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Contention 1 – Sexual Abuse
The military presence in East Asia requires masculinity and this spills over - they train and utilize sexism
and hyper-masculine culture to justify the sexual abuse of women
Gwyn Kirk and Carolyn Bowen Francis, Kirk - Ph.D. is visiting faculty in Women’s and Gender Studies at University of Oregon
(2009-10) and a founder member of Women for Genuine Security, Francis- one of the founding members of Okinawan Women Act
Against Military Violence, “Redefining Security: Women Challenge U.S. Military Policy and Practice in East Asia” Berkeley
Women's
Law
Journal
15
Berkeley
Women's
L.J.
(2000)
http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/berkwolj15&div=11&g_sent=1&collection=journals#247 EmiW
Many of the problems created by U.S. military presence in East Asia stem from the sexist attitudes and
hyper-masculine culture that pervade the military. Different branches of the U.S. Armed Forces have developed
this hyper-masculine culture to varying degrees, with the Air Force at the lower end of the spectrum and the Marines at the
higher end." This phenomenon has had far reaching effects in places such as Okinawa, where Marines
account for sixty percent of the U.S. troops.” Young boys in the United States, as in many parts of the world, develop their
masculine identity during early childhood through a combination of adventure stories, comics, cartoons, competitive team
sports, war toys, computer games, news reporting, ads, television shows, and films.” This routine gender socialization
is taken further in basic military training where new recruits are pushed to the limits of their strength
and stamina and are trained to follow orders without question, no matter how nonsensical or
humiliating." As part of military training, servicemen learn how to use highly sophisticated weaponry and
equipment; they are socialized as warriors. A key aspect of this training and socialization process is the
way recruits are insulted and reviled by drill sergeants as “women” and “queers” as part of the military
promise “to make a man” of them." According to feminist scholars of military systems and international relations,
militarism depends on a clearly gendered division of labor and the maintenance of hierarchy, including
sexism and violence against women.” Military socialization involves the construction of a militarized
masculinity that emphasizes heroism, physical strength, emotional detachment, the capacity for
violence and killing, and an appearance of invulnerability.” This view of masculinity involves the
construction of male sexuality as assertive and controlling," and results in three consequences: the need
for the institutionalization of military prostitution, U.S. military abuse of women in host communities,
and sexual abuse of women in the military.
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The military requires a dehumanization of women and children and only sees them as objects of sexual
exploitation, transferring diseases and leaving thousands of Amerasian children to suffer from stigma
Kirk, Cornwell, Okazawa-Rey, 1996 [FOREIGN POLICY IN FOCUS, “Women and the U.S. Military in East Asia” Written
by Gwyn Kirk, (Kirk - Ph.D. is visiting faculty in Women’s and Gender Studies at University of Oregon (2009-10) and a founder
member of Women for Genuine Security), Gwyn Kirk and Margo Okazawa-Rey are founder-members of the East Asia-U.S. Women's
Network Against U.S. Militarism. Rachel Cornwell is Program Assistant for the Demilitarization and Alternative Security Program of
the Asia Pacific Center for Justice and Peace. Edited by Martha Honey (IPS) and Tom Barry (IRC),
http://www.lightparty.com/Politics/ForeignPolicy/WomanInMilitary.html, EmiW]
Negative effects of U.S. militarism on women and children in East Asia include sexual exploitation,
physical and sexual violence, the dire situation of many Amerasian children, and health hazards of pollution
caused by military operations. - To maintain its capacity to fight two regional wars at the same time, the Pentagon
plans to maintain 100,000 troops in the Asia-Pacific region for the foreseeable future. - The concept of security is too
militarized and does not include the human rights of women and children and the protection of the physical
environment. The Pentagon's objective is to be capable of fighting two regional wars at the same time. For planning
purposes these are assumed to be in the Middle East and the Korean peninsula. This scenario assumes that 100,000 U.S.
troops will continue to be based in East Asia for the foreseeable future. Currently there are 37,000 U.S. military personnel
in Korea and some 60,000 in Japan, including 13,000 on ships home-ported there. The islands of Okinawa, the
southernmost prefecture of Japan, house 39 bases and installations (75% of all U.S. bases in Japan) although Okinawa is
only 0.6% of the country's land area. 30,000 troops and another 22,500 family members are stationed in Okinawa. There
were extensive U.S. bases in the Philippines until 1992, when the Philippine Senate voted against renewal of their leases.
The U.S. subsequently proposed a Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) to cover situations when U.S. troops are in the
Philippines for joint exercises or shore leave. The VFA would give access to Philippine ports and airports on all the main
islands for refueling, supplies, repairs, and rest & recreation (R & R)-potentially far greater access than before, but under
the guise of commercial arrangements and without the expense of maintaining permanent workforces and facilities. The
VFA has to be ratified by the Philippine Senate before going into effect. It is currently under discussion. Sexual
violence, sexual exploitation, thousands of fatherless Amerasian children, and health problems linked to
environmental contamination are some of the damaging effects of the U.S. military presence in East Asia.
Research conducted by a group called Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence shows that U.S.
troops in Okinawa have committed more than 4,700 reported crimes since 1972, when Okinawa reverted to
Japanese administration. Many of these were crimes of violence against women. In Korea, too, the number of
crimes is high. A particularly brutal rape and murder of a barwoman, Yoon Kum Ee, in 1992 galvanized human rights
advocates to establish the National Campaign for the Eradication of Crime by U.S. Troops in Korea in order to document
these crimes and help victims claim redress. Violence against women is seriously underreported, due to the victims' shame
and fear or their belief that perpetrators will not be apprehended. Women who work in the bars, massage parlors, and
brothels near U.S. bases are particularly vulnerable to physical and sexual violence. The sexual activity
of foreign-based U.S. military personnel, including (but not exclusively) through prostitution, has had very
serious effects on women's health, precipitating HIV/AIDS, sexually transmitted diseases, unwanted
pregnancies and unsafe abortions, drug and alcohol dependency, and mental illness. In Korea, Japan, and
the Phillipines, Amerasian children born to women impregnated by U.S. troops are a particularly
stigmatized group. They are often abandoned by their military fathers and raised by single Asian
mothers. They live with severe prejudice and suffer discrimination in education and employment due
to their physical appearance and their mothers' low status. Those with African-American fathers face even
worse treatment than those having Caucasian fathers.
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The example we use is that the US military continues to participate in prostitution and rape despite
Japanese laws prohibiting it. Government officials are flippant, demonstrating the devaluation of women
(Yuki Fujime, Associate Professor in the Department of International Studies at Osaka University of Foreign Languages, 3-242006, Social Science Japan Journal Vol. 9, No. 1, pp 33–50, “Japanese Feminism and Commercialized Sex: The Union of Militarism
and Prohibitionism”, http://ssjj.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/full/9/1/33) SH
The situation in Okinawa, removed from the mainland of Japan and under the jurisdiction of the US, was even more overt
than in the Japanese mainland. Beginning in 1946 with a ‘prohibition on prostitution with occupation forces’, the US
military issued a stream of ordinances in regard to the buying and selling of sex and thoroughly
regulated prostitution and STDs. They wiped out prostitution they feared would spread STDs through the overzealous
use of the off-limits policy and created the ‘A Sign’ system of granting permission to operate to sex-related businesses that
certified the health of their women. During the Vietnam War, the number of female prostitutes reached 15,000 (Naha-shi
2001: 290). Around the time of the return of Okinawa to Japanese sovereignty in 1972, there was a Prostitution
Prevention Law in effect in Okinawa, just as on the mainland. But whereas the American military bases on the
mainland were gradually being abandoned or reduced in size, 75% of the American bases in Japan were concentrated in
Okinawa, and incidents of sexual violence by US troops continued to occur frequently. According to an
investigation by the Association of Women who Reject the Bases and the Military (Kichi to Guntai o Yurusanai Onnatachi
no Kai), there were eight cases of rape and murder between 1970 and the mid-1980s, and seven of those victims were
hostesses (‘Okinawa o Shiru’ Hensan Iinkai 2000: 470–473). In 1995, at a time when Okinawa was in an uproar
over an incident in which three American soldiers raped a young girl, Pacific Commander Admiral
Richard Mackey made a public gaffe when, upon hearing that the soldiers used a rental car when committing the rape,
remarked that ‘if they had money for a rental car, they could have just paid for a prostitute’. He made
no attempt to hide the fact that it was standard practice not to reprimand US soldiers for buying sex.
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The Japanese State pimps its women to satisfy the desire of the US military, mobilizing women as tools to
maintain power relations - a manifestation of the patriarchal state
Lie 1997 [John, Professor of sociology and Dean of International and Area Studies at the University of California, Berkeley “The
State as Pimp: Prostitution and the Patriarchal State in Japan in the 1940s” The Sociological Quarterly, Vol. 38, No. 2 (Spring, 1997),
pp. 260 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the Midwest Sociological Society, EmiW]
The Japanese state organized and promoted sexual work in the 1940s. During World War II, the military was
instrumental in recruiting Japanese and Korean women into "comfort divisions" to serve officers and
soldiers within and outside of Japan. After Japan's defeat, the state organized Japanese women to serve the occupying
American soldiers sexually. In short, the Japanese state functioned as a pimp in the l940s. The activities of the
Japanese state in the 1940s suggest that it is problematic to separate the discussion of political power from the
issue of sexuality. This study also demonstrates that prostitution does not occur simply from men's sexual desires or
“deviant” women’s willing- ness to offer sex for money but because of the underlying structural conditions and
concrete organizations. The prerequisites of modem, organized prostitution include the regulating or
administrative state, urbanization and the commodification of social life, and the concomitant end of feudal
sexual relations. More concretely, prostitution usually entails organizations-be it the state or private sexual entrepreneurs-to
sustain relations of sexual exchange between prostitutes and their clients. In this sense, the study of prostitution must be
placed in the analysis of power relations, that it is in the realm of political and sexual economy. Patriarchy is not an allencompassing principle of power in society. Men do not control women but rather a particular group of men
control a particular group of women. Just as (predominantly fanning and working) women from colonized Korea
were mobilized by the Japanese state, some Japanese women were mobilized when Japan was “colonized” by
the United States. International and internal power relations were critical to the formation of
prostitution organizations. The Japanese state as pimp is but an extreme manifestation of the modem
patriarchal state. The quest for power and wealth justified in terms of protecting “innocent” women
legitimates the colonization of not just another country but its own women as well. In so doing, the state
creates alliances across nations, classes, and genders; it is not outright coercion but hegemony that makes the
rule of the modem state effective. The modem patriarchal state, as well as patriarchal social structure, are
ensembles of overlapping power relations, not instances of simple gender hierarchy and domination. The road to
understanding the power of patriarchal ideologies and institutions lies in tracing the concrete operations of power relations.
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Maintaining the patriarchal ideology of control makes all forms of oppression, otherization and
environmental destruction inevitable
Cuomo, 02 Associate Professor of Philosophy and Women’s Studies at the University of Cincinnati, 2002 (Chris, ETHICS & THE
ENVIRONMENT, 2002, p.3) EmiW
I take that phrase “power and promise,” an unusually optimistic measure for anything in the contemporary discipline of
philosophy, from the title of Karen Warren’s widely-read and often reprinted 1991 essay, “The Power and Promise of
Ecological Feminism.” That essay includes an argument that is basic to Warren’s Ecofeminist Philosophy, and that is
commonly characterized as the fundamental insight of ecofeminism. The view argued for is that a “logic of
domination” that divides the world into bifurcated hierarchies is basic to all forms of oppression and
domination. This logic (which Warren also calls a “conceptual framework”) is a way of thinking that
encourages separating from and mistreating nature and members of subordinated groups, for no good
reason. In addition, the conceptual frameworks that are used to justify racism, sexism, and the
mistreatment of nature (etc.), are interwoven and mutually reinforcing. Some ecofeminists find that the very
aspects of identity and otherness (gender, race, class, species, etc.) are created through conceptual frameworks that
encourage domination rather than connection, but Warren remains agnostic about such ontological issues. Her emphasis
instead is on a more basic point - that the morally loaded concepts through which we understand ourselves
and reality (and through which “we” humans have historically constructed knowledge) are at the core
of the terrible ecological and social messes we currently face.
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Contention 2 – Imperialism
The militarization of Okinawa is made politically invisible and has become a part of Okinawan life, but
reaffirms US imperialism, creating gendered hierarchies which “feminize” Okinawans and make them
inferior
Ginoza 5 (Ayano, September, of Women’s Studies at Washington State University “American Village as a Space of Militarism and
Tourism: U.S. Militarism, Gender Hierarchy, Class, and Race in Okinawa”, . MX)
In the same web site, the Ferris wheel glares in the night landscape of the
American Village as an indication of
the power of America, and triumph of Western technology. It’s a sign that tells you that you are in
America. In other words, this space provides an escape from the feeling of being in Okinawa, and a
place where America is accepted as cultural hegemony over Okinawan indigenous landscape. The
message is of America as the center of culture, rather than Okinawa. The rhetoric reveals a
statepromoted reaffirmation of U.S. cultural imperialism over Okinawan landscape. Thus, the
imperialism systematically operates to transform and redefine the militarized Okinawan society. Also on
this web site, the Okinawan government strategically posits the U.S. military as “a great influence” on Okinawan culture,
and uses it as a cultural resource for their development of the tourist economy. Thus, for them, the U.S. military bases in the
town are politically and economically indispensable. The politically constructed, imagined American landscape and
buildings provide tourists with “the feeling of being in America” (bankoku shinryokan). Here, the landscape offers an
image of “America” as positive and powerful—powerful enough that this American space nurtures young Okinawans to be
famous performers. According to Cynthia Enloe, this is a process of militarization which “managed to slip [the
military bases] into the daily lives of the nearby community” to make the military bases “politically
invisible” (Bananas 66). This political invisibility of the U.S. military bases further leads young
Okinawans to easily associate America with a road to their dreams. The political is camouflaged as
cultural and the domination of American culture as both political and economic enterprises. This is
hidden behind notions of entertainment and allows Okinawans, especially younger generations of Okinawans, to become
part of this entertainment and cultural landscape. By accepting and valuing the military bases as the economic
and cultural developers for the American Village, the town at the same time embraces the ideology of
militarism8 and militarizing young Okinawans’ view of America. According to Enloe in The Curious
Feminist, the process of militarization is not “automatic,” but it is “a sociopolitical process” which
rests on “entrenchment of ideas about ‘manly men’ and ‘real women’” (219). Thus, the militarization9
is re-encouraged in the space by privileging American masculinity and feminizing Okinawa.
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US imperialism is a tripartite combination of imperialist thought, and racial and sexual inequalities
which justify the repeated sexual oppression in Japan – the hyper-sexed and submissive stereotype of
Japanese women allows servicemen to justify their rapes as consensual
Woan 2008 [Sunny, a J.D. of Public Interest and Social Justice Law at Santa Clara University, 2008, “White Sexual Imperialism: A
Theory
of
Asian
Feminist
Jurisprudence,
http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/walee14&div=17&g_sent=1&collection=journals#283, pg. 286-7, EmiW]
Despite significant improvements in racial and sexual equality over the last few decades, U.S. servicemen’s
treatment of women is Asia has failed to progress. In the mid-80’s, international controversy flared over a
Japanese incident in Japan in which two U.S. marines and a U.S. Navy seaman gang-raped a twelve
year old Japanese girl in Okinawa, Japan. They ambushed the girl after watching her enter a stationary store. The
two Marines bound the girl with tape, pulled her shorts and underwear down to her ankles, and after
the three men raped her, remarked that the girl looked like she enjoyed it. To filter an analysis of the
Okinawa incident through the lenses of either sexual inequality or racial inequality exclusively, fails to convey fully why
this twelve year old girl suffered. While many scholars see the convergence of sex and race stereotypes as the root cause of
the incident, examination of only these two components is insufficient. To comprehend the gravity of harm caused by
sexual-racial disparities between White men and Asian women demands a tripartite inquest. This inquest must conjoin
colonial history along with that of sex and race related forces. First, the legacy of imperialism explains why the U.S.
servicemen occupied Japan. After the allies defeated the Axis powers in World War II, the United States decided to meddle
in East Asian political affairs: Namely by regulating Japan to prevent it from engaging in imperialism . A sense of White
supremacy meant the world could fall complacent to the idea that White imperialism was somehow “better”
than Asian imperialism. Thus, while Japanese military presence in East Asia posed a world threat, American
presence would not. Second, the prevailing attitude that Asian women occupy an inferior position to
White women and more directly, to White men, in turn appeased the consciences of these three servicemen
enough to rape and express belief that she enjoyed the sexual conquest. This underscores the idea that in the
eyes of White men, Asian women seem to exist solely for their sexual gratification as hyper-sexed and
unconditionally submissive creatures.” The stereotype of Asian women always consenting to sex
allowed the three servicemen to deny the act as a rape. It is this potent tripartite combination of imperialist
thought, racial inequality, and sexual inequality that perpetuate violence against Asian women by
White men. Had these components not come together under White sexual imperialism, the Okinawa
incident probably would not have occurred. Asian and diasporic Asian women face higher risks of racial and
sexual harassment than their White female peers. One of the main theories behind this is that the Asian experience cannot
escape the stain of sexual imperialism, a stain which simply does not apply to the White woman’s experience.” Although
the theory of intersectionality between race and gender alone cannot fully articulate Asian and diasporic Asian women’s
lives; rather, the concurrent operation and interactive mutual dependency between race, sexuality, and
dimensions of colonialism expound on their subordination.” This section comments on the present-day
ramifications of White male exploitation and domination of Asian women and the feminist issues raised by the grievous
legacy of White sexual imperialism left in both Asia and Asian America. The first part surveys Joo v. Japan,” a recent court
decision where Asian women, who were the victims of atrocious war and sex crimes, brought suit in U.S. courts. The
omission of an analysis through White sexual imperialism may explain why the court ruled against the women. The second
part then shows how White sexual imperialism provides a compelling rationale for several contemporary
issues of sexual-racial inequality facing Asian and diasporic Asian women.
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The Imperialist ambitions of the United States will lead to endless cycles of wars and holocaust
(John Bellamy Foster, Professor of Sociology at University of Oregon, April 2004, “The New Age of Imperialism”, Monthly
Review vol. 55 no. 3, http://www.monthlyreview.org/0703jbf.htm)SH
the present period of global hegemonic imperialism the United States is
geared above all to expanding its imperial power to whatever extent possible and subordinating the rest of
the capitalist world to its interests. The Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea Basin represent not only the bulk of world
At the same time, it is clear that in
petroleum reserves, but also a rapidly increasing proportion of total reserves, as high production rates diminish reserves
elsewhere. This has provided much of the stimulus for the United States to gain greater control of these resources—at the
expense of its present and potential rivals. But U.S. imperial ambitions do not end there, since they are driven by economic
ambitions that know no bounds. As Harry Magdoff noted in the closing pages of The Age of Imperialism in 1969, “it is the
professed goal” of U.S. multinational corporations “to control as large a share of the world market as they do of the United
States market,” and this hunger for foreign markets persists today. Florida-based Wackenhut Corrections Corporation has
won prison privatization contracts in Australia, the United Kingdom, South Africa, Canada, New Zealand, and the
Netherlands Antilles (“Prison Industry Goes Global,” www.futurenet.org, fall 2000). Promotion of U.S. corporate interests
abroad is one of the primary responsibilities of the U.S. state. Consider the cases of Monsanto and genetically modified
food, Microsoft and intellectual property, Bechtel and the war on Iraq. It would be impossible to exaggerate how
dangerous this dual expansionism of U.S. corporations and the U.S. state is to the world at large. As IstvE1n
ME9szE1ros observed in 2001 in Socialism or Barbarism, the U.S. attempt to seize global control, which is
inherent in the workings of capitalism and imperialism, is now threatening humanity with the “extreme
violent rule of the whole world by one hegemonic imperialist country on a permanent basis ...an absurd
and unsustainable way of running the world order.”* This new age of U.S. imperialism will generate its own contradictions,
amongst them attempts by other major powers to assert their influence, resorting to similar belligerent means, and all sorts
of strategies by weaker states and non-state actors to engage in “asymmetric” forms of warfare. Given the unprecedented
destructiveness of contemporary weapons, which are diffused ever more widely, the consequences for the
population of the world could well be devastating beyond anything ever before witnessed. Rather than generating a
new “Pax Americana” the United States may be paving the way to new global holocausts.
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The U.S. occupation of Okinawa, in particular, creates space to understand imperialism – power
structures in Japan perpetuate colonial dominance and act as testing grounds for militarized masculinity
Ginoza 5 (Ayano, September, of Women’s Studies at Washington State University “American Village as a Space of Militarism and
Tourism: U.S. Militarism, Gender Hierarchy, Class, and Race in Okinawa”, MX)
Yumiko Mikanagi, a feminist political scientist, argues that this
specific rape case is ascribed to
“gendered power hierarchies in society and socially sanctioned masculinities based on violence against
women” (98). In another word, places like this are spaces where violence against women is socially
sanctioned, and where women paradoxically attain not only freedom from traditional Okinawan gender
roles, but also freedom of sexual expressions that militarism relies on, exploits, and controls. Also,
places like this is a militarizing term which trivializes the militarization process of the American
Village and of how women’s bodies are sexualized by veiling power inequalities. Throughout the paper, I
have tried to explore the problematic concept of natural and the process of naturalizing militarization in Okinawa with a
case of the American Village. The space is a symbol for the anxieties and illusions of attaining higher class, and Japanese/
American life. This examination of the U.S. occupation of Okinawa helps us understand current imperialism.
The imperialism is mediated through gender and race. It is also in pursuit of the natural, historical, and current
practice of satisfying the military’s need for metaphorically subjugating sexually and racially, as though the military is the
man 16 acting naturally. The American Village exists as the most powerful cultural construction that
reshapes contemporary Okinawan women’s sexualities toward Okinawan nature and culture. To
naturalize is to trivialize the dynamic structure of sociopolitical maneuvers. The landscape of the American
Village for younger generations of Okinawans is an escape from the old tragic war history, a place where they fulfill their
desire for a higher social class and cross racial lines by dating and marrying GIs. On the other hand, some GIs
manipulate the space as a testing ground for their masculinity on Okinawan women. This indicates the
perpetuation of colonial dominance in the American Village. In a society where power is highly valued and
embraced as the highest pleasure, we tend to understand the power structure and hierarchy as natural
and women as sexual. In order to fight against the militarization of the Okinawan natural and social landscape, and the
exploitation of women’s sexuality, it is indispensable to analyze the dynamics of naturalizing and trivializing processes.
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Thus we present the following plan: The United States federal government should withdraw all United
States’ military presence from Japan
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US military occupation in Okinawa breeds structural violence against women and children
Gaijinass
News
06/12/10
(“Okinawa:
Futenma
MCAS
controversy explained”
http://gaijinass.wordpress.com/2010/07/12/okinawa-futenma-mcas-controversy-explained/,. MX)
Also mentioned in the WSJ’s drastically insufficient explanation was “a rape case”. This kind of language inflames people
who know that in fact, there have been many such cases in Okinawa and will continue to be as long as The US military is
there. Of course, the majority of violent crime in Okinawa is committed by the 400,000 Okinawan men within the
designated age range effecting violent crime. The point to consider and remember is that the US military there
is a guest and its continued presence a sore point, a point of continuous contention for anti-base activists so, it is
literally necessary for all US forces on Okinawa to be perfect. This is something that likely will not
occur. The case the WSJ was likely referring to, was the highly politicized and horribly shocking
abduction, beating and gang rape of a 12-year-old Okinawan school girl by two US Marines and one
Sailor in 1995. This was followed by additional rape incidents and charges in 1999, 2001, 2006 and
2008. The 1995 rape was also proceeded by horrific incident after horrific incident since the occupation of the island in
1945. Suzuyo Takasato of Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence, explains: Okinawa is a place where the
armed forces have learnt how to kill and hurt people in close proximity to the local population for more
than 60 years. This situation breeds a structural violence, rather than one that can be understood simply
in terms of the crimes of individual soldiers. Okinawa reverted to Japanese administration in 1972 but the violence
continued, and even became attempted rapes, as well as sexual abuse in public areas and even a case where a private house
was invaded. The victims included a 10 year-old girl and a 14 year-old girl. These crimes particularly after 1995, garnered
massive media attention and the consistency with which they occur and the US militaries immense shortcomings in
properly dealing with them and the attention that accompany them have consistently and again, rightly, tarnished the USA’s
image in Okinawa and the world.
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Only a sustained inquiry into violence as a gendered phenomenon stops this structural violence which
ranks alongside and subsumes global war and terrorism
MacKinnon 6, Catharine A., Professor of Law, University of Michigan Law School, and Fellow, Center for Advanced Study in the
Behavioral Sciences, “Women's September 11th: Rethinking the International Law of Conflict,” 47 Harvard International Law Journal
1. Winter, 2006, EmiW
Here is the question: What will it take for violence against women, this daily war, this terrorism against
women as women that goes on every day worldwide, this everyday, group-based, systematic threat to
and crime against the peace, to receive a response in the structure and practice of international law
anything approximate to the level of focus and determination inspired by the September 11th attacks?
Assuming that women are a group, a collectivity though not a state, to ask this is not simply to contend that because
violence against women is systemic and systematic (although it is), it should be addressed at this level of urgency. A lot of
socially built-in death and mayhem is legally ignored. This parallel is closer than, for example, that with the death of the
thousands of children who die from preventable diseases daily. 71 And the point is not a moral one: that this is bad and
should be stopped. It is legal: Both September 11th and most violence against women are acts by formally
nonstate actors against nonstate targets. It is analytical: Both are gender-based violence. And it is empirical: The
body count is comparable in just one country in just one year. 72 This is not to argue that the only effective
response to a war is a war. It is to ask, when will the international order stop regarding this very condition as peace and
move all at once, with will, to do whatever is necessary to stop it, shaping the imperatives of the response to the imperatives
of the problem? It is to ask why one matters, the other not. Why does the international order mobilize into a
concerted force to face down the one, while to address the other squarely and urgently seems
unthinkable? That the configuration of parties on September 11th failed to fit the prior structure and assumptions of the
international legal order did not deter the response one whit. That actions like those taken since September 11th produce the
structure and assumptions that become international law--customary international law in the making 73--is, for better and
worse, closer to the truth. At this point, it is [*20] hard to avoid noticing that terrorism threatens the power of states, while
male violence against women does not; state power might be said to be one organized form of it. Asked another
way: Why did the condition of Afghan women, imprisoned in their clothes and homes for years, whipped if an ankle
emerged, prohibited education or employment or political office or medical care on the basis of sex, 74 and subjected to who
yet knows what other male violence, not rank with terrorism or rise on the international agenda to the level of
a threatening conflict? Why were those who sounded the alarm about their treatment ignored? Why, with all the
violations of international law and repeated Security Council resolutions, was their treatment alone not an act of war or a
reason to intervene (including, yes, militarily) on any day up to September 10, 2001? To the suggestion that Afghan women
should instead complain through international mechanisms, imagine the reaction to the suggestion that the United States,
instead of responding with force to the acts of September 11th, should remove its reservation to Article 41 of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and enter a declaration against Afghanistan. 75 Except to
pacifists, some things justify armed intervention. How governments treat their own people, including women, has
traditionally not been one of them. In the approach taken throughout the 1930s, for example, so long as Hitler confined his
extermination of Jews to Germany, only Germany was generally regarded as properly concerned. It was after other
countries were attacked that the rest of the world became involved. Is the approach to women's treatment still stuck back
then, so that men inside each country are allowed to do to women what men cannot do to women of other countries? The
record supports something close to that as an operative rule. Women are incinerated in dowry killings in India or living in
fear that they could be any day. 76 They are stoned to death for sex outside marriage in some parts of South Asia and Africa.
They are dead of botched abortions in some parts of Latin America and of genital mutilations in many parts of the world.
Girls killed at birth or starved at an early age, or aborted as fetuses because they are female, are documented to number in
the millions across Asia. 77 If foreign men did all this inside one country, would that create a state of war?
(Come to think of it, what does that make sex tourism in Thailand?) 78 The nationality of the perpetrators has little to do
with the injury to the women. While some of this is finally beginning to be seen as a violation of human rights, at least in
theory, 79 none of it is thought to constitute a use of force in the legal sense. On its own, it has yet to create what is
perceived as a humanitarian emergency or to justify military intervention. Peacetime laws and institutions, for their part, far
from breaking down and failing to operate from time to time in this context as the law of armed conflict envisions, simply
never have worked for women on a large scale anywhere. But instead of these unredressed atrocities being recognized as
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armed conflict for this reason, because the events happen with relative impunity all the time instead of just sometimes, or
perhaps because they do not happen in front of television cameras all on one day, they raise little international concern.
What does being done by domestic men inside each country make these acts in international terms? What do we call the
conservatively counted one-in-four women raped, one-in-three sexually abused in childhood, one-infour battered in their homes (including being crushed and burned), the uncounted prostituted women,
systematically raped and thrown away, women of color and indigenous women the most victimized
and the least responded to: the record of women living in non-metaphorical terror in the United States who
have no effective relief at home? 80 Although it has been documented and analyzed by survivors and social scientists since
1970, 81 chronicled by international observers in the United States and elsewhere, 82 women's pervasive fear of violence has
not even been noticed in the literature on terrorism, 83 far less [*22] produced an organized uprising by the international
community or spurred rethinking of the structure, content, and priorities of international organizations brought to a
crossroads, as September 11th has. 84 Comprehensive international strategies for world peace and security
have never included sustained inquiry into violence itself as a gendered phenomenon. 85
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Militarization happens step by step, rejection at each step key
Ferguson and Mironesco 2008– Kathy E. Ferguson is a professor of gender studies at the University of Hawai’i, Monique
Mironesco is a professor of Women’s Studies at the University of Hawaii (2008, Ch 16: Environmental Effects of U.S. Military
Security, in Gender and Globalization in Asia and the Pacific . MX)
Militarism often seems to stand outside of globalization because wars and armies are generally activities of states (although
nonstate terrorism complicates this understanding) and because violence seems to separate people and places, while global
flows connect them. Yet global flows of violence, arms, soldiers, mercenar- ies, contractors, strategies, environmental
destruction, and bellicose gendered imaginaries are part and parcel of globalization . Militarization, and by implica-
tion demilitarization, is a complex process with a long history and many layers. Militarization happens
step by step, through dense networks of microdecisions about how we live, work, and think as well as
through obvious public policies, vi- olent colonial histories, and visible macrodecisions through which
elites orga- nize the world and use its resources. Militarization also marks sites of struggle, contests
over not just how to militarize but whether to do so.
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1AC
Thus, the US military must be eliminated from Japan – the notion of security must be demilitarized and a
gender perspective must be incorporated in foreign and security policy
Kirk, Cornwell, Okazawa-Rey, 1996 [FOREIGN POLICY IN FOCUS, “Women and the U.S. Military in East Asia” Written
by Gwyn Kirk, (Kirk - Ph.D. is visiting faculty in Women’s and Gender Studies at University of Oregon (2009-10) and a founder
member of Women for Genuine Security), Gwyn Kirk and Margo Okazawa-Rey are founder-members of the East Asia-U.S. Women's
Network Against U.S. Militarism. Rachel Cornwell is Program Assistant for the Demilitarization and Alternative Security Program of
the Asia Pacific Center for Justice and Peace. Edited by Martha Honey (IPS) and Tom Barry (IRC).
http://www.lightparty.com/Politics/ForeignPolicy/WomanInMilitary.html, EmiW]
Grassroots movements for national sovereignty and self-determination in East Asian countries have gained momentum in
recent years. Women’s organizations play a key role in these movements and bring a gender perspective to protests against
U.S. bases. Organizations in East Asia and the United States as well as international networks are developing alternatives to
militarized security that address the security of women, children, and the physical environment. These advocates
recommend a series of policy changes: The U.S. military should adopt international standards regarding women’s
human rights and must take responsibility for violations committed by U.S. troops in East Asia. Military
training should include substantial prestationing and early stationing education to sensitize all personnel to local customs
and laws, gender issues, and violence prevention. Specific personnel in each unit should be responsible for monitoring the
situation, maintaining accountability, and counseling. Severe sanctions must be imposed for human rights violations, and
legal investigations should be conducted by the victim’s lawyers, by independent investigative and prosecuting bodies, or
by both. All military personnel must be required to pass rigorous local driving tests and provide adequate insurance
coverage for full compensation of damages done to local people in East Asia. Until this requirement can be implemented,
the U.S. government must fully compensate local victims when accidents occur. SOFAs should be revised to protect host
communities against crimes committed by U.S. troops and against environmental contamination from U.S. military
operations. This includes the Visiting Forces Agreement with the Philippines, which should be revised to protect the human
rights of women and children. Congress should pass the Violence Against Women Act II (HR 357/S 51). Title V has
provisions that address U.S. military violence overseas. The U.S. military should support the research, counseling, and
rehabilitation work of NGOs dealing with the negative effects of U.S. military operations. It should also encourage efforts
to create employment opportunities for women besides military prostitution. The U.S. should take responsibility for
Amerasian children. Congress should pass the American Asian Justice Act (HR 1128), an amendment to the Immigration
and Nationality Act (HR 1128) to facilitate the immigration of Amerasians born in the Philippines, or Japan who were
fathered by U.S. citizens. Immigration procedures will need flexibility in documentation requirements. The U.S. military
should investigate contamination of land and water and should undertake cleanup to acceptable standards. It should conduct
research into the health effects of military toxics and should publicize its findings widely in accessible languages. Policy
debates should broadly consider the question: What is genuine security for women and children living
near U.S. bases? The notion of security needs to be demilitarized. Women’s voices and a gender
perspective should be included in U.S. foreign and security policy discussions as a matter of routine.
The U.S. should work toward the progressive reduction and eventual elimination of the U.S. military
presence in East Asia by seeking alternatives to an exclusive military approach to national, regional,
and global security.
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The Okinawans struggle can speak to all forms of marginalization, its resistance will be connected to
global struggles. Removing troops is a rallying cry against masculine frameworks in military institutions
and develops new forms of international security
Tanji 2003 (Miyume, Ph.D, Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Sophia University, Australian National
University, and Murdoch University, "THE ENDURING MYTH OF AN OKINAWAN STRUGGLE: THE HISTORY AND
TRAJECTORY OF A DIVERSE COMMUNITY OF PROJECT", http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/pubfiles/adtMU20040510.152840/02Whole.pdf, pgs. 19-20,. MX)
Chapter 8 focuses on the peak and the downturn period following the rise of the third wave of 'Okinawan Struggle'.
The contemporary community of protest is characterized by the co-existence of plural social movements. Differences and
internal divisions within the community of protest, I argue, indicate the co-existence of qualitatively different kinds of
social movements, although they are all related in some way to the inequality and marginalization related to
the continuing dominance of US military bases in Okinawa. A distinctive contribution of this thesis is to
understand the Okinawan protest experiences in the world that are studied more widely and profoundly, for example, the
civil rights movement, anti-nuclear movements and women at Greenham Common. It contributes to opening the black box
of 'Okinawan protesters' represented as a collected victim of an invincible US international security
policy, of Tokyo's political economy of compensation, and marginalization of a minority group in Japan. It attempts to
look at who the protestors are, what they want, how they strive to get it, and why. Overall, it contends that the myth of an
'Okinawan struggle' has survived, and will survive increasing diversification of protest actors and changing
reform agendas in Okinawa because of its flexibility in being harnessed to a myriad of shapes and forms of
campaigns against marginalization. This dissertation reveals that through the post-war period, the myth - described
variously as an 'Okinawan struggle', the 'Okinawan Struggle', or the 'Okinawans' movement' - has become less
rigid in the way it is incorporated into notions of collective identity or rationales for specific protests and
organizations thereof. Yet it is precisely this capacity of the myth to speak to so many different
interpretations of marginalization - involving different struggles and experiences at different periods in
time - that means it is still a powerful and attractive one. It continues to be an effective source of inspiration and
mobilization for divergent groups by providing strategies and ideas of protest derived from past experiences, and to be a
source of self-expression. Another attraction of the idea of an 'Okinawan struggle' is its ability to provide
a base for individual struggles, from which to connect with common experiences of marginalization
taking place in other parts of the world, thus promoting developing networks with social movement actors in global
civil society.
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The discourse of potential danger fosters violence by preferring national security over human security,
allowing sexual injustice to occur – the exclusion of feminist viewpoints in mainstream discourse
maintains conflicts, only a revelation of marginalized subjects and their security can alter such cycles
Maria Stern, PhD, Goteborg University, Sweden, lecturer and research fellow in the Department of Peace and Development Studies
at the University of Goteborg, Sweden. She teaches at the Department of Gender Studies at the University of Goteborg, currently
directing a research project “Gender in the Armed Forces: Militarism and Peace-building in Congo-Kinshasa and Mozambique, 2006
[“Feminist Methodologies for International Relations” edited by Brooke A. Ackerly: Assistant Professor in the Department of Political
Science at Vanderbilt University, Maria Stern: Lecturer and Researcher at the Department of Peace and Development Research,
Goteborg University, and Jacqui True: Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Studies at the University of Auskland, New
Zealand, 2006, Cambridge University Press, 2006, pg. 196, EmiW]
Fourthly, discourses of danger and the mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion that foster violence in
conflicts over national securities and identities also resound in security discourses in marginalized sites
(such as was expressed in the need for cohesion in the Mayan pueblo in the face of its enemies). Exploring how these
potentially violent mechanisms work in these sites also discloses openings for possible resistance, such
as the way certain narrators resisted the pinning down and circumscribing of who they were and for
what they struggle. For example, when speaking of her identity, one narrator, Manuela, said: "How are we going to
construct something on the basis of exclusions and auto-exclusions, if on one side you exclude, and on
the other you try to homogenize? It's a big contradiction . . . My work implies a permanent revision, a permanent
study of myself and what I am doing." These lessons are relevant not only for marginalized subjects of
security, but also for how to conceive of security and its concomitant subject positions more generally even in terms of the traditional subject of the state.
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