1. Topic – Tax me for F’s sake Private health insurance Is private health insurance a “must have?” 2. Cultural Artefact https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S-rTxG-uVPM A health insurance company, HBA, came up with a comical TV ad about the unpredictability of life and finishes with the question: “Are you with HBA?” This humorous advertisement by the insurance company HBA begins with a small girl, sitting on a chair telling a story. Girl: “This monster burst out and he ate my whole guts and he ate my whole body and then he ate my cat.” Boy: “This octopus came out the bath hole and he grabbed me and he squeezed the blood out of me.” 2nd boy: “Crocodile came up, bit my guts out and bit me into parts, pieces and even my legs went that way and even my head went that way.” “Life’s unpredictable. Thank goodness for HBA.” But what if you cannot afford private health insurance? 3. Public health issue Private health insurance gives you more options and the literature supports that your chances of a longer, healthier life are increased. Results of the NHS showed that 53% of the population aged 15 years and over had private health insurance in 2007-08 (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2009). Not only are there penalties for not insuring if your income is over $80,000/year (Australian Taxation Office for the Commonwealth of Australia, 2012), but the ability to pay to have greater access to more services does offer an advantage in health outcomes (Martins, 2009). However, the ability of purchasing the benefit to jump the queue is contentious with regards to health. It is widely believed that for essential health care one's means should not determine availability. No one enjoys waiting in a line and witnessing others cutting the queue. It only slows everything down and if everyone was in the same line it would no doubt be a more efficient and fair system. The following report will discuss the role of private health care in shaping both health inequalities and population health in general. 4. Literature review Considerable controversy has surrounded continued commitment of both government and the opposition to subsidy of private health insurance. The subsidy was initially introduced as part of an incentive scheme to increase private health insurance rates following a major decrease in the 1980’s and early 90’s. The rationale for public subsidy was that it would result in subsequent greater use of private health care and reduce demands on public sectors services in particular public hospitals. However, while to date there has been a substantial increase in the use of private health care (largely for non-emergency surgery) there is little evidence of any reduction in public sector demands. Moreover, as more people have used their private insurance, the cost of premiums continues to rise and consequently the cost of the public subsidy (Hindle & McAuley, 2004; Segal, 2004). The cost to the community will increase, in terms of the average cost of health care per episode of treatment. Competing private health insurers have to spend much more on administration than government schemes; medical specialists' charging rates are generally higher when they are treating private patients, and so on. The literature overwhelmingly confirms this logic. For example, Duckett & Jackson (2000) estimated that the 30% rebate cost $2.19 billion in 2000, to which had to be added a further $1.2 billion of Medicare benefits expenditure in hospitals. They argued that the available evidence shows that public hospitals are more efficient than private hospitals and suggested that if the insurance subsidy and the Medicare Benefits Schedule rebate expenditure were applied to purchasing public hospital treatment at full average cost, 58% of current private sector demand could be accommodated. They concluded that the objective of taking pressure off public hospitals could be more efficiently achieved by direct funding of public hospitals rather than through subsidies for private health insurance (Duckett & Jackson, 2000). There are always risks of reduced equity of health care and health status in any model that permits some degree of choice. In most markets those with more means can afford more goods and services, and economists and policymakers do not see this as problematic. For health care, however, it is widely believed that for essential health care one's means should not determine availability. The risks of poorer equity and efficiency outcomes may now be greater as a consequence of the increase in private health insurance membership since 1997. Some of the most obvious adverse effects can be deduced from the simplest of statistics. Take the case of the Aboriginal population, which is the most disadvantaged segment of the Australian population in terms of health status. Few Aboriginal people have private health insurance, and hardly any benefited from the $2.2 billion per year provided as health insurance rebates (Martins, 2009). Another aspect of increased inequity has been highlighted by the ability to buy the privilege of queue jumping. Governments are implying we should buy private health insurance to free the public system up for those who cannot afford it. Given the limited numbers of specialists who serve both sectors, it seems that the more not-so-sick queue jumpers there are in the private sector, the longer the queues will be in the public sphere (Coote et al., 1999). Additionally, higher payments for professionals when treating private patients may affect the elasticity of the supply of doctor time between the public and private sector. In public hospitals, despite rules of access to care based on medical need, there may be incentives for providers to offer preferential treatment to private patients because of the revenues and higher payment they bring (Colombo & Tapay, 2003). The literature consistently shows that people who happen to have private health insurance have less need for health care on the average after control for other factors, as a consequence of health status determinants like socioeconomic status. Recent Australian clinical literature shows that people with private health insurance have less likelihood of chronic pain (Blyth et al., 2001), better outcomes from laparoscopic fundoplication (O'Boyle, Watson, DeBeaux, & Jamieson, 2002), lower levels of diabetes (McKay, McCarty, & Taylor, 2000), less visual impairment (Livingston, McCarty, & Taylor, 1997), fewer urinary symptoms and incontinence (Muscatello, Rissel, & Szonyi, 2001), better smoking hygiene relating to infant exposure (Bai, Wong, Gyaneshwar, & Stewart, 2000), better self-monitoring of blood glucose in diabetes (Hoskins, Alford, Handelsman, Yue, & Turtle, 1998), lower rates of disturbed mood during pregnancy and after birth (Kermode, Fisher, & Jolley, 2000), fewer pregnancy complications including: hypertension, threatened preterm labour, antepartum haemorrhage, and excessive vomiting that require hospitalisation (Adelson, Child, Giles, & Henderson-Smart, 1999), and less risk for newborn encephalopathy (Badawi et al., 1998). The Australian evidence shows that people with private health insurance have less need for health care on the average and yet consume a disproportionately large share of services. Social insurance schemes like Medicare have been directed at reducing the differences, whereas private health insurance tends to increase them (Lokuge, Denniss, & Faunce, 2005). This may be an example of policy losing its way: why not compel high-income earners to pay the additional tax? The present policy allows those on high incomes to contribute less to health care financing, and puts that reduced amount of funding through channels that may be less efficient. There may be a greater concern for the health of the private health insurance industry than for the wellbeing of the health care system. 5. Cultural and social analysis Social exclusion is about more than income poverty. It is a short-hand term for what can happen when people or areas face a combination of linked problems, such as unemployment, discrimination, poor skills, low incomes, poor housing, high crime and family breakdown. These problems are linked and mutually reinforcing (Social Exclusion Unit, 2004). Life expectancy is not uniform across populations within Australia. An issue of particular public interest is that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have a much lower life expectancy than the general Australian population. Indigenous Australians born in the period 1996-2001 are estimated to have a life expectancy at birth of 59.4 years for males, and 64.8 years for females. This is approximately 16-17 years less than the overall Australian population born over the same period (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2011). Various factors explain this disparity, including higher levels of health risk factors, the higher proportion of Indigenous Australians in rural areas, and less access to healthcare services. The Australian Government has identified narrowing this differential in life expectancy as a priority in health policy (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2012b). It is generally accepted that Australians living in rural and remote areas have lower health status than their counterparts in urban areas. For the period 2002-04: Death rates in inner/outer regional areas were about 10% higher than those in major cities. Death rates in remote and very remote areas were between 20-70% higher than those in major cities. A major contributor to elevated death rates in remote/very remote areas is Indigenous Australian mortality, primarily because Indigenous Australians constitute a larger proportion of the population in these areas, and have higher death rates than non-Indigenous Australians. The specific causes of elevated death rates outside major cities are coronary heart disease, other diseases of the circulatory system, motor vehicle accidents and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2012a). Conflict theory Conflict theory emphasizes the role of coercion and power in producing social order. This perspective is derived from the works of Karl Marx, who saw society as fragmented into groups that compete for social and economic resources. Social order is maintained by domination, with power in the hands of those with the greatest political, economic, and social resources. When consensus exists, it is attributable to people being united around common interests, often in opposition to other groups (Kriesberg, 2001). According to conflict theory, inequality exists because those in control of a disproportionate share of society’s resources actively defend their advantages. The masses are not bound to society by their shared values, but by coercion at the hands of those in power. This perspective emphasizes social control, not consensus and conformity. Groups and individuals advance their own interests, struggling over control of societal resources. Those with the most resources exercise power over others with inequality and power struggles resulting. There is great attention paid to class, race, and gender in this perspective because they are seen as the grounds of the most pertinent and enduring struggles in society (Morris, 1998). What is Social Inequality? Sociologists see society as a stratification system that is based on a hierarchy of power (the ability to direct someone else’s behaviour), privilege (honour and respect), and prestige (income, wealth, and property), which leads to patterns of social inequality. Inequality is about who gets what, how they get it, and why they get it. Social inequality is typically tied to race, gender, and class, with whites, males, those with higher education levels, and those with higher income levels sitting at the top of the hierarchy (Wrong, 2008). Social inequality is characterized by the existence of unequal opportunities and rewards for different social positions or statuses within a group or society. It contains structured and recurrent patterns of unequal distributions of goods, wealth, opportunities, rewards, and punishments (Borrell, 2009). Inequality of opportunities refers to the unequal distribution of life chances across individuals. This is reflected in measures such as level of education, health status, and treatment by the criminal justice system. For example, why do upper-class white males typically have more opportunities for wealth and success compared to lower-class black males, who have a higher chance of landing in the criminal justice system? 6. Analysis of the Artefact and your own learning reflections The ad from HBA involving the 3 children’s stories of unpredictable scenarios is definitely memorable. I am positive most will remember this ad on TV. The theme is concerned with capturing the attention of parents by showing children speaking in a humorous manner to highlight to parents that whatever happens, private health insurance can be a valuable protection. The visuals are concerned with showing adorable and engaging children in a humorous way to capture the attention of parents. The Advertisement attempts to strike a chord with parents who at some stage during their own children’s younger years have had their children telling humorous and exaggerated stories. The visual attempts to be reminiscent to parents of their experiences with their own children and the language in the voice over are directed to parents as it encourages them to purchase private health insurance. In addition, the services are private health insurance, which is targeted towards, and has principal appeal to, parents, rather than children. Private health insurance is an extremely valued commodity as it provides more health options and if you have it your quality of life and life chances are automatically enhanced. Personally, I have utilized my private health cover many times since birth. This list includes but is not limited to: breaking both arms concurrently including a compound fracture, breaking both arms again at a later stage (not at the same time), a broken nose, a head fracture, food poisoning, nose surgery, internal bleeding in a tooth and wisdom teeth removal. Luckily my folks chose to purchase private health insurance to give me the ability to jump the queue and receive treatment from the doctor they chose and at the hospital most convenient. Most reading this will have private health insurance and I am sure you would agree that you’re glad you’re not in the 47% of Australians (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2009) who are uninsured. Maybe if we focused a bit more on the public health system we might actually help those who cannot help themselves and reduce the need to have private health insurance. This would also level the playing field in terms of waiting times and available doctors and hospitals. Obviously, it’s not as easy as this and if I knew the answer I would be doing great things, but until I studied the role of tax and the role that private health insurance plays I did not even consider what life might be like for those without. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7uRFFoTpVRw Your health care choices Australian public and private health care system: nib health insurance explained https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5cA2hihzmYA&feature=relmfu http://www.google.com.au/imgres?um=1&hl=en&sa=N&biw=1920&bih=1075&tbm=isch&tbnid=q3 7tSvNKmvEujM:&imgrefurl=http://medicare50years.blogspot.com/2011/12/us-doctors-supportows-because-wall.html&docid=I9cU12W8FphFJM&imgurl=http://4.bp.blogspot.com/PJ4LIVKsYZI/Tu0q5_Df1lI/AAAAAAAAHfE/BUGvAppPGbY/s1600/ows.jpg&w=450&h=305&ei=ZSOPU M2oIdHqmAXoyYHgCA&zoom=1&iact=hc&vpx=1414&vpy=306&dur=7255&hovh=185&hovw=273&t x=142&ty=66&sig=109599565845586923953&page=1&tbnh=152&tbnw=194&start=0&ndsp=49&ve d=1t:429,r:27,s:20,i:218 References Adelson, P., Child, A., Giles, W., & Henderson-Smart, D. 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