about birth goals in their
villages.
This led to village initiatives such as annual mandatory gynecological exams.
These were designed for IUD insertion, detection of unsanctioned pregnancies, and
routinized sterilizations. Aside from fulfilling fertility policy initiatives, practices like
these have helped to improve the health of women by guaranteeing them access to quality
health care annually. In Shaanxi province, women who have gone in for routine exams
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54 Greenhalgh, Susan, Zhu Chuzhu, and Li Nan. "Restraining Population Growth in Three Chinese
Villages, 1988-1993." pp.366
55 Qu Geping and Li Jinchang. pp. 29
56 Greenhalgh, Susan, Zhu Chuzhu, and Li Nan. pp. 368
57 Greenhalgh, Susan, Zhu Chuzhu, and Li Nan. pp. 384
15
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have been able to detect diseases such as uterine cancer early, leading to early treatment
that may have saved lives58 •
A Frightening Form of Primogeniture
But this of course is not the only result of mandatory health care. Perhaps the
most heinous outcome to be realized has been the occurrence of late-term abortions.
Chinese authorities respond to reports of forced abortion by quoting that law says that
"coercion is not permitted." Nevertheless, according to testimonies from former family
planning officials as well as forced abortion victims, women have been coerced directly
through economic pressure at the village and family level, detained, or forcibly taken
hostage to have the procedure done 59 •
The problem persists because of an imbalance between incentives and
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disincentives. Penalties for excess births can be levied against local officials and mother's
work units in the form of fines, withholding of social services, demotion, and even loss of
employment. Unpaid fines can lead to confiscation or destruction of property, including
in some reports, destruction of homes60 • On the other hand, the incentives of achieving
set fertility goals, as mentioned before, are quite attractive. Local leaders reverting to
using coerced abortion only face disciplining and retraining. Officials admit that more
severe punishments for cadres are few and far between.
In a White Paper published by the Chinese government in August 1995, China
asserted that "shortcomings of one kind or another are unavoidable in family planning
work" and that they were "against promoting induced abortion as a means of family
planning." But in that same paper, nothing is specifically put in place to combat the
Greenhalgh, Susan, Zhu Chuzhu, and Li Nan. pp. 385
"Women In China: Detained, Victimized, but Mobilized." Amnesty International Country Report. pp.
26.
60 "U .S. State Department Human Rights Country Report 1996: China." pp.11
58
59
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practice of using quotas, which helps to perpetuate forced abortion61 , or laws that
expressly forbid the birth of a third child which leave no other avenue for enforcement62 .
The imposition of quotas such as those upon family planning providers is also
condemned by the international community63.
Indeed, quotas work against the very
principles behind developing women. They promote short term de facto success without
emphasizing changing practices for long term achievement. For example, quotas can be
realized through coercion or threat of financial ruin, but fertility-determining dynamics
such as social services may not be altered. If the quotas are lifted, no behavioral change
in fertility practice is accomplished.
One issue that is instrumental to the realization of such behavioral change is the
popularization of health care, which is still lacking in many respects. The biggest divide
is between the quality of health care available in urban versus rural areas. In a survey
involving 300 of China's poorest counties, it was found that only one third of women
received antenatal or post-partum care, and only 36% of deliveries met basic standards of
hygiene64 .
A Life Not Worth Having
Other demons that have been uncovered are the occurrence of pre-natal sex
selection, and abandonment or systematic neglect of female children65 . As there is only
one chance to have a child, there is a preference (prevalent in disproportionately in rural
areas) entrenched in Chinese culture that it is better that the one child be a son rather than
a daughter.
Official statistics reveal that 97.5% of abortions in China have been on
female fetuses 66 . Also, the numbers of 'missing' girl children is disproportionately high,
"Women In China: Detained, Victimized, but Mobilized." pp.27
HRIC. pp. 36
63 Ashford, Lori S. pp. 20
64 Pearson, Veronica. pp. 536
6S Pearson, Veronica. pp.533-534
66 Pun, Pamela. "Fifty million mainland bachelors by 2000." Hong Kong Standard
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62
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as is the mortality rate for girls under the age of five. In 1994, the mortality rate ratios
between girls and boys was 7.58 to 6.37, respectively, in urban areas, and 8.38 to 6.88 at
the county level67 . These have resulted in a male to female ratio of approximately 114 to
100, and in some areas, it is as high as 117 to 100. The general norm is 106 to 10068 •
The recent uncovering of fatal neglect in Chinese orphanages is another symptom
of problems with primary dependency on family planning. Chinese orphanages become
filled with girls and handicapped children essentially because of the societal pressure to
have a healthy, male child who can take care of his parents in their old age, not one who
will leave by marriage or who will have to be taken care of indefinitely. Girls and the
afflicted especially, are singled out for starvation, unsafe medical treatment, or
confinement69 .
This could be attributed to individual custodial neglect on the part of the
orphanages, but the fact that government officials buried the information and punished
those who brought it to light brings the matter under even greater suspicion. It seems that
it is a problem not of neglect, but a repercussion of policy. The Chinese government
denies a relation between this phenomenon and the one-child policy, but continues to
under-report the amount of children admitted to adoption agencies. The government
claims that there are approximately 100,000 orphans, but according to the UN, in 1993
more than 50,000 children were abandoned in Jiangxi Province alone7o .
Maternal and Infant Health Care- Solution or Obstacle?
The contents of the Chinese Law on Maternal and Infant Health Care pose another
problem. Formerly named the Draft Law on Eugenics and Health Protection, it embodies
Pearson, Veronica. pp.534
"U.S. State Department Human Rights Country Report 1996: China." pp. 12
69 Forney, Matt, and Bruce Gilley. "Guises and Dolls" Far Eastern Economic Review.
70 Burkhalter, Holly. "China's Horrific Adoption Mills" New York Times.
67
68
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birth control gone awry71.
Instead of promulgating laws to slow population growth for
the purpose of national and human development, it attempts to bring public health into
line with international norms by regulating marriage between "genetically acceptable"
couples and by advocating abortion to prevent births of inferior quality. 72
This reasoning impedes the development of women in two ways.
First, it
provides a legally accepted excuse for abortion that can be misused to perpetuate the
cover-up of pre-natal sex selection. Secondly, the law states that if it is found that the
fetus carries some sort of genetic abnormality, or a congenital disease, the medical
examiner is required to advise the mother to abort it73 . This denies women access to
unbiased medical information upon which to make informed decisions about her
pregnancy, and therefore her body. Under the surface, this is no different from coerced
abortion.
-
'Without the power over her own body, the status of women becomes
adversarial- a potential threat to society that needs to be controlled.
Another policy, this on the local level, lies in the acceptance of the birth of a girl
as evidence of "real hardship". This excuse is used in some villages to apply for
permission to have a second child74• Preference for males leads to the devaluation of
girls, in that their contributions to society and the family are seen as less worthy than that
of boys. This kind of policy only serves to cement the inequality of the sexes, and will not
only undermine family planning goals, but will also work against overall development
goals.
Responsibility
71 I will not get too deeply into the subject of eugenics, even though I find the practice unethical and
repugnant. I will only discuss way the law affects the development of women and the survival of the girl
child and handicapped children.
72 The Chinese Law on Maternal and Infant Health Care. Chapter I. Article 1.
73 The Chinese Law on Maternal and Infant Health Care. Chapter III, Article 18
74 Tien, H. Yuan. pp. 267
19
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Possibly the most divisive argument springing from family planning is the issue of
reproductive rights. China pays much lip service to the idea that their policies work
within the realm of "state guidance with voluntary participation. 75 " The important thing
to keep in mind about reproductive rights is the other word that inevitably follows it in
nearly every international discourse- responsibility76.
Responsibility arises from
education, economic support, and adequate health care, and therefore decisions and
behavior can not be determined responsibly if those making the decisions are not
educated as to the effects their choices yield, have no support, or are limited by lack of
self-empowering health care.
Whose Responsibility?
Birth control in the form of contraceptive devices is the most effective way to
-
reduce population increase. In China, the two most prevalent methods of contraception
are IUD's(41 %) and sterilization(49%), with a growing emphasis on sterilization77 • Both
of these methods are highly effective, long-term and independent of intercourse78 .
Methods that require more individual initiative, such as the Pill, condoms, the rhythm
method, and early withdrawal are almost negligible. 79
An interesting thing to note is that the impact of these methods, and therefore the
brunt of the responsibility falls mainly on women. Not only are women the main target of
abuse for unsanctioned pregnancies as mentioned before, (see A Frightening Form of
Primogeniture) but the burden of reproductive responsibility is overwhelmingly biased in
that it is placed almost solely in women. Out of the total birth control methods that are
75 "Women In China: Detained, Victimized, but Mobilized." pp.27
76 "Synthesis of the Regional Population Conferences Convened as Part of the Substantive Preparations for
the International Conference on Population and Development" Population Bulletin of the United Nations,
pp.3.
77 Weinberger, Mary Beth. "Recent Trends in Contraceptive Use." pp.59
78 The World Banle Effective Family Planning Programs. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1993. pp. 9091
79 Weinberger, Mary Beth. "Recent Trends in Contraceptive Use." pp.60
20
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used, 38% of women are sterilized as opposed to only 11 % of men. IUD's are inherently
female centered as they are implanted in the uterus.
If this one-sided responsibility system persists, it will continue to perpetuate the
subjugation of women.
The 1994 International Conference on Population and
Development in Cairo called for men to take an active part in all aspects of family life,
including caring for their own as well as their partner's reproductive and sexual health
8o
.
This is key to the equality of men and women, as probably the most basic connection
between the sexes lies in sexual and procreational relationships.
The act is mutual,
therefore in order to forward equality, the responsibilities must be mutual.
CONCLUSION
The problems that plague China's population policy are indicative of the
internationally recognized population-development paradigm. The fear that population
growth stagnates development balances with the impossibility of reforming population
independent of development, especially the development of women. The conditions of
both must be improved simultaneously if there is to be any progress.
The population growth rate during the beginning of the 1970's-2.3% has dropped
drastically. As of 1994, the growth rate was down to 1.4%. Alongside this decrease has
been enormous economic growth8l • These two efforts, towards fertility regulation and
economic development, share a coactive relationship, depending on each other for
improvement.
As they continue to assist each other, human development will benefit,
and the need for population control will decrease. But in order for development to affect
a long-term change in attitudes,
gendered basis.
-
80
8l
development must empower the population on a
Coercive measures should be abandoned and resources put behind
Ashford, Lori S. pp. 21
Qu Geping and Li Jinchang. pp.3
21
instructing men and women on how to responsibly control their own fertility, give them
faith in a supportive economy and health care system-- to bring more autonomy for their
children.
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