Focus group: “Understanding White Flight”, 9th April 2014, Sutton Coldfield, Birmingham
Main themes:








Being used to growing up in a white British area was an important factor when
playing the warm-up game
There was a general aversion to anti-social behaviour throughout the discussion
Interestingly, one participant who had worked on a building site in Lozells,
highlighted Lozells as a typical area which is thought of as ‘quite rough’, but is
actually a place with some community spirit where people from different
backgrounds reasonably get on.
There was a general fear of being outnumbered; perceptions that migrants are
treated overly favourably in terms of their human rights; some worry about the
perceived easy-access migrants have to housing and benefits; a worry that
services [especially health services] are being stretched to their limit; worries
about housing and the country being full i.e. not enough houses for indigenous
groups of people which is consequently driving up prices
There was a clear desire for people to be assimilated into British culture, rather
than simply integrated within it – some participants referred to positive
experiences of interaction with ‘westernized’ immigrants; there was much praise
for immigrants who were perceived to be both hard-working, supporting family
in the UK and dependents abroad, and also support for immigrants who were
learning English and conversing with neighbours in a good ‘neighbourly’ manner
There was a fear of cultural clash; of traditional western and British values being
eroded and devalued – e.g. Christmas nativity plays being banned/inability to fly
the flag of St George; favouritism or inability of the police to intervene in cases of
discrimination against white British for fear of being labelled racist
In this vein, participants generally agreed with the following view: ‘Its about
customs and beliefs really, If I moved to Spain I would respect their customs and
beliefs, follow the faith of the country’ and were fearful particularly of increasing
Muslim communities, rather than of Eastern European communities – Burkhas
were seen as particularly intimidating
There was also some equivocation between migrants and white British groups
regarding discussions on crime and worklessness.
Section One: Housing Discussion
1. Do you think the number of immigrants coming to Britain should be increased a lot,
increased a little, remain the same, reduced a little or reduced a lot?
o General theme: immigration should be reduced. Participants highlighted that
they were not aware of the actual figures for immigration.
o Increased – 0
o Stay the same – 0
o Reduced – 13
o (Some did not put their hands up for any answer)
What do you think we mean by ‘immigrants’ in this question?

Generally participants did not think of the descendants of immigrants as
immigrants: ‘I’m just thinking newcomers’. They distinguished between
newcomers and descendants, suggesting that if you were born here than you
cannot be considered an immigrant. They suggested that there were other issues
surrounding cultural diversity/increasing competition for housing and services
which arose as a result of immigrants settling down and having children here –
this was linked to a general fear of overpopulation, not necessarily immigration,
although it was clear in the minds of some participants that these two factors
were intimately linked.
Do you think the government is reducing immigration levels at the moment? Can they?

There was an overwhelming consensus that it was too late to reverse
immigration and reduce numbers. Instead the participants stressed a number of
factors which they believed would reduce the stress on services and immigration
numbers:
o They wanted the rules on immigration to be changed in order to make it
more of a challenge: participants highlighted their perception that
immigrants have too easy access to housing, benefits and health services
o Illegal immigrants should be deported straight away
o Criminals should be deported immediately – the participants were
worried that their communities were not safe, and stated that immigrants
and migrant communities had more human rights than the people of this
country – ‘we have to pander to everyone else who comes here’ ‘all the
human rights seem to protect everybody else’
o They argued that benefits should not be immediately available to access,
that immigrants should be in the country for a specific amount of time
prior to access
o Participants looked favourably to Australia – suggesting that they had
stiffer controls, and actively sought to ensure immigrants had the
wherewithal to support themselves prior to immigration – and America –
where they stressed the importance of health insurance for immigrants
o There was consensus over the idea of an immigration cap, and of sorting
out services in the UK first before welcoming new people in
Section Two: Immigration Policy
Have your views about immigration and ethnic diversity changed over the years?
 The participants all agreed that their views on immigration had changed over the
years. One participant who had been in a relationship with an immigrant who
had come here praised that he had ‘stood on his own two feet and wasn’t a
scrounger’
 One young participant, recently out of education, noted that her views had
hardened over time stating that ‘trying to get work’ as well as a flat had made her
more aware of the increasing competition for finite resources immigration was
causing. There was some agreement with this state of affairs, with one participant
stating that ‘the next generation will come and there aren’t going to be enough jobs’
Is there a class difference in opinions about immigration?



Initially the participants were reluctant to suggest that there were any clear
demarcations between differing class experiences of immigration. However,
some soon began drawing distinctions between the impact of migrant numbers
on lower-skilled jobs. One suggested that ‘in affluent areas they probably
wouldn’t notice [immigration/increasing cultural diversity] as much’, whilst
working class trades, such as building, were deemed as being more liable to
undercutting by immigrants willing to work for less than white British workers. ‘I
wouldn’t get up for less than £7 an hour. Immigrant next door would get up for
£4 an hour’
One participant also highlighted that working class communities were also at
greater risk of change, remarking that lots of polish shops were appearing, ‘their
communities are changing, even the shops are changing’, before suggesting
‘you’re not going to see a halal butchers in Waitrose’
Overall though, the participants were keen to stress that Middle and Working
class attitudes towards immigration were not ostensibly based on interactions
with individuals – although it was made clear that a negative experience on a
one-on-one basis could have severe impact – rather, the perception was that it
was that too many were coming at once, causing too rapid cultural change.
Generational differences
 The participants noted that ‘logically’, given that their children were growing up in
more diverse environments, they should feel more inclined to view cultural
diversity and immigration in a positive light
 A number noted that their children in school were oblivious to differences of race
and culture: ‘my children don’t really think about the colour of someone’s skin’
 However, the participants highlighted a number of factors which could prevent
this occurrence
 There was consensus surrounding the importance of upbringing in shaping
attitudes to cultural diversity and immigration: ‘it depends on how their parents
are… the way you’re brought up’, suggesting that generations prior to them had
held racist views towards other communities historically travelling to Birmingham
and Sutton Coldfield. ‘They would be thrown out of this discussion’
 Another participant suggested that, in classrooms with small proportions of white
British students, ‘the white kids are getting less and less’ and ‘becoming the
minority’ – another connected this to support for far right and right-wing parties:
‘they’re getting more racist, and that’s why I think we’ve got things like UKIP and
the BNP’
 One participant noted in relation to the discussion that ‘anybody who says they’re
not racist is lying’ – suggesting that age or generation was not so much of an issue
as it was negative experiences with particular groups.
Section Three: Immigration and Housing
Houses A and B



In general participants noted that both houses took the same time to get to
Birmingham – this was an important factor for both those who chose House A
and B.
Reasons given for picking House A: One participant chose this location due to the
high proportion of white British in the area. The participants picking this house
also emphasised that its immediate amenities were more important – they didn’t
want a garden centre, but preferred having close access to the shop.
Reasons for picking House B: The main reason given for picking House B was the
proximity to family and friends. Some participants remarked that this would
make them feel a part of the community, regardless of the high percentage of
ethnic groups.
Houses C and D


Reasons for picking House C: Participants picking House C noted it’s quicker
commute time, and therefore placed a greater emphasis on convenience than any
other factors. One participant chose this area solely because of the higher
proportion of white British in the surrounding area. One combined both these
reasons, also pointing out that as he had got older and had family living all over
the UK, proximity to friends and family was not important for him. More
important was growing up in an area which reminded him of the area he had
grown up in.
Reasons for picking House D: Again participants stressed proximity to family and
friends. Few were interested in being close to the countryside. Most stressed that
they used a car more often than other modes of transport, and so distance to
various amenities was not important to them.