IRELAND
Ursula Barry
4Q2015
Women in decision-making (% of members) 2014
30
29
27
27
25
20
20
18
16
11
10
0
National
parliament
National
government
Largest quoted
companies
Central banks
National parliament and national gover nment 2Q2015.
Ireland
EU-28
COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
1. SUMMARY SITUATION
Most relevant facts: European comparative data for Ireland reveals important features of the
changing situation. Men’s unemployment rates are falling faster than women’s in Ireland. The
unemployment rate (25-74) for men has fallen from 15.7% in 2012 to 13.5% in 2013 and 11.6% in
2014. On the contrary women’s unemployment rate (25-74) has dropped only slightly from 9.3% in
2012 to 9.2% in 2013 and 8.2% in 2014. As a result, the gender gap closed from 6.4p.p.to 4.3p.p.
to 3.4p.p. in 2014 ranking Ireland 1st in the EU with the widest gender gap in unemployment (2574). The EU-28 average was 8.8% for men and 9.2% for women in 2014 with a gender gap of 0.4p.p.
Ireland stands out with its severe underrepresentation of women in national political
structures. Only 16% of those in national parliament and 24% of those in national administration
are women compared to EU-28 average of 29% in parliament and 40% in administration, ranking
Ireland extremely low at 25th in the national administration and 23rd in the national parliament in
2015. A key reason, it can be argued, for the lack of priority placed on care provision is this
chronic lack of representation of women in the decision-making system. One notable change is in
the representation of women in national government (senior ministers) that increased from
13% to 27% between 2013 and 3Q2015, a rate that now ranks Ireland 15th with the EU-28 average
at 27%.
Key country features: The two central facts of Ireland’s continuing still fragile economic recovery
are the increasing levels of poverty and disadvantage that are evident in the most recent EUSILC national data for 2013 (CSO 2015) despite the continued significant reduction in
unemployment rates to 9.7%, the lowest rate since April 2009. EU-SILC data show the at-risk-ofpoverty rate at 15.2% in 2013; the deprivation rate that has risen from 24.5% in 2011 to 26.9% in
2012 and 30.5% in 2013; the consistent poverty rate that has risen from 6.9% in 2011 to 7.7 in
2012 to 8.2% in 2013. Poverty levels among children have doubled since 2008.
Other key features include the particularly high cost of childcare (mainly accessed through
family support or the private marketplace) and the high proportion of lone parent families who
experience the highest risk of poverty. Specific minorities, for example Travellers, already
experiencing disadvantage and poverty, have been very badly hit by economic cutbacks (Harvey
2013) and asylum seekers are not allowed to work, denied access to 3rd-level education and are
housed for four years and more in private profit-making institutions without basic human rights.
Research shows high levels of mental illness (Irish Refugee Council 2013).
The hot policy debate over recent months from a gender perspective has been violence against
women following the killing of a police officer who had arrived at a house to protect a woman from
domestic violence – the woman was very seriously injured. Women’s Aid that supports women who
have experienced domestic violence highlights that since they began keeping records in 1996, 209
women have been murdered in Ireland, with 62% of the killings taking place in the women’s own
homes. Of those murders of women that have been resolved through the courts, 55% of the killings
were carried out by the woman’s partner or ex-partner. In the aftermath of the garda killing, Ireland
has finally signed the Istanbul Convention on 5th November 2015 – the Council of Europe
Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence. Other
debates include budgetary measures that include some measures towards childcare, an increase
in the National Minimum Wage and some reform of the austerity measures that have affected Lone
Parents, detailed below.
2. ASSESSMENT OF GENDER EQUALITY AT NATIONAL LEVEL
Labour market
The decline in Ireland’s employment rate stabilised during the period 2011-12, and has shown an
increase for 2012-2014, while the gender gaps have started to widen. Women’s employment rate
(20-64) rose marginally from 59.4% in 2012 to to 60.3% in 2013 to 61.2% in 2014 while men’s
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employment rate showed similar stability rising very marginally from 68.1% in 2012 to 70.9% in
2013 and significantly to 73% in 2014. When these values are compared to the EU-28 average of
75% for men and 63.5% for women in 2014, it emerges that the gap between Ireland and the EU28 average is narrowing. Ireland ranked 19th for men and women. The gender employment gap
(20-64) rose significantly from 8.7p.p. in 2012 to 10.6p.p. in 2013 and to 11.8p.p. in 2014.
The employment rate (15-64) shows a similar pattern. The rate for women rose from 55.9% in
2013 to 56.7% in 2014, compared to the EU-28 average of 59.6% in 2014. The rate for men rose
from 65.1% to 66.9% compared to the EU-28 average of 70.1%. The gender gap was widening for
this age group at 9.2p.p. in 2013 and 10.2p.p. in 2014. Ireland ranked 19th for men and women.
The gender employment gap (15-64) rose from 9.2p.p. in 2013 and to 10.2p.p. in 2014. There is
growing evidence that unemployed men are benefiting more quickly from increased economic
activity between 2012 and 2014.
The employment rate (15-24) has shown a marginal decrease for young women from 30.2% in
2012 to 29.6% in 2013 and 28.4% in 2014. This compares with an EU-28 average of 30.6%, with
Ireland ranked 10th in the EU. The rate of employment of young men rose from 26.3% in 2012 to
28.5% in 2013 and 2014. This compares with an EU-28 average of 34.4%, with Ireland ranked 16th
in the EU. The gender gap narrowed to almost zero (0.1p.p. in 2014, from -1.1p.p. in 2013). This is
linked to a high rate of youth unemployment as well as high emigration levels.
The employment rate (55-64) reveals significant gender differences. Rates among older men
showed significant change from 57.1% to 55.8% between 2011 and 2012 followed by a further rise
in 2013 to 59.3% and again to 61.4% in 2014. Older women’s rates are rising slowly but from a
significantly lower base of 42.7% in 2012, 43.4% in 2013 to 44.7% in 2014. The rate for older men
is just above the EU-28 average of 58.9% and the rate for older women is just under the EU-28
average of 45.2% for 2014, ranking Ireland 8th for older men and 12th for older women. The gender
employment gap (55-64) (which had narrowed from 2011 at 14.4p.p. to 13.1p.p. in 2012) grew
from 15.9p.p. in 2013 to 16.7p.p. in 2014. This is further evidence of men’s employment levels
benefitting at a significantly higher rate from the renewal of employment growth in the economy.
The employment rate of foreign women aged 15-64 was 54.2% in 2013 and 54% in 2014,
slightly lower than the average rate for employment of women in that age group (56.7%) but above
the EU-28 average of 52.2%, ranking Ireland 13th. Employment rates of foreign men at 69.3% in
Ireland and 68.3% in EU-28 average are similar, revealing a slightly lower gender gap of 15.3p.p.
in Ireland compared to a gap of 16.1p.p. in EU-28 average in 2014.
Unemployment rates are changing. The rate has been falling consistently since the peak level of
15.1% in February 2012. New national data shows a fall to 9.7% and a prediction of a further fall
to 9.4% by September 2015 2015 (CSO 2015; ESRI 2015).
The unemployment rate (15-74) for men stabilised between 2011 at 17.8% and 2012 at 17.7%,
but has fallen significantly in 2013 to 15% with a further drop to 12.9% in 2014. Women’s
unemployment rate is significantly lower, but shows little downward movement at 11% in 2012 to
10.7% in 2013 to 9.4% in 2014. This compares with the EU-28 average of 10.3% for women and
10.1% for men. This has resulted in a significant narrowing of the gender unemployment gap
(15-74) from 6.7p.p. in 2012 to 4.3p.p. in 2013 and 3.5p.p. in 2014. This gender gap continues at a
much higher level than the EU-28 average value (-0.2p.p. in 2014) due to the continuing although
decreasing gender differences in unemployment rates, a pattern that resulted from the collapse of
men’s construction employment at the onset of the crisis.
The unemployment rate (15-24) reflects gender differences in the way in which new job
opportunities are primarily benefiting young men. Unemployment of young men has shown a
marked reduction to a level of 29.8% in 2013 and 26.6% in 2014 (down from 36.4% in 2012). This
compares to a slower fall in unemployment levels among young women at 23.5% in 2013 and
20.9% in 2014 (down from 24.0% in 2012). These levels are now closer to EU-28 average of
22.8% for young men and 21.4% for young women. The gender unemployment gap (15-24) has
decreased markedly from 12.4p.p. in 2012 to just 6.3p.p. in 2013 and 5.7p.p. in 2014, but still
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leaves Ireland third highest in the EU. The impact of the crisis on young people continues to be
severe, and in the first phase of the crisis this had a disproportionate impact on young men, but
this latest phase shows a definite change as young men’s employment rates are rising and
unemployment rates are falling.
The unemployment rate (25-74) also reveals some change in gender differences. The
unemployment rate for men was 13.5% in 2013 and has fallen to 11.6% in 2014 (above the EU-28
average of 8.8%). The unemployment rate for women is lower at 9.2% in 2013 and 8.2% in 2014
(below the EU-28 average of 9.2%). This gender unemployment gap narrowed from 6.4p.p. in
2012 to 4.3p.p. in 2013 and 3.4p.p. in 2014 and is significantly higher than the EU-28 average of 0.4p.p. in 2014. This difference is a result of relatively higher levels of men’s unemployment among
the 25-74 year-olds, mainly due to the huge loss of men’s employment in construction.
Construction employment collapsed over the crisis years from 273,900 in 2007 to 102,700 in 2013
(CSO 2014). However, gender differences are changing as more women from middle and older
age groups retain their attachment to the formal labour market and, depending on gendered
patterns of employment policies and opportunities, will be reflected in future higher levels of both
women’s employment and unemployment.
Entrepreneurship/Self-employment is significantly higher among men at 22.6% (stable with
2013) compared to women at 6.9% in 2014 (down from 7% in 2013), figures that have been
relatively stable over recent years. The gender gap of 15.7p.p. in 2014 shows little change and
ranks Ireland highest in the EU. The percentage of men’s self-employment is above the EU-28
average of 18.4% in 2014, linked in part to the significance of the agricultural sector. In contrast,
the relatively low percentage of women self-employed (compared to 10.1% in EU-28 average in
2014) may be linked to an underrepresentation of women’s rural economic activity.
Job quality
Part-time employment among women has traditionally accounted for over a third of the female
workforce, and stood at 35.6% in 2013 and 35% in 2014 (the EU-28 average rate is 32.9% in
2014). Among men part-time employment grew consistently during the recession years, and this
seems to have now stabilised, and stands at 14.3% of the male workforce in 2013 and 13.8% in
2014. This is significantly higher than the EU-28 average value of 9.9% in 2014 and represents a
gender gap of -21.2p.p. (lower than the EU-28 average of -23.0p.p.) ranking Ireland 19th. These
data also confirm that the growth in men’s part-time employment was largely involuntary and that
the high rate of women’s part-time employment is based on women’s disproportionate carrying of
care responsibilities and the lack of publicly funded support services.
Linked to these data, full-time equivalent employment figures show a 51.8% rate for women in
2014 (up from 50.8% in 2013), and a 69.4% rate for men (up from 67.2%). This compares with the
EU-28 average of 54.5% for women and 72.7% for men. There has been a widening of the fulltime equivalent employment gender gap from 16.4p.p. in 2013 to 17.6p.p. in 2014.
The increasing spread of low paid employment is linked to poor working conditions and there is
growing evidence of the widespread use of low and zero-hours contracts in the retail, hospitality
and care sectors. There is growing concern that casualisation of working conditions and low pay
have become endemic for women working in care, hospitality and retails jobs, a consequence of
austerity policies and employer-centered flexibility on the labour market. The Organisation for
Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) reported in 2013 that the US and Ireland had
the highest percentage of low paid jobs in the developed world, low paying jobs were defined
as those that earn less than two-thirds of the median income. The ratio in the US was 25% and in
Ireland 22%, UK at 21%, contrasting with Switzerland and Finland at ratios of 10% (OECD 2013).
Fixed-term employment levels have been relatively stable at 10.1% in 2013 falling to 9.2% in
2014 among men and 9.8% among women in 2013 falling very slightly to 9.4% in 2014, both below
the EU-28 average of 13.6% for men and 14.4% for women in 2014, and revealing a negligible
gender gap.
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COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
Data on the unadjusted gender pay gap shows an overall trend for a widening gap between 2009
at 12.6% and 2012 at 14.4% (despite a temporary fall at the height of the crisis in 2011 to 11.7%).
There is no EU comparative data for Ireland for 2013-15. This level is still significantly under the
(provisional) EU-28 average of 16.4% in 2014. The widening of the gap reinforces the argument
that the narrowing of the gender pay gap during the first period of the crisis was a result of men’s
deteriorating employment and pay position and the new evidence showing rising employment
levels among men in particular has begun to re-establish a wider gender pay gap.
OECD research indicates that there is a high cost linked to motherhood in pay terms. Their figures
show that in Ireland the Gender Pay Gap for women with one child jumps 31p.p. compared to
women with no children. The OECD data also highlights the differences across pay levels, for
example, among the lowest 10% of earners the gender pay gap is 4%, but in contrast among the
top 10% of income earners the gender pay gap is 24.6%, which they argue suggests ‘the
continued presence of a glass ceiling and indirect discrimination’ (OECD 2012). No new
national data or research has been conducted on the gender pay gap.
Segregation data on the Irish labour market shows occupational and sectoral segregation levels
that are slightly higher than the EU-28 average. Gender segregation in occupations showed a
level of 26% in 2013 and 26.2% in 2014 slightly higher than the EU-28 average of 24.4%. Gender
segregation in economic sectors also showed a slightly higher level of segregation at 20.9% in
2013 and 20.8% in 2014, above the EU-28 average of 18.9% for 2014. Ireland emerges around or
below midway on the EU rankings at 14th (occupational) and 10th (economic sector).
Living conditions and social inclusion
The most recent EU data show that poverty has increased substantially in Ireland between
2011 and 2013, despite the indicators of a significant recovery in employment levels. In practice,
this means that inequality has increased in Ireland through the crisis years and continues in the
current period that has been designated a period of economic recovery.
EU comparative data for 2012 reveals that the overall at-risk-of-poverty and social exclusion
rate among women increased from 29.8% in 2011 to 30.4%, and among men from 29% in 2011 to
29.7%. This is significantly above the EU-28 average for 2013 of 25.4% for women and 23.6% for
men. National data is available for 2013 and reveals a further systematic increase in the enforced
deprivation rate from a low of 11.8% in 2007 to a rate of 22.6% in 2010, 24.5% in 2011, 26.9% in
2012 and the most recent data shows a level of 30.5% in 2013. Poverty levels among children
doubled between 2008 and 2013. There are no signs of poverty alleviation as growth in paid
emplioyment has been reestablished (CSO 2015). The deprivation rate among Lone Parents is
extremely high at 63%, the highest of the different social sectors. The particular vulnerability of
Lone Parents is confirmed by new data from the CSO Household Finance and Consumption
Survey 2013 which highlights that households with one adult and children are burdened with more
debt than all other types of households (CSO 2015). The gendered nature of poverty is also
evident in recent figures from the Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) that show
women in couples experienced a 14% drop in income compared with 9% of men during the
recession years (CSO 2015; ESRI 2015).
Key policies are suggested to have directly contributed to increased poverty levels: changes in
supports to lone parents, the reduction in levels of payment of Job Seekers Allowance to those
under 25 years, and also of the period for receipt on Job Seekers Benefit, meaning that many
people are not in receipt of these benefits long enough to qualify for certain labour market and
educational programmes; discontinuation of the Cost of Education Allowance, including travel,
food, books, materials, etc.; abolition of grants towards religious occasions (Holy Communion
Grant); reduction of supports for Traveller Education; reduction of disability supports; loss of double
welfare payments at Christmas (European Anti-Poverty Network 2013). While some positive
changes have been made to these measures in Budget 2016 detailed below, they have yet to be
implemented and to have an impact.
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COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
The at-risk-of-poverty and social exclusion rate for people aged 65+ reveals a similar trend.
The rate among women increased from 14.3% in 2011 to 15.5% in 2012, and among men it
increased from 13.1% to 13.8%. The EU-28 average for 2013 was 20.6% for women and 15.3% for
men. The gender gap is marginal at just 1.7p. One reason for this significant increase is that while
the pension rates have not been cut over the crisis years, its real value has fallen due to factors
such as inflation, changing eligibility criteria for medical cards, reduced allowance for telephone
costs, increased medical prescription payments and lower levels of fuel entitlements.
The official retirement age is 66 years for both women and men while the effective retirement age
for women was 63.5 years and for men 63.3 years in 2011, both above the respective EU-28
average of 61.1 years and 61.9 years.
There is a marked difference in pension levels between women and men over 65 years of age
reflected in a gender gap of 38.2p.p. in 2012 and 2011 (up from 36.3p.p. in 2010) showing Ireland
with a similar gap to the EU-28 at 38.5p.p.but at a relatively high ranking of 6th. The gender gap in
pension coverage of those aged 65 years and over has also increased from 14.6p.p. in 2010 to
15.6p.p. in 2012 and 2011, placing Ireland’s gender gap amongst the highest in EU-28 at fourth
place in the ranking, well above the EU-28 average of 5.8p.p. in 2012. This highly significant
gender gap is linked to the traditionally low level of access to paid employment by women, and a
system that has penalised women who have interrupted their labour market attachment, in most
cases due to the gendered pattern of care responsibilities.
The life expectancy at birth for men was 79.0 years and for women 83.1 years in 2013, with both
genders being slightly above, the respective EU-28 averages of 83.3 years 77.8 years. Life
expectancy at 65 years old was 20.8 years for women and 18.1 years for men in 2013 compared
to the respective EU-28 averages of 21.3 years and 17.9 years. Ireland ranks 17th for women and
13th for men in the EU-28 ranking for life expectancy at age 65, and 16th for women and 9th for men
in overall life expectancy. Comparison to earlier years is not valid due to a break in the data series.
Parenthood continues to be highly significant for employment rates and shows significant gender
differences. Women’s employment rates in households with young children fall markedly, while
men’s employment rates tend to rise. The gender impact of parenthood (as indicated by the
effect on the rate of employment of women and men aged 20-49 years with and without a child of
under 6 years) is significantly negative on women, but is decreasing, reflected in its consistent drop
in impact on women’s paid employment rate of 12.7p.p. in 2011 to 10.8p.p. in 2012, 10.2p.p. in
2013 and 8.9p.p. in 2014. This negative impact on women’s employment is close to the EU-28
average of 8.2p.p. in 2014. This indicator shows a positive impact of parenthood on men’s
employment rate of -8.9p.p. in 2011, -10.3p.p. in 2012, -10.4p.p. in 2013 and -12.2 in 2014, almost
level with the EU-28 average of -12.0p.p. Ireland ranks 13th for men and 12th for women in the EU.
There has been an increase from 2012 of the rate of inactivity and part-time work due to
personal and family responsibilities among women aged 20-64 years. It stood at 5.1% in 2012,
increased to 5.7% in 2013 and 5.8% in 2014 lower than the EU-28 average of 6.8% in 2014,
ranking Ireland 9th. This trend is llinked to the high cost of childcare and the lack of public provision.
Data for the use of formal childcare for children under-three shows huge variations on a year-toyear basis. EUROSTAT data for those in formal care for 1-29 hours shows a significant increase
from 10% in 2011 to 21% in 2012 and a slight decrease to 19% in 2013. Such fluctuation in child
supports over each of those years makes it difficult to establish the impact of specific policies and
there is a question mark over the data itself. The data also show that the rate of those availing of
30 hours or over has remained quite stable around 10% over the same period, giving an overall
total of 29% in 2013, a significant increase from 21% in 2011. These data compare with the EU-28
average of 13% and 14% for the first and second groups respectively, and a total of 27% in 2013.
In contrast, 68% of children are in formal childcare for 1-29 hours in 2013 (down from 74% in 2012)
for children aged 3 to compulsory school age. This figure does indicate a positive effect,
despite its limited nature, of part-time early-childhood care provision. A further 21% were in formal
care for over 30 hours in 2013, a figure that has risen from 15% in 2012. These percentages are
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COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
significantly above the EU-28 average in the lower hours category (35%) and significantly below in
the higher hours category (47%). Overall these data show that 89% of all those between aged
three and compulsory school going are estimated to be in formal childcare, above the EU-28
average of 82% in 2013. The contrasting situation between Ireland and the rest of the EU is
predominantly due to the fact that publicly supported formal childcare is only available on a parttime basis, thus the large proportion in the lower hours’ category.
The percentage of children from compulsory school age to 12 years in formal childcare up to
29 hours has decreased from 60% in 2011 to 52% in 2012 and increased to 53% in 2013, while
those in formal childcare of 30 hours or more has gone up from 39% to 47% to 46% in the same
period. These percentages are significantly above the EU-28 average in the lower hours category
(35%) and significantly below in the higher hours category (62%). The overall total of 99% is higher
than the EU-28 average of 97%. Cost is likely to be a key issue as is highlighted by the Indecon
Report referred to below (Indecon 2013).
Women in decision-making
Women continue to be hugely underrepresented in decision-making. The share of women in the
national parliament has increased slightly at 15% from 2012 to 16% in 3Q2015 giving Ireland one
of the lowest rankings of 23rd and compared to the EU-28 average of 28% in 2015. The share of
women in national government on the contrary has jumped from an extremely low level at 13%
in 2013 to 27% in 3Q2015, as a result of a shake up at Cabinet level with new women Ministers for
Justice and for Arts. This means that Ireland matches the EU-28 average of 27% in national
government and has attained a ranking of 15th.
The share of women in quoted companies rose from 9% in 2012 to 11% in 2013 and 2014 and
has risen to 13% in 3Q2015 compared to an EU-28 average of 21%, giving Ireland a relatively low
ranking of 19th in the EU. The share of women in decision-making positions in institutions
shows a diversified trend. For the Central Bank it rose from 8% in 2011, to 17% in 2012, to 21% in
2013 and to 25% in 2014 an 2015, surpassing the EU-28 average of 21% for 2015; for the
Supreme Court it fell from 22% in 2011 to 11% in 2012/2013 but rose to 33% in 2014, falling
again slightly to 30% in 2015 ranking Ireland 15th with the EU-28 average at 39%. Within national
administration (level 2 administrators) there was a significant rise from 22% in 2011 to 26% in
2012 followed by a fall to 22% in 2013 and an increase to 24% in 2014, way below the EU-28
average of 40% for 2015, again positioning Ireland at the lower end of EU rankings at 25th.
When the numbers are small (for example, in central government and on the Supreme Court) one
or two new appointments can generate significant changes in the data. Ireland has traditionally had
very poor representation of women in public spheres and decision-making systems and continues
to show proportions that are well under EU-28 averages, with no significant signs of change.
However, the General Election 2016 will see the first results of the gender quota legislation on
party political election candidates (see below).
Education
The reduction in the early leavers from school and training (% of population aged 18-24)
which has been evident over recent years has continued through to 2014. Early school-leaving is
significantly higher among young men, but reducing gradually 11.2% in 2012, 9.8% in 2013, and
8% in 2014 (less than the EU-28 average of 12.7% in 2014). Among young women a significant
decrease is also evident (albeit at a slower rate and from a lower base) from 8.2% in 2012 to 6.9%
in 2013 and to 5.7% in 2014 (less than the EU-28 average of 9.5% in 2014). Ireland ranked 20th
among EU-28 for young women and young men.
The percentage of women attaining tertiary educational qualifications (15-64) continues at a
high level (from 38% in 2012 to 40% in 2013 to 39.3% in 2014) and at a higher rate compared to
that of men (from 31.3% in 2012 to 32.6% in 2013 to 32.3% in 2014). Rates for 2014 are all
significantly higher than the EU-28 average (27.5% for women and 24.5% for men).
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COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
In the 30-34 age group the percentage remains very high at 58.6% for women (down slightly from
58.7%in 2013) compared to the EU-28 average of 42.3% in 2014. Men’s attainment rate is lower at
45.1% in 2014 (also very slightly down from 45.9% in 2013) well above the EU-28 average of
33.6% in 2014. These figures show an extremely high rate of participation and ranked Ireland 2 nd
for women and 3rd for men among EU-28.
Violence
The most comprehensive official national survey of sexual violence experienced by both women
and men was carried out in 2002 and revealed the estimated the prevalence of various forms of
sexual violence against Irish women and men across the lifespan from childhood through
adulthood. Among its key findings were that 20% of girls and 16% of boys in Ireland experience
contact sexual abuse in childhood; 42% of women and 28% of men experienced some form of
sexual abuse or assault in their lifetime; 24% of perpetrators of sexual violence against adult
women are partners or former partners; just 1% of men and 8% of women reported their
experience of sexual to the police; 47% of those reporting abuse had never told anybody (The
Savi Report: A National Study of Irish Experiences, Beliefs and Attitudes Concerning Sexual
Violence', 2002). There have been repeated calls for an up-to-date SAVI report and this is urgently
needed. There is no data on harmful practices, cyberviolence or slavery.
The most recent official national study on the scale and nature of domestic abuse was carried
out in 2008 by COSC, the government agency responsible for co-ordinating policies towards
gender-based violence. Among its findings were that 15% of women and 6% of men have
experienced severely abusive behaviour from a partner and an estimated 213,000 women and
88,000 men have been severely abused by a partner at some point in their lives. Earlier official
research by the National Crime Council found that 1 in 7 women have experienced severe abusive
behaviour of a physical, sexual or emotional nature from a partner at some times in their lives. This
national survey found that less than 25% of those severely abused reported to the police
(Domestic Abuse of Women and Men in Ireland: Report on the National Study of Domestic Abuse,
National Crime Council and ERSI, 2005).
The recent Report of the EU Fundamental Rights Agency Survey records that over a quarter (26%)
of women surveyed in Ireland had experienced physical and/or sexual violence by a partner or
non-partner since the age of 15 (FRA 2014). Data on domestic violence is collected on both
women and men and official data show that 1 in 7 women in Ireland compared to 1 in 17 men
experience severe domestic violence. Women are over twice as likely as men to have experienced
severe physical abuse, seven times more likely to have experienced sexual abuse, and are more
likely to experience serious injuries than men (National Crime Council and ESRI).
In 2011, a once-off representative survey of domestic violence services reported a 40%
increase in demand for services between 2009 and 2011 (SAFE Ireland 2012). Despite this
increase, funding to services has decreased significantly to a varying degree across different
regions, for example a 30% cut in rape crisis services in the north-east (NWCI 2012). In 2013,
there were 17,855 incidents of domestic violence disclosed on an annual basis to the Women's Aid
National Freephone Helpline, a women’s service. These included 11,756 incidents of emotional
abuse, 3,711 incidents of physical abuse and 1,813 incidents of financial abuse disclosed. In the
same year, 575 incidents of sexual abuse were disclosed to Helpline support workers including
201 rapes. The Women's Aid National Helpline responded to 11,724 calls in 2012 (Women's Aid
Annual Report 2013).
In a one-day representative survey on 6th November 2013, 467 women and 229 children were
accommodated and/or received support from a domestic violence service; 109 helpline calls were
received from women; 115 women and 155 children were living in a refuge; 16 women could not
be accommodated due to lack of space (Safe Ireland National One Day Census of Domestic
Violence Services 2013).
The NWCI have responded with great concern to the publication of the official Garda
Inspectorate Report arguing that “even a cursory glance at the findings has shown a glaring need
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for a thorough review into how domestic and sexual violence is investigated. One of the most
glaring statistics in the report is that out of approximately 11,000 reported cases of domestic
violence, someone was arrested in a minuscule 287 cases. It is inconceivable that for the vast
majority of women who have taken the extremely difficult first step in reporting the devastating
crime of domestic violence, their cases have not been followed up on. This would be even more
frustrating given the reported lack of follow-up contact in many cases.” (NWCI 2014).
3.
GENDER EQUALITY INFRASTRUCTURE
The Irish Constitution contains a general provision that allows the State to give “due regard to the
differences of capacity, physical and moral, and of social function” between men and women
(Article 40.1). Gender equality is not mentioned. On the contrary, two provisions in the Constitution
(Articles 41.2.1 and 41.2.2) recognise a narrow role for women in the home and as mothers. There
is no recognition of fathers in the Constitution. The Constitution under the highly controversial 8th
Amendment recognises foetal rights as equal to pregnant women’s rights, and women’s
reproductive health provision (abortion laws and related polices) are, as a consequence, highly
restrictive.
Gender equality legislation was introduced in the 1970s after Ireland first became a member of
the European Economic Community (EEC). The introduction of broader equality legislation
together with new equality infrastructure in the 2000s brought in protection against discrimination
on nine grounds (including age, disability, sexual orientation, religion and ethnicity) in both
employment and access to services. A new Gender Recognition Act 2015 has been passed by
parliament providing for the issuing of passports to transgender people based on self-declaration of
‘preferred gender’ for those over 18 years.
Gender machinery until 2014 has been centred on the statutory body for the promotion of
equality, the Equality Authority (EA), and that for the enforcement of equal treatment legislation,
the Equality Tribunal. At the onset of recession in 2008, the budget of the EA was cut by 43%.
Despite criticisms that it is a cost-saving measure, the process of merging the EA with the Irish
Human Rights Commission has now been completed. Both agencies have been dissolved and
their functions transferred to the new Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission (IHREC). A
new development associated with the new Commission is the “positive duty” obligation placed on
the public sector. The introduction of this positive duty requires public bodies to “have regard to”
the need to eliminate discrimination, promote equality of opportunity and protect the human rights
of its employees and service users. The implementation of this new provision should result in a
greater focus on equality by public bodies, though enforcement will be an issue. The IHREC, in
one of its first initiatives, focused on gender, by organising a Conference on Beijing + 20 in
February 2015 co-hosted by the National Women’s Council of Ireland.
The economic crisis saw the budget of the National Women’s Council of Ireland (NWCI) (the
primary women’s representative organisation representing nearly 200 women’s organisations) cut
by 38%. Over the same time period, the independence of relevant statutory agencies has been
undermined and government departments have absorbed the work of key agencies such as the
Combat Poverty Agency and the National Consultative Committee on Racism and Interculturalism.
Other organisations have also seen their work drawn in under the Health Service Executive of the
Department of Health, such as the Women’s Health Council (WHC) and the Crisis Pregnancy
Agency. The outcome has been that the strength of independent equality and equality-related
infrastructure has been substantially and disproportionally weakened (ERA, 2011).
A significant gender mainstreaming policy had been established during the late 1990s and early
2000s when a National Development Plan (partly funded by EU structural funds) adopted gender
mainstreaming as a horizontal principle, Gender Impact Assessment Guidelines were issued
and applied to most areas of policy and a Gender Mainstreaming Unit (GMU) was established.
Gender mainstreaming is not a specified principle applied under the current National Reform
Programme 2007-2013. Meanwhile, the GMU has been replaced with a Gender Equality Unit
(within the Department of Justice and Equality) with a significantly smaller budget and a lesser
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remit, mainly responsible for monitoring the implementation of the National Women’s Strategy,
which has recently established a gender equality website. The Gender Equality Unit in the
Department of Education no longer exists. It remains to be seen whether the new IHREC will
pursue gender mainstreaming, and to what extent, and whether functions of the EA for example in
providing some limited supports to companies developing and implementing Equality Action
Plans will be maintained.
There is no gender budgeting or auditing carried out in Ireland. The Equality Budgeting
Campaign, a broad-based coalition of NGOs, trade unions and is campaigning for the introduction
of equality budgeting.
Under the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) Equality Index 2013, Ireland was
placed in eight position, above the EU average, receiving its lowest scoring for power, linked to the
very low level of representation of women across the decision-making system (EIGE 2015).
4. GENDER EQUALITY BY POLICY ISSUES
Despite the importance of women to the expansion of the Irish labour force over the past decade,
there has been no attempt in economic and social policies over the crisis period to create a
balance of policies reflecting a commitment to gender equality. Gender equality received little or
no attention in the policy-making process within employment or social policy over the period of the
economic crisis. Policies have been increasingly presented as gender neutral without any gender
specific analysis or even gender disaggregated data. Important policy developments, which have
been presented as gender neutral, are in fact highly significant from a gender equality perspective.
Budget 2016 saw a whole new set of policy measures, some that have significant impications for
gender equality, and stated to be Ireland’s first post-recession budget. Budget 2016 was
introduced into the Irish Dail (parliament) in October 2015. As women constitute the majority of low
paid workers, the increase in the National Minimum Wage from €8.65 to €9.15 per hour, together
with an increase in Family Income Supplement (FIS) and the removal of some low paid workers
from the penalising Universal Social Change (USC) introduced in 2011 are important changes
most of which will come into effect in January 2016. 75% of the Christmas 'double-payment' for
those on welfare has been restored and a €3.00 per week increase in the State pension were also
announced. Some new measures of child support were described as supporting households with
young children - a €5.00 per week increase in the universal Child Benefit and a second year of
early childhhod education will be introduced in September 2016, see below.
Labour market
Equality legislation introduced in the 1970s (following Ireland’s membership of the EEC), and
updated to include diverse grounds of discrimination in 1998-2000, makes it illegal to discriminate
on grounds of gender in relation to “equal work” or work of “equal value”. There are no specific
regulations on the gender pay gap. A range of factors has been found to generate and sustain the
gender pay gap, which was found to be 14.4% in 2012. Young women’s earnings were estimated
at more than 90% of young men’s wages but this falls to 71.5% in the 35-44 age groups and to
only 61.4% for women aged 55-64 years. Ireland has the second highest rate of low pay in the
developed world and it is women who make up the majority of those on low pay. There are a
number of reasons for the persistent significant pay gap, including the fact that women continue to
have the primary responsibility for care, undervaluing of women’s work and skills, low number of
women in senior and leadership positions, and discrimination against women (European
Commission 2012).
The key pieces of legislation affecting those on low pay, the majority of whom are women, are the
equality legislation, the statutory National Minimum Wage (NMW) established in 2000, the
Protection of Employees (Part-Time Work) Act 2001, and the Protection of Employees (Fixed-Term
Work) Act 2003 (these two pieces of legislation refer to pro rata and contractual entitlements) and
the Organisation of Working Time Act, 1997 (see below). Despite significant pressure, Ireland had
a statutory NMW frozen at a pre-crisis level of EUR 8.65 per hour. The newly established
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Commission on Low Pay, an advisory and consultative organisation on policies to address low
pay, published its Report to government in July 2015 arguing for an increase of 50 cents in the
NMW, an increase of 5.8%, bringing the rate to €9.15 per hour in January 2016. A single person on
minimum wage is estimated to gain €708 per annum, a wage increase of 7.82%. This is the first
increase for eight years, and is estimated will have a positive impact on 4.7% of those in paid
employment, but has already been campaigned against by the main employer organisations who
issued a minority report to this effect as part of the Low Pay Commission. A counterview is put
forward by social justice advocacy organisations arguing the need for a Minimum Income required
to meet basic needs of €11.50 per hour (www.ibec.ie, www.socialjusticeireland.ie;
www.lowpaycommission.ie). The OECD (2013) Report highlighted Ireland had the second highest
percentage of low paid jobs in the developed world. This is a clear indication that low pay
characterises the labour market, impacting in particular on women, young people and migrants.
Low pay combined with zero or low hours contracts traps a significant gendered sector of the
labour market into long-term disadvantage. However, while in Ireland workers on zero hours
contracts are protected to a degree by the Organisation of of Working Time Act 1997, this does not
apply to caual employment. Under the Act workers with a zero hours contract who works less than
25% of their hours in any week are entitled to compensattion. The level of compensation depends
on whether the employee got any work or none at all. If the employee got no work, then the
compensation should be either for 25% of the possible available hours or for 15 hours, whichever
is less. If the employee got some work, they are entitled to be compensated to bring them up to
25% of the possible available hours.
The process of social partnership agreements around pay, economic and social policy collapsed
in 2009 and, after a period of conflict and unrest, a limited agreement was signed with public sector
unions only. The “Croke Park Agreement” included a pay freeze across the public sector, no
increase in core tax rates, no reduction in core social welfare rates until the end of 2013, increased
flexibility and a public sector early retirement scheme to achieve significant reductions in the
numbers employed. Broader public policy, including equality policy, was no longer on the agenda.
A new agreement, the “Haddington Road Agreement” was signed in the Summer 2013 and
includes significant increased hours, changes to rostering, temporary suspension of annual
increments, shift payments, and certain special allowances paid mainly to frontline workers in the
police and the health services. Disputes within some parts of the public sector concerning the
terms of this new agreement have taken place over recent months involving teachers, power
workers, and rail workers, but have been resolved through last-minute interventions by the Labour
Relations Commission. A new round of ‘post-recession’ paytalks took place over the Summer 2015
in advance of the October Budget.
Social welfare regulations have an impact on accessing the formal labour market. Those signing
on for Job Seekers Allowances must demonstrate that they are available and seeking full-time
employment. Many women looking for part-time employment in order to combine paid
employment and care responsibilities are thus not eligible for Job Seekers Allowance. This
discriminates against and creates dependency for thousands of women. These regulations should
be changed so that those seeking part-time employment are eligible to register as unemployed,
and access the full range of labour market activation programmes. Thousands of other women are
designated as dependants under a system that continues to use a household-based structure and
in which women do not have independent claimant status. Cuts to Maternity Benefit (MB) and the
projected negative consequences on separated fathers of the “primary carer” aspect of the new tax
credit for lone parents will have gendered impacts, and may undermine progress towards shared
caring responsibilities.
Policies introduced in the crisis years have had negative consequences on lone parents who are
recipients of the One Parent Family Payment (OPFP). In one measure targeted at lone parents
on welfare, the critical earnings disregard that enabled many to reattach to paid employment had
been cut to €60 - but will be increased again to €90 in January 2016 – not sufficient to alleviate
poverty traps for lone parents, the large majority of whom are women. One of the most significant
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budgetary changes over the crisis years was to the One Parent Family Payment (OPFP) with the
age threshold of the youngest child reduced from 18 (or 22 if the child is still in full-time
education) to seven, over a phased period of years. Budget 2016 has seen the age threshold
increased back to 14 years of age. The new arrangements have meant that those who no longer
qualify for the OPFP would instead qualify for Job Seekers Allowance. In a concession to the
strong campaigning of lone parents and women’s organisations, lone parents are transfered to a
new arrangement called “jobseeker’s transition”, under which availability for part-time work is
deemed eligible for payment. From a gender perspective, availability for part-time work should be
deemed as meeting the criteria for all the job seeking applicants, the recognition of which for Lone
Parents highlights the importance of its application to all those on Job Seekers Allowance. Further
concessions have been announced in Budget 2016 that will see some easing of the cuts to lone
parent supports. It is estimated that 6,000 lone parents will benefit from these changes, although
pre-crisis levels of supports are still far away. The marginal increases in the Family Income
Supplement (FIS) rate (€5 for families with one child and €10 for families with two or more children)
is estimated will benefit 60,000 low-income families with over 131,000 children in 2016 approximately 66% of families in receipt of FIS have one or two children.. This includes an
estimated additional 1,500 households and 3,365 children becoming eligible for FIS as a result of
the increase in income thresholds –
Issues faced by migrant women from non-EU countries can create precarious work situations.
Many women who travel or join partners do not have work permits or visas in their own right, and
are vulnerable to super-exploitation on the labour market (many in the care sector) and by the sex
industry. Asylum seekers are locked into deep poverty and deprivation through refusal of their
right to work, no welfare entitlement, use of institutionalised private profit-making centres to house
them in which over-crowding, lack of autonomy, dignity and mass catering are all huge issues of
basic human rights. Research has shown high levels of mental illness among women, men and
children forced into long-term stay in these unacceptable conditions (Irish Refugee Council 2013).
Formal childcare services
There is an extremely low level of public support for childcare and, what little provision there was,
has been eroded during the recession. Parents largely rely on private market services or
family and community services for both pre-school childcare and out-of-school care.
Support for community-based childcare services in disadvantaged areas has suffered during the
recession and cutbacks in child benefit have reduced resources at household level. Communitybased childcare services have been reduced, and the early childhood supplement has been
abolished. The most comprehensive recent research report revealed that just over 40% of
households with pre-school children use non-parental childcare, although the percentage of lone
parents with pre-school children using parental childcare is significantly less, at 30%.
Provision in the childcare sector is diverse and fragmented. Parents typically avail of one or more
of a number of forms of provision, including parental care, informal care, child-minding (family day
care), workplace crèches, private and community nurseries and crèches, community and private
sessional services for 3-5 year-olds and primary education (NWCI 2008). In 2010, a scheme was
introduced to provide children of 4 years of age with a limited free place in the Early Childhood
Care and Education (ECCE) scheme, on a part-time basis, 3 hours a day, 5 days a week, for 38
weeks a year. Any additional hours are paid for by parents themselves. The scheme is estimated
to have cost around €175ml and 95% of eligible children have taken up places. The second year of
the ECCE programme that has been announced will cover children aged three, as well as those
aged four (until they start in school) and is estimated to cost €140ml. The extended programme
has been welcomed but also criticised as it does not come into effect until September 2016 and is
of limited value to women wishing to access paid employment because of its restrictive nature: 3
hours a day, five days a week for on average 61 weeks over two years. Service providers, which
are predominantly private market-based, argue that those availing of full-time care are effectively
subsiding this early childhood initiative, and that the low rates of public subsidy forces employers to
pay low wages, across the childcare sector (www.earlychildhoodireland.ie). So, while the new
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measures have been largely welcomed in a pre-election year, their impact is positive but marginal
in the context of the cut-backs that have been imposed over the recession years. A budget line for
after-school care of EUR €14ml was also announced in Budget 2013 and is being used in
disadvantaged areas. Most parents have to rely on the private market or family support for afterschool services.
Childcare costs are extremely high and affordability is a big issue. According to the European
Anti-Poverty Network Ireland (EAPN Ireland) it is estimated that childcare costs account for 51% of
total costs or 30% of disposable income in double income households with two young children.
EAPN Ireland also highlight that, while there is finance available for capital programmes, resources
are limited for staffing and running costs and so this burden is increasingly being passed on to the
users who just do not have the money to afford the service (EAPN Ireland 2007). A 2010 report by
the OECD revealed that households with young children in Ireland pay on average 41% of their
income on childcare (OECD 2010). Another OECD Report (2013) highlights that Ireland spends
less than 0.2% of GDP on care and education for pre-school children. Ireland ranks 18th overall in
the 2012 study of 45 countries, behind most EU states with the exception of Hungary, Greece and
Poland. Through Early Childhood Education Centers, Ireland has improved its ranking in relation to
the availability of childcare, where it ranks 12th; quality of childcare in which it ranks 14th; and
affordability of childcare in which it drops to 29th place. OECD figures show just how much of an
Irish family’s income after taxes childcare costs represents: 29% of a dual income-earning family
but 51% of a lone parent’s net income (OECD 2013).
A research report which provoked much debate explored the extent to which the high costs of
childcare act as a barrier to accessing paid employment, particularly in low-income
households and concluded that 25% of parents have been prevented from accessing paid
employment by the high costs of childcare, including 56% of parents in low-income households
(Indecon 2013). Indecon estimates the cost of full-time childcare at EUR 16,500 per annum in a
two-child household, putting the cost of childcare in Ireland, as a percentage of average wages,
second highest in the OECD. Key recommendations are that individuals who are long-term
unemployed should have a subsidy of 67% of their childcare costs up to a maximum of EUR 5,000;
low-income households should have a subsidy of 50%; those on the average industrial wage
should have a subsidy of 40%. The report also recommends that the subsidies should apply to all
tax compliant and publicly subsidised childcare facilities. The cost to the Exchequer is estimated at
EUR 20,000,000 (Indecon 2013). In practice, unless the availability and the cost of childcare are
addressed, then the policy changes that cut child benefits, thus reducing resources at household
level, will continue to have a negative impact on low-income households (particularly lone mothers)
and will do nothing to increase their participation in paid employment (Indecon 2013).
A Report by the Irish Interdepartmental Working Group on Future Investment in Early Years and
School Age Care and Education Services on Investment in Childcare was published in July 2015.
The Report explores a range of policy options to strengthen childcare services and supports,
particularly for working parents. The aims of the Report are stated "to increase the affordability,
quality and supply of early years and school-age care and education services". Policy measures
that were examined include increasing paid parental leave from 6 months to one year, extending
the limited free pre-school year from one to two years and capping the cost of childcare at EUR
4.50 per hour for working parents. Capping the cost of childcare would be hugely beneficial for
parents in paid employment, however at this point it is presented as one of a possible range of
options without a strategy for implementation. Priority options matched with resources will not
become apparent until the coming October budget. This Report comes in the context of the
historical under-investment in childcare resulting in a system based on private market-based
provision of the most expensive childcare system across EU and OECD countries. Ireland spends
just 0.2% of GDP on childcare compared to an OECD average of 0.8% of GDP.
Certain measures, such as tax relief on childcare payments are ruled out as 'too expensive' by this
Report. Others are said to incur extensive costs and it is stated would only be brought in over a
number of years. There is a recognition of the specific needs of low income housholds and of the
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crucial issue of the quality of childcare and early education supports. The conditions of those
working in predominantly low-paid childcare services are not addressed. While extended parental
leave is an option considered, and there is an emphasis on take-up rates by both men and women
parents, there is no reference to paternity leave, which means a lack of recognition of father’s roles
immediately after a new birth. Because there is, at this point, no specific commitment to prioritising
and implementing different options it is too early to assess this Report from a policy perspective.
However, it is useful to have potential options outlined, and to have an indication that childcare is
receiving more attention by government, which have be translated into a number of specific new
measures in the Budget 2016 (Interdepartmental Working Group, 2015).
Reconciliation
 Recent policy changes
The most recent measure was introduced in January 2014 and reduced the value of Maternity
Benefit (MB) from EUR 262 per week to EUR 230 per week. This will affect 90% or 23,000 women
on maternity leave, will cost thousands of mothers EUR 832 over the full six months of paid
maternity leave, and may discourage women from availing of their hard-fought-for six-month paid
leave. A small proportion of women who were on the lower rate of payment will have their
payments increased to the new single rate of EUR 230. Since July 2013 MB payments are subject
to taxation, a policy decision that has negative impacts on the income of women, and middle and
lower income households, in the period following the birth of a child. Despite the fact that the
Commission on Taxation concluded that MB should be left outside the tax net, and the
recommendation by the NWCI that MB should only be taxed when a woman is receiving full salary
on maternity leave, the government is pursuing this policy aimed at increasing tax revenue. Prior to
this change women did not pay tax on the EUR 6,812 (EUR 262 per week) of MB that those who
are eligible receive for a period of six months. Many employers pay a top-up to women on
maternity leave, which has always been subject to taxation. Under this new system, up to EUR
2,700 of the benefit payment will be subject to tax at a rate of up to 41%. It is estimated that the tax
will bring into the Revenue Commissioners some EUR 40,000,000 in a full year.
 Flexibe work arrangements
There is no statutory entitlement to flexibile work practices. Within the public sector flexi-time,
career breaks, term-time working and job sharing are common, accounting for its attractiveness for
women in paid employment. Some other, mainly large, employers offer similar schemes but they
are at the discretion of the employer.
 Parental/maternity/paternity leave
Significant improvements in the entitlement to maternity leave had been introduced over the last
decade. Maternity leave continues to be paid to women for 26 weeks at 80% of earnings (subject
to a minimum of EUR 217.80 and a maximum of EUR 232 per week) and a further 16 weeks of
unpaid leave can be taken. A minimum of 2 weeks must be taken before the end of the week in
which the baby is due. Top-up payments are paid by employers in many cases, but these are
discretionary. Maternity leave is funded from the Social Insurance Fund, financed by contributions
from employers and employees. The majority of employees pay at a rate of 4% of earnings, and
employers at a rate of 10.05%. Payment is granted by the Department of Social Protection to
women who have paid a certain number of social insurance contributions on their own insurance
record. For the first time, the new budget introduced two weeks of statutory entitlement to
Paternity Leave to be introduced in January 2016.
Changes to parental leave entitlements were introduced in March 2013, giving effect to EU
Council Directive 2010/18/EU. Parental leave is unpaid. The main changes are an increase in
leave entitlement from 3 to 4 months, the extra month being non-transferable between parents.
The government states that they hope that this non-transferable period will encourage men to take
parental leave, and encourage a more equal sharing of family responsibilities between men and
women. The changes also include the right to request flexible working arrangements upon return
from leave.
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Parents are now entitled to 18-week unpaid parental leave per parent per child (i.e. an individual
right), which must be taken up to the child’s eighth birthday. Leave may be taken in separate
blocks of a minimum of 6 continuous weeks or more favourable terms subject to the employer’s
agreement. Parents who are employed by the same employer may transfer all or part of their
parental leave entitlements to the other parent, subject to the employer’s agreement. There is no
recent data on the take-up of parental leave by fathers. Employees are entitled to three-day paid
force majeure leave in time of urgent family crisis in any 12 consecutive months, up to a limit of 5
days in any 36 consecutive months.
As the latest Report on Ireland by the International Leave Network highlights “The maximum period
of post-natal leave available in Ireland is 18 months, but most of this is unpaid; leave paid at a low
flat rate lasts for only six months. There is an entitlement to a place in Early Childhood Care and
Education (ECCE) from 3¼ years of age, though only for part-time nursery education (15 hours a
week for 61 weeks over two years). So there is a substantial gap between the end of leave and an
ECCE entitlement, and a gap of nearly three years between the end of well-paid leave and an
ECCE entitlement. Levels of attendance at formal services for children under three years are about
the average for the countries included in this review and OECD countries; but well below the
average for children over three years” (www.leavenetwork.org).
A national study of pregnancy at work conducted in 2007-2009 based on a survey of women in
receipt of child benefit looked at the question of take-up of leave. 92% of mothers took paid
maternity leave, while 41% took unpaid maternity leave, mostly in addition to paid leave. Women
who were self-employed, worked in temporary/casual jobs or part-time employment during
pregnancy were less likely to take paid maternity leave. Nearly half (48%) of employed women
received a top-up payment from their employer. Nearly one-third (32%) of the women in
employment surveyed experienced problems around maternity leave. Almost one-fifth (19%) of
women had their request for parental leave refused, or not in the form requested. The study
showed that take-up of unpaid parental leave is linked to women’s ability to afford it. There is no
data available on the take-up of parental leave by fathers (HSE Crisis Pregnancy Programme and
Equality Authority 2011; International Leave Network 2014 www.leavenetwork.org).
All statutory leave entitlements in Ireland count as pensionable service. There is no statutory
provision for childcare leave, or family leave. The low level of prosion of paternity leave, and the
unpaid nature of parental leave, has been compounded by a new measure proposed in Budget
2014, which means an end to the one-parent family tax credit which was claimable by both parents
in a situation of family break-up. This is being replaced with a Single Person Child Carer Credit
that is only payable to the “primary” carer and effectively no longer recognises shared parenting.
This is likely to reinforce traditional gender roles and impact negatively onthe male role in caring
within a situation of family break-up. These changes represent a significant loss for many lowincome households when combined with the cutbacks in Child Benefit over successive budgets.
The new Minister of State for Equality has stated his intention to introduce two weeks paid
paternity leave, but no proposals have yet come to Parliament.
 Leave for caring for older dependants
There is no statutory provision for general leave for caring for older dependants. Employees with
12-month continuous service are now entitled to 104 (previously 65 months) weeks of unpaid
carer’s leave to provide full-time care for a dependant (e.g. a child or older person with a severe
disability or illness) either in one continuous period or as several blocks of time. Employees may
work up to ten hours per week while on this carer’s leave, subject to certain income limits. An
employee on carer’s leave may be entitled to a means-tested carer’s benefit. This statutory leave
entitlement counts as pensionable service.
Pension
Gender differences within the pension system are marked. Women are far less likely to be covered
by occupational pensions than men; a significant number of women are classified as qualified adult
dependants under the household-based claimant system. Many women are penalised within the
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system because they carried most of the social responsibility for unpaid care work in families,
which means that it was significantly harder for women to build up adequate contributions in both
private and public pension systems. This has changed for those who are full-time carers since
1995, but leaves the (mainly) women before that date penalised for their role as carers.
The qualifying pension age rose from 65 to 66 years in 2010; will rise up to 67 in 2021; and rise
again to 68 years in 2028. There is a very marginal gap between the effective retirement age for
women at 63.5 years and men at 63.3 years (in 2011) and official retirement age or eligibility for
the state pension (66 years). This gap is set to widen over the coming years. No proposals have
been put forward by government as to how they are going to bridge the gap between the effective
retirement age and the statutory pension age.
Changes have been introduced to the Irish pension system, primarily affecting public sector
pensions and employment, an important employer of women workers. Changes to the pension
system for new entrants were introduced in 2009, which mean reduced pension entitlement for
new public servants. Additional measures have been introduced for specific groups of public sector
workers. Teachers and nurses, for example, mainly women, have had a significantly reduced pay
structure introduced for new entrants estimated at a lowered salary level of between 20% and
30%. This policy introduces a new gender inter-generational inequality in public employment.
Further changes are planned such that a total contributions approach will replace the current yearly
averaging system, and that the amount of pension paid will be directly proportionate to the number
of social insurance contributions and/or credits made over a person’s working life.
Women in decision-making
There has been just one specific new gender equality policy introduced over the past five years. It
is stated to address the underrepresentation of women in parliament by introducing gender
quotas on election candidates (put forward by political parties). Gender quotas have become law
since the Electoral Amendment (Political Funding) Bill 201i and will be implemented for the first
time in the forthcoming general election 2016. It brings a gender quota system for the first time into
the Irish system of representation. Political parties will be compelled to ensure that a minimum of
30% of all parliamentary candidates selected are women. The quotas are being put on a statutory
basis. They are binding, and state funding of parties will be cut by 50% where they fail to meet the
required quota. The quota of 30% of candidates will be increased to 40% in subsequent elections.
Political parties standing for the next national elections will be subject to the quota. Quotas did not
apply to the local elections in 2014.
Following the European Parliament vote in favour of gender quotas for publicly listed boards, the
NWCI has stated that the Irish government must identify what actions they plan to take to promote
gender equality in economic decision-making. Ireland is very much out of step with the European
Parliament vote, which called on companies to ensure that at least 40% of their non-executive
board members are women. Only state boards have shown significant improvement in the
representation of women now at 34%, compared to private board representation at 11% (lower
again at 5% among Ireland’s top 500 companies, of whom 43% have no women at all represented
on their boards) despite the fact that women now account for 45% of the paid workforce.
Guidelines have been issued by government for 40% representation of each gender on public
boards, but there is no process to ensure the attainment of this target, and no penalties associated
with a failure to put measures in place to achieve it. In a recent OECD survey of board
representation, Ireland emerged at the low end of the spectrum, 26th out of 34 countries (OECD,
2013). “Urgent action is required to ensure that Ireland does not fall further behind. In Ireland, only
9 per cent of board positions on the ISEQ20 and 34 per cent of state board positions are held by
women. This low rate of women’s representation is reflective of the persistent unequal access to
economic, social and cultural resources between women and men.” (NWCI 2014)
While there has been an increase of women within professional, and lower and middle managerial
positions within private sector companies, lack of flexible working arrangements, the absence of a
comprehensive childcare programme, limited leave entitlements (unpaid parental leave and no
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COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
paternity leave), and discriminatory practices have been cited as factors influencing the lack of
women in senior decision-making positions (NWCI 2014; Lunn 2012).
Gender-based violence
COSC, the National Office for the Prevention of Domestic, Sexual and Gender-based Violence
established in 2007, has responsibility for the delivery of a co-ordinated government response to
domestic, sexual and gender-based violence, and will now work under the new Child and Family
Support Agency (CFSA). The first National Strategy on Domestic, Sexual and Gender-based
Violence was published in March 2010, and follows the report of the Task Force on Violence
against Women.
 Domestic violence
In January 2014, the Child and Family Support Agency was established by the Department of
Children and Family Affairs (DCFA) which for the first time brings child and family social workers,
family support workers, social care workers, and education welfare officers together into a single
agency of services that are designated to protect children and support families. The agency brings
together over 4,000 staff and a budget of around EUR 609,000,000. It assumes responsibility from
the Health Service Executive for child welfare and protection, pre-school inspection, and domestic
violence and gender-based violence services, an important development particularly from the
perspective of women and gender equality. Reduced funding to front-line services and increased
demand for services over the crisis years has resulted in a high proportion of calls that cannot be
answered on helplines and women and children being turned away due to lack of refuge spaces
(Women’s Aid 2014).
The police force has the power to arrest and prosecute a violent family member under the 1996
Domestic Violence Act. Under the law there are two main kinds of protection available: a safety
order, which prohibits the violent person from further violence or threats of violence; a barring
order, which requires the violent person to leave the family home.
A publication highlighting the role of gender-informed analysis and responses to violence against
women was published in December 2013 by the Irish Observatory on Violence Against Women.
The Observatory is chaired by the National Women’s Council of Ireland (NWCI) and their
publication “Violence Against Women: An Issue of Gender: Highlighting the Role of Gender in
Analysis and Response” has contributed to the successful campaign for Ireland to sign the Istanbul
Convention in November 2015, the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combatting
Violence against Women and Domestic Violence.
The Director of the NWCI stated: “Violence against women comes at a high cost to society and
responses need to be located within a gender equality framework. Our publication highlights how
service providers must be aware of how gender creates different roles for women and men in
society. It is by taking account of unequal power relations between women and men that service
providers will be able to address different vulnerabilities experienced by different groups of women
and men. There can be no real equality between women and men if women experience genderbased violence on a large-scale and state agencies and institutions turn a blind eye. The Council of
Europe Convention is a benchmark at international level, and Ireland must show its commitment to
eradicating all forms of male violence against women by signing, ratifying and implementing the
Convention as a matter of urgency.” (NWCI 2013).
 Sexual violence
A Discussion Document on Future Direction of Prostitution Legislation was published in 2012
following a process of public consultation by the Oireachtas (Parliament) Committee on Justice and
Equality on the future development of a legal framework to regulate and police the sex trade in
Ireland. New proposed legislation to make it illegal to purchase sex and decriminalises those who
have been prostituted, based on the ‘nordic model’ is included in the new Sexual Offences Bill
2015 which will be debated in parliament before the end of 2015. This is a major change in
legislation and policy, away from the traditional model of criminalising prostituted women and men
and towards a model of criminalising buyers of sex.
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The new Sexual offences Bill 2015 is in the process of being introduced to Parliament in 2015
which focuses on combatting sexual exploitation of children and child abuse material, including the
use of the internet for sexual exploitation and sending of sexually explicit material to children. It
also contains measures against stalking. These new provisions, which have yet to become law,
have been criticized by the Rape Crisis Network of Ireland (RCNI) for failing to include a specific
definition of consent, as has been introduced recently in the UK.
The Anti-Human Trafficking Unit (AHTU) was established in the Departments of Justice, Equality
and Defence in 2008 and a National Action Plan to Prevent and Combat Trafficking in Human
Beings in Ireland 2009-2012 was published in 2009. A second National Action Plan has been
published in 2015 and will be debated in parliament. Civil society organisations are critical of
Ireland’s anti-trafficking legislation for failing to provide sufficient protection to victims and, in
particular, the housing of victims of trafficking in overcrowded and inappropriate asylum seekers
centres, without any of the necessary protections and supports. The new Sexual Offences Bill
2015 has also important new anti-trafficking provisions, which create limited, although increased
protections to victims of trafficking as well as criminalising the buyers of sex (www.ici.ie).
Harassment
The Employment Equality Act 1998 places an obligation on all employers in Ireland to prevent and
respond to sexual harassment at work. Sexual harassment is defined to include actions by a
fellow worker, someone in a superior position, a client, a customer or any other business contact
and as actions that may take place at work or on a training course, on a work trip or at a work
social event. An act or conduct is defined to include “spoken words, gestures or the production,
and display of written words, pictures and other material. This includes offensive gestures or facial
expressions, unwelcome and offensive calendars, screen-savers, e-mails and any other offensive
material; an act of physical intimacy or a request for sexual favours or any other act or conduct that
is unwelcome and that could reasonably be regarded as sexually offensive, humiliating or
intimidating”. Under the Act, the employer may be held responsible if a person is treated differently
at work because of their rejection or acceptance of harassment.
An employer is obliged to produce and distribute to all employees a policy that clearly sets out
what is unacceptable behaviour at work. An effective grievance or complaints procedure needs to
be in place that will deal with complaints about sexual harassment, and all employees must be
made aware of this. If a person is sexually harassed at work and the complaint is not effectively
investigated, a claim can be brought to the Equality Tribunal (or to the Courts), and the employer
may be obliged to pay compensation. An employer may defend itself by showing that it took
reasonably practical steps to prevent the sexual harassment from happening or that it took steps to
prevent a person from being treated differently at work. The Equality Authority has produced a
Code of Practice on Sexual Harassment and Harassment at Work.
5. FOLLOW UP OF THE EUROPEAN SEMESTER 2015
Following Ireland’s exit from the “bail-out” or Structural Adjustment Programme in November 2013,
the country has re-entered the process of employment policy review and the receiving of Country
Specific Recommendations (CSRs). Ireland has received one critical CSR that is relevant from a
gender perspective, focused on childcare and access to paid employment by women in low-income
households, and it reads as in the box that follows:
Recommendation 3: Take steps to increase the work-intensity of households and to address the
poverty risk of children (…) and through better access to affordable full-time childcare.
There is a evidence of an increased emphasis on childcare services and a recognition of their
importance in creating conditions for greater access to paid employment, particularly by women in
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COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
low-income households. This is reflected in the setting up, and reporting of, the Inter-departmental
Working Group on Investment in Childcare (see Section 4 above) which has identified a number of
important investment options. The extent to which the options identified in this Report are being
translated into new policiy measures became somewhat more evident following the publication of
October 2016 Budget. It is evident that the focus on the lack of publicly funded childcare in Ireland
by the European Commission through the CSRs, together with pressure from women’s, children’s
and other organisations in Ireland is beginning to have an impact within the policy-making system.
A number of important policy issues were raised in the CSRs for Ireland, which have also
important, indirect gendered impacts, for example they identify the importance of tackling low work
intensity of households and of addressing the poverty risk of children through tapered withdrawal of
benefits and supplementary payments upon return to employment. Women-headed households
and households with three of more children are the majority of low-income households in Ireland,
and the abrupt withdrawal of benefits is a significant factor in trapping women and children in
poverty and unemployment. This situation had been exacerbated by the introduction of the
Universal Social Charge (USC) in 2011, a regressive income tax paid on gross incomes of those
earning only marginally above the minimum wage. The last two budgets have seen significant
reforms of the USC raising the entry point threshold and reducing rates levied on lower income
households. The exemption limit has been raised to €13,000 (from €12,000) and incomes of
anything over €13,000 will pay the 1% rate (down from 1.5%); the 3% rate (down from 3.5%) will
be applied on incomes up to €18,688; the 5.5% (down from 7.0%) applied on incomes from
€18,668 up to €70,044; 8% rate, which is applied to any PAYE income over €100,000; 11% rate
applied to self-employed people with an income in excess of €100,000. The tax is estimated to
raise €4 billion in government revenue. The regressive aspect of this tax is still evident in that the
exemption limit continues to operate at marginally over the at-rate-of-poverty income level, the tax
is paid on gross incomes and the higher rate continues to come into effect marginally below the
NMW, estimated at €17,000 per annum.
Ireland has an extremely high proportion of people living in households with ‘low work intensity’ (in
which all adults in the household are estimated to have accessed less that 20% of their potential
work hours over the past year). At 23.9%, it is the highest in the EU and more than double the EU
average of 10.8 %. The rate was higher than the EU average prior to the crisis and surged from
14.3% in 2007 to 24.2% in 2011, before falling to 23.4% in 2012. An unique feature of Ireland’s
jobless households is that the majority have children. Around 18% of children in 2013 lived in
households with no aduts in paid employment. This rate is the highest in the EU and significantly
above the EU average of 11.2%.
“While fewer than 30% of adults in jobless households live with children in other EU15 countries, 56% do so in Ireland. Low work intensity is particularly severe among
single adult households with children, and the proportion of children living in
households with low work intensity is nearly three times the EU average. This
increases the risk of social exclusion of children, particularly those in lone-parent
households, with the overall at-risk-of-poverty and social exclusion rate for children
increasing from 26.2% in 2007 to 33.9 % in 2013 (EU Commission Report on
Ireland 2015).
Significant reforms have also been announced to policies that were having negative impacts on
Lone Parents (mostly women) and which have been compelling the majority onto Jobseekers
Allowance, despite the lack of childcare supports to these parents. The Back to Work Dividend and
Family Income Supplement in Budget 2015 have gone some way to bridging the gap in payments
to lone parents, and new measures in Budget 2016 will restore some of the value of the ‘income
disregard’ from January (still significantly less than its value of €140 at the onset of the crisis).
There has also been a reversion to 14 years of age (as the age of the youngest child) before
compulsory engagement for Lone Parents with the labour markert will be imposed. However, the
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COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
high cost of childcare has only been very partially addressed, with the second year promised in
September 2016 of the ECCE programme. The strong calls to reform the conditions of the ECCE
by increasing the hours and weeks of provision, in order to establish it as a measure to benefit
young children and also to act as a support to women in accessing paid employment, have not
been heeded. Consequently, households, particularly low-paid households (as has been
highighted in the Indecon Report) are likely to continue to be discouraged from accessing paid
employment (Indecon 2013; Barry and Conroy 2013; Murphy 2014). The highest level of low-work
intensity households and discouraged workers are found in Ireland. And those that are accessing
paid employment are not finding the hours of work they want, as it is now evident that nearly 33%
of part-time workers in Ireland do not want to work part-time and are underemployed - this
accounts for 8% of the workforce, predominantly women (Eurostat 2015). Unless a greater focus is
put on public resources for more comprehensive childcare (it is estimated that Ireland spends just
0.5% of government spending on early childcare compared to an EU average of 0.8%) this level of
discouragement and lack of supportive access will contine. The continued support for more
comprehensive childcare provision and supports for low-income households at both EU and
national levels is critical to this process.
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COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
GRID 1: POLICY MEASURES RELATED TO THE RECOMMENDATION 3 REQUIREMENTS
Policy Measure
Back to Work Family
Dividend available to
Job Seekers and Lone
Parents - under which
parents return In its first
year of implementation
– it will be paid for 2
years so long as the
person remains in
employment. Those in
low income famiiles
returnng to work will
retain an element of
their welfare payment
which they receive for
their children. Over two
years a family with one
child will receive support
of EUR 2,324; a family
with two children will
receive EUR 4,649; a
family with three
children will receive
additional support of
EUR 6,973.
Exact date
adoption
October 2014
of
Budget
allocation
€22 million
Actual financing and
stage of
implementation (for
adopted measures)
Implementation date
January 2015. In its first
year of implementation – it
will be paid for 2 years so
long as the person remains
in employment.
Financed directly from
Exchequer.
Is an independent
evaluation
foreseen?
Not announced
Expert assessment
of impacts in
relation to the CSRs
requirements
The measure is
ambitious enough to
have an impact in
relation to the
requirements of the
CSR1?
Will have a limited
impact on the stated aim
of creating ‘a financial
incentive’ to Lone
parents to take up
employment due to the
continued high cost of
childcare. It benefits
families with young
child/ren and not other
groups affected by low
pay.
Will have a beneficial
impact on Lone Parents
who have lost income as
a result of transferring to
Jobseekers Allowance,
but a gap will remain.
The measure that
should meet the
requirements of the
CSR is credible2?
It is credible, but
lmited in effect.
1
By ambition it is meant whether the measures consider all the different aspects of the gender equality objective they aim to achieve or do the measures simplify the
complexity of the issue
2 By credibility is meant whether the policy measures are likely to be implemented? Will they be implemented properly? Are they appropriately budget.
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COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
Policy Measure
Increase in Child
Benefit of €5 per child
per week to value of
€140 per child per
month.
Second Year of Early
Chilhood Care and
Education, for children
of 3 years of age
Increase in Lone
Parent ‘earnings
disregard’ from €60
to €90
Homecarer
tax
credit increased by
€190 to €1000 per
year
Exact date
adoption
October 2015
October 2015
of
Budget
allocation
€72 ml
€82 ml
Actual financing and
stage of
implementation (for
adopted measures)
Implementation date
January 2016 - financed
directly from Exchequer.
Implementation in 3rd
Quarter 2016 - financed
Is an independent
evaluation
foreseen?
Yes
Yes
directly from Exchequer.
October 2015
€8 ml
Implementation date
January 2016 - financed
Yes
directly from Exchequer.
October 2015
€14 ml
Implementation date
January 2016 –
financed directly be
Exchequer
No
The measure is
ambitious enough to
have an impact in
relation to the
requirements of the
CSR3?
The measure that
should meet the
requirements of the
CSR is credible4?
Only partially restored
benefit that was €166
per week in 2009.
Credible positive
impact but limited.
Stronger impact if the
Scheme had been
reformed to increase
no of hours and
weeks.
Measure is credible
but limited as to
benefits on women’s
employment rates
because of restricted
nature of scheme.
Will have a beneficial
impact on Lone Parents
who have lost income
as a result of
transferring to
Jobseekers Allowance,
but a gap will remain –
estimated to positively
effect 5,900 lone
parents
Important reform to
regain threatened/
actual loss of lone
parent benefit when
‘earnings disregard’
fell to €60 from level of
€146.50 euros in
2012.
It is a credible
measure and has
responded to critical
voices of lone parent
organisations and
others.
Positive limited impact
as linked to increased
threshold of allowed
earnings to value of
€7,200.
Limited benefit to
those low income
households with
homecarer.
Credible but limitied
in impact.
Expert assessment
of impacts in
relation to the CSRs
requirements
Approximately 1.2 ml
children will benefit –
which will have a
postive impact on low
income families.
Will have limited
benefit for families
with 3 year olds
children – 15 hourse
per week and 38
weeks per year.
3
By ambition it is meant whether the measures consider all the different aspects of the gender equality objective they aim to achieve or do the measures simplify the
complexity of the issue
4 By credibility is meant whether the policy measures are likely to be implemented? Will they be implemented properly? Are they appropriately budget.
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COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
Policy Measure
Increase in National
Minimum Wage (NMW)
from €8.56 to €9.15 per
hour.
Free access to
general medical
practitioners raised
to cover children up
to 12 years.
Additional 8,000
childcare places
under the
Community
Subvention Scheme
Exact date
adoption
October 2015
October 2015
of
Budget
allocation
Not based on
government
expenditure
but private
labour market.
€10 ml
Actual financing and
stage of
implementation (for
adopted measures)
Impleentation in January
2016. No financing
required.
Implementation in
January 2016 - financed
Is an independent
evaluation
foreseen?
Previously impacts of
NMW carried out by
independent
researchers – this is
likely to happen again.
October 2015
Implementation over
2016 - financed directly
from Exchequer.
Wil raise income levels
of those on lowest pay
rates. Estimates are that
that a single person on
39 hour week will
benefit by approximately
€700 per annum. PRSI
rates adjusted to reduce
impact on employers.
The measure is
ambitious enough to
have an impact in
relation to the
requirements of the
CSR5?
Incomes of low paid
households will increase
– estimated to have
positive impact on 73,000
households or 4.7% of
those in paid
employment.
The measure that
should meet the
requirements of the
CSR is credible6?
This is a credible
measure with
immediate impact from
January 2016.
Yes
Important particularly
for large families with
young children.
Estimated savings
based on average
annual cost of
doctors visits are
€200 per year.
Potentially will act as a
support to low income
families – creating
direct accesss to
estimated 200,000
children to primary
health care.
The measure is
credible However
negotiations on
contracts with GPs
have not bee
resolved so
implementation
issues are evident.
No
Important additional
childcare places in
disadvantaged
communities.
Will act as support to
low income
households.
Credible and positive
but limited.
directly from Exchequer.
€3.5 ml
Expert assessment
of impacts in
relation to the CSRs
requirements
5
By ambition it is meant whether the measures consider all the different aspects of the gender equality objective they aim to achieve or do the measures simplify the
complexity of the issue
6 By credibility is meant whether the policy measures are likely to be implemented? Will they be implemented properly? Are they appropriately budget.
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COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
Policy Measure
Entry level to
Universal Social
Charge raised and
tax rate lowered –
entry point raised
from €12,012 to
€13,000 and 1.5%
rate to 1.0%; 3.5%
rate to 3.0% and 7%
rate to 5.5%.
Two weeks
statutory paternity
leave
Christmas bonus to
welfare dependants
of extra 75% of
weekly payment.
Threshold Level for
eligibility for Family
Income Supplement
(FIS) increased by
€5 and €10 per week
for families with one
and two or more
children
respectively
Exact date
adoption
October 2015
of
Budget
allocation
€772ml
estimated in
reduced
revenue.
October 2015
€5 ml
October 2015
€72 ml
October 2015
€18ml
Actual financing and
stage of
implementation (for
adopted measures)
Implementation in
January 2016 - financed
Expert assessment
of impacts in
relation to the CSRs
requirements
The measure is
ambitious enough to
have an impact in
relation to the
requirements of the
CSR7?
The measure that
should meet the
requirements of the
CSR is credible8?
Yes
Important change
that will benefit low
and middle income
households.
Expected income
gain of over €500 per
year for low income
households with 2
children.
Measure will restore a
portion of significant
income loss since
USC introduced in
January 2011.
However, those on
NMW will still pay this
penalising change.
This is credible
measure and further
reforms of USC
promised in next
budget. However this
remains a regressive
tax and gains are
higher at higher
income levels.
Yes
Important first
recognition of
paternity care.
Limited impact but
important principle
Initial positive
chnage
No
Positive impact on
low income
households
Restored much of
traditional benefit lost
during recession.
Positive change for
low income
households.
Yes
Limited positive
impact on low income
families.
No change made to
the 19 hours of work
per week threshold for
eligibility which was
strongly called for.
Very marginal
increase with limited
impact.
Is an independent
evaluation
foreseen?
directly from Exchequer.
Implementation in
January 2016 –
financed through a
combination of
Exchequer, PRSI and
employer contribution.
Implementation date:
December 2015 –
financed directly from
the Excequer.
Implementation date:
January 2016 –
financed directly from
Exchequer.
7
By ambition it is meant whether the measures consider all the different aspects of the gender equality objective they aim to achieve or do the measures simplify the
complexity of the issue
8 By credibility is meant whether the policy measures are likely to be implemented? Will they be implemented properly? Are they appropriately budget.
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COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
Restoration of
respite grant
October 2015
€30 ml
January 2016 – funded
by Excequer
No
Positive impact for
those caring for
person with disability.
Restored grant that
was lost in 2012.
Posive impact for
specific families.
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COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
6. EUROPEAN SOCIAL FUND AND NATIONAL GENDER EQUALITY POLICIES
Under the Operational Programme for Human Resources (OPHR) for Ireland 2007-2013, the ESF
aimed to allocate EUR 375,000,000 assuming national matching funds. The overall budget for this
programme is EUR 1,360,000,000. These financial resources are stated as supporting lifelong
training courses and being used to provide training for those who are unemployed, for people with
disabilities, for early school-leavers and for other marginalised groups. The cutbacks in expenditure
on gender equality specific measures (Equality for Women Measure EWM) have been very
significant over the crisis years and because of the lack of allocation of national funding, matching
ESF funding has also been lost. Since 2009, just 11,346 women have participated on EWM
projects which include accreditated and non-acredited skills-based training and one-on-one
mentoring, together other support interventions. This may include personal development, CV and
interview skills preparation, work placement, career guidance, and life coaching for labour market
activities under Strand1 and business development, marketing, and financial management. In the
latter parts of the programme, participants availed of in-service development training.
Under the Draft Programme for Employability, Inclusion and Learning 2014-2020 supported by the
ESF and the Dept of Employment and Skills, key areas of support of ESF funding, combined at
times with the Youth Employment Initiative are detailed below (www.esf.ie).
“Priority 1: Promoting the attainment of sustainable and quality employment through
relevant upskilling measures and supporting labour mobility. The number of participants on
training and upskilling programmes for the unemployed or jobseekers is estimated to be
93,354 in 2018 and 132,890 in 2023.
Priority 2: Promoting Social Inclusion and combating discrimination in the labour market.
The number of participants from disadvantaged groups on social inclusion employability
programmes, including personal development towards employability programmes is
estimated to be 40,179 for 2018 and 67,565 in 2023.
Priority 3: Investing in Education, Training and Life Long Learning with a view to upskilling
and re-skilling the labour force. The number of participants in lifelong learning and third
level programmes is estimated to be 490,954 in 2018 and 719,604 in 2023.
Priority 4: Youth Employment Initiative The number of YEI eligible participants on
training/upskilling/personal development toward employability and work environment
(including supports for self-employed) programmes/projects is estimated to be 23,000 in
2018 and 23,000 in 2023.”
As part of the parallel restructuring programme that has been taking place, the national training
and employment agency (FAS) has being disbanded and replaced with a new institution, SOLAS
and new integrated local offices (INTREO) which will have both a further education (adult
education) and training remit.
The ESF mid-term evaluation of Labour Market Activation programmes showed that programmes
with the highest dropout rates were among those with particular disadvantages. “The evidence
shows variation in drop-out rates between individual training programmes funded by ESF, from
highest drop-out rates of 33% in 2007 and 31% in 2008 for the Community Training Centres
programme and lowest drop-out rates of 9% in 2007 and 8% in 2008 for the Bridging Training
programme. While the Bridging Training programme has a high proportion of participants who are
unemployed (64% in 2007 and 65% in 2008 on the Live Register), they have higher levels of
education with approximately half in both years having upper second level qualifications. Drop-out
rates on Specific Skills Training and Traineeship programmes are the next lowest (10%-12% in
2007/08).
The target group for the LMAF ranged from low-skilled to high-skilled and recently from employed
to long-term unemployed. It gave priority to unemployed people under 35 years, with low
education, in declining sectors, long-term unemployed and other vulnerable groups. The targeting
was reasonably effective. In terms of out-turn, 69% were men, 54% under 35 years, 62% educated
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COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
to secondary education, 56% unemployed for 12 months or less, 80% formerly employed in
declining sectors and 25% classified as vulnerable groups.
There are causes for concern however, in the evidence from the evaluation of ESF during the crisis
years, that the emphasis on gender equality has become extremely weak. The four priority areas
expenditure detailed above have no specific gender dimensions. Funding for the Equality for
Women Measure (EWM) which involved some small scale project funding under such themes as
gender pay gap, women on the labour market, women in entrepreneurship and women in decisionmaking was cut-back over the crisis years. The crisis has seen funding for gender equality
reallocated to general human resource expenditure, and the evidence above indicates that the
focus on declining sectors meant that the large majority (69%) of participants on the central
programme were men (mainly ex-construction workers).
There is welcome emphasis on gender equality (and other forms of equality) throughout the new
programme 2014-2020, particularly in relation to the capacity at administrative levels - local,
regional and central - to implement gender equality policies in practice and to ensure that effective
training, educational and awareness policieis are developed. There is recognition that the EWM in
the previous programme was significantly cut back when the economic recession hit the country,
with a negative impact affecting its key priority - to increase women’s employability, with a
particular focus on women from disadvantaged communitie as well as women entrepreneurs.
However, there is no mention in the new Programme of re-establishing this kind of targeted gender
equality programme with specific resource allocation, targets and timelines and it is not evident
whether the losses over the crisis years will be reversed.
There is, however, a stated commitment “to maximise the economic engagement of women to
achieve the goals of Europe 2020” and to address “the large number of women of all educational
backgrounds who are detached from the labour market”. While there are training programmes that
women can access who are on the live register, and a specific initiative towards migrant women,
women who have been off the paid labour market for an extended period are only targeted through
a low level initiative. There is a commitment to offer locally delivered development courses to some
women who are ‘deatched from the labour market’ based on self-development, confidence-building
and work-related skills. While this is also welcome, it is important that women are encouraged onto
specific skills training which have stronger success rates in terms of better pacement rates and job
opportunities. There is a danger that such courses remain at the level of ‘pre-work’ with limited
impact on women’s range of job opportunities. An important initiative (Tus Nua project) to support
women leaving the prision system to reintegrate into communities is also specified.
The programme does highlight that Ireland, as an EU member state, is expected to “balance robust
horizontal mainstreaming with specific actions to promote gender equality and prevent
discrimination on other equality grounds”. A very positive practice under ESF has been the cofunding of gender mainstreaming activities provided by the Department of Justice and Equality and
the Equality Authority aimed mainly at company level. The Programme also emphasises the new
positive duty on public bodies to develop and implement effective equality action plans (see
Section 3 above). The new programme also identifies further plans to promote equal opportunities
among employers, trade unions and the NGO sector.
Monitoring is critically important in this context as ESF funding structures, when clearly linked to
gender equality principles, and if implemented, have the potential to strengthen the gender
perspective in economic and social policy. In practice, the level of financing of gender
mainstreaming and gender equality recorded within, for example, the ESF Operational Programme
2014-2020 Ex-Ante Evaluation Report to Department of Education and Skills (Fitzpatrick &
Associates July 2016) is EUR 16,000,000, just a mere 1.4% of total expenditure, including just
15,000 women are targeted for participating in training courses aimed at increasing women’s
labour force attachment over the full course of the programme. Under gender mainstreaming the
output of the programme is to be measured by the number of projects targeting public
administration or public services, without any target specified.
9
COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
7. NATIONAL EQUAL PAY DAY
Gender equality data on the national web page www.talktoeu.ie to coincide with Equal Pay Day in
February 2015 highlighted that the gender pay gap in Ireland increased from 12.6% in 2008 to
14.4% in 2012 to 16.4% in 2013 compared to higher than the EU-28 average at 14.4%. The Irish
Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU) and NWCI websites include important documents and policy
analysis relevant to equal pay, for example Equality Now by ICTU, a guide to taking cases under
equality legislation, and the NWCI submission to Budget 2014. The Department of Justice and
Equality, Gender Equality Division has developed a new website specifically covering gender
equality (www.genderequality.ie) which is intended to encompass news and policy development on
equal pay as well as the implementation of the National Women’s Strategy.
SHORT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Barry, Ursula and Conroy, Pauline (2014), Ch 10 Ireland in Crisis: women, austerity and inequality
in Rubery, Jill and Karamessini, Maria, Women and Austerity – the economic crisis and the future
for gender equality, London Routledge.
Central Statistics Office (2013) Women and Men in Ireland. CSO, Dublin.
Central Statistics Office (2015) Employment and Unemployment Data. CSO, Dublin.
Central Statistics Office (2015) SILC Survey of Income and Living Conditions (2013). CSO, Dublin.
Central Statistics Office (2015) Household Finance and Consumption Survey CSO, Dublin.
COSC (2008), National Study on Domestic Violence against Women and Men by Intimate
Partners’ Government Publications, Dublin.
Department of Children and Family Affairs (2014) Child and Family Support Agency. www.dcfa.ie
Department of Employment and Skills (2014) Draft Programme for Employability, Inclusion and
Learning 2014-2020 supported by the ESF. www.esf.ie
Department
of
Justice
and
Equality
(2007),
National
Women’s
Strategy.
http://www.enterprise.gov.ie/en/
Department of Justice and Equality (2013) Discussion Document on Future Direction of Prostitution
Legislation. http://www.enterprise.gov.ie/en/
Equality and Rights Alliance (ERA) (2011), Response on Merger of the Equality Authority and the
Irish Human Rights Commission, Dublin. See: www.eracampaign.org
ESRI & EA (2014) The Gender Impact of Tax and Benefit Change : A Microsimulation Approach’.
Contact: info@equality.ie
European Anti-Poverty Network (EAPN) Ireland (2014) Pre-Budget Submission to Government,
and website Dublin. EAPN.
European Social Fund (2013): Ireland. See: http://www.momentumskills.ie
Fundamental Rights Agency (2014) Violence Against Women – an EU-wide Survey. www.fra.eu
Fitzpatrick and Associates (2014) ESF Operational Programme 2014-2020 Ex-Ante Evaluation
Report to Department of Education and Skills Fitzpatrick & Associates, Dublin.
GHK – Fondazione Giacomo Brodolini (2010), Evaluation of the European Social Fund’s support to
Gender Equality. See: ec.europa.eu/social/BlobServlet?docId=6643&langId=en
Harvey, Brian (2013), Travelling with Austerity: Impacts of Cuts on Travellers, Traveller Projects
and Services, Pavee Point, Dublin.
ICTU (2011), Equality Now – a guide to taking a case under equality legislation, ICTU, Dublin.
Indecon(2013): Indecon Report on Support for Childcare for Working Families and Implications for
Employment
IE Country Fiche 2013, 2014, 2015.
Indecon Report (2013) Support for Childcare for Working Families and Implications for
Employment. www.indecon.ie
Inter-departmental Working Group (2015) Future Investment in Childcare in Ireland. Government
Publications Office, Dublin.
International Leave Network (2013) International Review of Leave Policies and Related Research,
See: www.leavenetwork.org
International Monetary Fund (2013): Irish Economy 2013. IMF.
10
COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
Irish Independent (2012) Michael Brennan and Breda Heffernan, JobBridge scheme extended by
1,000 places and now includes lone parents, 9th May 2012.
Irish Times (2012) Kitty Holland, Childcare services crisis 8th May 2012. www.irishtimes.com
Irish Refugee Council, Report of Conditions of Asylum Seekers in Ireland, Contact: ,
info@irishrefugeecouncil.ie Mandate (2012), Decent Work? The Impact of the Recession on
Low Paid Workers, Mandate Trade Union, Dublin.
National Crime Council of Ireland and ESRI (2005) Domestic Abuse of Women and Men in Ireland
2005. NCCI, Dublin.
National Women’s Council of Ireland (2008) An Accessible Affordable Model of Childcare, NWCI,
Ireland.
National Women’s Council of Ireland (2012), Submission to budget 2012. NWCI, Ireland.
OECD (2010), Gender Brief, Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development.
OECD (2012) Close the Gender Pay Gap Now. OECD.
OECD (2013), Doing better for families, Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development.
OECD (2013) OECD Employment Outlook 2013 Morgan Stanley Research.
SAFE
Ireland
(2013)
Annual
National
Domestic
Violence
Services
Statistics,
http://www.safeireland.ie
SIPTU (2012) Services, Industrial, Professional and Technical Union. Newsletter. 2nd March
2012.IPTU Newsletter
Women’s Aid (2014) Annual Report 2013, Women’s Aid, Dublin, See: www.womensaid.ie
11
COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015
IRELAND
STATISTICAL ANNEX
For each indicator the ranking among the EU-28 Member States is computed. Rankings are
calculated according to how high the country's value is for the indicator in question and the
highest ranking is 1.
TABLE 1
EMPLOYMENT
AND
UNEMPLOYMENT
BY AGE GROUP
Employment rate
(% population
aged 20-64)
Employment rate
(% population
aged 15-64)
Employment rate
(% population
aged 15-24)
Employment rate
(% population
aged 25-54)
Employment rate
(% population
aged 55-64)
Employment
rates – foreign
population aged
15-642
Unemployment
rate
(% active pop.
aged 15-74)
Unemployment
rate
(% active pop.
aged 15-24)
Unemployment
rate
(% active pop.
aged 25-74)
IRELAND
EU-28
Indicator
2013
2014
Ranking 2014
2013
2014
Male %
70.9
73.0
19
74.3
75.0
Female %
Gender
Gap1
Male %
60.3
61.2
19
62.6
63.5
10.6
11.8
10
11.7
11.5
65.1
66.9
19
69.4
70.1
Female %
55.9
56.7
19
58.8
59.6
Gender
Gap1
9.2
10.2
10
10.6
10.5
Male %
28.5
28.5
16
34.0
34.4
Female %
Gender
Gap1
Male %
29.6
28.4
10
30.3
30.6
-1.1
0.1
22
3.7
3.8
76.7
78.8
23
82.6
83.2
65.6
66.6
24
71.2
71.8
Gender
Gap1
11.1
12.2
8
11.4
11.4
Male %
59.3
61.4
8
57.4
58.9
Female %
Gender
Gap1
Male %
43.4
44.7
12
43.3
45.2
15.9
16.7
11
14.1
13.7
68.0
69.3
14
67.1
68.3
54.2
54.0
13
51.2
52.2
13.8
15.3
15
15.9
16.1
15.0
12.9
6
10.8
10.1
10.7
9.4
13
10.9
10.3
Gender
Gap1
4.3
3.5
1
-0.1
-0.2
Male %
29.8
26.6
8
24.4
22.8
Female %
Gender
Gap1
Male %
23.5
20.9
15
23.0
21.4
6.3
5.7
3
1.4
1.4
13.5
11.6
6
9.4
8.8
9.2
8.2
14
9.6
9.2
4.3
3.4
1
-0.2
-0.4
Female %
Female %
Gender
Gap1
Male %
Female %
Female %
Gender
Gap1
Source: Eurostat LFS.
1
Gender Employment/Unemployment Gap (percentage points) = Male%- Female%
2
For the Employment rate of foreign population the maximum ranking is 25 because values for BG, RO, LT are missing. Foreign population refers to all 'non citizens' of the
respective country
n.a. = not available
12
COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015
IRELAND
TABLE 2
EMPLOYMENT
AND
UNEMPLOYMENT
BY AGE GROUP
Employment rate
(% population
aged 20-64)
Employment rate
(% population
aged 15-64)
FTE employment
rate (%
population aged
20-64)
Part-time
employment (%
total
employment)
Fixed-term
contracts (% total
employees)
Self-employed (%
total employment
20-64)
Unemployment
rate (% active
pop. 15-74)
IRELAND
EU-28
Indicator
2013
2014
Ranking 2014
2013
2014
Male %
70.9
73.0
19
74.3
75.0
Female %
Gender
Gap1
Male %
60.3
61.2
19
62.6
63.5
10.6
11.8
10
11.7
11.5
65.1
66.9
19
69.4
70.1
Female %
55.9
56.7
19
58.8
59.6
Gender
Gap1
9.2
10.2
10
10.6
10.5
Male %
67.2
69.4
21
72.0
72.7
Female %
Gender
Gap1
Male %
50.8
51.8
23
53.7
54.5
16.4
17.6
10
18.3
18.2
14.3
13.8
4
9.8
9.9
Female %
35.6
35.0
9
33.0
32.9
Gender
Gap1
-21.3
-21.2
19
-23.2
-23.0
Male %
10.1
9.2
15
13.3
13.6
Female %
Gender
Gap1
Male %
9.8
9.4
17
14.2
14.4
0.3
-0.2
12
-0.9
-0.8
22.6
22.6
4
18.6
18.4
Female %
7.0
6.9
24
10.0
10.1
Gender
Gap1
15.6
15.7
1
8.6
8.4
Male %
15.0
12.9
6
10.8
10.1
Female %
Gender
Gap1
10.7
9.4
13
10.9
10.3
4.3
3.5
1
-0.1
-0.2
Source: Eurostat LFS.
1
Gender Employment/Unemployment Gap (percentage points) = Male%- Female%
n.a. = not available
13
COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
TABLE 3
JOB QUALITY
2011
YEARS
Gender pay gap1
YEARS
Gender Segregation in occupations2
Gender Segregation in economic sectors2
Unadjusted
2012
2013
11.7 p
2012
14.4 p
2013
n.a.
2014
26.3
20.7
26.0
20.9
26.2
20.8
Ranking 2013
n.a.
Ranking 2014
14
10
EU-28 2013
16.3 p
EU-28 2014
24.4
18.9
Source: Eurostat;
1
For the Gender pay gap ranking the maximum is 26 because the values for Greece and Ireland are missing.
2
Gender segregation in occupations/sectors is calculated as the average national share of employment for women and men applied to each occupation/sector; differences are added up to produce the total amount of gender imbalance expressed as a proportion of total
employment (ISCO classification/NACE classification).
n.a. = not available; e = estimated; p = provisional; b = break in series
COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
TABLE 4
LIVING CONDITIONS
YEARS
Life expectancy at birth
Life expectancy at 65 years old
Men
Women
Men
Women
YEARS
At-risk-of-poverty and social exclusion rate
At-risk-of-poverty and social exclusion rate (population aged 65 and
over)
YEARS
Impact of parenthood
1
Inactivity and part-time work due to personal and family
responsibilities
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
% of female 20-64
YEARS
Effective retirement age 2
Official retirement age
Men
Women
Men
Women
2011
2012
2013
78.6
83.0
17.9
20.9
2011
29.0
29.8
13.1
14.3
2012
-10.3
10.8
78.7
83.2
18.0
21.1
2012
29.7
30.4
13.8
15.5
2013
-10.4
10.2
79.0
83.1
18.1
20.8
2013
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
2014
-12.2
8.9
5.1 b
5.7
5.8
2009
2010
2011
63.7
63.7
n.a.
n.a.
63.4
63.8
66.0
66.0
63.3
63.5
66.0
66.0
Ranking 2013
9
16
13
17
Ranking 2013
Ranking 2014
13
12
9
Ranking 2011
11
4
77.8
83.3
17.9
21.3
EU-28 2013
23.6
25.4
15.3
20.6
EU-28 2014
-12.0
8.2
6.8
EU-28 2011
61.9
61.1
n.a.
n.a.
YEARS
Gender gap in pension 65+
2010
36.3
2011
38.2
2012
38.2
Gender gap in pension coverage rate 65+
14.6
15.6
15.6
4
5.8
Gender gap in pension 65-79
38.6
41.0
41.0
6
40.2
Gender gap in pension coverage rate 65-79
18.1
18.5
18.5
4
6.8
YEARS
2011
2012
2013
Ranking 2012
6
EU-28 2013
Ranking 2013
EU-27-2012
38.5
EU-28 2013
Children aged less than 3 years in formal childcare
(% of the pop. in the age group)
1 to 29 hours3
30 hours or over
Total4
10
11
21
21
10
31
19
10
29
6
16
11
13
14
27
Children between 3 years to compulsory school age
(% of the pop. in the age group)
1 to 29 hours
30 hours or over
Total4
68
14
82
74
15
89
68
21
89
2
25
10
35
47
82
Children from compulsory school age to 12 years
1 to 29 hours
60
52
53
8
35
COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
(% of the pop. in the age group)
30 hours or over
Total4
39
99
47
99
46
99
20
10
62
97
Source: Eurostat. For the effective retirement age indicator the source is OECD estimate based on the results of national labour force surveys, the European Union Labour Force Survey, and national census (for earlier years in some countries). The EU Average is
computed on OECD estimates. For Gender gap in pension 65+/65-79 and Gender gap in pension coverage rate 65+/65-79 see: Tinios, Bettio, Betti (2015) available at www.enege.eu\reports\
1
Difference in percentage points between employment rates (age group 20-49) without the presence of any children and with the presence of a child aged 0-6.
2
The effective retirement age and the EU average are calculated as the average exit age from the labour force during a 5-year period (2004-2009, 2005-2010 and 2006-2011). The EU average refers to the EU-27.
3
For Children aged less than 3 in 1-29 hours of formal childcare the maximum value for ranking is 27 because the value for Lithuania is missing.
4
The total is obtained by adding the share for 1-29 hours to the share for 30 hours and over. It has to be considered with caution as it does not take any possible rounding errors into account (±1 p.p.).
n.a. = not available; e = estimated; p = provisional
COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
TABLE 5
WOMEN IN DECISION-MAKING POSITIONS1
YEARS
2011
2012
2013
9
9
11
2014
11
National Administration (level 2
administrators) 3
22
26
22
24
Politics: national parliament (single/lower
house)
15
15
16
16
Politics: national government (senior
ministers)
13
13
13
27
Judiciary: Supreme Court
22
11
11
33
8
17
21
25
Business: largest quoted companies2
Economic institutions: Central Bank
2015
3Q2015
13
Ranking 2015
19
n.a.
EU-28 2015
21
25
40
16
23
28
27
15
27
30
15
39
25
8
21
Source: European Commission database on women and men in decision-making.
1 Annual data for all domains except business and politics where yearly figures refer to the last collection of the year (respectively April 2015 for business and 3Q2015 for politics).
2 Members of the board of directors (supervisory board in case of separated supervisory and executive functions) including the chairman.
3 For National Administration (level 2 administrators) Ranking and Eu28 2015 - values refer to the previous year 2014
n.a. = not available; e = estimated; p = provisional.
TABLE 6
EDUCATION
YEARS
Early school leaving rate (% of population aged 18-24)
Tertiary educational attainment (15-64 years old)
Tertiary educational attainment (30-34 years old)
Source: Eurostat;
n.a. = not available; e = estimated; p = provisional; b = break in series.
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
2012
11.2
8.2
31.3
38.0
44.0
57.9
2013
9.8
6.9
32.6
40.0
45.9
58.7
2014
8.0 b
5.7 b
32.3 b
39.3 b
45.1 b
58.6 b
Ranking 2014
20
20
3
4
3
2
EU-28 2014
12.7 b
9.5 b
24.5 b
27.5 b
33.6 b
42.3 b
COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND
TABLE 7
VIOLENCE1
RS
YEARS
2008
2009
Number
2010
%
Number
2011
Number
%
%
Men
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
Women
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
Men
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
Women
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
Men
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
Women
n.a.
n.a.
Men
n.a.
Women
Number
2012
2013
%
Number
%
Number
%
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
Men
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
Women
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
Men
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
Women
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
Men
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
Women
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
Men
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
Women
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
Victims of intentional homicides
Victims of rape
Victims of sexual assault
Prisoners for intentional homicide
Prisoners for rape
Prisoners for sexual assault
Intentional homicide victims who
were partners of the offender
Intentional homicide victims who
were relatives of the offender
1
N (in brackets rate per 1000 relevant population )
Source: Eurostat;
n.a.= not available; e = estimated; p = provisional; b = break in series.
COUNTRY FICHE: 4Q2015 IRELAND