Full Research Report Title: Phonological properties of hand shapes in home signs used by deaf children in hearing family Grant reference: ES/J00362X/1 Sotaro Kita (PI) Collaborators: Susan Goldin-Meadow, Diane Brentari RAs: Yousaf Kanan, Beinan Zhou Introduction Children across the globe learn, with seeming ease, whatever language they are exposed to. It is clear that the linguistic input that children receive from the environment has a significant impact on language development. After all, children who grow up in an English-speaking environment learn specific features of English that other languages do not necessarily have. However, some properties of language seem to be developmentally resilient in the sense that children will develop them even if the input provides no (or highly degraded) information about them in situations such as congenitally deaf children who are not exposed to sign language (GoldinMeadow, 2003). In other words, children seem to be born with the ability to develop certain properties of language. Exactly what properties of language are developmentally resilient is an important question in developmental psychology and biology. This is because it can shed light on the "nature-nurture debate" on language development by specifying how biological endowment of children contributes to language development. The proposed project will examine the resilience of language in the domain of phonology. The most direct way of investigating developmentally resilient properties of language is to look at a situation in which linguistic input is highly degraded or absent and see what properties of language develop despite the poverty of input. Such a situation arises in congenitally (profoundly) deaf children who grow up among speakers of spoken language and do not get exposure to conventional sign language. Idiosyncratic gestural communication systems developed by congenitally deaf child growing up with hearing family are called "home sign" (Goldin-Meadow, 2003; Goldin-Meadow & Feldman, 1977; Goldin-Meadow & Mylander, 1983). Home sign systems have properties that resemble properties of conventional signed and spoken languages. Furthermore, such properties are not observed in speech-accompanying gestures (McNeill, 1992) produced by the parents. These properties can be seen as resilient properties of language because they emerged from deaf children despite the fact that they were not available in the input. The previous research on home signs demonstrated that certain aspects of syntax and morphology are resilient against the poverty of input. Objectives The aim of the project was to investigate whether or not "home signs" created by deaf children without linguistic input (to gesturally communicate with family members) had the foundation of phonological systems that are seen in conventional spoken and signed languages, namely "discreteness" and "duality of patterning" (i.e. existence of discrete categories of forms that are independent from semantic categories, e.g. phonological features). To this end, we compared types of hand shapes used in deaf children's home signs and their hearing parents' gestures, based on existing recordings of interaction between deaf children and their parents while playing with toys. Hand shapes are considered to be phonological elements in sign language. In order to assess cross-cultural generalisability, we investigated home sign systems in the USA and in Taiwan. Two analyses were carried out. First, we tested if home signs created by deaf children had more discrete (as opposed to continuous) handshape categories, as compared to gestures used by the deaf children's parents. Second, we tested if the discreteness of the handshape varied between two different types of gestures (pointing vs. conventionalised gestures) with different meanings/functions. Methods Participants and recordings We used the existing recordings of congenitally deaf children (four in the USA and four in Taiwan) interacting with their mother with a standard set of toys. Each child was observed twice between 3 years 8 months and 4 years 11 months (each session lasted one to two hours). This is the dataset used in Goldin-Meadow and Mylander (1998). These children had 70 to 90 dB hearing loss in both ears. They attended oral-education schools and were trained in lipreading and speech production. But at the point of recording, none had acquired spoken language beyond an occasional isolated word. None of the children were exposed to conventional sign language. The children's hearing parents tried to communicate with the children in spoken language. However, much of the communication between the children and the parents occurred via gestures and actions. Hand shape coding The first goal of the coding was to capture the extent to which gestures have discrete categories of hand shapes as opposed to hand shapes varying along a continuum (e.g. a continuum between a fully extended or fully curled-in middle finger as in Figure 1). To this end, we coded whether observed hand shapes fall between a "grid" of canonical hand shapes for phonetic transcription for hand shape in sign language (Eccarius & Brentari, 2008). We classified the hand shape that fell between the grid as "intermediate". The grid was detailed enough to capture most of the hand shapes that occur in various sign languages. The hand shapes in Figure 1a and 1c are in the grid, but the hand shape in Figure 1b is not. The hand shape is evaluated at the beginning and the end of the meaning bearing part of the gestural hand movement, called "gesture stroke" (Kita, Gijn, & Hulst, 1998). More specifically, we coded (a) to which hand shape in the Eccarius-Brentari chart it resembled most, and (b) if it was a canonical or intermediate hand shape (see Figure 1). (a) canonical (b) intermediate (c) canonical Figure 1. Examples of canonical hand shapes (a, c), in which fingers are clearly selected or unselected, and an intermediate hand shape (b), in which some fingers (in this example the middle finger) are somewhere between selected and unselected. Furthermore, for each gesture, we coded whether finger selection in the hand shape is crucial for the meaning of the gesture or not. For example, if a gesture with the extended index finger hand shape (Figure 1a, 1b) was used to point to an object, it was coded as "finger selection not crucial" because pointing can be achieved by any number of fingers extended. In contrast, if a gesture refers to a thin elongated object (e.g. a stick), it was coded as "finger selection crucial" because the hand shape was iconically related to the meaning. Coding was carried out by using the video annotation software, ELAN <www.mpi.nl/tools/elan>. Results and Discussions There was some evidence that deaf children introduced "discreteness" of form units in their communication systems. We analyzed what proportion of gesture tokens had a "canonical" handshape in deaf children and their mothers and in the US and in Taiwan. When canonical handshapes were observed more often, the communication system was considered to be more discrete (i.e., handshapes clustered around canonical targets). For the US samples, the deaf children's home signs were more likely to have a canonical handshape (proportion of canonical gesture/sign tokens: M = .79) than their mothers' gestures (M = .73) (p < .05). However, for the Taiwanese sample, children's home signs (M = .67) and parents' gestures (M = .68) did not significantly differ from each other. This cultural difference is consistent with the previous analyses of the same set of recordings. Goldin-Meadow and Mylander (1999) investigated complex gesture combinations expressing events (e.g., a sequence of three gestures to express the event, a mouse eating cheese) in deaf children's home signs and mothers' gestures. They found that, in the Taiwanese sample, deaf children's and their mothers' gesturing patterns tended to converge with each other, unlike in the US sample. We speculate that this may be because of culturespecific attitude towards the role of gesturing in communication. The results showed evidence for duality of patterning in deaf children's home signs for the US samples, but not for Taiwanese sample. Duality of patterning refers to the idea that form units are organised independently of meanings and functions. We investigated whether the discreteness of handshapes were modulated by meaning/function of home signs and gestures. More specifically, we compared discreteness of the handshapes for pointing gestures and conventionalised gestures (such as the gesture that showed a palm of the open hand to the recipient to express the command, "stop"). If form units are organised independently of meaning, the degree of discreteness should not differ between different types of gestures. Alternatively, if form units are shaped by function/meaning, then pointing should be less discrete than conventionalised gestures because discreteness is less important for the function of pointing than that of conventionalised gestures. For the US samples, this duality of patterning was found in deaf children's home signs (proportion of canonical gesture/sign tokens: pointing, M = .83; conventionalised, M = .82), but not in the mothers' gestures (pointing, M = .83; conventionalised, M = .74; pointing > conventionalised, p = .009) (interaction between age and gesture type, p = .026). For the Taiwanese sample, we found no evidence that duality of patterning differ between children's home signs (pointing, M = .65; conventionalised, M = .79) and mothers' gesture (pointing, M = .70, conventionalised, M = .80) (no significant main effects or interaction). To summarise, we found some evidence that deaf children spontaneously introduce discreteness and duality of patterning, two foundational properties of language, into their home signs. This pattern was seen in the US sample, but not in the ROC sample. The cultural difference is an important topic for future research. References Eccarius, P., & Brentari, D. (2008). 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