THE PRINT MEDIA, CIVIL SOCIETY AND DEMOCRATIC
GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: A STUDY OF THE GUARDIAN
NEWSPAPERS
Felix CHIDOZIE, PhD1; Olumuyiwa AJAYI2; Ifeoluwa OLORUNNIPA3
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
COVENANT UNIVERSITY, OTA, OGUN STATE, NIGERIA
felix.chidozie@covenantuniversity.edu.ng; muyiwa.ajayi@covenantuniversity.edu.ng
234-803-381-5520
Abstract
The objective of this paper is to establish the inextricable linkage between the media, civil
society and democratic governance in Nigeria. Conversely, it seeks to reconcile the
contradictions in democracy, weak civil society and docile media, which have become a
perennial problem in Nigeria’s democratic experiment. It was necessitated by the increasing
debate, indeed concern on the rapid decline in the activities of civil society groups in the
country which has inevitably undermined democratic governance in the process. Narrowing
its focus on the Guardian News papers, the study borrows from social responsibility media
theory which argues that the media is responsible for fostering productive and creative “great
communities” by prioritizing cultural pluralism in any society. Thus, the focus of the theory
is on building conscious society groups through vibrant civil society advocacy anchored on
responsible media. The study relied on the use of primary and secondary sources of data.
Findings suggest that the totalistic and predatory nature of the post-colonial Nigerian state
have contributed more than any other factor to impede the growth of civil society groups in
the country. More so, the lack of freedom experienced by the media in Nigeria, demonstrated
recently by the massive wave of attack on some media houses, are all fall out of the fragility
of the post-colonial Nigerian state. The study concludes that until the hidden clauses in the
freedom of information bill are lifted by necessary legislative procedures in Nigeria; press
freedom may remain a tantalizing mirage. It recommends that a vibrant civil society which is
an indispensable element of democracy must be promoted and nurtured in Nigeria.
Keywords: Civil Society, Democratic Governance, Guardian Newspapers, Print Media
Introduction
1
Scholarly debates on the concept of civil society and democracy, demonstrate that there are
controversies as to whether these two concepts can be applied in the analysis of Africa,
Nigeria being the point of departure. This is a result of the predatory and corrupt nature of the
post-colonial Nigerian state. However, a broader and objective view of the concepts of civil
society and democracy in Nigeria prove that, despite the illegitimate subversion of these
concepts, evidences exist in the country to demand serious investigation of their relationships.
According to Bratton (1989), civil society is the domain of citizens; a mediating domain
between private markets and a big government. Prior to the end of colonialism in Nigeria,
civil society had been in existence. The indigenous press such as the West African Pilot is a
good example. Not only were civil societies in existence, they were also very active.
However, it should be noted that civil societies can only exist comfortably with a democratic
government. When there is no form of hegemony over a state, then civil society can operate
peacefully and in freedom. Also, the multi party system that Nigeria operates enables its civil
society to be relatively autonomous. Thus, civil society and democracy are mutually
exclusive.
Democracy, according to Oluwole (2003) is a system of government usually involving
freedom of the individual in various aspects of political life, equality among citizens, justice
in the relations between the people and the government. From 1999 to date, Nigeria has been
operating a democratic system of government (representative democracy) and various forms
of civil societal groups have emerged since then. Civil society is the most crucial and
important component of a state’s political structure. Civil society is primarily an arena of
social interaction and socialization. Civil society is the engine of democracy, a basic pillar of
democracy.
Civil societies serve as an intermediary between Nigerian government and Nigerians.
Through the civil society in Nigeria, Nigerians express their views on the governance in the
country and consequently, without a civil society in Nigeria, the governance in the country
cannot be fully trusted. Indeed, Nigeria really cannot have any democracy without a vibrant
civil society (Kukah, 1999). Thus, the existence of civil society in Nigeria serves as a means
of checking and balancing the excesses of the Nigerian government.
According to Hobbe’s theory of social contract (1651), there existed a state of nature in
which life was nasty, brutish and short. He argued that the fear of returning to the state of
nature would make the individuals cleave to the state. However, the civil society is the
2
mediating force between the community and the state, forcing the state to respond to its own
end of the social contract. Unfortunately, in the Nigerian context, the state has not been able
to live up to its own role as a guarantor. Therefore, given the weakness of the state, civil
society is necessary if this balance is to be restored.
There are different forms of groups that are autonomous from the Nigerian state inherent in
the country. These are the civil societies in Nigeria. Civil societies in Nigeria range from
media houses to newspaper companies, the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) and the
Nigerian Bar Association (NBA). However, the element of the civil society that is of concern
in this study is the media, under which newspaper houses, specifically the Guardian
Newspapers would be the major point of focus. This is because the press has arguably
propagated the ideals of democracy more than any other segment of the society. The press
acts as the people’s mouthpiece (Zimako, 2009).
The Guardian Newspaper is one of the oldest newspapers in Nigeria. It was established in
1983 by the entrepreneur Alex Ibru and Stanley Macebuh, a top journalist with the Daily
Times newspapers. The Guardian was a pioneer in introducing high-quality journalism to
Nigeria with thoughtful editorial content. The paper was first published on 22 February 1983
as a weekly, appearing only on Sundays. It started daily publication on 4 July 1983.Because
of the democratic system of government that Nigeria operates, The Guardian newspaper ever
since its establishment has been able to and still gives various opportunities to Nigerians who
wish to express their views over different policies of government through their writings
(Babalola, 2002).
It is against this background that the study is divided into five sections. The first section is the
ongoing introduction; the second section clarified key concepts. The third section is an
overview of the evolution of civil society groups in Nigeria. The fourth section presents data
analysis and discussion of findings from the data gathered through questionnaires. The final
section concludes the work and proffers relevant recommendations.
Conceptual Discourse
The concepts that underline this discourse that beg for conceptualization are civil society and
democratic governance.
3
Civil Society
A basic understanding of the term civil society is that it is that aspect of the society that is
distinct from the government of a given society and evolves from the membership of that
society. Civil society of a country enjoys the right to exist and to be free from the control of
the government. Civil society is referred to as the intermediate group in the state and it
mediates between the state and the governed (Cohen and Arato, 1992). Civil society relates to
the conditions of the formation and practice of a political community based not on tradition
but on the free association of individuals. It suggests a potential for self organization by the
citizens, independent of the state and political representations.
John Hall (1995) defines civil society as a space in which social groups can exist and move, a
space that would ensure softer, tolerable conditions of existence. From the above definition,
we can deduce that civil society comprises of different groups that exist for different reasons.
However, we should note that civil societal groups do seek to achieve their objectives
through non-violent methods because this would negate an earlier allusion that civil society
ought to ensure tolerable conditions for living. Indeed, the risk of violence is the price for
attaining such lofty goal.
Seligman (1992) views the concept of civil society as an ethical ideal of the social order that
harmonizes the conflicting demands of individual interests and social good. He argues that
civil society is that arena where free, self determining individuality sets forth its claims for
satisfaction of its wants and personal autonomy. Larry Diamond, on the other hand, defines
civil society as:
the realm of organized social life that is voluntary, self generating, self
supporting, autonomous from the state, and bound by the legal order or set
of shared rules. It involves citizens acting collectively in a public sphere to
express their interests, passions, and ideas, exchange ideas, exchange
information, achieve mutual goals, make demands on the state, and hold
state officials accountable. It is an intermediary entity, standing between the
private sphere and the state (Diamond, 1995:33).
A discourse on civil society cannot be complete without relating to the philosophical ideas
from John Locke, Adam Ferguson and Friedrich Hegel. In comparison with his theory of
social contract, John Locke (1963) is of the notion that a civil society as we know it is the
opposite of the state of nature. Thus; civil society is the product of an agreement or
convention by the citizens of a state. Civil society to him is a term used to describe humans
4
after leaving the state of nature and being civilized. He conceived civil society as the
legitimacy of groups which flowed from the autonomous and un-coerced commitments of
individuals.
The notion that civil society is a distinctively moral space of human interrelations that ought
to be protected from the state was developed and reinforced by the Scottish Enlightenment
philosopher, Adam Ferguson. Adam Ferguson (1767) opines that civil society is a polity
itself; it is however, a republican polity whose character is derived from the citizen and not
the government. That is, this group is free from governmental control since it is not formed or
initiated by the government.
In this context, a republican polity refers to a specific form of politically organized unit
formed by a body of persons. By this Ferguson implies that the civil society entails groups or
forms of organizations. However, the body of persons who must form this polity refers to the
free people in the society. The slaves cannot form a civil societal group, they may however be
part of the civil society but they cannot form a group on their own.
Furthermore, Hegel (1945) defines civil society as distinct from the family and the state.
Hence, it was different from the private and the biological realm on one side and the public
and political realm on the other. He contends that family and the state form the two
hierarchical poles between which the civil society is located. That is, the civil society is a
space for interaction apart from the family or state. It is however, the way through which the
state interacts with the family and the way the family interacts with the state. Civil societies
are used to designate associations bigger than the family but smaller than the state. Hegel was
the first to distinguish between the civil society and the state. In effect, he rendered civil
society independent of the state. The state is not the civil society and the civil society is not
the state but the civil society is birthed in the state.
However there is an argument about the inclusion of the family as a member of the civil
society. Some contemporary political theorists view the family as an integral part of the civil
society. Jean Cohen (1998), places the family within the civil society and this is in contrast to
Hegel’s position. Cohen argues that the family should be included in civil society as its first
association because the family is the foundation for the existence of humans in a society.
5
In spite of the myriads of arguments proffered by scholars, a point of meeting is that civil
society is autonomous of the government and organized or created by individuals of the
society.
Democratic Governance
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in its 1997 policy defined governance
as the exercise of economic, political and administrative authority to manage a country’s
affairs at all levels. It comprises of the mechanisms, processes and institutions through which
citizens and groups articulate their interests, exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations
and mediate their differences. Thus, democratic governance portrays all these attributes but
only through representatives of the people.
Democratic governance refers to a democratic mode of exercising powers and performing
functions by the established institutions to achieve developmental goals. It can be understood
in terms of its constitutive elements. Democratic governance operates with democratic
institutions like political parties, the judiciary and legislature, the media, etc. The National
League of Cities in Leftwich (1993) defines democratic governance as the art of governing a
community in participatory, deliberative and collaborative ways. Governance entails serious
commitment, accountability and responsibility on the part of the government officials.
Democratic governance according to Roberts and Edwards as cited in Ogundiya (2010:32)
entails;
popular participation, absolute respect for the rule of law, a general
guarantee of fundamental freedoms which lubricate popular participation,
periodic, competitive, free and fair elections with the role of every citizen
counting equally, respect for majority rule as well as the readiness of
minority to acquiesce in the decision of the majority, accountability,
guarantee of separation of powers in practice, transparency and
responsiveness in governance and opportunity for change of government or
any leadership found wanting.
Democratic governance has taken roots in Nigeria since 1999, when the military junta
relinquished power to the civilians. The country has witnessed the rule of three Presidents
since then. A good governance system is defined by its relationship to some key
prerequisites, including accountability, transparency, participation, and predictability.
However; it has been a work in progress as the country is still bedevilled with so many social
6
malaises which necessarily must be tackled for the attainment of any meaningful growth or
development in Nigeria.
Owolabi (2003) posits that Nigeria can only have democracy when the fundamentals and
variables of what make up democratic rule are available; regrettably however, they are absent
in the country. Thus, the problems facing Nigeria’s democracy are myriad, chief among them
being the faulty electoral process, inept leadership and corruption. According to Walter
Carrington, a former United States Ambassador to Nigeria, cited in Kukah (1999), Abraham
Lincoln’s definition of democracy in the Nigerian context was apt. His submission was that
the aspect of ‘government for the people’ was lacking in Nigeria. He concluded that;
When Nigeria got independence, ‘government of the people’ was
established. When elections were held, you had ’government by the
people’. What is lacking now is ‘government for the people’. Until people
are involved and active in governance, you are not going to solve the
problem (Carrington, 2008).
A true and viable future in democratic governance however remains unachievable by the
Nigerian government because the Nigerian government lacks the basic elements that enable a
nation to be fully democratic. According to Oddih (2007), Nigeria is yet to arrive at a
democracy. He argued that judging by the substantive indicators of democracy; Nigeria has
not yet arrived at democracy. He stressed that a responsible and accountable leadership that
would characterize good governance in Nigeria is patently absent. He concluded that
democratic governance continues to face a number of challenges and these seem to question
the existence of democracy in the first place.
In a democracy, the leaders must be accountable to the people who elected them into office
(Agundu 2007). The Nigerian experience, since 1999, still leaves much to be desired. The
actions and pronouncements of the government have been far from seeking the consent of the
people in taking decisions that affects them. The arrogant display of power and authority by
elected leaders and their appointed allies is alarming. There have been cases of elected
representatives who operate constituency offices that are not functional, yet they claim huge
amounts of public funds as constituency allowances (Alumona 2010). Indeed, official
corruption is an issue that continues to pollute the democratic project in Nigeria (Nwoye,
2001).
Furthermore, ethnicity and tribalism are major issues facing democratic governance in the
country. With well over 274 ethnic groups, each suspecting the other, multi ethnic Nigeria is
7
sitting on a keg of gunpowder littering the political landscape with potential arsenals for
implosion (Anifowose, 1982; Kukah, 1993). Such a highly volatile situation has not been
conducive for the evolution of strong and stable democratic governance. When we add the
fact that, the rule of law and its due process which form the cornerstone of a democratic
system has been highly compromised since the inception of democratic governance in 1999,
thus sabotaging Nigeria’s democratic experiment, the equation becomes complete (Ikotun
2010).
Brief History of Civil Society in Nigeria
In broad terms, civil society refers to those social groups outside the realm of the states but
operating within the civic and private spheres. A civil society is made up of associations;
voluntary and autonomous, professional or non-professional which have arisen out of the self
organizational efforts of various forces (Olukoshi, 1997).
Civil society exists outside the state and ideally relies on the initiative and commitment of its
members. Civil society is the whole gamut of formal and informal associational life, so far as
the associations are relatively autonomous of the state are public as well as civil (Osaghae
1997).
Nigeria has a long and strong tradition of civil society, which represents the diverse and
pluralistic nature of Nigerian society. Nigeria’s history of struggle and resistance was
primarily led by civil society groups. Their formation and activities date back to the colonial
period when different groups, sometimes locally and territorially based, and at other times
transcending clan and tribal boundaries became part of the nationalist protest against the
repressive colonial state. In the immediate post independence period, civil society groups
provide humanitarian assistance at the grassroots level.
According to Kukah (1999), civil society has long existed in Nigeria but became dormant and
stifled, reverting to hidden and less obvious forms of resistance and struggles during the early
post-colonial phase. Prior to colonialism, social movements arising from society and engaged
in the reconstruction of the state and society existed all over Nigeria. The Jihadist Movements
in Northern Nigeria are a good example. Indeed, it was the jihadists who established the
Sokoto Caliphate in Northern Nigeria.
There was the onerous attempt by Nigerians to obstruct colonial domination and it was
further boosted by the formation of socio-cultural formation such as Egbe Omo Oduduwa, the
8
Jamiyar Mutanin Arewa etc, as an inbuilt mechanism to checkmate the excesses of external
misrule in Nigeria. It is however interesting to note that, most of these cultural groupings and
hegemonic configurations were later transformed into political institutions. For example,
while the Pan-Yoruba cultural organization, the Egbe Omo Oduduwa, metamorphosed into
the Action Group, the Jamiyar Mutanin Arewa transformed into the erstwhile Northern
People’s Congress (Alkali, 2004).
At the dawn of colonial conquest, resistance was organized and coordinated by states existing
in the social formations that constituted Nigeria. After colonial conquest, the resistance was
sustained by civil organizations of both a modern and traditional nature. The Aba and
Abeokuta women’s movements, the Enugu coal miners as well as the indigenous press such
as the West African Pilot, students and other nationalist groups continued resistance against
the colonial project in Nigeria. In the traditional sphere, civil associations were also active
and vibrant. Such institutions included farmers associations in the South-West, traders
associations in the north of Nigeria and village and community associations throughout the
country (Coleman, 1958; Williams, 1980).
During the first civilian administration in 1960-1966, labour organizations, student
associations and the media provided a strong leadership and organized protests against
unpopular policies (Young, 1997). The decade of the 1970s was a period of oil boom and
development fervour in Nigeria. During that period, there was the formation of cooperative
movements and trade unions. It was also during the period that self help and cooperative
movements were established to ensure that some of the oil revenues trickled down to the
grassroots. In this period, trade unions and student associations actively agitated for the
interests of their members and their self declared allies.
The decade of the 1980s witnessed fundamental changes in the nature and development of
civil society in Nigeria. More civil organizations were registered during the 1980s than in any
other period in the post independence history of Nigeria. The United Nations International
Children’s’ Emergency Fund (UNICEF) study on NGOs in Nigeria observes that the largest
percentage of NGOs was registered in this period. This decade was also a decade of
increasing intervention by the state in both traditional and modern spheres of civil society.
Between the 1980s and the 1990s, civil society played three important roles. First, it played a
leading role in mobilizing the poor and their organizations against unpopular economic
policies within the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) framework. Second, a plethora
9
of civic groups and associations including grassroots, community based associations, and
faith based associations emerged providing assistance to their members and the poor, in the
absence of reliable government. Thirdly, the civil society associations played a very crucial
role in the expansion of the political space (CIVICUS report 2007).
The state dominated by a military President, General Ibrahim Babangida sought to build
legitimacy by supporting and even creating selected civil associations. The Babangida
government of 1985-1993 supported associations of traditional rulers and some women
associations while it opposed and even banned associations of workers, students, journalists
and other professionals. Also, the cancellation of the June 12 1993 election further fuelled the
activities of civil groups and society (Saliu, 2006a).
Similar to the Babangida regime was the Abacha regime which came into power in
November 1993. This regime however, actively sought to create its own constituency in the
society by encouraging only the groups that supported it. It also sought support from existing
groups by handsomely rewarding those that did not support it. The regime also saw to the
execution of the leaders of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), a
radical civil group in the Niger-Delta region. This however only moved more communities in
the region into joining the struggle for minority rights, environmental protection and
development (Saliu, 2006a).
The Abacha dictatorship left civil society battle hardened and mobilized, vibrant and
confident. At the same time, civil society was scarred during the military dictatorship due to
the arrest of its leaders and the banning and repression of some of its members. It was also
challenged by limited resources and capacity, and creeping division in vision and strategy
(Osaghae, 2002). The existing relationship between the state and the civil society of Nigeria
remained that of confrontation rather than accommodation, of competition rather than
partnership.
Since the inception of civilian government in 1999, the civil society sector has been going
through a transitional phase, and now enjoys new freedoms and tests new spaces for civic
engagement. Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, the state has become relatively open
to criticism and allows inputs from the public space. By implication, therefore, the various
interests are largely articulated in the scheme of the nation’s policy making processes for an
enhanced socio-economic and political development in Nigeria (Omodia and Erunke 2007).
10
With the enthronement of democratic governance in Nigeria, the civil society has been
persistent in its agitation for good governance, working against the repeat of her ugly
experiences during the long years of military dictatorship. Thus Akindele (2003) stated that;
…today, civil society faces greater challenges and more onerous
responsibility in helping to consolidate democracy and make it sustainable
as well as irreversible than it did in the struggle to enthrone it.
In essence, civil society still faces a greater challenge in ensuring the continuity of democracy
in Nigeria having fought to enthrone it. Consequently, civil society in Nigeria has ensured the
institution of structures to guide against the subversion of the will of the people by the
government (Omodia and Erunke 2007).
Data Presentation and Analysis
This section dwells on the presentation and analysis of the data obtained in the course of this
study. Data were collated and analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences
(SPSS version 17.0) software. Statistical analyses include frequency distribution tables,
simple percentages and Regression.
A total number of 100 questionnaires were self
administered to respondents and 70 were recovered and duly analyzed. Short descriptive
analyses of the tables are also presented for the purpose of clarity.
Table 4.1: Distribution of Respondents by Sex
Valid male
female
Total
Frequency
37
33
Percent
52.9
47.1
Valid
Percent
52.9
47.1
70
100.0
100.0
Cumulative
Percent
52.9
100.0
Source: Fieldwork (2013)
Interpretation: As indicated in Table 4.1, 52.9% of respondents are male while 47.1% are
female. This analysis shows that there are more male respondents than female. This is due to
the fact that the male gender is more interested in political issues than the female gender.
Table 4.2: Distribution of Respondents by Age
Frequency
Percent
11
Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Valid 18-30
31-40
41-50
51 and above
Total
Source: Fieldwork (2013)
40
17
11
2
70
57.1
24.3
15.7
2.9
100.0
57.1
24.3
15.7
2.9
100.0
57.1
81.4
97.1
100.0
Interpretation: The above table shows that ages between 18-30 years constitute 57% of the
respondents while those between 31 and 40 years constitute 24% and those that are 41 to 50
constitute 16% of the sample population. Ages 51 and above constitute 3% while Ages below
18 are excluded from the study since people in this category are viewed by the constitution of
Nigeria as not able to take independent decision. It is clear from the table above that majority
of the respondents are above 31 years of age. This maturity in age affords the researcher the
opportunity to gather very useful information since individuals between this age are
experienced and are expected to have a substantial knowledge about the field of study.
Table 4.3: Distribution of Respondents by Educational Qualifications
Frequency
Valid BSc
49
MSc
3
PhD
6
others
12
Total
70
Source: Fieldwork (2013)
Percent
70.0
4.3
8.6
17.1
100.0
Valid
Cumulative
Percent
Percent
70.0
70.0
4.3
74.3
8.6
82.9
17.1
100.0
100.0
Interpretation: Drawing from Table 4.3 above, it is clear that 70% of respondents have B.
Sc degree while 4% have M.Sc degree.
6% however have Ph.D degree. 17% of the
respondents did not have educational qualification specified above. The fact that over 71% of
the respondents have tertiary education shows a high level of literacy among the respondents
indicating that they have adequate knowledge of the topic of research.
Table 4.4: Civil Society Groups are totally free from Government intervention
Valid Strongly Agree
Agree
Undecided
Disagree
Strongly Disagree
Frequency
14
16
2
26
12
Percent
20.0
22.9
2.9
37.1
17.1
12
Valid
Percent
20.0
22.9
2.9
37.1
17.1
Cumulative
Percent
20.0
42.9
45.7
82.9
100.0
Total
Source: Fieldwork (2013)
70
100.0
100.0
Interpretation: Respondents in the Guardian Newspaper were asked whether or not the
agency is fully independent of governmental control. 20% strongly agreed and 23 simply
agreed. 3 were undecided. 37% however disagreed while 12% strongly disagreed. From this
analysis it is observed that while a total of 43% agreed that the agency is fully independent of
governmental control, a total of 54% of the respondents disagreed. It can be concluded
therefore, that majority of the respondents disagreed that the agency is fully independent of
governmental control.
Table 4.5: The Agency is a Platform for Public Opinion and Advocacy
Valid Strongly Agree
Agree
Undecided
Disagree
Strongly Disagree
Total
Source: Fieldwork (2013)
Frequency
29
34
3
3
1
70
Percent
41.4
48.6
4.3
4.3
1.4
100.0
Valid
Cumulative
Percent
Percent
41.4
41.4
48.6
90.0
4.3
94.3
4.3
98.6
1.4
100.0
100.0
Interpretation: From the Table 4.5 above, the frequency distribution of the respondents in
the Guardian Newspaper on whether or not the agency provides opportunities for members of
the public to express their views. 41% strongly agreed and 49% simply agreed. 4% were
undecided. 4% however disagreed while 1% strongly disagreed. From this analysis it is
observed that while a total of 90% agreed that the agency provides opportunities for members
of the public to express their views, a total of 5% of the respondents disagreed. It can be
concluded that majority of the respondents agreed that Guardian Newspaper provides
opportunities for members of the public to express their views.
Table 4.6: The Government Sanctions the Agency after Publication of Certain Stories.
Valid Strongly Agree
Agree
Undecided
Disagree
Strongly Disagree
Frequency Percent
9
12.9
29
41.4
12
17.1
12
17.1
8
11.4
13
Valid
Percent
12.9
41.4
17.1
17.1
11.4
Cumulative
Percent
12.9
54.3
71.4
88.6
100.0
Total
Source: Fieldwork (2013)
70
100.0
100.0
Interpretation: Respondents were asked whether or not government sanctions the agency
after publication of certain stories. 13% strongly agreed and 41 simply agreed. 17% were
undecided. 17% however disagreed while 11% strongly disagreed. From this analysis it is
observed that while a total of 54% agreed that government sanctions the agency after
publication of certain stories, a total of 18% of the respondents disagreed. It can be
concluded, that majority of the respondents agreed that government sanctions the agency
after publication of certain stories.
Table 4.7: The Agency as a Civil Society Group Sues the Government if it Meddles in its
Affairs
Valid Strongly Agree
Agree
Undecided
Disagree
Strongly Disagree
Total
Source: Fieldwork (2013)
Frequency Percent
7
10.0
27
38.6
9
12.9
19
27.1
8
11.4
70
100.0
Valid
Percent
10.0
38.6
12.9
27.1
11.4
100.0
Cumulative
Percent
10.0
48.6
61.4
88.6
100.0
Interpretation: Respondents were asked whether or not the agency as a civil society group
sues the government if it meddles in its affairs. From the 70 respondents observed, 10%
strongly agreed and 39 simply agreed. 13% were undecided. 27% however disagreed while
11% strongly disagreed. From this analysis it is observed that while a total of 49% agreed
that the agency as a civil society group sues the government if it meddles in its affairs, a total
of 38% of the respondents disagreed. It can be concluded that majority of the respondents
agreed that the agency as a civil society group sues the government if it meddles in its affairs.
Table 4.8: Civil Society Groups Promote Democratic Governance in Nigeria
Valid Strongly Agree
Agree
Undecided
Disagree
Strongly Disagree
Frequency Percent
32
45.7
24
34.3
6
8.6
6
8.6
2
2.9
14
Valid
Percent
45.7
34.3
8.6
8.6
2.9
Cumulative
Percent
45.7
80.0
88.6
97.1
100.0
Total
Source: Fieldwork (2013)
70
100.0
100.0
Interpretation: Respondents were asked whether or not the civil society groups promote
democratic governance in Nigeria. From the 70 respondents observed as shown in Table 4.8
above, 46% strongly agreed and 34 simply agreed. 9% were undecided. 9% however
disagreed while 3% strongly disagreed. From this analysis it is observed that while a total of
80% agreed that the civil society groups promote democratic governance in Nigeria, a total of
11% of the respondents disagreed. It can be concluded that majority of the respondents
agreed that the civil society groups promote democratic governance in Nigeria.
Table 4.9: Guardian as a Civil Society Group Serves as a Check against the Excesses of
Nigerian Government
Valid Strongly Agree
Agree
Undecided
Disagree
Strongly Disagree
Total
Source: Fieldwork (2013)
Frequency Percent
23
32.9
33
47.1
7
10.0
6
8.6
1
1.4
70
100.0
Valid
Cumulative
Percent
Percent
32.9
32.9
47.1
80.0
10.0
90.0
8.6
98.6
1.4
100.0
100.0
Interpretation: From the Table 4.9 above, the frequency distribution of the respondents on
whether or not the Guardian Newspaper as a civil society serves as a check against the
excesses of Nigerian government, 33% strongly agreed and 47% simply agreed. 10% of the
respondents were undecided. However 9% disagreed while 1% strongly disagreed. From this
analysis it is observed that while a total of 77% agreed that the agency as a civil society
serves as a check against the excesses of Nigerian government, a total of 10% of the
respondents disagreed. It can be concluded that majority of the respondents agreed that the
agency serves as a check against the excesses of Nigerian government.
Table 4.10: Democratic Practice in Nigeria since 1999 has Done More Good than Harm
to the Civil Society
Frequency
Valid Strongly Agree
Agree
Undecided
Disagree
Strongly Disagree
9
23
8
28
2
15
Percent
12.9
32.9
11.4
40.0
2.9
Valid
Cumulative
Percent
Percent
12.9
12.9
32.9
45.7
11.4
57.1
40.0
97.1
2.9
100.0
Total
Source: Fieldwork (2013)
70
100.0
100.0
Interpretation: Respondents were asked whether or not democratic practice in Nigeria since
1999 has done more good than harm to the civil society. From the Table 4.10 above, it is seen
that 13% strongly agreed and 33 simply agreed. 11% were undecided. 40% however
disagreed while 3% strongly disagreed. From this analysis it is observed that while a total of
46% agreed that democratic practice in Nigeria since 1999 has done more good than harm to
the civil society, a total of 43% of the respondents disagreed. This reveals a close margin
between those that agreed and those that disagreed. With just a 3% difference between the
two groups, one can conclude that the agreement among the respondents that democratic
practice in Nigeria since 1999 has done more good than harm to the civil society is not very
strongly upheld.
Table 4.11: The Effectiveness of Civil Society in Nigeria is Hindered by Internal
Divisions among the Groups
Valid Strongly Agree
Agree
Undecided
Disagree
Strongly Disagree
Total
Source: Fieldwork (2013)
Frequency
18
39
6
5
2
70
Percent
25.7
55.7
8.6
7.1
2.9
100.0
Valid
Cumulative
Percent
Percent
25.7
25.7
55.7
81.4
8.6
90.0
7.1
97.1
2.9
100.0
100.0
Interpretation: Respondents were asked whether or not the effectiveness of civil society in
Nigeria is hindered by fragmentations and internal divisions among groups. From the Table
4.11 above, it is seen that 26% strongly agreed and 56 simply agreed. 9% were undecided.
7% however disagreed while 3% strongly disagreed. From this analysis it is observed that
while a total of 82% of the respondents agreed that the effectiveness of civil society in
Nigeria is hindered by fragmentations and internal divisions among groups, a total of 10% of
the respondents disagreed. This reveals that majority of the respondents agreed that the
effectiveness of civil society in Nigeria is hindered by fragmentations and internal divisions
among groups.
16
Table 4.12: Civil Society Groups in Nigeria Have Become Negligent with the Emergence
of the Fourth Republic.
Valid Strongly Agree
Agree
Undecided
Disagree
Strongly Disagree
Total
Source: Fieldwork (2013)
Frequency
6
26
17
18
3
70
Percent
8.6
37.1
24.3
25.7
4.3
100.0
Valid
Percent
8.6
37.1
24.3
25.7
4.3
100.0
Cumulative
Percent
8.6
45.7
70.0
95.7
100.0
Interpretation: Respondents were asked whether or not the civil society groups in Nigeria
have become negligent with the emergence of the Fourth Republic. From the Table 4.12
above, it is seen that 9% strongly agreed and 37 simply agreed. 24% were undecided. 26%
however disagreed while 4% strongly disagreed. From this analysis it is observed that while a
total of 46% of the respondents agreed that civil society groups in Nigeria have become
negligent with the emergence of the Fourth Republic, a total of 30% of the respondents
disagreed. This reveals that majority of the respondents agreed that civil society groups in
Nigeria have become negligent with the emergence of the Fourth Republic.
4.13 Hypothesis Testing
The hypothetical statement of this research work is tested and the test results are presented in
this section. The acceptance or rejection of this hypothesis was tested with the Multiple
Regression statistical technique using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS)
Version 17.0. According to Pallant (2001:134), multiple regression can be used to explore the
relationship between one continuous dependent variable and a number of independent
predictors. The dependent variable in these hypotheses is Civil Society while the independent
variable is democratic governance. The hypothesis is stated both in the null and alternative
form as;
H0: There is no significant relationship between the civil society and democratic governance
in Nigeria.
H1: There is a significant relationship between the civil society and democratic governance in
Nigeria.
17
The Test Result of Hypothesis
Variables Entered/Removed (b)
Model
1
Variables
Removed
Variables Entered
CSG is platform for
advocacy, CSG
promotes democracy,
CSG as a means of
expressing public
opinion, CSG reacts to
ridiculous government
policies, CSG serves
as checks on
government(a)
Method
. Enter
a. All requested variables entered.
b. Dependent Variable: Civil Society
Model Summary
Adjusted R
Std. Error of the
Model
R
R Square
Square
Estimate
1
.594(a)
.353
.303
.70282
a. Predictors: (Constant),
CSG is platform for advocacy,
CSG promotes democracy,
CSG as a means of expressing public opinion,
CSG reacts to ridiculous government policies,
CSG serves as checks on government.
ANOVA(b)
Sum of
Mean
Model
Squares
Df
Square
F
Sig.
1
Regression
17.258
5
3.452
6.988
.000(a)
Residual
31.613
64
0.494
Total
48.871
69
a. Predictors: (Constant),
CSG is platform for advocacy,
CSG promotes democracy,
CSG as a means of expressing public opinion,
CSG reacts to ridiculous government policies,
CSG serves as checks on government.
18
b. Dependent Variable:
Civil Society
Coefficients (a)
Model
1
Unstandardized Standardized
Coefficients
Coefficients
Std.
B
Error
Beta
.433
.283
(Constant)
CSG is platform for
.265
advocacy
CSG promotes
.148
democracy
CSG as a means of
expressing public
.138
opinion
CSG reacts to
ridiculous government
.243
policies
CSG serves as checks
-.099
on government
a. Dependent Variable: Civil Society
t
B
1.531
Sig.
Std.
Error
.131
.114
.301
2.331
.023
.099
.188
1.491
.141
.105
.147
1.316
.193
.093
.309
2.629
.011
.078
-.145
-1.276
.207
The ANOVA table above shows the result of the regression statistical test on the research
hypothesis. The table indicates F-cal value of 6.988 at the associated significant level of
0.000. This is less than the conventional significant level of 0.05. According to the statistical
rule when the level of significance is less than 0.05 the null hypothesis is rejected and hence
the alternative hypothesis accepted. On the contrary however, when the level of significance
is higher than 0.05, the null hypothesis accepted and the alternative hypothesis rejected.
4.14 Decision
Since the ANOVA result indicates a level of significance (0.000) that is less than the
conventional significant level, the null hypothesis that there is no significant relationship
between the civil society and democratic governance in Nigeria is rejected. The alternative
hypothesis which states that there is a significant relationship between the civil society and
democratic governance in Nigeria is accepted.
Conclusion and Recommendations
The study has demonstrated that a democratic state cannot be stable without a vibrant civil
society. Empirical findings have shown that civil society acts as a check on the actions and
behaviours of public officials, monitors the process of governance, and thus, vital partner in
19
the quest for positive relationship between the democratic state and its citizens. Interestingly,
the role of the Guardian Newspapers as an agent of civil society was copiously documented
in driving the process of democratization. It continues to play an important role in ensuring
transparency and accountability of the government and advocating for the diverse interests of
a pluralized society. All these, no doubt enhances democratic governance.
The study recommends among others, that the Nigerian government must immediately open
up the democratic space by granting more access and freedom to the media and must as a
matter of policy priority refrain from meddling in the affairs of the media houses. Also, the
government should improve the national security environment in the country to enhance
productivity and creativity of the press. Furthermore, the media houses must be very
objective in their analysis and take immediate steps to remedy any damage done to national
security where the case is applicably. Similarly, the civil society groups must “re-group” and
repair the ugly public image of recurrent internal cleaves within their ranks so as to
continually enjoy the solidarity of the other members of the national community.
20
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