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Running Head: EDUCATION IN PANAMA
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Education in Panama: Inequities, Deficiencies and Solutions
Gordon Brown
George Mason University
Abstract
After describing the writer’s social justice disposition and establishing context, this paper will attempt to
identify and address apparent deficiencies and inequities in Panama’s education system. Based on evidence such as
the most recent data and my own experience and observations, some apparent deficiencies emerged, including:
regional/ethnic disparity, literacy, curricular content and delivery, and teacher education and development.
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Introduction
When my wife and I moved to Panama our Panamanian friends and neighbors told us not to put our
children in the public schools. An 11 year-old Panamanian girl in the local school had her arm broken during
school when a boy pushed her: the teacher had left the class unattended. Recent reports suggest that Panamanian
students perform below average compared to 15 other Latin American countries in all of the assessed subjects:
reading, math and science (LLECE, 2008). Last July, 2009, members of the Kuna Indian tribe kidnapped the local
Regional Director of the education department because they had been promised repairs to a school more than 4
years ago and were tired of waiting (Jackson, 2009). There seem to be problems with the education system in
Panama. What are the problems? And what are the solutions?
This paper will attempt to answer those two questions from a social justice perspective. Prior to providing
answers, I will define my social justice perspective, and then briefly describe Panama’s history, geography and
socio-political systems. Without transparency of the writer’s framework and with no context, the information could
be easily misunderstood and misapplied.
With my perspective and the context thus established, the paper will try to answer the above questions by
identifying and addressing apparent deficiencies and inequities in education in Panama based on evidence. So first,
what do I mean by “apparent” and “evidence”? In brief, the deficiencies/inequities met the criteria of apparent and
evidence-based by triangulation of my observations, available research and reports from Panamanians. These
criteria are influenced by my social justice disposition which in turn impacts the implications for social justice.
Therefore, I want to transparently share my perspective of social justice with the reader and further explicate the
reasoning behind the process of determining the deficiencies.
The Writer’s Social Justice Disposition: A Definition
Having read a number of articles and engaged in discourse regarding defining social justice, I’ve come to
define social justice as follows:
Social Justice: n. the state a society reaches when, regardless of race, color, ethnicity, religion,
gender, ability, or sexual preference, at a bare minimum, all members of the society receive basic
needs: including adequate nutrition (as determined by the UN and WHO), potable water, sufficient
shelter, decent health care, and effective education. In addition, all members of society enjoy
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freedom from oppressive violence: oppressive violence in the broad sense, thus, including hunger,
slavery, battery, bullying, rape, murder, hate crimes, etc., regardless of race, color, ethnicity,
religion, gender, ability, or sexual preference. Finally, social justice is an active noun--like the
gerund form of verbs, such as running. It requires social movement in order to be achieved. The
movement works to protect and advance the needs of the marginalized, abjectified, oppressed
minorities.
Thus, this definition does not value one political structure, e.g. democracy, over another, such as communism. Nor
is income parity a part of my definition. However, access to sufficient health care and education are highly valued
in this definition. And indeed as Sen (1999) cited, expenditures on health and education not only contribute to
economic growth, but also substantially improve quality of life (p. 49).
Speaking of values, when we decide what oppression is, especially across cultures, we impose our value
judgements on other cultures and, may end up inadvertently oppressing the very people we think we are liberating.
As Freire (1987) wrote:
A good way for educators to affirm their authoritarian elitism is to always express their
thoughts to others without ever exposing and offering themselves to others, remaining arrogantly
convinced that educators are here to save others…he who hears only the echo of his own words, in
a kind of oral narcissism;…he who thinks the working class is uncultured and incompetent and,
thus, needs to be liberated from top to bottom—this type of educator does not really have anything
to do with freedom or democracy. On the contrary, he who acts and thinks this way, consciously or
unconsciously, helps to preserve the authoritarian structures. (p. 40)
Gewirtz (1998), cites “Fraser’s concerns about…’normative judgments about the relative value of
alternative norms, practices and interpretations, judgments that could lead to conclusions of inferiority, superiority
and equivalent value’” (p. 482). Then, considering these concerns within Young’s framework, Gewirtz poses the
question, “How, to what extent and why do education policies support, interrupt or subvert…practices of cultural
imperialism? And which cultural differences should be affirmed, which should be universalized and which
rejected?” (p. 482).
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Therefore, to avoid the above referenced authoritarian elitism, oral narcissism, conclusions of inferiority
and cultural imperialism, this paper will address issues which have been triangulated, as aforementioned, through
international comparative data, intra-nation reports, personal observation, and personal communications with
Panamanians. In other words, the issues addressed as deficiencies should pass muster with positivists and cultural
relativists alike.
Hence, gender will not have a prominent position in this paper—nor will sexual preference, ability, or
religious affiliation. Because, while those may be of personal interest and/or currently en vogue in the field,
Panamanians do not apparently struggle with those issues—nor do the data suggest any significant disparity.
Stromquist (1996) might henceforth accuse me of “not considering exclusions and inequalities affecting women
and their limited participation,” and of falling prey to the “deceptive” reports on the education of women in Latin
America (p. 412). And, yet, Stromquist embodies the kind of agenda pushing that has resulted in her reliance on a
bad combination of unsubstantiated stereotypes and unsupported claims.1 We should not assume other cultures and
nations suffer our problems. I have attempted to avoid projecting US problems onto Panama.
The following vignette provides a concrete example of my current disposition and a shift in perspective
from the cultural imperialist to the cultural relativist end of the continuum. We lived in a very rural part of Panama,
in the midst of coffee country. Thus, thousands of indigenous people, mostly of the Ngobe tribe, migrated to pick
the coffee from November to March. Part of the Ngobe culture includes fighting. So, my wife and children and I
would often come across groups of men beating each other bloody in the street. At first my Western culture
thought this barbarically inferior; then my capitalist tendency thought at least they should be getting paid. So, I
began devising schemes to “help” these depraved natives. The scheme involved formal instruction in American
style boxing (as a former boxing coach I didn’t see much technique in their bouts), combined with mediation
services. Thus, we would establish a school of boxing, the Ngobe’s could train for free, but they A) would have to
try to resolve differences through mediation before fighting and B) if that failed, they would fight in a sanctioned
official venue with a referee (and get paid). I spoke to a Panamanian friend of mine who worked with many
Ngobe’s and he described a similar plan he had devised. Then one afternoon I was watching one of the bigger
fights, and I noticed that if one of the fighters was getting too badly beaten, the men standing around the circle
would intervene and another man would take the beaten one’s place. This led me to two conclusions: 1) These
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were sometimes refereed; 2) It was sport—not simply dispute resolution. Further conversation with my
Panamanian friend confirmed this: in fact, he had been invited by Ngobe people to an organized fight contest.
Moreover, while some of the fights arose from disputes, and often the winner of the fight won the female(s) being
contested, there were always rules: including no weapons and no feet. Now I began to notice technique, which
consisted of wrestling-style initial moves. So, who was I to judge a cultural practice as inferior or barbaric? Was
this any more barbaric than our American organized boxing? Was this violence—that almost never resulted in
death—worse than violence in America? In fact, perhaps if we allowed more of this kind of conflict resolution,
we’d have less violent deaths in America. Needless to say, I scrapped my schemes for “helping” eradicate this
cultural practice.
Hence, this paper discusses deficiencies that met the following criteria: 1. I observed them 2. Panamanians
described them as deficiencies 3. Data identified them as deficient. The issues that met these criteria include:
disparity between rural and urban/indigenous and others, literacy, the curriculum, and teacher education. Gender,
sexual preference, and religion did not meet these criteria of deficiencies, but will be discussed as relevant aspects
of Panamanian society and education. Before discussion of the issues, some basic background information will
construct the context that is the Republic of Panama.
Context
History
The Spanish settled in Panama in the 1500s as part of their colonization of other South American countries
(CIA, 2010; Meditz & Hanratty,1987). Of course indigenous tribes, such as the Kuna, Ngobe and Bugle, had lived
there for centuries, as evidenced by archeological finds and petroglyphs (Meditz & Hanratty,1987; V. Caballero,
personal communications, April, 2006). Panama joined the Republic of Colombia to gain independence from Spain
November 28th, 1821 (CIA, 2010; Meditz & Hanratty,1987). With assistance in the form of a Navy presence from
the US, Panama declared independence from Colombia November 3rd, 1903 and immediately signed a treaty
allowing the US to build the Panama Canal (CIA, 2010; Meditz & Hanratty,1987; McCullough, 1977). The US
tired of negotiations with Colombia over what was by most assessments a reasonable price to pay (McCullough,
1977). This revolt did not entail much actual fighting (McCullough, 1977). Ironically, some of the most intense
fighting was lead by Victoriano Lorenzo, of indigenous ethnicity, who some claim was the first Latino
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revolutionary and mostly responsible for the victory (Muller-Schwarze, 2008; P. Calavera, personal
communication, January, 2010). Given Lorenzo’s vital role in independence, the irony is that the indigenous are
the only categorical group who suffer injustice in the education system as per the above established criteria. Some
Panamanians blame the nation’s relatively painless birth for what they perceive as a cultural lack of initiative: a
laziness and reliance on others for help (A. Tello, C. Cabrera, V. Ortiz & P. Calavera, personal communications,
2006-2009).
General Omar Torrijos took power in 1969 and began his rule of self-described “dictatorship with a heart”
until his plane crashed in 1981 (Meditz & Hanratty, 1987, History, Torrijos Sudden Death section, para. 1). The
United States—and specifically George Bush Sr. under the Reagan administration—is often implicated in his death,
though the crash is still ruled an accident (Greene, 1984; Harris & St. Malo, 1993; A. Tello & G. St. Malo, personal
communication, 2006; P. Peterson personal communication, April, 2010). General Torrijos, considered a socialist
and friend to the people, was obsessed with education and is credited with great leaps forward in Panama’s
education system (Meditz & Hanratty, 1987; P. Peterson, personal communication, April, 2010; Greene, 1984).
Under his administration many schools were built and Panama’s modern system was firmly established (Meditz &
Hanratty, 1987; P. Peterson, personal communication, April, 2010; Greene, 1984). After brief interim leadership,
General Noriega--with US support--assumed power and began a brutal rule . Noriega’s rule ended when the US
decided to interfere with Panama and used heavy artillery and military forces to hunt and extradite him (CIA, 2010;
Harris &St. Malo, 1993; A. Tello, personal communication, 2006). The Panamanian Problem, by Harris and St.
Malo (1993), documents the disintegration of diplomatic efforts, placing most of the blame on the US. Thanks to
the late General Torrijos, President Carter and the Carter-Torrijos treaty, the Panama Canal and other US holdings
reverted to sovereign control in 1999 (CIA, 2010; Muller-Schwarze, 2008).
Government and Population
Since the violent removal of General Noriega, Panama has been a constitutional democracy, with the same
three branches of government as the United States: executive, legislative and judicial (CIA, 2010). The current
president, Ricardo Martinelli, a wealthy businessman educated in the US, beat his main opponent Balbina del
Carmen Herrera Arauz, a woman many considered a Noriegista with ties to Chavez, in a relative landslide (V.
Caballero, A. Tello & M. Caballero, personal communications, 2008-2009). Presidential terms last five years
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(CIA, 2010). Traditionally if a newly elected president of Panama comes from an opposition party, all government
employees--down to maintenance and maid service--are replaced by party loyalists (I. Agosto, D. Santos, M.
Caballero, personal communications, 2008-2009). President Martinelli seems to be ignoring that tradition. He
appointed Lucy Molinar, a popular television personality and consistent critic of Panama’s education system, the
Minister of Education. She has no background in education.
The total population of Panama comes to approximately 3, 360, 000—a little more than the population of
metro-DC (CIA, 2010). Infant mortality rate at about 12% is twice that of the US and in the middle of Colombia’s
and Costa Rica’s, but the overall death rate of about 4% is half that of the US (CIA, 2010). So, current life
expectancy is 77, with women living past 80 and men past 74 (CIA, 2010; UNICEF, 2010). 1% of adults have
HIV/Aids (CIA, 2010, UNICEF, 2010). Approximately 85% are Roman Catholic while most of the remaining 15%
are Protestant (CIA, 2010). Approximately half of the population live in the capital, Panama City. In 2004
Panama spent 3.8% of GDP on education; from 1998 to 2007 16% of public expenditures went towards education
(CIA, 2010; UNICEF, 2010).
Geography
Panama, the bridge between the continents and the path between the seas, floats between the Caribbean Sea
and the Pacific Ocean anchored to Costa Rica on the North American side and to Colombia on the South American
border (CIA, 2010). Its approximately 75,000 square miles make it a bit smaller than South Carolina (CIA, 2010).
Yet its terrain ranges from 0 meters (sea level) to 3, 475 meters on the summit of Volcan Baru, the highest peak in
the region (CIA, 2010; Focus, 2006, pp. 83-86). From that summit one can see the Atlantic ocean to the north and
the Pacific to the south (though in the three times I hiked it I only saw one ocean once due to inclement weather and
poor visibility). Indeed, Panama’s variegated flora, fauna and land formations have attracted Europeans for
centuries. Panama boasts more varieties of insects, flowers and birds than practically anywhere else on earth. The
island Coiba off the Pacific coast is a designated World Heritage Site comparable to the Galapagos for its “high
levels of endemism of mammals, birds and plants” (Focus, 2006, p. 115). In addition, tourists can enjoy beautiful
beaches, natural hot springs, white water rafting, and hikes through cool rain and cloud forests within a one hour
drive-time radius. The climate is tropical and results in two seasons: rainy from April to December and dry from
January to March.2
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Context matters. The history, government, population characteristics, and geography of Panama have
had—and continue to have—significant impacts on key aspects of Panama’s education system: from the daily and
annual schedule (which are organized to avoid the rainy time of day and independence celebrations during the
month of November), to the gap between indigenous and majority achievement which will be discussed below.
Equity: Where’s the Gap and Who’s Oppressed?
Religious Affiliation and Sexual Orientation
My entire time in Panama I never heard of a hate crime, nor any incident of oppression against another
human based on their religion nor sexual preference. In fact, despite the above referenced overwhelming majority
of Catholics with Protestantism accounting for most of the rest, there are Buddhists, Mormons, Jews, Seventh Day
Adventists, indigenous faiths and other religious groups with enough members to build temples and churches
(though apparently not enough members to be mentioned in the CIA (2010) World Fact Book). Indeed, Harris and
St. Malo (1993) devote a section of their book to the response of the Jewish community in Panama to the Noriega
situation. These minority religions coexist in apparent harmony among the Catholic majority.
Likewise, I met Panamanian homosexuals and spoke with a number of Panamanian high school students
about views on homosexuality. Panamanians invariably stated that homosexuals are not necessarily celebrated but
they are accepted—nobody seems to care much about sexual preference. Furthermore, most of the young
Panamanians claimed that even those who everyone knows are homosexual are not victims of bullying, hate crimes,
or the like. Indeed I got to know one high-ranking Panamanian official who was openly gay and seemed not to
suffer persecution nor undue attention for it. However, it may be that this issue has not been confronted, and it
should be investigated further. Nevertheless, based on the lack of data, personal communications and field
observations, neither sexual preference nor religious affiliation met the criteria for categories suffering from
apparent inequitable treatment under the Panamanian education system.
Ability
When you log on the web site for the Ministerio de Educacion (MEDUCA) there is a button for statistics,
but when you go to that page the links to the actual statistics don’t work. Right under the statistics button is a
button for “educacion inclusiva” (tr. inclusion). That button leads to many links with documents, including the
“Plan Nacional de Educacion Inclusiva” (tr. National Plan for Inclusion). This impressive five chapter document
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discusses how to serve all children in public education in the least restrictive manner, regardless of severity of
disability, and includes specific suggestions for schools, curricula and teachers.
I personally knew a number of children who had disabilities and were adequately served in the public
schools, including children who were diagnosed MR and one girl who suffered from Rett syndrome (P. Garcia & I.
Agosto, personal communications, 2006-2008). Despite the occasional problem, her parents were satisfied with the
service they received (P. Garcia, personal communication, January, 2009).
In my capacity as supervisor, I observed a number of teachers. All of them had children with disabilities in
their classrooms. During observations they would often acknowledge the children who had the disability and on
occasion would make statements to the effect of, “S/He is very special so s/he can’t do this.” Which, being that
these statements were made in front of all the children, was probably not the best practice. However, the teachers
seemed to have a good rapport and connection with the special students. They did not have support staff, such as a
special educator, in the room. I did observe one special educator, and on that day her student was much better
served than the regular education students, who were largely ignored by their regular education teacher. In any
case, laws governing special education in Panama and the resulting practices are similar to those in the US, that is,
all children regardless of disability have the right to public education (MEDUCA, 2010; A. Gonzalez, personal
communication, 2009). Thus, education of diverse abilities did not meet the criteria for a category suffering
apparent inequitable treatment. However, ability will be revisited in the discussion of solutions.
Gender
Gender presents a more complex conundrum. Panama seems to nurture gender roles: my daughter was
subjected to becoming a princess in pre-school. In fact, princess culture runs rampant in Panama: every grade in
every school—including at the university level—holds princess contests and pageants. In addition, villages and
districts select princesses to represent them and reign during parades for carnival, Christmas, etc. Women are not
welcome in billiards halls and other types of male-oriented bars. A woman entering such an establishment
wouldn’t be thrown out, necessarily, but would be considered of low morals. And, in fact, prostitution is legal and
most prostitutes are women. When my wife and I attended private birthday parties I was offered beer or rum, she
was not offered anything. Many members of the Ngobe tribe still expect girls to start making babies at the age of
12 and the goal is to birth at least 10 children; the men still win the women by fighting for them; the women walk a
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Figure 1. Minister of Education, Lucy Molinar
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couple of feet behind the men. I personally knew of some situations in which men physically
abused their wives and/or committed adultery. The women I knew in these situations generally
divorced the men in question, suggesting that those behaviors may not be accepted cultural
practices.
Our Western concept of civilization may consider some of the above reprehensible and/or backward. Yet,
if we take a moment to consider our own issues with gender, by looking at rape statistics, domestic violence and
other violent crimes against women in the US, as well as divorce rates, then who are we to judge? Like the above
described case of Ngobe fights, perhaps gender roles have a positive impact on gender relations. Maybe legalized
prostitution reduces violence against women. I don’t know. Certainly, some of the above social phenomena and
relationships, from roles as princesses to prostitutes, may indicate that Panama’s societal superstructure subjugates
women and/or worships women for physical/sexual traits.
On the other hand, Panama has elected a female head of state—the US still has not. More to the point, in
the field of education—the topic of this paper—women enjoy parity, and, indeed, it could be argued that men have
fallen to the low end of the gender gap. Women hold most of the teaching jobs as well as school leadership
positions: in fact, the current chief educator, Ministra Lucy Molinar, is female (see Figure 1).
Furthermore, the data for a number of bench marks, such as attrition, demonstrate parity or males falling
behind. The gap in literacy is not significant: males at almost 93% literacy edge females at approximately 92% by
about 1% (CIA, 2010). But females with an expected school life of 14 years, edge out males at 13 years, by an
entire year (CIA, 2010). Indeed, in a recent conversation with Price Peterson, a director of the University of
Honduras and consular warden for the Boquete District in Panama, he revealed concern for a potential societal
crises arising from the substantial gap between the numbers of Panamanian women graduating from universities vs.
their male counterparts. The most recent data from UNESCO’s Institute for Statistics confirm this trend with 5-6%
more females enrolled in secondary schools than males and female enrolment in tertiary education beating that of
males by more than 20% in 2007 and 2002 (UNESCO, 2010).
In addition, on the recent Second Regional Comparative and Explanatory Study (SERCE), third grade girls
outperformed third grade boys on the reading assessment by close to 15 points; by the 6th grade the gap increased to
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more than 15 points. In math, the SERCE showed third grade girls beating the boys by nearly 6 points; by sixth
grade, boys began closing the gap and were only down by about 3 points.
Thus, whether looking at enrollment, attrition, university graduation rates, performance on regional math
and reading assessments, or employment in the field of education, females enjoy parity, and in fact, superiority in
Panama. Therefore, being that the focus of this paper is education and not the societal costs or benefits of
princesses and prostitutes, gender did not meet the criteria for a category suffering from apparent inequitable
treatment in education, with the exception of attrition of males, which will be revisited briefly in our discussion of
solutions.
Rural Districts and Race
The same above mentioned SERCE, which was a UNESCO published comparative assessment of 16 Latin
American countries, showed great disparity between rural and urban populations (LLECE, 2008). Third and sixth
grade urban students in Panama scored more than 50 points better on the reading assessments. On the math
assessments the gap grew, with third grade urban students scoring just over 20 points better--but by sixth grade
almost 40 points better--than their rural counterparts. So who are these rural students?
The Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) (1998) provides pragmatic
demographics of race:
The majority of the population is made up of nonindigenous groups (91%), which include
Hispanics (the majority), descendants of African slaves, and descendants of African slaves from the
West Indies. The rest of the population is indigenous (9%), divided among five groups: Kuna,
Emberá and Wounaan, Ngobe-Buglé (previously known as Guaymíes), Bokotas, and Teribes.
From my observations and experience, most of the indigenous minorities, now close to 10% of Panama’s
population, live in the rural areas. Meditz and Hanratty (1987) allude to this correlation between the indigenous
and rural populations when speaking of the disparity in literacy rates:
The most notable disparity was between urban and rural Panama; 94 percent of city-dwelling adults
were literate, but fewer than two-thirds of those in the countryside were--a figure that also
represented continued high illiteracy rates among the country's Indian population. (Education
section, para. 3)
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In many cases the indigenous live in very remote areas, with no modern infrastructure such as roads,
plumbing and electricity. Often they live hours away--by foot--from the nearest school and clinic. These harsh
living conditions sometimes result in tragic consequences: a Ngobe friend of mine suffered the loss of his twentyyear-old daughter to influenza during an outbreak in which more than 1003 Ngobe children died. Access to basic
health care would have saved them. This happened in 2007. That October, reports of Ngobe children dying in the
Nurum district of Panama’s indigenous Ngobe-Bugle region began surfacing. Officials reported more than 40
deaths from what would initially appear as a flu-like virus, but would present symptoms indicative of bronchial
pneumonia before killing its victim. Government officials attributed the problem to complications from rainy
season colds and poor sanitary conditions and reported just 10 deaths. Thus, due to what they perceived as a
lackadaisical response, the local officials began contacting the news media. The region is extremely remote and
many of its inhabitants live a many hours walk from the nearest passable road. This inhibits both the flow of
accurate information and health-care services. As news of this outbreak spread, President Martin Torrijos was
visiting the United States. He left the US ahead of schedule and flew into the district with more than 50 healthcare
workers to advise families there to cooperate with health officials and bring their children to hospitals (Jackson,
2007).
Eric Jackson (2007) wrote in the on-line publication The Panama News:
The Ngobe-Bugle Comarca, the youngest of Panama’s semi-autonomous indigenous regions,
comprises about nine percent of the country’s land mass and by all accounts has its biggest
concentration of poverty. Many of the inhabitants leave for part of the year to pick coffee or other
crops. Panama’s long-standing compulsory public education laws are mostly theoretical there.
(para. 8)
Yet, despite “economic marginalization, political atomization, difficult access and cultural breakdown…The area is
home to the largest, most persistent and most volatile swing vote in Panamanian politics” (Jackson, 2007). Perhaps
it was for this reason that President Martin Torrijos spent a lot of time there, or perhaps he inherited some of his
father’s obsession for education and commitment to the poor.
Regardless, the former President frequented the region to promote his Network of Opportunities program.
The program, based on similar efforts in Venezuela and Brazil, pays mothers $35 stipends if they ensure that their
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kids recieve innoculations and go to school. Torrijos personally flew in to remote communities to deliver the
envelopes with $35 to local mothers, posed for photographers and gave speeches hoping to win the indigenous vote.
While living in Panama, I sensed that the indigenous were nearing the end of the climax of their civil rights
movement, thus, analagous to circa 1970 for African-Americans. Marches and demonstrations seem to have
intensified at the end of the last millenium and the CCCE (similar to SNCC for the African-American movement)
was formed in 1999 (Muller-Schwarze, 2008). The battle for land has been documented as an ongoing struggle
since the Spanish arrived in the 1500s (Muller-Schwarze, 2008). Indeed, the aforementioned Victoriano Lorenzo
fought for independence in return for a promise of land for his tribe (Muller-Schwarze, 2008). In recent decades
tribes have received, yet again, grants of territories, such as the Comarca territory, as well as virtual autonomy, e.g.
the Kuna tribe and San Blas islands (Muller-Schwarze, 2008). Yet, unfortunately, the indigenous battle for land
continues--largely due to trans-national development projects such as dams and the canal expansion which threaten
their way of life, their sustenance and their homes (Muller-Schwarze, 2008; Perkins, 2004). In addition to battling
for land, they still suffer racism, poverty, hunger, and other forms of oppression.
The Kuna tribe recently decided to wage their battle in the field of education. Apparently frustrated by
long delayed, promised and overdue repairs to one of their schools, this past July, 2009, they kidnapped a
MEDUCA regional director—the equivalent of a superintendent in the US. When the responsible parties met with
them to establish a firm date for the repairs to begin, the Kuna released the director unharmed (see appendix A for a
report of the incident in English).
As part of the Professional Development School (PDS) I founded in Panama, I brought in a panel of diverse
students and parents to talk with the teachers in the program. All of the panel members were indigenous; some of
them had experience with disabled family members; one was university bound, one was enrolled in university and
one dropped out of school after fourth grade. This panel felt they had generally been treated equitably in the public
schools, but there were incidents. For example, one told of a class where a Panamanian student referred to an
indigenous classmate as a cholo, a derogatory term for indian. The other students laughed. Rather than chastising
the bully, the instructor seemed to laugh as well.
Casa Esperanza is a nation-wide after-school organization specifically designed to narrow the achievement
gap between indigenous children and the rest. The quality and scope of services provided is impressive and
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includes health care, homework help, access to technology, instruction in music and art and literacy programs. I
worked with the Casa Esperanza site in the Boquete district of Panama. At that site alone the organization served
more than 200 students daily.
Hence, given the above, particularly: the urban/rural disparity in literacy; the demand for programs
targeting indigenous school children such as Casa Esperanza and the Network of Opportunities; and the recent
kidnapping of a high-ranking educational leader, the category of race—specifically the indigenous races—qualifies
as suffering apparent inequitable treatment in the Panamanian education system.
Literacy4
There are two reasons why I’ve given literacy—often defined by the ability to read and write—it’s own
section separate from the curriculum. First, literacy, more than other disciplines, is considered crucial to sociopolitical empowerment, economic growth, and academic success across disciplines (Sen, 1999; Freire, 1987; EFA,
2006; CIA, 2010). Second, the literacy data in Panama is problematic.
As reported by Molina (2008) in Panama’s premier newspaper, La Prensa, “La incapacidad de
interpretar textos les impide aprender de forma adecuada el resto de la vida escolar.” (Tr. The inability to
interpret texts impedes adequate learning for the rest of academic life.) But literacy is not just important for
academic achievement; literacy possesses pragmatic purposes. The on-line World Fact Book of the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA) succinctly highlights the practical application of literacy with the statement,
“Low levels of literacy, and education in general, can impede the economic development of a country in the
current rapidly changing, technology-driven world” (References, Definitions and Notes, Literacy section,
para. 1). Other documents, such as the 2006 Education For All (EFA) Global Monitoring Report, declare
literacy a human right (p. 27). Whether considering literacy as a building block for academics, stimulant for
economic development, a human right, or all of the above, most of us believe it is of vital importance.
Literacy is commonly defined as the ability to read and write (CIA, 2010; Funk & Wagnall, 1949;
Encarta, 2010; EFA, 2006). The EFA (2006) adopted UNESCO’s (1978) definition:
A person is functionally literate who can engage in all those activities in which literacy is required
for effective functioning of his group and community and also for enabling him to continue to use
EDUCATION IN PANAMA
15
reading, writing and calculation for his own and the community’s development. (as cited in EFA,
2006, p. 30)
In order for literacy data to be more meaningful, I believe we need to more narrowly define literacy by
incorporating a comparative level and skills as follows: adult literacy refers to anyone over the age of 15
who reads, writes, comprehends and uses technology at a sixth grade level or higher.
For the past 20 years the alleged literacy rate in Panama has hovered around 90%, apparently
slowly improving from 89.3% in 1990 to 93.4% in 2008 (PAHO,1998; CIA, 2010; EFA, 2010). However,
despite the legitimate authority of the organizations reporting this data, I question it.
I question it because, as the EFA (2006) admitted, “the literacy rates reported by the EFA Global
Monitoring Report are among the weaker international education statistics” (p. 30). One of the problems with the
statistics are the varying definitions: in some countries if a person could only read or only write they would be
classified as literate, in others illiterate (EFA, 2006, p. 174). In fact, “In past censuses, the ability to sign one’s
name was sometimes considered as sufficient evidence of literacy” (EFA, 2006, p. 174). Often simply being
promoted to 4th grade qualified one as literate according to the authorities, whether or not the person in question
could read or write (EFA, 2006, pp. 156-157).
Thus, I have many questions about the literacy data that require further investigation. How was adult
literacy in Panama defined? Based on that definition, what assessment was implemented? My eight-year old son
could pass the above-quoted EFA definition, which is perhaps a bit more rigorous than the standard definition “the
ability to read and write” (CIA, 2010; Encarta, 2010; Funk & Wagnall’s, 1949). None of the definitions set a level
that could be evaluated and assessed. So, if the determining instrument is a survey that asks the question, “Can you
read and write?” and the proof is that they read the survey and responded—as per the 1994 method in Kenya--that
may not be demonstrative of literacy above a second-grade level (EFA, 2006, p. 156).
Furthermore, who gets counted in the data? Are the data collectors sampling? Did they hike five hours into
the Comarca territory where many of the indigenous live? Are they giving the literacy assessment in multiple
languages, such as the indigenous Ngobe and Kuna Yala languages, or just Spanish?
Based on my observations and triangulation through personal communications, this issue of literacy
became an apparent deficiency for a number of reasons including: the lack of lending libraries and bookstores; the
EDUCATION IN PANAMA
16
lack of fiction stories in k-12 schools; and the cultural lack of reading for pleasure or information. In addition, I
kept meeting Panamanian adults—not just indigenous—who could not read nor write.
Moreover, when you combine the SERCE data with retention data and attrition data,5 and if adult literacy is
assigned a measurable and decent level, e.g. sixth grade, then I fear the reported literacy rates in Panama would be
much lower. Take the 6th grade reading performance on the SERCE and combine that with rates of enrollment past
the 6th grade: while enrollment in primary is about 100%, graduation from primary—i.e. sixth grade—is just 88%,
and enrollment in secondary schools female:male dips down to 73%:68% (UNICEF, Info by Country: Panama,
Education section). Now consider the following excerpt’s discussion of retention, i.e. the percentages of students in
Panama who are older than the “norm” for their grade level (of course, if more than 50% are in that situation, as per
below, one could argue that is the norm).
Otro dato que sirve para medir la calidad del sistema se encuentra en la cantidad de estudiantes que
se encuentran por encima de la edad del grado que cursan. Las estadísticas del Meduca señalan que
en el nivel primario, por ejemplo, existe un 34.5% de alumnos en esta situación. En la premedia y
media, el porcentaje sube a 51.4%. (Benjamin, 2006).
Translation: Other data that measures the quality of the education system is the number of students who are older
than the norm for their grade level. Statistics from MEDUCA state that at the primary level 34.5% of students are
in that situation. In the elementary and middle years, the percentage rises to 51.4%. Let’s add to our analysis of
the variables the SERCE results for 6th grade reading: 69% of students in Panama scored at level II-IV, 31% scored
at level I or below (LLECE, 2008). While not perfectly transferable, I’m going to equate level I or below on the 6 th
grade assessment with not yet adult level literacy.
Let’s go ahead and paint the picture by numbers now. As per the above: 50% of children reach the 3rd
grade unable to read; at least 35% of those third graders are older than the norm; 88% of Panamanian children
graduate from 6th grade; approximately 70% go on to 7th grade; more than 50% of those 7th graders are older than
the norm. If we were to define literacy as the ability to decode and comprehend text and write in Spanish, English
or one of the indigenous languages at the 6th grade level, then, by the above analysis, I fear the reported 94% adult
literacy rate in Panama would drop by at least 20 points to around 70%.
EDUCATION IN PANAMA
17
Neither the scope of this paper nor the resources of the author allowed for a rigorous statistical analysis.
Therefore, researchers should investigate literacy data diligently. Moreover, nations and organizations, such as
UNESCO, should consider raising the standard for literacy and applying that standard across nations. In my
opinion the ability to sign your name does not make you functionally literate.
The Curriculum: Bolitas y Bailando
The casual observer might—not entirely incorrectly—get the impression that the pre-k-2nd grade
curriculum consists mainly of tearing paper, rolling it into bolitas (tr. little balls) and pasting the balls in to a
prescribed pattern; that and bailando (tr. dancing). With in-class work and homework, my son and daughter rolled
and pasted tens of thousands of bolitas between them (see Appendix B). My daughter began learning traditional
dance in pre-k and participated in the school dance performance from the age of 4 on. Just getting the girls dressed
in the traditional gowns and made-up took more than two hours, and the purchasing of hair accessories, ironing of
the pleated dresses, etc. begins weeks before the performance. I’m not suggesting that bolitas and bailando be
removed from the curriculum entirely; however, the time dedicated to those two skills seems a bit excessive and
perhaps some of that time could be dedicated to other concepts, such as basic operations in math, or reading
comprehension.
I recently spoke to two Panamanian educators, one pre-service English teacher and another Coordinator of
a University English Program and high school English teacher. I asked them if they could change anything in
Panamanian education what would they change: the curriculum showed up high on both of their short lists (C.
McLaughen & Y. Garcia, personal communication, May, 2010). They both felt it was incomplete and needed to be
improved. In fact, when I spoke to her last week, the coordinator was off to present some of her research on
curricular changes she had implemented in the high school English program to improve verbal fluency (Y. Garcia,
personal communication, May, 2010).
As parents of children in the school system we felt there were some problems with the curriculum. As a
supervisor for some teachers in Panama these feelings were confirmed. The main problem seems to be too much
rote copying and memorization, not enough conceptual understanding nor critical thinking. To illustrate let’s
examine the math curriculum.
EDUCATION IN PANAMA
18
Figures 2 and 3 display standards 1 and 2 for third grade in mathematics. To summarize them in English:
Standard one requires students to be able to read, write and count whole numbers up to (and down from) 9,999, by
ones, twos, threes, fives, tens, hundreds and thousands (see Figure 2). Standard two requires students to be able to
comprehend the concept of addition and apply it to addition problems with totals less than 9,999 (see Figure 3).
On the MEDUCA web site you can also find the curriculum guide for environmental education. This sixth
edition integrates environmental education with the other disciplines, such as math. The third grade math section of
the guide has a lesson plan titled “Las patas de los animals” (Tr. The legs of animals; MEDUCA, 2007, p. 28). The
objective is to construct the multiplication table from problems posed with numbers of the legs of animals, e.g.
Spiders have eight legs; there are 5 spiders in a spider web; how many spider legs are in that web? (Ans. 8 legs x 5
spiders = 40 spider legs in the web). That’s not a bad lesson.
The problem is
that the second grade
lesson from the same
guide has students
working on counting items
in the environment, e.g.
stones in the school patio,
leaves on a small plant,
trees in the field, up to
999. Moreover, while the
ESTÁNDAR DE CONTENIDO Y DESEMPEÑO NO. 1
ÁREA: LOS NÚMEROS, SUS RELACIONES Y OPERACIONES
Comprender el concepto de un número natural y utilizar el sistema de base diez para
representarlo
Tercer Grado.
1.18 Comprender el concepto de unidad de millar
1.19 Distinguir el valor absoluto y posicional de las cifras para escribir y contar números
naturales hasta 9,999
1.20 Realizar la lectura y escritura de números naturales hasta 9,999.
1.21 Aplicar el conteo progresivo y regresivo de números naturales hasta 9,999.
1.22 Aplicar el conteo progresivo y regresivo de números naturales desde 999 hasta 9,999
de “dos en dos” ; “tres en tres”; “cinco en cinco”; “diez en diez”; “cien en cien”;
“mil en mil”
1.23 Construir familias de números naturales de manera progresiva y regresiva
ordenándolas según la cantidad que representan en la recta numerada hasta 9,999.
1.24 Utilizar la recta numérica para representar los números naturales como puntos de
la recta hasta 9,999.
1.25 Aplicar las relaciones de orden entre números naturales hasta 9,999 ( relación “antes
de”, “después de” y “está entre” ).
national curriculum does
Figure 2. From Estándares De Contenido y Desempeño. MEDUCA (1999).
EDUCACIÓN
have students beginning to learn
multiplication PRIMARIA
tables in second grade, in my experience, even third grade students
MATEMÁTICA
have trouble with the more basic operations of addition and subtraction due to an overemphasis on standard one to
the detriment of the other standards. So, the guide lacks vertical integration because its second grade lesson does
not include any operations, then the third grade leaps to multiplication in word problems. Moreover, while on
paper it appears to be aligned with the national math standards, in praxis, I fear that many Panamanian third graders
struggle with multiplication.
EDUCATION IN PANAMA
19
ESTÁNDAR DE CONTENIDO Y DESEMPEÑO NO. 2
ÁREA: LOS NÚMEROS, SUS RELACIONES Y OPERACIONES
Comprender y aplicar el concepto de adición o suma de números naturales, sus propiedades y procedimientos
de cálculo en la resolución de situaciones problemáticas reales o hipotéticas
Tercer Grado.
2.19 Comprender el concepto de adición o suma de números naturales.
2.20 Aplicar la composición y descomposición de números naturales para realizar sumas con totales menores
9,999.
2.21 Comprender el algoritmo de adición o suma en los números naturales.
2.22 Aplicar el algoritmo de adición o suma en los números naturales con totales menores a 9,999
2.23 Aplicar las propiedades de la adición o suma en los números naturales.
2.24 Estimar adiciones o sumas de números naturales cuyo total sea menor de 9,999.
2.25 Calcular mentalmente adiciones sencillas de números naturales con dos sumandos cuyos totales lleguen
hasta 9,999.
2.26 Resolver ecuaciones de la forma a+__= c, o de la forma __+ b = c para totales menores
de 9,999.
2.27 Formular y resolver problemas reales o hipotéticos de adición o suma en los números
naturales hasta 9,999.
Figure 3. From Estándares De Contenido y Desempeño. MEDUCA (1999).
Through a mentor program I implemented at a home for abandoned children, I had the opportunity to work
with many children at different grade levels. I distinctly remember working with a 10-year old we’ll call N, who
was busy filling pages by writing to 5000 by ones, twos, threes, and fives. Sometimes he’d get stuck, and I’d
prompt him by asking, “Well, what is 3, 408 plus 2?” He generally responded to these suggestions of mine to use
addition to figure out the next number in the series with a blank stare followed by incorrect guesses. He was not the
only one to respond thusly. So, I found myself often teaching the basic operations, such as addition and
multiplication, to students aged 8-14.
I’m not saying Panamanian elementary teachers don’t spend any time on operations. But I did see
notebooks full of numbers written to satisfy standard one. And I worked with many 8 through 14 year olds who
struggled with addition and subtraction and did not know their multiplication tables. So, my suggestion would be
to focus less on the rote copying of series of numbers and more on the concepts of basic operations; that is, less
time mastering standard one and more time mastering the other standards.
Generally speaking, in Panama the focus on rote memorization and copying should be reduced and higher
order thinking skills as per Bloom’s Taxonomy emphasized (Bloom, 1956). The university students I worked with
in Panama could copy pages from books, but properly summarizing text was a skill they had not mastered. I
observed teachers at the elementary and secondary levels copying pages of text books on the board which the
EDUCATION IN PANAMA
20
students then copied in their notebooks for the entirety of the 40 minute period. When my son was in first and
second grade, my wife and I and his baby-sitters spent many afternoons helping him memorize sections of notes
that had been pasted into his notebooks, so that he could write or speak the answers to the tests verbatim.
Meanwhile, we spent other afternoons purchasing accessories for my daughter when she was 3 and 4 years old, so
that she could meet the requirements of the dance performances in pre-school (see Figures 4 and 5). Of course,
none of that compares to the years my son and daughter spent tearing what seemed like tons of strips of paper to
roll into thousands of bolitas and paste into patterns in their notebooks (see Appendix B).
Figure 4 My daughter pre-performance.
Figure 5: Panamanian folk dancing performed by 3-4 year-old children.
I have nothing against developing fine motor skills by tearing and rolling tiny pieces of paper (particularly
applicable motions to coffee picking). And I enjoy dancing and watching children folk dance. In fact, I hope
Panama does not over-react in the way the US and the UK did with the NCLB and Literacy and Numeracy
initiatives respectively, which have drastically diminished instruction in the arts and stifled effective methods for
balanced development. Keep on dancing. Keep some of the bolitas and bailando. However, given the extremely
poor results of the SERCE, and in light of the relatively high investment Panama devotes to education, I think the
curriculum needs to be revised: specifically, concepts and learning strategies should be emphasized and rote
memorization should be de-emphasized.
Perhaps small changes, such as, reordering the national math standards for third grade, such that the
operations of addition, subtraction, multiplication and division are standards numbers 1, 2, 3 and 4, whereas,
EDUCATION IN PANAMA
21
counting to 9, 999 is standard number 5, would have a symbolic and pragmatic effect resulting in desirable
outcomes.
Teacher Preparation and Development
A variety of paths to licensure as a k-12 teacher exist in Panama:1) one may get an undergraduate degree in
education; 2) one may get an undergraduate degree in a subject such as math or science, and then a master’s degree
in education; 3) there is one high school program, in Santiago Normal high school, which has a teacher preparation
program as part of the 10th – 12th grade curricular options. According to the educators I spoke with, these programs
include teaching internships that may range from one month to four months in duration (A. Gonzalez, personal
communication, 2009; C. McLaughen & Y. Garcia, personal communication, May, 2010). A pre-service teacher
pursuing a master’s degree or Ph.D. also does a research project (C. McLaughen & Y. Garcia, personal
communication, May, 2010).
Upon graduating, the teachers submit all of their paperwork to MEDUCA and they may apply to certain
schools—particularly at the university level—but traditionally MEDUCA then assigns the new teachers to rural
schools where they work for 1-2 years after which they can apply for a transfer (A. Gonzalez, personal
communication, 2009; C. McLaughen & Y. Garcia, personal communication, May, 2010). However, according to
Professor Garcia, the placement of teachers is becoming more politicized such that teachers with connections get
placed where they want without having to do time in rural schools (Y. Garcia, personal communication, May,
2010). Interestingly, she feels this freedom of choice will be detrimental to efforts to close the rural/urban
achievement gap. Whereas, other educators I spoke with saw the centralized control of teacher placement as a
cause of numerous problems, including teacher shortages and job dissatisfaction (L. Fennario & C. McLaughen,
personal communication, 2008).
So, what’s the problem? Well, for one thing, when the 2008 SERCE shows that Panamanian students
performed below average on every indicator: reading, math and natural science in both 3rd and 6th grade as
compared to 15 other mostly poorer Latin-American countries, I believe it’s reasonable to review how educators are
being trained. The New York Times Magazine recently ran an article suggesting a similar link between teacher
preparation and student achievement—La Prensa was two years ahead of the Times (Green, 2010; Molina, 2008).
The 2008 article discussing the results of the SERCE in La Prensa cites Pedro Ravela, a consultant for UNESCO,
EDUCATION IN PANAMA
22
as suggesting that A) teachers need to be paid better, and B) continuing education for teachers needs to improve and
include more observations (Molina, 2008, para. 3).
So, while Meditz and Hanratty (1987) claim that “Teacher education was a high priority in the 1970s and
1980s, a reflection of the generally poor training teachers had received in the past,” apparently the priorities were
ill-conceived and ineffective (Education section, para. 13). Unfortunately, I bore witness to the results of poor
teacher training. Effective homework practice, e.g. brief practice of learned skills, was not followed. In second
grade in Panama our son usually had two hours of homework every night, and often the directions were unclear.
This past year in second grade in Fairfax he averages 20-30 minutes of homework, 4 nights a week; the directions
are clear, and, most important, his improvement in all disciplines, most notably reading and writing, is substantially
greater. As previously mentioned I supervised some teachers and thus observed and evaluated a number of
educators. I saw teachers copying texts on the board and students copying the notes into notebooks. But I
discovered the worst case of poor teacher practice at the same public elementary school where our 11 year-old
neighbor broke her arm while the teacher was out of the room. It turns out teachers in that school regularly left
their classrooms unattended while they chatted or had meetings. This is a basic safety issue and a violation of
Panamanian law.
The demand for my pilot PDS program by teachers, parent organizations and the university partner was
further evidence of a need for better teacher training. This demand derived in part from the fact that, according to
numerous educators, MEDUCA has given the same in-service training every February for many, many years,
despite the annual promise that next year they would change the program (A. Gonzalez, C. McLaughen & Y.
Garcia, personal communications, 2008). The PDS experience in Panama brings us to implications and solutions.
Implications and Solutions
The Path Between the Seas and Bridge to the Americas: Trailhead/Port of Embarkation
"The cultural heritage given to the child should be determined by the social position he will or should occupy. For
this reason education should be different in accordance with the social class to which the student should be
related." Declaration of the First Panamanian Educational Assembly, 1913 (as cited in Meditz & Hanratty, 1987)
Before we begin discussing implications and suggesting solutions, we should remember that Panama’s
history as a completely independent nation at barely over a century is even shorter than that of the United States. I
EDUCATION IN PANAMA
23
had a Panamanian neighbor who was older than the country itself: born in the republic of Colombia. In addition to
the birth of her nation, in her life she saw the following changes in education:

1913 The First Panamanian Educational Assembly implements a system with an elitist/talented
tenth philosophy

1920s the philosophy and practice shifts from elitist to progressive

1923-1933 adult illiteracy drops from more than 70% to approximately 50%

By 1950s adult illiteracy drops to 28% where it stagnates until 1960s

1950s-1980s enrollment rates expanded faster than population growth

By 1980 just 13% of Panamanians over age 10 were illiterate

By 1980 there is no significant gender gap in literacy nor enrollment rates

By the mid-1980s primary enrollment rates were at 113%, secondary almost 66% and university
enrollment for persons aged 20-24 approximately 20%

“growth in enrollment was accompanied by a concomitant (if not always adequate) expansion in
school facilities and increase in teaching staff” (Meditz & Hanratty, 1987, Education section)

By 2009 reported illiteracy rates were down to 7% (CIA, 2010; EFA, 2010).
Considering that history, the other information in this paper, and my observations, experiences and
knowledge, Panama gets high marks in a number of areas, including teacher-student ratio, public expenditure,
improvements in enrollment and literacy rates, equitable treatment and achievement regardless of gender, religion,
ability, sexual preference, and most ethnicities/races. In addition, despite the recent Kuna kidnapping incident and
some complaints, the facilities are usually adequate and functional, as Meditz and Hanratty (1987) acknowledge
and my own observations corroborate.
The Path Between the Seas and Bridge to the Americas: The Trail Ahead/Setting Sail
La Educación inclusiva se centra en todo el alumnado, prestando especial atención a aquellos que
tradicionalmente han sido excluidos de las oportunidades educativas, tales como alumnos(as) con necesidades
especiales y discapacidades,niños(as) pertenecientes a minorías étnicas y lingüísticas, y otros. Tr. Inclusion
focuses on all students, paying particular attention to those who have traditionally been excluded from educational
opportunities, such as students with special needs, disabled students, ethnic minorities, other language learners, and
others. (from the “Plan Nacional de Educacion Inclusiva,” MEDUCA, 2010)
EDUCATION IN PANAMA
24
Indeed, I think sometimes it’s easier--and more symbolically satisfying--to fix the buildings than it is to fix
less tangible problems, such as the teaching methods and the school schedule. Can you imagine the kidnappers
demanding more inquiry and critical thinking and less rote memorization? Yet that is what Panama needs. It needs
changes to its pedagogy. In addition, the school schedule hinders learning: the days start too early, end too early
and there are not enough days in the school year. Moreover, teacher salaries need to increase. As of 2009, k-12
teachers generally earned between $300 and $900 per month (M. Demaris & L. Fennario, personal communication,
2008). Like the US, teacher salaries increase based on longevity, highest degree earned, and recertification/
continuing education points. For a teacher to earn $900 per month they’d have to have been teaching for about 10
years, have at least a master’s degree and a whole lot of continuing education points. The low salaries may be
partly to blame for behaviors such as leaving classrooms unattended.
Reported literacy rates have improved, and UNESCO data on youth literacy rates--corroborated by my
observations and communication with Price Peterson--suggest the trend of improvement will continue (UNESCO,
2010; P. Peterson, personal communication, April, 2010). Nonetheless, considering the analysis of the literacy data
provided herein, Panama should adopt a stricter definition of literacy and develop a corresponding instrument to
more accurately measure literacy.
To avoid stormy weather, Panama needs to set a course that will correct for potentially devastating
inequities, namely attrition of males and the gap in achievement for the indigenous population. As for the latter,
efforts currently underway such as: the afore-mentioned after school program, Casa Esperanza; the attendance
incentive program, Network of Opportunities; and literacy programs targeting rural districts, like Loco por Leer6,
should have a narrowing effect on the achievement gap between the indigenous population and the rest. Whereas,
the problem of male drop out rates may be more difficult to address and will probably require coordination of a
variety of sectors. For example, the types and quantity of employment opportunities impact this: for the past ten
years unskilled construction labor has been in demand, thus possibly providing incentive to young males to quit
school. Nevertheless, the education system can take steps to do its part, such as, recruiting male teachers, tying
sports team participation to academic achievement and establishing mentor programs.
Many of these problems could be addressed through enhancement and continuation of the pilot PDS I
founded in Panama in 2008. Indeed, the NCATE (2001) standards for professional development schools include
EDUCATION IN PANAMA
25
utilizing the power of the university-school partnership to lobby for changes in policy, such as school schedules and
teacher salaries (p. 5). More directly, I believe this model that partners university education programs with inservice teachers lays a foundation for positive change in pedagogy, curriculum delivery and learning.
Conclusion
Within the parameters of limiting space-time continuum constraints, this paper has attempted to give the
reader a sense of the Panamanian education system, with particular attention to the social justice perspective. Thus,
the inclusion of initial discussion of categories typically delineated for the purposes of examining social justice:
gender, ability, sexual preference, race, and religion. Any subset of any of the number of topics covered in this
brief overview could easily demand 10 times the text contained herein to attain a relatively thorough treatment.
Topics such as teacher education and gender issues in Panama should be investigated separately and exhaustively.
The disparities discussed, namely the urban/rural—majority/indigenous—achievement gap and the disparity in
female/male university graduation rates, pose threats to socio-political stability and economic development if they
continue unabated.
I believe teacher education is one key to addressing gaps and disparity in education, as well as performance
and achievement. To remain true to the action aspect of my definition of social justice, I will continue to work
toward the implementation of an effective teacher education program in the model of professional development
schools as described by NCATE (2001). To that end, a group of us here at George Mason University are currently
working to develop and implement a model for an International PDS with the following mission:
The mission of the International Professional Development School (IPDS) Collaborative for 2010
is to: Develop a model for a Professional Development School research-based on best practices,
designed for implementation in Latin-America, with Panama as the first nation of implementation.
To this end, members of the IPDS will explore, compare and evaluate best practices in PDSs, as
well as subject areas and methods. In addition, partnerships will be solidified with universities and
professionals in Panama in order to develop the model and assess current needs. The UN EFA
goals will provide base-line guidance for the method and content of the program. Thus,
implementation of the first IPDS in Panama will impact attainment of the EFA goals by 2015.
EDUCATION IN PANAMA
26
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analyses of campesino identity in northern Cocle province, Republic of Panama, in the
face of the Panama canal expansion (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from PsycINFO.
(Accession # 2008-99190-372.)
NCATE. (2001). Standards for professional development schools. Retrieved from
http://www.ncate.org/documents/pdsStandards.pdf .
Pan American Health Organization (1998). Panama. Health in the Americas, Vol. II. 391-400.
Washington, DC: World Health Organization.
Perkins, J. (2004). Confessions of an economic hitman. San Francisco, CA: Berrett-Koehler Pub.
Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. New York, NY: Anchor Books.
Stromquist, N. P. (1996). Gender delusions and exclusions in the democratization of schooling in Latin America.
Comparative Education Review, 40, (4), 404-425.
UNICEF. (2010). At a glance: Panama. Retrieved from
http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/panama_statistics.html#68 .
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References
Winner, D. (2009). Kuna Indians released kidnapped MEDUCA regional director. PanamaGuide.com, July 29. (Original version published in Spanish in El Siglo by Chris Yee, 2009). Retrieved
from http://www.panama-guide.com/article.php/20090729124352887 .
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Appendix A
Kuna Indians Released Kidnapped MEDUCA Regional Director
Wednesday, July 29 2009 @ 12:43 PM EDT
Contributed by: Don Winner
Views: 1,335
By Chris Yee for El Siglo - Panama's Ministry
of Education (MEDUCA) and the Kuna Indians reached an
agreement. The members of the Kuna Yala community in Ustupu
decided to release the Regional Director of Education, Flumensio
Smith, after they reached an agreement with the Ministry of
Education. At 8:00 pm yesterday evening, authorities from MEDUCA
and the insurer responsible for the work being done at the school,
remained in a meeting to establish dates when the repairs on the
school will begin, according to a report released by the Minster of
Education, Lucy Molinar. She stressed that repairs to the "Nelé
Kantule" school have been pending for more than four years, but it was not until now that the insurance company
responsible for the work finally answered the call. Molinar regrets that in Panama problems have to be settled in
this way. Smith was deprived of his freedom on Monday, and the condition for his release was the repair the school
which is in bad condition. (See Comments)
Editor's Comment: Holy crap! How's that for a pissed-off community. Forget about closing a couple of roads
(since there's no roads up there anyway.) We're taking that guy hostage until someone gets up here to fix this
school. Now, get busy... What has been happening with these government contracts to fix schools is that the
construction companies suck the 20% or so profit out of the contract early in the process, then they just abandon the
work and let someone else clean up their mess. The administration of Martin Torrijos did an exceptionally poor job
of tracking these guys down and making them pay, one way of the other. The insurance companies were left
holding the bag, and they are now on the hook for literally millions of dollars in unfinished contracts.
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Footnotes
1
In citing Nash and Safa, Stromquist continues the stereotype without providing the evidence to
back it up (p. 410). In addition, on p. 413 she makes all kinds of claims re. education and gender in Latin
America with no supporting evidence, e.g. women are concentrated in a few fields of higher ed.,
“schools…reproduce gender ideologies” and on.
2
The CIA World Factbook is a bit generous on this point, stating that rainy season begins in May.
Every year and decade differ a bit, but it’s generally accepted—and confirmed by my years there—that
rains may begin in March and almost always by April. October is typically the rainiest month, and dry
season may begin as early as mid-December. In addition, due to micro-climates, particularly around
Volcan Baru, there are regional variations despite Panama’s small size. Certain of the “rainy season”
months on the Pacific side may be dry season months on the Caribbean side. And there are areas in the
lowlands, such as Chitre, that enjoy a longer dry season, whereas, areas in the cloud forest in Boquete get
rains virtually 12 months out of the year.
3
The reported numbers of deaths became a point of contention. Initially, while local officials
reported over 40, the Panamanian government claimed there were just 10. In personal communication with
a Panamanian doctor, he told me there were more than 200. Moreover, he claimed deaths of Ngobe
children in Comarca by influenza and common colds are not uncommon, and due to, in his opinion, the
combination of lack of access to health care and lack of trust of modern medicine.
4
This section on literacy was largely extrapolated from the previous Global Issue paper on literacy
in Panama. The information has been condensed and focused on two areas: the importance of literacy and
the problem with the data.
5
Some of the literature used the term retention in the context of retention in the school system, that
is, as an antonym for attrition. However, the term retention often refers to students who are held back or
who experience interrupted schooling and thus are older than the norm for their grade level. To avoid
confusion, the latter definition—students who are held back—is how I use retention in this paper. Attrition
refers to drop out rates, as determined by the difference in enrollment rates from primary to secondary to
tertiary education.
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31
Footnotes
6
For more information on Loco por Leer see the Global Issue paper.
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