Are There Social Classes? An Empirical Test of the Sociologist’s Favorite Concept* David B. Grusky, Stanford Univ. Kim Weeden, Cornell Univ. *The research reported here was supported by the National Science Foundation (SBS-9906419), Cornell University, and Stanford University. A metaphysical commitment to measurement models A. B. C. Badges of affiliation: Measurement models determined by discipline and “theory” Converting to hypotheses: But models are hypotheses embodying empirical claims New evidence on form of inequality: Because we refuse to treat models as hypotheses, we know too little about the form poverty and inequality take Table 1. Examples of preferred measurement models by discipline Measurement approach Discipline Gradational Multidimensional Economics Income (i.e., “income paradigm”) Capabilities approach (e.g., Sen) Sociology Socioeconomic, Social class (e.g., prestige, job neo-Marxian, desirability neo-Weberian) Beyond metaphysics: Converting assumptions into testable hypotheses A. If measurement models are treated as hypotheses, new questions emerge 1. Is inequality gradational? Is advantage and disadvantage cumulative? 2. Are there social classes? Do working conditions or capabilities come together as distinct “packages?” 3. Are gradational or class models becoming more or less viable? 4. Is an underclass emerging? Withering away? B. Build social indicators framework that attends to form of inequality (not just amount) Multidimensionalism is natural foundation of new social indicators framework A. B. Virtues of multidimensionalism: When “form” of poverty and inequality are of interest, multidimensionalism is a natural framework Conventional variables within multidimensional framework 1. 2. 3. C. Investments and endowments (e.g., formal education, labor force experience, vocational education) Working conditions (e.g., authority, autonomy, promotion possibilities) Rewards (e.g., income, wealth, social inclusion) Standard problems with multidimensionalism 1. 2. Difficult to parsimoniously characterize the structure of multidimensional space Social organization of multidimensional space is ignored (e.g., classes with adaptive preferences) Does sociology help solve complications that arise with multidimensional approaches? A. Hypotheses about social organization: A wealth of hypotheses about the social organization of inequality and poverty (i.e., sociology as repository of hypotheses) B. Statistical framework: A latent class statistical framework that allows us to convert measurement models into hypotheses Contribution #1: Hypotheses about social organization A. Socially organized lumpiness in the labor market B. Structural hypothesis: Lumpiness takes form of social conditions that “come together,” institutionalized packages of conditions. Examples: 1. Craft class: Moderate general education, considerable on-the-job human capital, substantial job security, middling social honor and prestige 2. Underclass: Minimal general education, minimal on-the-job human capital, intermittent labor force participation, low income, social denigration and exclusion. 3. NOTE: Dimensionality of inequality space equals number of classes C. Cultural hypothesis: By virtue of social closure, adaptive preferences and “culture” emerge, meaning that classes have real causal effects on behavior. Types of closure: 1. Underclass: Residential segregation 2. Other classes: Workplace segregation Contested features within class tradition A. How many social classes? 1. A small number of big classes (e.g., underclass, working class, professional-managerial class) 2. Micro-classes (i.e., detailed occupations) NOTE: Is the underclass indeed unitary? Or fractured (by gender, city, etc.)? B. Do classes form at site of production? 1. Conventional sociological models based on site of production (i.e., conditions of work) 2. Postmodernists: Classes based on inputs to labor market (e.g., education) or outputs (e.g., income) C. Is advantage and disadvantage deeply cumulative? 1. Gradationalists: Cumulation of advantage and disadvantage 2. Pluralists: Compensating advantage and disadvantage Job-based models Univariate Erikson & Goldthorpe (1992) Multivariate (e.g., Wright 1997) Dahrendorf auth. model (1959) Occupation-based models Big-class (e.g., Feath. & Hauser 1978) Micro-class Categorical (Weeden & Grusky 2005) Unidimen. (Hauser & Warren 1997) Outside the site of production Education (e.g., Meyer 2001) Two-dimen. (Bourdieu 1984) Figure 1. A classification of testable models of inequality Wealth Contribution #2: A latent class framework A. New developments in latent class models 1. Mixed mode data (continuous and categorical indicators) 2. Scaling of classes 3. Models with many parameters B. Resulting general latent class model 1. yi denotes the respondent’s scores on the manifest variables 2. K is the number of latent classes 3. πk refers to the probability of belonging to the kth latent class (thus indexing latent class sizes) 4. J denotes the total number of manifest variables and j is a particular manifest variable K J k 1 j 1 f (y i / ) k f k ( yij / jk ) Disorganized big-class regime A. Multidimensional space of inequality resolves into small number of big classes (i.e., institutional solution to parsimony problem) B. Each big class characterized by different constellation of scores on underlying variables C. Within each big class, underlying variables do not covary with one another (i.e., no residual intraclass clustering into microclasses) D. Class incumbents diversely drawn from different positions in the division of labor Figure 1. Disorganized big-class regime Organized big-class regime A. Big classes now rooted in division of labor (i.e., latent classes become manifest) B. Can explicitly test for the number of latent and manifest social classes Figure 2. Organized big-class regime Organized micro-class regime A. Big-classes subdivide occupationally into microclasses B. Independence constraint is violated and further subdivision into microclasses is therefore necessary Figure 3. Organized micro-class regime Gradational micro-class regime A. Inequality characterized with a simple unidimensional scale (possibly socioeconomic) B. Socioeconomic index is particular type of class model that treats all occupations with the same socioeconomic score as a micro-class and presumes that such socioeconomic scores adequately index inequality along a host of dimensions (not just income and education) C. Rather than imposing unidimensional solution on data, here we explicitly test viability of gradational model Figure 4. Gradational micro-class regime Individualized inequality A. Class concept rejected because, no matter the level of disaggregation, the underlying inequality variables continue to covary with one another B. Extreme micro-class solution in which diagonal of Figure 4 thins out to point where each individual becomes a class unto himself or herself C. Same gradational solution is apparent at each level of disaggregation Figure 5. Individualized inequality Disorganized inequality A. Underlying individual-level variables no longer covary (i.e., a “one class” solution) B. Structureless form of inequality in which independence assumption holds throughout multidimensional space, not just within a given latent class C. Represents form of inequality that some postmodernists argue is emerging Figure 6. Disorganized inequality Testing the culture hypothesis A. Tests of structural hypothesis: Prior tests pertain to structural hypothesis that inequality space can be understood in terms of classes (i.e., institutionalized packages of conditions) B. Fallback reaction: If class models fail, class analysts might respond: “We never intended to capture structure of multidimensional space but rather only to explain key outcomes of interest” C. Building effect-calibrated approaches: Testing for true class effects (presumably generated by class-specific cultures) Full set of controls required A. Culture hypothesis: Classes have effects that are not reducible to individual self-selection or structural constituents of class 1. Example of self-selection: Surprisingly conservative politics of the underclass is attributable to low levels of formal education of its members 2. Example of “structural constituents” reductionism: Children of professionals disproportionately attend college because their parents can afford it (i.e., a simple “background income” effect) B. Is class concept superfluous? If class effects disappear when both self-selection and structural conditions are controlled, the class concept becomes superfluous C. Test for class effects is analogous to now-fashionable tests of neighborhood effects D. Class as an act of faith: It is startling that the class concept, one of the most fundamental concepts in sociology, has to this date gone untested Testing for class effects Outcome variable Social class Investments & Endowments Working Conditions Rewards Main features of proposed multidimensional framework A. Convert assumptions to hypotheses: Convert assumptions about the shape of poverty and inequality to hypotheses about the extent to which postulated shapes do or do not hold B. Latent class statistical framework allows measurement models to be tested 1. Structural hypothesis 2. Cultural hypothesis C. Emphasize shape of inequality: Address excessive focus on amount of inequality or poverty rather than shape of inequality or poverty