International Conference
on
Regionalism, Sub-regionalism &
Connectivity: India’s Foreign Policy in the
21st Century
19th&20th August, 2013,
Aizawl, Mizoram, India
ABSTRACTS
1
KEY NOTE SPEAKER
P.S.Raghavan
Special Secretary
[Administration & Development Partnership Administration]
Ministry of External Affairs
Government of India
Born in 1955, Ambassador Raghavan took a B.Sc Honours degree in Physics from St. Stephen's College,
Delhi University in 1975 and a B.E. degree in Electronics & Communications Engineering from the Indian
Institute of Science, Bangalore in 1978. He joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1979.
Between 1979 and 1994, he held a number of diplomatic positions in the Indian Missions in Moscow
[then USSR], Warsaw [Poland] and London [United Kingdom], interspersed with tenures in the Ministry
of External Affairs of the Government of India.
In 1994, he was appointed Consul General of India in Ho Chi Minh City [Vietnam] and in 1997, Deputy
High Commissioner of India to South Africa in Pretoria.
From 2000 to 2004, Ambassador Raghavan was Joint Secretary in the Prime Minister's Office in New
Delhi, dealing with Foreign Affairs, Atomic Energy, Space, Defence & National Security.
He was Ambassador of India to the Czech Republic (2004-2007) and Ambassador of India to Ireland
(2007-2011).
In January 2012, he was appointed to head the newly-created Development Partnership Administration
in the Ministry, which is charged with the task of ensuring the efficient implementation of India’s
economic partnership programmes in developing countries.
He was Chief Coordinator of the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation [IOR-ARC]
Ministerial Conference in Bangalore (November 2011) and of the BRICS Summit in New Delhi (March
2012).
In July 2012, Ambassador Raghavan was Special Envoy of the External Affairs Minister to the African
Union Summit in Addis Ababa. Since August 2012, he is Special Envoy of the Government of India to
Sudan and South Sudan.
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In March 2013, he was promoted as Special Secretary, in which capacity he heads the Development
Partnership Administration as well as the Administration, Establishment and other related Divisions of
the Ministry of External Affairs.
Ambassador Raghavan is married. His interests include reading and a variety of sports, which he follows
with keen interest, participating in some of them.
*****
ENERGY SECURITY ACROSS THE BAY OF
BENGAL: AN INDIAN PERSPECTIVE
Arnab Dasgupta, Assistant Professor in Political
Science, Acharya B.N. Seal College, Cooch Behar
Bay of Bengal region can, thus, become an ideal
place of regional confluence.
ENHACING INDO-MYANMAR BORDER TRADE
THROUGH CONNECTIVITY
C.Lalengkima
The three littoral states of the Bay of Bengal,
viz., India, Bangladesh and Myanmar, can find a
potential means for cooperation in the form of
energy, especially, fossil fuels like oil and gas.
Two of these states have potential energy
reserves and, given their lower rate of energy
consumption, they can very well fit into the
position of significant energy suppliers to India.
The latter, on the other hand, has been
suffering from energy insecurity caused by the
stagnant domestic production and the everrising consumption potential. Thus, energy can
provide an opportunity to enhance single-sector
cooperation among these countries to a multisector one. Apart from that, connections with
these two states would also facilitate greater
prosperity in the Indian North East. Again,
cooperation among these states would lead to
similar cooperation with the other states in the
extended neighbourhood of India. In that case,
Myanmar, an ASEAN member, can very well
become a gateway for India as it can provide a
good land-bridge to south-east Asia.
Additionally, such collaboration can also be
extended to China which is also plagued with a
host of energy security issues that concern the
region in greater extent. A lot has been talked
about the possible India-China cooperation in
energy sector. The region can be a very good
start for such an initiative. The greater North
East, including the Seven Sisters, Bangladesh,
Myanmar and the Yunnan province of China can
become the platform for such cooperation.
Such cooperation in the energy sector would
enhance the inter-regional connectivity and the
Doctoral candidate in Diplomacy and Disarmament
Division, School of International Studies, J.N.U. New
Delhi.
Myanmar, the world popularly known as
Burma, is India’s immediate neighbour. The
geographical proximity has given advantages to
make a better relationship. India is one of the
most important Myanmar trade partner. The
bilateral border trades have been a carried out
by both countries, mostly benefited by North
Eastern states especially Manipur and Mizoram.
Under the umbrella of ‘Look East Policy’, India
accelerates to strengthen the ties with
Myanmar
through
transportation
and
communication system. During India’s Prime
Minister visit Myanmar in 2012, an agenda for
connectivity has played a crucial role, and both
countries have agreed to work on improving the
connectivity between them. India has been
helping Myanmar for building and repairing the
road connectivity. An important project like
Kolodyne Multimodal Transit Transport Project
could be useful instrument for enhancing
border trade between them. It is hope that the
connectivity will renew and enhancing the
bilateral ties. Myanmar is an important country
to connect the South Asia and South East Asia.
So, Indo-Myanmar connectivity could use as
significant tool for expanding ties with South
East Asian nations.
After reinstatement of democracy in Myanmar,
many countries have shown keenness bilateral
trade with Myanmar. At this juncture, India also
trying to enhance trade relation with Myanmar
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Southeast Asian countries. Beyond any
doubt this transformation not just brought
positive socio-economic development to
North-East but steadily subvert the
secessionist movement. The North-East
Region can benefit much more if various
initiatives of BIMSTEC are prudently
materialize. In course of development,
however, the operationalization of projects
ought-to be wisely exploited as the frontier
is vulnerable due as much to its position at the
cultural-geographical crossroad. The article
therefore
assesses
the
geo-strategic
importance of North-East; the phylogeny of
BIMSTEC and its implication for socioeconomic development in northeast; and
lastly the challenges and prospects that the
region faced in process of development.
in many fields. If both countries build a good
transport and communication system, it will
boost the bilateral relations and could
beneficial for both countries. This paper will
look how connectivity has an impact on
bilateral trade. It will envisage how good
connectivity would help to tighten the bilateral
relationships.
BIMSTEC AND ITS IMPLICATION FOR
THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT OF NORTH-EAST
INDIA: CHALLENGES AND
PROSPECTS
Dipongpou
North-East India is gravely imbalanced in
course of development paradigm as
compared with rest of the regions albeit a
long international border. There are several
reasons for this disparity but the ultimate
conundrum was due to incongruous
relations of India with the Southeast Asian
countries.
In
aftermath
of
market
liberalization and globalization, India
surprisingly changes its diplomatic relations
toward Southeast Asia and subsequently
came to realize the imperative of north-east,
which is, the only land route connecting to
that part of the world. This realization
draws the Government of India in 1990s to
venture a sub-regional organization, and
formed the Bay of Bengal Initiatives for MultiSectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation
(BIMSTEC) in conjoin with countries of both
South and Southeast Asia. The rational
motive was to prioritize development in
North-East, and bring it closer to
mainstream through political integration
and economic integration with the
A COMPARATIVE STUDY ON NEWS FLOW IN
MIZORAM REGIONAL DAILIES AND MAJOR
INDIAN DAILIES
Dr. V.Ratnamala1
Abstract: The purpose of the study is to
examine the news flow in the dailies. Northeast
India can be considered as regional minorities
within the mainstream media. The study will be
done in the light of Macbride commission
report and Shoemaker’s concept of comparing
media patterns with demographic and
geographic patterns (Shoemaker, 1996). There
are numerous studies on North east and media
i.e. (Daisy, 2004), (Sonwalkar, 2004) (Das, 2008).
(Ninan, 2009) (Sharma, 2006). Moreover it
reveals the misrepresentation and the
stereotyping of North east as violent prone area
in the national media. But to the researcher’s
knowledge there are few comprehensive
explanations of the coverage of the North east
in national Press and vice versa the nature of
coverage in Mizoram dailies. The present study
attempts this.

The author is a Ph.D scholar in the Department of
Political Science, Assam University Silchar. He can be
contacted through the email ID:
dipongkamei@gmail.com and mob. No. +91-9401625-789.
1
Assistant Professor, Department of Mass
Communication, Mizoram University,Aizawl,
Mizoram. Email: ratna2maya@gmail.com Mob:
8794589361
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The Macbride commission’s report, “Many
voices one world” discussed about the need of
free and balanced news flow. So the present
study will see whether there is a free and
balanced flow of news in both Mizoram dailies
and major Indian English dailies. A triangulation
design will be employed in the study. Both
quantitative and qualitative research methods
will be used in the study. The content analysis
will be the major method to study
comparatively the news flow in Mizoram
regional dailies and major Indian English dailies.
One month samples of June 2013 will be chosen
for the study. The regional dailies from Mizoram
namely Vanglaini, News link and the Mizoram
post will be chosen for the study. The major
Indian English dailies like The Telegraph, The
Indian Express and The Hindu’s North east
edition will be chosen for the content analysis.
The Hindu and The Times of India are chosen as
they are the leading national dailies. All the
articles, editorials, photographs, letters to the
editor in terms of geographical indicators will
be studied. The geographical indicators will be
Local (Mizoram), Regional (North east), National
(Indian states) and International (other foreign
countries). Intensive interviews will be
conducted with journalists and editors of the
newspapers.
contemporary times manifestation of this
concept is not confined to issues of low politics
it has widened. In the second half of the paper
we will look at this concept in context of Indian
foreign policy particularly in arena of energy
security.
India presents an interesting story of increasing
energy demands and insufficient supplies. Its
dependence on Iranian oil, the American
attempts to curtail it and the aggressive Chinese
policy of ‘locking’ energy reserves add to the
complications. Amidst this, the Look East Policy
and India’s North-Eastern states present an
opportunity as well as a challenge. These states
can play a vital role in overcoming this demand
supply gap in the long term by developing
cooperation with the Southeast Asian states.
With a hitherto languid approach to energy
security, India’s policies have failed to galvanize
the support they need. Will the manifestation
of the concept of regionalism in Indian foreign
policy meet the above challenges or will it add
to the complications?
INDIA’S LOOK EAST POLICY AND JAPAN:
IMPLICATIONS FOR THE REGION
Gargi Adhikari
Department of International Relations,
Jadavpur University
India’s relation with Japan remains at the core
of India’s drive for recognision as a key global
player. India has enjoyed the fruits of a strong,
long friendship with Japan. In fact, IndoJapanese reltions have also formed an essential
component of India’s ‘Look-East policy’. Japan’s
image in India has been historically positive, and
‘in the collective Indian perception, there was a
strong admiration for Japan's post-war
economic reconstruction and subsequent rapid
growth’. With years, the two countries have
come to ‘further strengthen their cooperation
and pursue an all round and comprehensive
development of bilateral relations, with a
particular and urgent focus on strengthening
economic ties, through full utilization of the
existing and potential complementarities in
their economies’. Indo-Japanese relation has
been essentially based on global partnership
THE CONCEPT OF REGIONALISM AND ITS
MANIFESTATIONS IN INDIAN FOREIGN POLICY:
A CASE OF ENERGY SECURITY
Vivek Mishra and Eva Loreng
With growing cooperation amongst states at
several levels and varied arenas terms like
‘Regionalism’,
‘Regionalization’,
‘Regional
Integration’, and ‘Regional Cooperation’ are
often used, misused and abused. Built on the
simple idea of common historical experiences,
regionalism is embedded in the psyche of the
nations. Officially its roots are related to the
emergence of the European Union, but this
concept has been with us since time
immemorial and at different junctures in history
it has taken different forms. Based on its
changing nature scholars have divided it into
phases according to their convenience. In
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agreement which was elevated to the level of
strategic partnership in 2006.
quality of the products is an essential
requirement to suit the standards of the foreign
markets. The Look East Policy will help in
legalizing the informal trade taking place along
the Indo-Myanmar border. In addition,
legalization will also enable the concerned
governments to earn revenue through
collection of duties on imports and exports.
Moreover, the Northeast region of India is
famous for its strong cultural and historical
linkages with the East and thus it has a wide
scope for promoting tourism in the region. In
view of the centre’s Look East Policy, an
integrated Northeast tourism policy involving all
the stakeholders is very desirable. Development
of heritage tourism circuits, promotion of
traditional handicrafts and textiles, integrated
management
plans
and
infrastructure
development would lead to a positive impact in
many spheres of the Northeast states. This
policy can also be expected to curb the existing
problem of unemployment in the Northeast.
The prospect of developing the motor vehicle
servicing industry and fuel agencies to cater to
the needs of the passengers and tourists would
be
encouraged
through
the
proper
implementation of India’s Look East Policy.
Again, very recently, Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh's visit to Japan, soon after the Chinese
premier's visit to India, has triggered
speculation about attempts to contain China's
projections of power in Asia. Resurgent Japan
has been said to act as an offset to Chinese
diplomatic and economic influence in the AsiaPacific region. Interestingly, according to many,
the manner in which India and Japan maneuver
their relationship with Washington has been
expected also to be crucial in stabilizing the
Indo-Pacific. In such same context, this article
would want to delve into the implications IndoJapanese relations and their other third party
partnerships ought to have on the region and its
inbuilt insecurities, especially for other regional
giants like China, withing South Asia and
beyond. Thus this article would also attempt to
analyse
the
aforementioned
relation’s
ramifications on regional balance of power.
THE LOOK EAST POLICY THROUGH THE EYES OF
NORTHEAST INDIA – PROSPECTS AND
POTENTIAL
Garima Sarkar
Department of International Relations,
Jadavpur University
“SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SIXTH SCHEDULE AREA
OF MIZORAM IN INDIA’S LOOK EAST POLICY”
Dr. Jangkhongam Doungel
Associate Professor
Department of Political Science
Mizoram University,
Aizawl, Mizoram
The Look East Policy is one of the important
strategies of India’s development. It is an
attempt to integrate India with its neighbouring
eastern economies. The proper implementation
of this policy will certainly impact upon the
economy of the Northeast. Accordingly certain
proposals have been made to form regional
blocks so that preferred and free trade can be
initiated with East Asian countries by India.
These are the BIMSTEC, Kunming Initiative, and
the Mekong-Ganga Cooperation Project. The
potential benefit that the Northeast could
derive from the proper implementation of
India’s Look East Policy are the considerable
scope of improving trade in certain local
products such as tea, spices ,handloom
,bamboo and cane handicrafts. Improving the
India’s Look East Policy focuses upon bridging
diplomatic gap with South East Asian countries
and improving economic relationship with
them. Look East Policy can also be said as the
offshoot
of
economic
liberalization,
globalization and unipolar world. The targeted
goal of India’s Look East Policy is improving
both diplomatic and commercial ties with the
South East Asian countries and, the North
Eastern states are significant for achieving the
said target on account of the geographical
contiguity of the region with the South East
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Asian countries. In the midst of this growing
importance of the South East Asian countries
and North Eastern states of India, many projects
are undertaken by the Government of India for
speedy pursuance of the policy. As a matter of
fact, two important projects, namely, Kolodyne
Hydro Electric Project II (HEP II) and Kolodyne
Multi Model Transit Transport Project (KMMTP)
Road are started in the Sixth Schedule area of
Mizoram.
The Sixth Schedule Area of Mizoram
was previously a unified Regional Council from
1953 to 1972 in undivided Assam. With the
attainment of Union Territory of ‘Mizoram’ by
Lushai Hills District of Assam, the Pawi Lakher
Regional Council was trifurcated into three
Autonomous District Councils, namely, the
Chakma Autonomous District Council, the Lai
Autonomous District Council and the Mara
Autonomous District Council since 1972. The
Kolodyne HEP II is a project for production of
460 megawatts of power, to connect the
Kolodyne River with Port Sittwi in Myanmar by
making it navigable from favourable spot as
well as supply of good drinkable water to
people of the area. Where as, the Kolodyne
Multi Model Transport Project (KMMTP) is a
road project for construction of international
standard highway which passes through the Lai
Autonomous District Council (LADC) area via
AOC Veng, Lawngtlai and it should pass through
Myanmar as far as Akyab. The successful
completion of the two projects will enable the
Sixth Schedule Area of Mizoram to be gateway
to South East Asian countries by water and road
and it will be in the limelight in India’s
relationship with the South East Asian
countries. Thus, the Sixth Schedule Area of
Mizoram has great significance in the pursuance
of the India’s Look east Policy, however, there
may be certain positive and negative impacts
upon the area as a result of the two ongoing
projects.
Defining regionalism has never been an easy
task. As far as Northeast is concerned it is taken
for granted and never subjected to scrutiny the
reason behind the relevant of regionalism in the
region. The region itself is found almost
equated with the structure of a state though
more than one region may be found within a
state or a state itself may be a part of a wider
region. Thus, a need arises to look into the ‘in
deep situation’ of the region in order to have a
proper notion about the Northeast. One needs
to rethink the complex situation of the region
according to what Balveer Arora has rightly
pointed out that, ‘the historical and cultural
complexities on the north-eastern states, with
their tenuous economic and terrestrial links
with the rest of India, further heighten the
trends towards alienation”.
A need arises that to do away with alienation of
the region so that the region will be part of the
core development. The recent challenges for
the policy like ‘Look east’ and ‘vision 2020’ are
how far these two can accommodate the
regional challenges that had imbibed the history
and political imbroglio
constraint
to
development. A need arise to revisit the
constraint situation as one can say a functional
relation that combines multiple nations with
their political, economic and cultural
inheritance, often based on the geographical
advantage, as the case of Northeast with its
neighbouring country. Therefore, in this paper a
study will be made on how to accommodate the
regionalism in the context of Northeast,
Mizoram in particular, so as to enhanced the
processed of peace and development as the
ripple affect will have positive impact not only
for the national interest but wider context with
its neighbouring countries.
*Guest Faculty, Department of Political Science,
Govt. J. Buana College, Lunglei, Mizoram and
also, currently doing PhD in Centre for Political
Studies, SSS, JNU, New Delhi)
ACCOMMODATING REGIONALISM FOR PEACE
AND DEVELOPMENT: CHALLENGE FOR WIDER
SPACE
Joseph K Lalfakzuala*
ASYMMETRICAL FEDERALISM AND PEOPLES'
RESPONSE: A CASE OF NORTH EAST INDIA
Joseph Riamei
Research Associate
7
PhD Scholar TISS
Within a policy framework, it is irrefutable that
one must consider the contextual reality on
which the policy is to be applied. For the policy
to work, the voices articulated from people’s
lived experiences needs consideration and
threadbare understanding. Constitutionally
sanctioned frameworks that allow the dilution
of historical claims towards politico historical
resolutions need to ponder and accommodate
newer forms of asymmetrical federal processes.
When locked in competing needs and interests,
defined by realities constituted on ethnic,
linguistic or cultural lines, resolution of
differences cannot be based on extreme forms
of rationality, and yet, because it would be
unworkable when culturo-subjective, a fine line
needs to be drawn while negotiating contested
terrains towards striking a political balance.
Unequal power structures and skewed political,
administrative and fiscal processes that distorts
ethno
compositions
and
imbalances
relationships needs to be altered, paving the
way for reformulated units under a federation
that dilutes both real and imaginary sense of
marginalisation. There are many critics on the
Autonomous District Councils under the Six
Schedule of the constitution of India in North
East in regard to its real autonomy and power
enjoy by the tribals and by many scholars to relook on it. Being hedged in by the institutional
arrangement of union and state control, it has
never been able to take off in the true sense of
the word.
The overall aim of the paper is to understand
the frame of special provisions under the
constitution of India enjoys by different States
of north east and peoples’ response. The paper
will focus on people’s response especially the
tribal communities within the Manipur (Hill
Areas) District Council. It is important to look at
the larger frame to understand the experience
of Manipur. However, both are intrinsically
linked together. Hence, it is important to study
the peoples’ response emerging from district
council Manipur in order to connect with the
larger conceptual frame.
DEVELOPMENTAL CHALLENGES IN THE
NORTHEAST INDIA: STATE AND COMMUNITY
RESPONSES*
Dr.Kalmekolan Vidyasagar Reddy,
Associate Professor, Dept of Political Science,
Mizoram University,
Located in a hilly-terrain that is bordered with
five countries, the Northeastern India (NEI) had
historically been an excluded area. In fact it has
enormous development potential, human
resource-wise and otherwise. There is greater
possibility for development of hydropower in
Arunachal Pradesh, Sikkim and other States of
this region. There are business opportunities
within the NEI, especially Assam, Tripura,
Meghalaya, Mizoram, Manipur and Nagaland
with Bangladesh and South East Asia.
Incidentally, socio-cultural development in the
region is remarkable. By and large,
communitarian life is discernible in most of the
states in the region. Community responses have
to be complemented with those of the state,
lest the developmental challenges remain
unattended. Due to lack of infrastructural
facilities, the NEI got disconnected from ‘within’
and ‘without’. Its economic growth has been
sluggish. Religious, ethnic and cultural groups
play crucial role in the political dynamics of the
region. These social institutions influence state
and governance significantly.
However, the state at all levels should
formulate such strategies which could be of
advantageous to the NEI. The NEI has unique
challenges which need inventive solutions.
Hence, a multi-dimensional developmental
strategy needs to be evolved for this purpose.
Perhaps, the Look East Policy (LEP) would lead
logically to particular efforts at rising road
connectivity to Myanmar, China and
Bangladesh. While some consider the LEP to be
an outcome of implementing the economic
reforms in the wake of globalization in the
country, some others find it more beneficial. In
any case, such initiatives are imperative for
developing border trade and economic activity
in the region, there is need to develop policies
8
which strengthen our mutual dependence with
the neighboring countries, like Myanmar and
Bangladesh. This paper argues that the
developmental challenges albeit numerous and
complex, they are largely conjectural in nature,
and thus these can be addressed if the state
and communities are engaged accordingly.
stakes are very high. Clearly India wants to
move away from the no-gainer no-loser
situation towards an arena of strategic
convergence with ASEAN. This sparks the
question whether India can carry on its
buoyancy with ASEAN in the midst of China’s
countervailing influence. This seminar paper
essentially deals with the concept of
regionalism and tries to answer where India fits
in the jigsaw puzzle of 21st century regionalism
with ASEAN? This seminar paper hopes to
explore how despite China’s relations subtle
diplomacy and overt muscle-flexing, IndiaASEAN is getting diversified. It is reaching a
diplomatic and strategic high-table which
reflects an enlargement of rising India’s foreign
policy vision. Despite the shadow of the Chinese
dragon cast on it, Indian overtures are being
appreciated and understood by ASEAN. ASEAN
wants to positively respond to India, a country
with economic growth, ideational foundations,
civilization linkages and normative aspirations.
INDIA-ASEAN RELATIONS IN THE 21ST
CENTURY: EXPLORATION OF THE CHINA
FACTOR IN IT.
Koyel Basu
Assistant Professor,
Department of Political Science, Jangipur
College,
It is not by fluke that a more pluralistic, nonEuropean, non-Western world is emerging that
is transforming the global political architecture.
Definitely the shift is from the West to the East.
In this new world order where there is
compression of time and space, Asian
aspirations are gaining foothold so much so that
the countries of Asia have retaken control of
vast resources and are less dependent on
imported
innovation,
capital
inflows,
development aid and technology. Since Asia is
not one, as Okakura Kazuo(1904) had once
argued and it is of multiple conceptions; Asia
also has different forms of regionalism which in
turn has ensured durability of Asia despite its
incoherence.
In this transformed global environment, Asia’s
one of the most populous nation with deeprooted democracy, India is fast shedding its
reticence and arresting global attention. India
knows that foreign policy is a part of overall
governance and can address its legitimate
values and priorities. India’s relations with the
Association of South-East Asian Nations
(ASEAN) and its by-product, the Look-East Policy
are the reflection of the changed dynamic
strategic landscape in the region. This seminar
paper wishes to explore India-ASEAN relations
against the backdrop of an unprecedented postCold war atmosphere of political flux. Weighing
its options needs careful calculation since the
MEDIA AND DEMOCRACY: REVISITING THE
RELATIONSHIP
Lallianpuii, PhD,
Centre for Culture, Media and Governance,
Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.
The importance of the press as a ‘powerful
force for the promotion of democracy’ was
voiced as early as 1830s by American thinkers
such as Alexis de Tocqueville.
Many scholars believe that media plays an
important role in defining and sustaining
democracy, as one of the many aspects of
democracy guarantee the constitutional
freedom of expression and the space given to
different viewpoints from the people which
constitute different sections of the society.
As James Curran writes “democracy assume
that political accountability requires a variety of
institutional arrangements, including free and
frequent elections, the presence of strong
political parties and, of particular importance to
this study, “a media system that delivers a
sufficient supply of meaningful public affairs
information to the citizens”
9
But often the practical difficulties of producing
and distributing information to a mass marked
by different geography, literacy, wealth, time,
access to sources of information and access to
media and much more, to express different
viewpoints are underestimated.
This paper studies the long standing and much
debated relationship between democracy and
media, the only industry that enjoys
constitutional protection. It reviews literature in
the concerned subject at the global contexts as
well as studies undertaken in India and at a
regional level, particularly the North East India
often marked by political turmoil. The study is
done in order to make a critical review of the
existing literature to problematize the field for
further study and for the contribution to the
growth of knowledge
development of the member countries. It is
pertinent to underscore that increased regional
cooperation in the field of tourism facilitates
the promotion of landlocked regions into landlinked regions. One of the core aspects of the
LEP is to economically develop its landlocked
North East Region (NER) for which the opening
of the Region is ardently required. In this lieu
North East Region’s enthralling scenic beauty
can play a vital role in fostering the prospect of
tourism. But the ground realities of the Region
pose certain crucial challenges to the MGCI for
making this tourism potentiality extensively
effective. The paper thus attempts at appraising
the credibility of the MGCI as a sub-regional
initiative in promoting the tourism potential of
the NER as an impetus to economic
development thereby rejuvenating India’s LEP.
MEKONG GANGA COOPERATION’S NORTH
EASTERN ENDEAVOUR
The Look East Policy (LEP) of the early nineties,
as a foreign policy pursuit, signifies India’s
renewed thrust of strengthening its linkages
with South East Asia. To facilitate the essence of
the Policy India has embarked upon a number
of collaborative endeavours with its South East
Asian neighbours. The Mekong Ganga
Cooperation Initiative (MGCI) is one of such
decisive sub-regional initiatives of Indo-ASEAN
(Association of South East Asian Nations)
cooperation. The MGCI was formulated in 2000
with the intent to bolster solidarity and
harmony in the fields of tourism, culture and
education thereby ensuring considerable
development of the Mekong region countries.
Determinants like geographical proximities,
economic
complementarities,
political
commitments,
policy
coordination
and
infrastructure development motivate the
formation of the grouping. India and the five
South East Asian Nations - Thailand, Vietnam,
Laos, Cambodia and Myanmar are the members
of the Initiative. In its endeavour to reinvigorate
the pace of regional integration the MGCI has
accorded intense significance to tourism as it
has the efficacy of stimulating economic
RE(MAKING) THE SUB REGION: GEOPOLITICS /
GEO-ECONOMICS?
Mousumi Dasgupta
Assistant Professor
Department of Political Science
Victoria Institution (College), Kolkata
A sub-region in the jargon of International
Relations is both tangible and intangible. It is
tangible because of its sheer physicality while it
is simultaneously intangible because a subregion becomes one when it is perceived to be
one in the collective imagination. The subregion which this paper regards to be its subject
of study revolves around India’s North East,
parts of China, Myanmar and Bangladesh. The
sub-region which we would be studying would
therefore include China, India, countries of the
South East Asian region and Bangladesh..The
question which ought to be addressed before
we delve deep in the sub-region’s machinations
is ‘what makes a sub-region happen?’ It is the
twin cause of geopolitical reality and geoeconomic demands of the post 1990 world
order which spawns nurtures and consolidates
the idea of a sub-region.
The sub-region which is being discussed in this
paper is similarly the result of certain demands
and realities. Each country of this sub-region
has in its foreign policy intended to play to the
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most of its geopolitical advantage vis-a-vis the
region thereby furthering its geo-economic
demands. The simultaneous execution of such
policies by a group of countries who share miles
of common borders with each other produces a
new geography which in turn becomes the first
kernel of a potential sub-region.
The present paper wishes to study the foreign
policies of China and India which have in their
own way contributed to the re(making) of this
sub-region
thereby
questioning
the
preponderance of geopolitics over geoeconomics or vice-versa in the sub-region’s
future.
the North East development perspective. Since
NE India is a natural bridge between Indian and
South East Asia economic integration with its
transnational neighbors is expected to open up
new opportunities(such as tourism , trade
opportunities ect.) for the region. Other than
that, this form of sub regional cooperation
could serve as building blocs for greater
economic interaction and integration between
ASEAN and India. As a result of all the efforts
made, India’s trade with countries bordering
the North East has seen the most dramatic
expansion, with the share going up more than
five times from 1.7 % in 1992-93 to 8% in 200304. However, trade between NE India and its
neighbor’s countries has been declined. This
shows that something is missing out, especially
in context of NE India. Hence, the present
paper will be an attempt to analyse the
opportunities provided to NE region as a
benefits of the policy and how far the
opportunities have been tapped and untapped
respectively. Suggestions will be provided for
the same.
INDIA’S LOOK EAST POLICY : OPPORTUNITIES
FOR DEVELOPMENT OF NORTH EAST INDIA
Niharika Singh,
Research scholar, Department of Management,
Mizoram University
Carolyn, Research scholar, Department of
Management, Mizoram University
Professor A. K. Mishra ,
Department of Managemen, Mizoram
University
REGIONALISM, SUB-REGIONALISM
AND CONNECTIVITY: INDIA'S
FOREIGN POLICY IN THE 21ST
CENTURY
Pratnashree Basu,
Observer Research Foundation
In the post cold war era, a significant aspect of
India’s foreign policy is the Look East Policy
(LEP) . Initiated in 1991, India’s Look East Policy
marked a strategic shift in India’s perspective of
the world. It is “not merely an external
economic policy, it is also a strategic shift in
India’s vision of the world”. The essential
behind this policy is to forge closer and deeper
economic and strategic integration with East &
South East Asian nations. LEP has passed two
phases since its inception. In second phase
started from 2003, the LEP has given a new
dimension wherein India is now looking a
partnership with the ASEAN countries integrally
linked to economic and security interest of
North East India. The inclusion of North East as
an important component by this policy in 2003
is dubbed as a new paradigm of development in
Politically Diplomatic: Appraising the Kunming
Initiative from the Perspective of India’s Foreign
Policy
Every country factors in on a few common
bases when it comes to structuring and
operationalizing their foreign relations. Agendas
of conquest have given way to those of
intended cooperation over the course of the
history of inter-state relations. Nevertheless,
the configuration of successful engagement
among nations for lasting mutual benefit and
cooperation continues to elude us for various
reasons such as political imperatives,
insurmountable differences which more often
than not bear the legacies of a tumultuous
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history, economic differences, perceived threats
to sovereignty and so on. Time has taught us
that “… the law of power governs the world of
states just as the law of gravity governs the
physical world.” (Rochau, 1853)
In the context of India’s foreign relations and
her engagement with her neighbours too, we
can find the influence of similar considerations.
Among the regional forums which India is
associated with, one of the most recent and at
times possessing the potential to be the most
promising is the BCIM (Bangladesh, India, China,
Myanmar) Forum for Regional Cooperation. The
Forum was encouraged by the understanding
among the four participating nations of the
benefits of a regional attitude on issues of
development and prosperity. Nonetheless, over
the course of more than a decade, the
endeavour is yet to come to terms to with
issues that stand in the way of cultivating
mutual understanding. Such understanding is
the mainstay of a directed approach towards
improved
connectivity
and
economic
collaboration.
This paper would attempt an exploration of the
interface between Track I and Track II
diplomacy in aiding regionalism, subregionalism and connectivity, focusing on an
appraisal of the BCIM or the Kunming Initiative.
The paper would, as a result, look into the
question of the efficacy of second tier
diplomatic attempts in realizing their objectives.
An exploration of the Kunming Initiative would
also inevitably demand a study into India’s
ailing northeast which has the scope to assume
a key role in the country’s engagements with its
southeastern neighbours and China.
are antithesis: one represents progress, selffulfillment and creative partnership; and other
symbolizes killings, destruction, gross violation
of human rights and poverty. Horror and
devastation of the Second World War are still
haunting our minds. Civilianization of
contemporary armed conflicts lead more
casualties of civilians. Armed conflict poses a
serious stumbling blocks to development. The
UN Charter outlawed war but many
international and non-international armed
conflicts are occurring around the globe. Axiom
is “Peace is sine qua non for entire process of
development: no peace no development”. India
experiences Maoist conflict, and armed violence
in J & K and North East (NE). Manipur is now the
most violent theater of conflict in the NE region
of India involving more than a dozen nongovernmental
armed
groups
(NGAGs).
Extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detention, due
process
violations,
torture,
forced
disappearances by State forces; and stalling of
developmental schemes and works, threats,
extortion, abduction for ransom, wanton
destruction of public property, indiscriminate
attacks and bomb explosions, and killings, by
NGAGs are now trademarks of conflict
paradigm in Manipur. Law such as Armed
Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 (AFSPA)
sanction impunity. Only workable mechanism in
this critical juncture is implementation of
International Humanitarian Law (IHL) in
Manipur and thereby development activities
will not be hampered. For humanitarian
reasons, IHL restrict the rights of the parties to
the conflict to use the methods and means of
warfare of their choice, and protect people and
property affected or liable to be affected by the
conflict.
Key words: Development, armed conflicts,
human rights, peace, NGAGs, AFSPA, IHL
“DEVELOPMENT VS. ARMED CONFLICTS VIS-ÀVIS DEVELOPMENT AND ARMED CONFLICTS –
A CASE OF MANIPUR”
YUMNAM PREMANANDA SINGH
Assistant Professor
Mizoram Law College, Aizawl
CHALLENGING HIGHER EDUCATION DEMANDS
IN 21ST CENTURY: A CASE OF THE NORTH EAST
INDIA WITH EMPHASIS ON MANIPUR
Human beings are ‘at the centre of concerns for
development’. Development and armed conflict
Priyalaxmi G.
Research Scholar, Dept. of Management
12
Mizoram University, Aizawl
&
Prof. A.K Mishra
Dept.of Management
Mizoram University, Aizawl
Education is the only means which can generate
interest, values, aesthetics and other qualities
which are necessary to bring peace in human
mind. Education is needed for developing the
nation in a proper manner in all spheres.
Every year thousands of students from the
North East go to the universities and colleges of
metropolitan cities like Delhi, Calcutta, etc. for
education in various fields. There is a great
need to spread and uplift higher education in
the north east region. We strongly need to
discuss specifically the Higher Education system
of the North Eastern Region of India for NER will
act as a transit point to the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries.
Hence, India seeks to further its commercial and
cultural ties with the other Asian countries.
And, the Look East Policy has been shaped in
accordance with it. Therefore, there is a serious
need for investment in Higher education system
and on the infrastructure in this region which
will benefit the country as a whole.
INDIA’S EXPERIENCE IN SUB-REGIONAL
COOPERATION: AN ANALYSIS OF BIMSTEC
SUB-REGIONALISM.
Rajasree. K. R
PhD Research Scholar
Department of Political Science
University of Hyderabad
India promotes interaction with various subregional groupings. The major sub-regional
groupings India has membership is Bay of
Bengal Initiatives for Multi-Sectoral Technical
and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) and
Mekong Ganga Cooperation. Both of these
groupings create a connecting link between
South Asia and South East Asia. BIMSTEC was
established in June 6, 1997 in Bangkok. It was
the first formal link between South Asia and
Southeast Asia. It was formed by seven
countries to promote cooperation in trade,
investment, information technology, fisheries,
power
generation,
telecommunications,
tourism and transportation. BIMSTEC acquired
a profile larger than SAARC and offered
possibility before India to deepen the already
existing trade relation with Thailand, Myanmar,
Nepal, Bhutan and Sri Lanka. The second
ministerial meeting of BIMSTEC identified
thirteen priority sectors covering all areas of
cooperation. Member countries have decided
to finalize a Free Trade Area after mutual
consultation. In this regard, BIMSTEC setup a
Trade Negotiation Committee (BIMSTEC-TNC) in
its fifteenth meeting held in September 2007 in
Dhaka. Terrorist financing, arms traffic, illegal
migration of persons and trafficking of drugs
and other illegal substances still remains as
major problem in the sub-region. BIMSTEC can
be a use full mechanism to envisage
cooperation on this aspect. After sixteen years
of its establishment how far it is successful in
promoting sub-regional cooperation. What
extended India has keen interest in envisaging
cooperation in this framework. The broader
interests of India in regional and sub-regional
cooperation are the main theme of analysis in
this paper. This paper also intended to analyze
the strategic, political and economic interest of
India in BIMSTEC sub-region.
THE GLOBAL DIMENSIONS OF INDIA’S ENERGY
SECURITY
Dr. Suwa Lal Jangu,
Assistant Professor
Political Science, Mizoram University
Aizawl, Mizoram-796004
Globalization and interdependence has changed
the notions of international relations because
countries know they do not have a free hand
and have to give and take much more than
before. Energy Security is shaping the
paradigms of the New InternationalRelationship in the 21st Century. The energy
became as security concern for us eventually
after the end of Cold war. The impact of energy
on global security and economy is clear and
profound, and this is why in recent years,
energy security has become a source of concern
to most countries. However, energy security
means different things to different countries
13
based on their geographic location, their
endowment of resources their strategic and
economic conditions. The growing concern over
energy security hosts a debate about the
feasibility of resource conflicts and the threat of
terrorism to the global energy system, maritime
security, the role of multinationals and nonstate actors in energy security, the pathways to
energy security through diversification of
sources and the development of alternative
energy sources.
This paper provides global dimensions of India’s
energy security, bringing together a diverse
range of global dimensions of energy security in
this short study. Energy security is the emerging
field of foreign policy; the focus is on the global
dimensions of India’s energy security, but it also
explores the global linkages of the domestic
dimension of energy security. Accounts for the
multi-faceted nature of energy security
challenges and broadens discussions of these
beyond the prevalent debates about energy
security. This paper analyses India’s energy
security across the global dimensions as energy
security policy, foreign policy, economics and
environment. To Identifying market, economic
development, environmental sustainability, and
security linkages of domestic dimension of
India’s energy security are another objective of
this study.
SOUTH ASIAN REGIONALISM AND THE ROLE OF
INDIA: A NEO-REALIST PERSPECTIVE
almost entirely a product of the contradictions
of globalisation, which increases competition on
the one hand, and the need for collaboration on
the other. Thus, the need of collaboration amid
the complex political relationship has been
crucial in determining regional cooperation in
South Asia. However, neo-realists emphasise
that the regional cooperation is more based on
relative gains in politically fragmented regions
and hence building economic cooperation in a
hostile neighbourhood is a tough task and
needs specific measures.
The paper argues that South Asia is a classic
example of this neo-realist interpretation of
cooperation and that there are inbuilt faultlines in the geographical texture of the South
Asian region that have not only been causing
the ‘trust deficit’ among states but also defining
the security concerns of the regional states
making regional cooperation a difficult task. In
this context the paper will attempt to offer
fresh perspectives on the role of India in making
South Asian regionalism work.
CLIMATE CATACLYSM : A THREAT TO NORTH
EAST INDIA
SATABDI DAS *
Climate change is one of the greatest challenges
faced by humankind in modern times. It affects
different regions in different ways. This is true
for India as well where each of the states is
impacted
by climate change in a very different way. The
North Eastern region of the country, consisting
of the
eight states of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh,
Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland,
Tripura, and Sikkim and known for its biological
and cultural diversity, is highly vulnerable to
such climate variability because of its strategic
location and its transboundary river basins as
well as due to the large dependence of the
population on natural resources, and its poor
infrastructure development. Although the
region fall under high rainfall zone with
subtropical type of climate, but in recent years
it has witnessed severe droughts and
unprecedented floods due to climate change
induced rapid glacial melting in the Himalayan
SACHIN N. PARDHE*
Post Cold War international relations are being
determined by the sweeping trends of
globalisation and economic integration, giving
leverage to economy over polity as against the
preceding century world. If a region goes well
with composite economic development there
are lesser chances (though not complete
absence) of conflicts among states within the
region because of increased economic
interdependence, however, in politically
fragmented regions, like South Asia, economic
ties need to be built to strengthen political ties.
Interestingly, the “new” regionalism in South
Asia as argued by Ananya Mukherjee Reed, is
14
region. Such drought or floods- both extremes
pose a threat to the economy, Livelihoods and
social fabric of the region. Sometimes such
environmental degradation of the region also
comes from unscrupulous human activities and
faulty industrial and development policies. In
the current scenerio environmental security and
sustainability of the region are greatly
challenged by these impacts. Several steps were
already taken to mitigate the problem at the
national
level.
However,
effective
implementation of these efforts requires
decisive actions at the local level and successful
utilization of the environmental resources and
solution of the envir onmental problems. The
objective of the present study is to highlight the
following: · The Climate induced resource
scarcity in the North east and its resultant
effects on human survival ; · What are the
possible ways to combat the problem of climate
change in the northeastern region of India given
its socioeconomic instabilities? · Local response
to the problem and efforts for environmental
management
CONNECTING THROUGH MYANMAR IS A
CRUCIAL INGREDIENT FOR INDIA’S LOOK EAST
POLICY: AN OVERVIEW
launching of the Look East initiative by the
Indian government. However, as we enter the
Phase II of the Look East endeavour, India has
shifted its focus from trade to wider economic
and security cooperation, political partnerships,
physical connectivity through roads and rails.
Hence a closer engagement with Myanmar has
become a priority for Indian foreign policy
makers as it would give a boost to India’s Look
East Policy and facilitate India’s dream to
emerge as a major Asian power vis-à-vis China.
Hence this article will focus on India’s Look East
Policy as an important agenda in its foreign
policy, the strategic importance to connect
Myanmar in its Look East imperatives and how
far India has been successful in doing so.
THE ISSUE OF DIVISION OF TRIBES BETWEEN
INDIA’S FOUR NORTH EASTERN STATES AND
MYANMAR
Tiken Das
(Research Associate at NESRC, Guwahati)
The division of Burma from India has divided
the different tribes of North East India between
the two countries. The government of both
countries and other organizations has not taken
any step to find out the nature of the links as
they exist at present and to suggest ways of
improving them. At the same time the
government of both countries took several
measures to improve trade relation between
both countries. The author visited four districts
namely Mon in Nagaland, Chanlang in
Arunachal Pradesh, Champhai in Mizoram and
Ukhrul in Manipur during the month of AprilMay, 2013 and met some village leaders to
understand the relation of the tribe of four
North Eastern states of India namely Arunachal
Pradesh, Mizoram, Manipur and Nagaland living
in Myanmar border with their members on the
other side of the border. The author found that
the division of Burma from India has been
resulted the separation of some tribes between
Myanmar and the North Eastern States of
Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and
Mizoram. They include the Konyak Naga of
Nagaland, the Kuki near Moreh, the Tanghkul
near Ukhrul, the Paite near Churchandpur in
India inaugurated its Look East Policy in the
1990s under the premiership of P.V Narasimha
Rao with the aim of bolstering its relations with
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN) member states. Since its inception,
Look East Policy has been a significant agenda in
India’s foreign policy focusing primarily on
forging closer economic ties with the ASEAN
nations. Subsequently, India became a sectoral
dialogue partner of ASEAN in 1992, a full
dialogue partner in 1996 and since 2002, a
Summit level partner. India has concluded a
Free Trade Agreement with the ASEAN nations
in 2009 which became operational in 2010.
Among the ASEAN nations, Myanmar (sharing a
land border with India) which came under a civil
government in 2011 could be an integral part of
India’s Look East Policy and a gateway for India
in ASEAN. But there has been an absence of any
deep engagement with Myanmar since the
15
Manipur, the Thangsa and Wangcho in
Arunachal Pradesh, the Mizo and Paite of
Mizoram and others elsewhere. This division
has serious implications for their economy,
identity and culture. These communities have
been in contact with each other during the
decades of division and have even assisted each
other in their nationalist struggles for autonomy
in the North East and in Myanmar. However,
the official attitude to these links has kept
changing according to the political and
economic situation of the two countries.
ROLE OF THE CHURCH IN THE PROCESS OF
PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT IN MIZORAM
Abstract
Zarzosanga, Research Scholar,
Department of Political Science
Mizoram University
Mizo society has always been a close-knit and
highly organized society. Even before the
establishment of formal political administration
and voluntary associations, the socio-economic,
political and social affairs were at the safe
custody of the society, headed by the Chiefs.
Thus, the spirit of social bonding was fairly
strong and also greatly revered by the members
of the society, and as such social values and
ethics were treated with high regards. Even
after the introduction of formal political
administration in Mizoram and the spread of
Christian ethics and principles, along with the
establishment of various Civil Society
Organizations, the tradition and custom of
honoring and respecting societal values and
perceptions still persist in every spheres of our
daily administration. This has further enhanced
the reputation and influences of the Civil
Society Organizations in the state today,
particularly that of the Church. So, the main
objective of the paper is to trace and discuss
the role played by the Church in the politics and
administration of Mizoram, as well as to analyze
the extent of its contributions in the
maintenance and sustenance of peace and
development in the state.
The paper will also discuss the problems,
reactions or issues that often cropped up these
days, in relation to the various activities
undertaken by the Church and the Mizoram
People Forum (MPF), an organization which
came into existence on the initiatives taken by
the Church leaders, by analyzing recent issues
that have emerged.
INDIA’S LOOK EAST POLICY: POTENTIAL AND
PROSPECTS WITH A SPECIAL REFERENCE TO
THE NORTH EAST REGION
Zonunmawia
Department of Political Science
Mizoram University, Mizoram
Dr. Manmohan Singh, the architect of the
policy, rightly said “Look East Policy was not
merely an external economic policy; it was also
a strategic shift in India’s vision of the world and
India’s place in the evolving global economy”. In
fact, Look East Policy is a multi-faceted and
multi-pronged approach to establish strategic
link with ASEAN (Association of South East Asian
Nations) to harness the comparative
advantages vested in the region in various
sectors. The Look East Policy is supposed to tap
the geo-economic potential of the North
Eastern Region to make the region as gate way
to East and South East Asia. India’s Look East
Policy presupposes that trade relations and free
markets with South East Asia will uplift the
region out of the sackles of insurgency, poverty
and economic backwardness and consequently
result into political, economic and social
freedom. On the contrary, the North Eastern
region may be seen as the transmission belt
only owing to underdevelopment of
infrastructure in the region. In other words, the
North East region can serve only as an exchange
location. These concerns or challenges need to
be addressed in order to reap the fruits of Look
East Policy. The paper is designed to identify all
policy measures that have been undertaken
under the aegis of the Look East Policy
concerning the North East Region with respect
to the challenges and its policy response. It will
also further probe into the prospects of the
Look East Policy in the North East region in the
recent years.
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