Dulce Maria Scott
Anderson University & Institute for
Portuguese and Lusophone World Studies at
RIC
Introduction

 The capacity of diaspora communities to engage in
socioeconomic and political action beneficial to the ethnic
group and the ancestral society is positively related to the level
of educational, socioeconomic and political integration into the
host society that individuals of those communities have
achieved.
 Yet, higher levels of integration may lead to increasingly
diluted ethnic communities and identities, and thus to low
levels of identification and loyalty to the ancestral country.
 This trend is perhaps even more pronounced in situations, such
as the case of Portuguese migration to North America, where
the level of immigration has declined sharply and the
immigrant generation is increasingly being replaced by its host
country born descendants.
Immigration timeline from Portugal to the United States
120000
100000
80000
60000
40000
20000
0

Introduction

 In this paper, I argue that given their substantial
level of integration into the American societies and
their concurrent significant level of interest in their
heritage, many Luso-descendants in North America
are at an optimal stage to be mobilized to engage in
concerted socioeconomic and political action on their
own behalf and on behalf of Portugal.
Data sources

 The data utilized in this paper are derived from
 An online survey of descendants of Portuguese
immigrants in the United States,
 Personal interviews in California, Massachusetts and
Rhode Island.
 American Community Survey data.
 The online survey included 330 respondents from
Canada (see Table 1) but in this presentation I utilize
only the data from the 1201 respondents from the
United States
Respondents by generation and country of
residence while growing up
Canada
United States
Total
One and a
half
160
48.5%
333
27.7%
493
32.2%
Second
Third
Fourth
Total
146
44.2%
562
46.8%
708
46.2%
23
7.0%
189
15.7%
212
13.8%
1
0.3%
117
9.7%
118
7.7%
330
100.0%
1201
100.0%
1531
100.0%
Note: The online survey was not based on a probability sample (a type of
sample nearly impossible to draw) of the entire population of Lusodescendants in North America. As such the research findings are
applicable only to those who have participated in the study.
Processes of identity formation:
the sociological theory

 Berry (9-10) posited four possible categories of
acculturation for immigrants and their descendants:
 (1) assimilation, which involves identification with the
host culture;
 (2) separation or identification only with the original
culture;
 (3) integration or a high level of identification with
both, the ancestral and the host cultures; and
 (4) marginalization or a low identification with both.
Segmented assimilation theory and
integration and acculturation outcomes

 The recent sociological literature—on the second
generation and segmented assimilation—ties the
varying integration and acculturation outcomes to:
 the context of reception (negative, neutral or positive)
immigrants and their descendants encounter in the
host country and
 the type of acculturation (consonant or dissonant, and
selective) upon which they embark.
Negative reception may lead to
straight line acculturation

 Negative or hostile contexts of reception, in which the
immigrant group is met with prejudice and
discrimination in the host society, may lead to quick
straight-line acculturation and assimilation and
“thinning” of the ethnic identity (cf. Altschul et al.).
 As stated by (Portes and Rumbaut 151):
 People whose ethnic, racial, or other social markers place
them in a minority status in their group or community are
more likely to be self-conscious of those characteristics.
Youths may cope with the psychological pressure produced
by such differences by seeking to reduce conflict and to
assimilate within the relevant social context—the modal
response of the children of European immigrants in the
American experience.
Or it may lead to identity politics
and rejection of the host culture

 Yet, in situations where ethnicity has been politicized, or
taken the form of “identity politics,” a negative context of
reception may lead, in a “reactive formation” process, to a
“thickening” of the ethnic identity, that is, to a “rise and
reaffirmation of ethnic solidarity and self-consciousness”
(Portes and Rumbaut 151-2), with a corresponding
decline in “their connection to mainstream institutions
and norms…” (Altschul et al. 304).
 This process may be associated with engagement in
militant identity politics. Some young Luso-descendants
want to assume their identity precisely for this purpose,
that of engaging in identity politics, in the same manner
that members of some minority groups do in America.
Context of reception

 Early 20th century Portuguese immigrants faced a negative context
of reception, which generally led them to abandon the ancestral
culture and become assimilated as quickly as possible.
 Overtime, however, the Portuguese have attained higher levels of
acceptance among other ethnic groups in the American societies,
and thus there are no longer socioeconomic and psychological
costs associated with openly assuming a Portuguese ethnicity.
 Table 2 shows how those who took the online survey responded to
the indicators measuring the context of reception. The results show
that most of the respondents did not grow up in a negative context
of reception, and as such they are freer to express their ethnicity
and identify with the ancestral country than were the children of
the turn of the twentieth century immigrants.
 Given that the current context of reception is not negative, Lusodescendants are not likely to engage in identity politics.
Early 20th century Portuguese immigrants faced
a negative context of reception--most pursued assimilation as the solution
My grandfather built a house in
Taunton, but it was in an Irish
neighborhood, and the Irish would not
accept him and the family. They had a
very difficult time…
Back in those days we were considered lower
than second class. We were at the bottom of
the pit… We were seen as not being smart
enough to hold certain jobs, like lace weaver.
They [Irish, Italians, Polish and Canadians]
They would keep their shutters closed called us “black Portugee” and “dirty
because the Irish would throw things for Portugee” because we would go and get the
swill from the neighbors to feed the pigs.
them to get out of the neighborhood…
My grandfather used to say: “You Irish,
you lost your flag because of whiskey!”
Somehow in Ireland they had given
whiskey to the soldiers and they lost the
battle
(Interview with a female whose grandfather
arrived in the United States in 1903).
The Irish and the French would say,
“Portuguese lala [feasts] and shit in the
parlor.”
Irish boys would be waiting for us…The
Irish and French boys broke my nose!
(Interview
with
an
octogenarian
whose
grandparents arrived in America in 1893, settling in
West Warrick).
 I was growing up in my pre-teen
and teens years during WWII,
and obviously loyalty to America
was very, very strong, and
although my grandparents and
great-aunts would say, “you
should be proud that you´re
Portuguese,” that was secondary
to feeling that I was really
American. And particularly with
the little that I heard about
Portugal being fascist and
neutral during the Second World
War, and Salazar, I did not walk
down the streets saying, “WOW!
I am Portuguese.”
 Today the recognition and
acceptance of multiculturalism
in certain parts of the United
States is such that you can have
those interests and you can
voice those interests without
being uncomfortable. In my
parent´s generation, there was
much more this feeling that you
had to hide your ethnicity and
culture. Some of my dad´s older
sisters did as much as they
could not to identify with the
Portuguese culture.
(Interview with a septuagenarian in California whose grandfather arrived in the United
States in the late 19th century).
Context of reception indicators
When I was growing up I felt accepted by
other Americans who were not Portuguese.
When I was growing up I felt embarrassed
about the Portuguese customs of my
immigrant parents/ancestors.
When I was growing up I felt that people
discriminated against me because I was from
a Portuguese background.
When I was growing up I felt there was a lot
of prejudice against Portuguese Americans.
When I was growing up I felt negative
feelings about myself because of prejudice
against Portuguese Americans.
When I was growing up I rejected
Portuguese culture so that I could fit in with
other Americans.
Strongly
Disagree
38
3.2
480
40.0
Disagree
Undecided
Agree
149
12.4
428
35.6
92
7.7
108
9.0
472
39.3
154
12.8
Strongly
Agree
450
37.5
31
2.6
435
36.2
417
34.7
136
11.3
164
13.7
49
4.1
403
33.6
566
47.1
441
36.7
438
36.5
152
12.7
100
8.3
157
13.1
79
6.6
48
4.0
18
1.5
537
44.7
435
36.2
102
8.5
91
7.6
36
3.0
Type of acculturation

 Dissonant acculturation occurs when children
acculturate but parents do not.* The children
navigate the institutions of the new society without
the benefit of parental guidance, with the child often
assuming adult roles.
* In this paper, I do not utilizes, as other scholars have done, language use
and skills of children as compared to those of parents to measure dissonant
acculturation. But as Portes and Rumbaut (144) affirm: “Losing one´s
language is also losing part of one´s self that is linked to one´s identity and
cultural heritage. When children move decisively in this direction while
parents remain steeped in their own language and culture, the conditions for
dissonant acculturation are set. Communication across the generations
becomes more difficult, and the resultant gap reduces parental authority and
control.”
Dissonant acculturation

 This role reversal is illustrated by comments made
by a one and a half generation female, who arrived
in the United States in 1962, when she was seven
years old:
 My father wanted me to go to college close to home…
But I had to leave my family so I could find my own
identity, find my own way, because at home I was the
interpreter, everything fell to me… Since I was seven, I
felt very mature for my age, and so I felt it was time for
me to distance myself from my family and really
experience the world through my own eyes.
Consonant & dissonant acculturation indicators
When I was growing up I often entered into
conflict with my parents because they did not
approve of behaviors that were standard for
other Americans who were not Portuguese.
When I was growing up I thought Portuguese
customs were old fashioned compared those of
American culture.
When I was growing up I often had to serve as
translator for my parents.
When I was growing up I was able to talk to my
mother and/or father about personal issues such
as dating or a party I went out to, a personal
problem I was having, etc.
When I was growing up I was able to talk to my
mother and/or father about school work or
grades or other things I was doing in school.
When I was growing up my parents participated
in my school life (talked to my teachers, attended
sporting events, etc.)
Strongly
Disagree
176
14.7
Disagree
Undecided
Agree
293
24.4
145
12.1
368
30.6
Strongly
Agree
219
18.2
102
8.5
329
27.4
149
12.4
491
40.9
130
10.8
403
33.6
314
26.1
188
15.7
412
34.3
53
4.4
121
10.1
213
17.7
254
21.1
344
28.6
100
8.3
135
11.2
275
22.9
118
9.8
473
39.4
200
16.7
182
15.2
333
27.7
105
8.7
383
31.9
198
16.5

 The results, presented in table 3, show that a significant percentage of
Luso-descendants experienced dissonant acculturation, and crosstab
analysis of the indicators showed that this type of acculturation was indeed
more prevalent among people of the one and a half and second
generations.
 Undoubtedly dissonant acculturation may have reduced the pace at which
some of the one and a half and second generation descendants of
Portuguese immigrants, who had to manage the academic and other
institutions of the host society without much parental guidance, advanced
educationally and economically in American society. It may also have led
some of them to reject the culture of their parents.
 Dissonant acculturation, given the decline in immigration from Portugal, is
not likely to be a determining factor on the path of integration of future
generations of Luso-descendants and is thus not likely to affect their ties to
the ancestral country.
Selective acculturation and
symbolic ethnicity

 In positive or neutral contexts of reception, together with
consonant acculturation of parents and children, selective
acculturation (purposeful retention of aspects of the
ancestral culture) is likely to occur.
 Selective acculturation seems to be taking place among
young people of today’s one and half and second
generations.
 All of the young people (under 30 years of age) whom I
interviewed, for the purposes of this study, stated that
they were proud of their Portuguese ancestry and also of
being American.
The third and fourth generations and
symbolic ethnicity

 Segmented assimilation theory has focused almost
exclusively on the experience of the children of
immigrants.
 For an interpretation of the processes of identity
formation and acculturation beyond the second
generation, and particularly of the descendants of
the immigrants from the turn to the twentieth
century, I draw on historian Marcus Lee Hansen’s
principle of the “third generation interest” and
Herbert Gans’ concept of “symbolic ethnicity”

 Marcus Hansen´s principle of “the third generation
interest,” states that, “what the son wishes to forget the
grandson wishes to remember” (Hansen 9).
 The third generation, already well-integrated and
accepted into American society, according to Hansen
(cited in Gans 4) could afford to remember an ancestral
culture, which “the traumatic Americanization forced on
the immigrant and second generations impelled them to
forget.”
 Gans (1), however, argued that what appeared to be an
“ethnic revival,” was nothing more than “a stage in the
acculturation of American ethnic groups centred around
the consumption of ethnic symbols.”
Third and fourth generation
return to ethnicity

 The return to ethnicity is illustrated by the following
excerpt from an interview with a third generation female,
who resides in Rhode Island:
 I am the granddaughter of immigrants from Saint Michael. All of
my four grandparents were born there, in Vila Franca, Rabo de
Peixe e Ribeira das Tainhas…
 I grew up in a very ethnically diverse community and I always
knew that we were Portuguese. For sure, back then we were
encouraged to be American, to speak English, and to get ahead.
 I truly only fell in love with being Portuguese ten years ago, when
I decided that I would finally learn Portuguese at Rhode Island
College. Since then, I have visited the Azores five times…».

 Other scholars, who adopted Gans’ concept of “symbolic
ethnicity,” noted that it encompassed a broad range of
phenomena, including: a label that people recalled when
filling out census or employment forms, occasional
consumption of ethnic foods and attendance at ethnic
festivals, expressions of one’s individuality, and varying
levels of involvement in the social and organizational
activities of ethnic communities (cf. Alba and Waters).
 None of these forms of ethnic expression conflict with
other identities and can be a permanent part of one's
identity (Sanders 349).
 In other words, being American does not conflict with
being Portuguese.

 The variability of phenomena that may be covered by symbolic
ethnicity is illustrated by a third generation Portuguese
American in California, who, of fifteen grandchildren of early
20th century immigrants, is the only one who speaks
Portuguese and the only one who is highly involved in
Portuguese American organizations and social activities. As he
said:
 My siblings are all American. My brother got a Master´s degree …
works with the Latino community and speaks Spanish fluently. No
Portuguese at all. Is he involved in the Portuguese culture? No. …
Maybe once a year, he may go to a “festa” and eat “sopas,” and he
buys “linguiça” once in a while, and that´s the extent of it… If you
ask him today, I think he may say he is Portuguese-American,
even though he does not get involved with the Portuguese
culture…
Selective acculturation, symbolic ethnicity and a dual
identity
I am proud of my Portuguese
heritage.
I am proud of being an American.
People of Portuguese ancestry
should do everything possible to
maintain their ethnic culture in
America.
America is a good place in which
to live.
Currently I prefer American
culture to Portuguese culture
Strongly
disagree
63
5.2
14
1.2
21
1.7
Disagree
52
4.3
Strongly
disagree
25
2.1
Disagree
130
10.8
209
17.4
5
0.4
31
2.6
16
1.3
Undecide
d
9
0.7
119
9.9
71
5.9
Agree
97
8.1
I like
both
equally
753
62.7
435
36.2
Agree
592
49.3
Strongly
Agree
93
7.7
16
1.3
194
16.2
505
42.0
364
30.3
Strongly
Agree
930
77.4
532
44.3
729
60.7

 As displayed in table 5, Luso-descendants show a high
level of appreciation for both the American and the
Portuguese cultures.
 These results lend support to the assumption that
selective acculturation has been taking place among the
younger generations and that there has been a surge of
interest in their ethnicity among the long-ago integrated
descendants of the turn of the 20th century immigrants.
 These levels of biculturalism bode well for the emergence
of a tight connection between Luso-descendants and
Portugal.
Self-label identity
Respondents identity self-definition
Identity
Portuguese
Portuguese American
American
Total
Number
324
717
160
1201
Percent
27.0
59.7
13.3
100.0
70.0%
60.0%
50.0%
40.0%
Portuguese
30.0%
Portuguese American
American
20.0%
10.0%
0.0%
One and a
half
Second
Third
Fourth
Identity self-label by generation

 The hyphenated identity, for many of those whom I
interviewed, is more than a label. It is the
designation that expresses who they feel themselves
to be.

 A third generation Portuguese American in California stated
the following:
 When I fill out the census form, it always aggravates me… We have to
classify ourselves as Caucasian. But are we Caucasian? So I never put
that. … I always put “other,” because that´s what I feel I am. My
daughter is the same way. I always tell her: “you are not white; you are
Portuguese, you´re Portuguese-American.

 And as explained by a fourth generation female in California:
 I definitely identify myself as Portuguese American because when I
think of an American heritage or an identity to me that means that
your ancestors were here hundreds of years ago, that you like
bluegrass, that you have relatives in North Carolina…
 I really don’t identify with the “tried and true” apple pie, fried
chicken, and hotdogs, you know the “Americana…” I much rather
have “papo secos” and “linguiça” and as many Portuguese fat foods as
I can.
 I feel no divided loyalties between being American and being
Portuguese. I feel very lucky that we´re here. That´s the beauty of
being here, that you are allowed to celebrate your heritage…I can walk
down the street and fly my Portuguese flag and no one can say
anything to me…
In-group v. out-group identification
Currently I see myself as having
more in common with regular
Americans than with other
Portuguese individuals.
Strongly
disagree
95
7.9
Disagree
Undecided
Agree
359
29.9
336
28.0
327
27.2
Strongly
Agree
84
7.0
Logistic binary regression (table not included in this paper due to space
considerations) showed that those who have an in-group identification are
more likely to have experienced a somewhat more negative context of
reception, to be significantly less acculturated into American culture, and to be
more inserted into the ethnic communities. Those who speak both Portuguese
and English at home and who self-define as Portuguese are also somewhat
more likely to have an in-group identification. Surprisingly, this variable was
not significantly correlated to generation.

 The data presented in this section show that the
Luso-descendants who participated in this study for
the most part identify to some extent as Portuguese.
The persistence of an ethnic identity among Lusodescendants will contribute to the maintenance of
close ties with Portugal for years to come.
Structural integration: Education
Educational attainment of Portuguese-Americans (ancestral group)
Bachelor´s
degree or higher
307,006,556
High school
graduate or
higher
85.3%
1,477,335
82.6%
22.6%
203,409
53.1%
9.5%
Total
Population
United States
Portuguese ancestry (foreign
born and American born)
Portuguese (foreign born only)
27.9%
Source: 2009 American Community Survey
Although people of Portuguese descent in the United States in the aggregate
are still below the national averages in terms of educational achievement, the
data presented above show a considerable progress in educational attainment
from the immigrant generation to the generations born in the United States.
Online Survey: Level of education of the
respondents, their mother and their father
Level of education
Less than high school graduate
High school graduate
Some college or technical school /
Graduate of a two year school or technical school
Graduate of a four year college or university
Some graduate school but no graduate degree
Graduate school degree
Missing values
Totals
Respondent
Frequency
Percent
34
2.8
169
14.1
440
36.6
278
23.1
94
7.8
184
15.3
2
.2
1200
100.0
Mother
Frequency
Percent
672
56.0
267
22.2
161
13.4
59
4.9
5
.4
35
2.9
2
.2
1200
100.0
Father
Frequency
Percent
750
62.4
193
16.1
145
12.1
56
4.7
5
.4
48
4.0
4
.3
1200
100.0
Online survey data

Generation
One and a
half
Second
Third
Fourth and
beyond
Respondent
High school Bachelor´s
graduate or degree or
higher
higher
309
93.4%
555
98.8%
186
98.4%
115
98.3%
116
35.0%
300
53.4%
82
43.6%
58
49.6%
Mother
Bachelor´s
High
school
degree or
higher
graduate
or higher
66
6
19.9
1.8%
225
47
40.0%
8.4%
131
26
69.1%
13.9%
105
20
89.7%
17.1%
Father
Bachelor´s
High
school
degree or
higher
graduate
or higher
64
9
19.4%
2.7%
173
37
30.8%
6.6%
105
28
55.6%
14.8%
105
35
90.5%
30.2%
Median income, health insurance and poverty rates of Portuguese
Americans in comparison with United States rates.
INCOME IN THE PAST 12 MONTHS (IN 2009 INFLATION-ADJUSTED DOLLARS)
United States
Portuguese-Americans
Income level
Income level
Median household income (dollars)
50,221
57,985
Median family income (dollars)
61,082
69,161
Mean for those with earnings
69,918
74,848
HEALTH INSURANCE COVERAGE
United States
Portuguese-Americans
Percent with coverage
Percent with coverage
With private health insurance coverage
67.40%
73.50%
With public health coverage
28.50%
25.40%
No health insurance coverage
15.10%
11.50%
POVERTY RATES FOR FAMILIES AND PEOPLE
United States
Portuguese-Americans
Percent living in poverty Percent living in poverty
All families
10.50%
7.40%
All people
14.30%
9.40%
Source: 2009 American Community Survey 1/Year Estimates
Respondent’s household income compared with parent’s income
Level of household income compared to parents’
income
1. Far lower
2. Lower
3. About the same
4. Higher
5. Far higher
Total
Number
Percent
44
136
193
355
400
1128
3.9
12.1
17.1
31.5
33.5
100.0
*Excludes respondents who were under 23 years of age
40.00%
35.00%
30.00%
25.00%
20.00%
15.00%
10.00%
5.00%
0.00%
Far lower
Lower
About the same
Higher
Far higher
Respondents’ annual household income
Income level
under $20,000
$20,000 - 39,999
$40,000 - 74,999
$75,000 - 99,999
$100,000 - $199,999
$200,000 or higher
Missing values
Total
Number
48
133
291
236
285
69
66
1128
*Respondents under 23 were excluded from this table
Percent
4.3
11.8
25.8
20.9
25.3
6.1
5.9
100.0
Online survey: Top five occupations held by the
respondents, their fathers and their mothers
Respondent
Occupation
Office employee / clerical
Professional (doctor,
lawyer, engineer,
university professor,
scientist, etc.)
Education (teacher,
counselor, administrator,
etc.)
Government
employee/political
administration
Social work/human
services/health services
Father
Number
Percent
246
16.0
Occupation
Factory
worker
Mother
Number
Occupation
Percent
425
Factory worker
27.6
Number
Percent
481
31.2
211
13.7
Laborer in
construction
241
15.6
Homemaker
383
24.9
163
10.6
Farmer /
dairy / farm
related work
181
11.8
Cleaning services
(homes or
offices)
168
10.9
101
6.6
Had his own
business
142
9.1
Office employee /
clerical
110
7.1
99
6.4
Crafts/
trades
87
5.6
Social work/
human services/
health services
45
2.9

 Overall, the respondents who took this online survey
have achieved high levels of structural integration in
American society, despite the fact that their parents
generally possessed low levels of education,
remained concentrated in blue collar occupations,
and tended to stay concentrated in specific
geographical areas.
Number of visits to Portugal
Frequency
305
201
235
296
155
9
1201
Zero times
One time
Two to three times
Four to nine times
Ten or more times
Missing values
Total
Percent
25.4
16.7
19.6
24.6
12.9
0.7
100.0
80.0%
70.0%
60.0%
Zero times
50.0%
One time
40.0%
Two to three times
30.0%
Two to three times
20.0%
Ten or more times
10.0%
0.0%
One and a
half
Second
Third
Fourth
Number of visits to Portugal by generation

 According to data about the purpose of visits to
Portugal, traditional motives prevail: go on
vacations, visit family members and participate in
family events, and attend religious feasts. There is
already a significant number that travel to Portugal
for economic and academic purposes, but an increase
in interchanges of this nature would be beneficial for
both sides.
Purposes of visits to Portugal
Go on vacations
Visit relatives / attend family events
Participate in religious holidays or events
Live there temporarily
Engage in business activities
Attend academic and cultural (present
papers, attend the university there, cultural
events)
Participate in youth meetings / events
Conduct genealogy research/see where
ancestors came from/find relatives
Go on my honeymoon
Establish political/sister city
Frequency
759
710
135
74
66
58
Percent
85.6
80.0
15.2
8.3
7.4
6.5
13
12
1.5
1.4
4
2
0.5
0.2
Sending money
Yes
No
Missing values
Total
Number
393
793
15
1201
Percent
32.7
66.6
1.2
100.0
Only 33 percent of those who were able to answer this question have
sent money to Portugal. An examination of the reasons as to why they
sent money shows that the sending of money was limited to
traditional reasons, such as sending money to relatives and for
charity, including disaster relief
Conclusion

 In addition to identity, history, and family ties, the
maintenance of an attachment to the country of origin
also provides opportunities for economic, political,
cultural and scientific exchanges beneficial to both the
diaspora communities and the ancestral country.
 The online and American Community Survey data
presented in this intervention demonstrates that Lusodescendants are well integrated into American society
and are therefore capable of engaging in relations and
exchanges with the ancestral country that go beyond
those that have been traditionally assumed by the
immigrant generation.
Conclusion

 The data collected through the on-line survey and
personal
interviews
conducted
in
California,
Massachusetts, and Rhode Island demonstrated that
Luso-descendants are engaging in a process of selective
acculturation or adopting a symbolic identity, which is
associated with the ethnic communities in the United
States and Portugal.
 Therefore, Luso-descendants are at an optimal stage on
the continuums of integration and ethnic identifications to
be mobilized to engage in concerted socioeconomic and
political action on their own behalf and on behalf of
Portugal.
Conclusion

 While Portugal should continue to be a place where
Luso-descendants go to visit to discover their roots
and matrices, and who they really are, it is time now
for the interactions with the diaspora to become
more frequent, more multifaceted, and more
diversified, encompassing an increasing number of
economic, political, cultural, academic and scientific
interchanges across the Atlantic.