Tourism as a Tool for Poverty Reduction
-- An empowerment case study --
Woman by shop in Kibera
(Photo courtesy: Sayaka Takano)
Eoin Meehan, Stephanie Blakeman and Marie Brøndgaard
December 19th 2013, Aalborg University, Copenhagen
1
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Eoin Meehan
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Tourism as a Tool for Poverty Reduction - An empowerment case
study
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Indhold
Preface ........................................................................................................................................................... 6
Map of Networks in Kibera ............................................................................................................................... 7
1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................................... 8
1.1 State of Art .......................................................................................................................................... 9
1.2 Research Aims ................................................................................................................................... 10
1.3 Research Questions............................................................................................................................ 10
1.4 Structure ............................................................................................................................................ 10
2. Methodology................................................................................................................................................ 11
2.1 Social Research Strategies ................................................................................................................. 11
2.1.1 Methodological Approaches and Reasoning Methods ................................................................... 11
2.1.2 Ontological Considerations ............................................................................................................ 11
2.2 Qualitative Approach and Structure .................................................................................................. 12
2.2.1 Triangulating .................................................................................................................................. 13
2.2.2 Social Science and Ethnography .................................................................................................... 13
2.2.3 Participant Observer ....................................................................................................................... 14
2.2.4 Field notes ..................................................................................................................................... 15
2.2.5 Research Structure .......................................................................................................................... 16
2.2.6 Interview Design............................................................................................................................. 16
2.3 Prior Research and Selection Criteria ................................................................................................ 17
2.4 Implications and Limitations ............................................................................................................. 17
3. Theoretical Framework ............................................................................................................................... 19
3.1 Poverty and Slum Definition ............................................................................................................. 19
3.2 Poverty and Its Merge with Tourism ................................................................................................. 20
3.2.1 Poverty Tourism ............................................................................................................................. 21
3.2.2 Slum Tourism ................................................................................................................................. 21
3.2.3 Pro-poor Tourism ........................................................................................................................... 22
3.3 The Media, the Globe’s Information Source ..................................................................................... 24
3.4 The Mediator ..................................................................................................................................... 25
3.5 A Framework for Poverty Alleviation ............................................................................................... 26
3.5.1 Stakeholders ................................................................................................................................... 28
3.5.2 The Three APT Themes ................................................................................................................. 30
3.5.3 Influences from Macro and Micro Environments .......................................................................... 32
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3.5.4 Determinants................................................................................................................................... 33
4. Empirical Data Overview ............................................................................................................................ 38
4.1 Kibera ................................................................................................................................................ 38
4.2 The Organisation, KUFET ................................................................................................................ 39
4.2.1 Raphael Owino ............................................................................................................................... 40
4.2.2 The Slum Tours .............................................................................................................................. 41
4.2.3 West Soweto Nursery School ......................................................................................................... 42
4.2.4 The Jewellery Workshop ................................................................................................................ 44
4.2.5 Volunteers through KUFET ........................................................................................................... 45
4.3 Government ....................................................................................................................................... 46
4.4 Other Projects in Kibera .................................................................................................................... 47
4.4.1 The Kadamuna Self Help Project ................................................................................................... 47
4.4.2 Pamela A. Otieno and KHASIP ..................................................................................................... 48
5. Analysis of Empirical Findings ................................................................................................................... 49
5.1 KUFET ................................................................................................................................................. 50
5.1.1 Categorising KUFET ...................................................................................................................... 50
5.1.2 Bottom-up Approach and Information Sharing .............................................................................. 51
5.1.3 The Money Flow of KUFET .......................................................................................................... 53
5.1.4 Social and Educational focus of KUFET........................................................................................ 56
5.1.5 Sub-Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 60
5.2 The Role of Raphael Owino .............................................................................................................. 61
5.2.1 Mediator and Political Networks .................................................................................................... 61
5.2.2 Mediator and Leader ....................................................................................................................... 63
5.2.4 Sub-conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 66
5.3 Implications and External Factors ..................................................................................................... 66
5.3.1 Government Accountability ........................................................................................................... 67
5.3.2 Corruption of State ......................................................................................................................... 68
5.3.3. Sub Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 69
6. Conclusion ................................................................................................................................................... 70
References ....................................................................................................................................................... 72
List of Appendices ........................................................................................................................................... 78
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Preface
We are well-aware that it might be unconventional to write a preface for a project of this
kind, however we felt an introduction of the individual group member would be very insightful for
the reader, due to our methodological research choices. Therefore, we hope you will excuse our
impudence.
Stephanie Blakeman had prior to this project been in the slum area, Kibera, in Nairobi, Kenya for a
previous semester project on slum tourism, albeit with a different focus of interest. Hence upon arrival in Kibera this was Stephanie Blakeman’s second visit. Marie Brøndgaard, however entered
into the area of slum tourism and fieldwork in Kibera for her first time at the destination. However,
it was not Marie Brøndgaard’s first time working in the branch of ethnography fieldwork and cultural studies. Eoin Meehan, was at the time of the fieldwork in Kibera, situated in Copenhagen,
Denmark. Eoin Meehan, having a background in management and human resources, was working
on theoretical frameworks and organisational studies.
This project, thus, was entered and carried out with diverse levels of insights and understandings of
Kibera and its community. Nevertheless, the project brings a very rich set of empirical data and
observations, which has been analysed from three very distinct perspectives.
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Map of Networks in Kibera
In order to grasp the complexity of the many networks in Kibera, we have developed the map below
to clarify it. We emphasise that it is not a model trying to define power relations between different
networks but simply an overview of links between the different actors we encountered during our
fieldwork in Kibera. This should also provide an understanding of how our main subject of investigating is positioned in a Kiberan and local governmental context.
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1. Introduction
Like poverty, slums too are complex and multidimensional. Attributing a universal description to a
global phenomenon without assigning contextual cultural referencing provides a definition that
cannot be verified ubiquitously. An unassailable paradox on human life is however, as the following
statement by Mandela, (2005) implies:
“Like slavery and apartheid, poverty is not natural. It is man-made and it can be overcome and eradicated by the actions
of human beings.” Mandela’s Poverty Speech, Make Poverty History, 2005
This thought-provoking statement indicates that action against poverty is necessary. Categorising
poverty with slavery and apartheid sends a message to the world of the heinous nature of poverty.
Some tourism terminologies associated with poverty are Pro-poor Tourism and Slum Tourism.
They are not the only relations but are centred to this project’s research. Pro-poor tourism and slum
tourism are interrelated disciplines yet differ in their definitions. They impact differently on developing destinations occupied by the most marginalised and poor members of society. This project is
not concerned with complex comparability of the two disciplines but to investigate tourism as a
means to poverty reduction in the slum of Kibera, in Nairobi, Kenya. This project will focus on the
Kibera United for Everyday Slum Tours (KUFET) organisation and founder and leader Raphael
Owino. KUFET is an organisation providing both tourism and non-tourism related projects. The
tourism related projects are the slum tours, and the volunteering opportunities.The non-tourism
based entities are empowerment projects targeted at the women and children in the Kiberan community. Investigating how KUFET uses tourism as a poverty alleviation tool will uncover the challenges both KUFET and Raphael Owino face. Further, the unnatural inception of poverty calls for
natural remedies to be diagnosed to aid in the cure and create a sustainable empowered poverty alleviated society. This project will promote the empowerment of a community as a means to potentially being able to create a sustainable foundation on which the poor can build upon to eradicate
themselves of poverty.
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1.1 State of Art
Poverty Tourism (Frenzel & Koen 2012; Dufresne, 2010; Freire-Medeiros, 2009; Ibid.,
2013, Basu, 2012) is the general term used for a historically long practice of tourists visiting impoverished areas to get an insight into such communities. The poverty tourism activities are focused on
the poorer areas in the South (Freire-Medeiros, 2013; Steinbrink, 2012). Tourism activities carried
out in specifically slum areas are referred to as slum tourism (Frenzel & Koen, 2012; Whyte et. al.,
2008). Research around slum tourism has primarily been carried out in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, Soweto slum in South Africa, slum of Kibera in Nairobi and the Dharavi slum in Mumbai
(Freire-Medeiros, 2009; 2013; Frenzel & Koen 2012; Dufresne, 2010; Steinbrink, 2012). Slum tourism involves a guide and does not refer to tourists accessing slum areas on their own (FreireMedeiros, 2013). Freire-Medeiros (2009; 2013) researches the tourism in the favelas of Rio de
Janeiro, and uses the terminology Reality Tourism (ibid, 2009; 2013; Basu, 2012), when referring to
tours offered through an organisation or travel agency, where tourists expect a secure visit to a site
where they can experience something unknown as well as encounter a reality unlike their own. Propoor (Chok et. al, 2007; Harrison, 2008; Frenzel & Koen, 2012; Hall, 2007) is a term used by multiple fields of study, e.g. tourism and development studies. Harrison (2008) emphasise the increasing academic interest in interdisciplinary pro-poor initiatives between tourism and poverty alleviation. The term refers to activities that are of benefits to the poor (Frenzel and Koen, 2012) yet not
necessarily in a tourism context unlike the three following terms. When regarding the guide a theoretical considerations on the pathfinder (Cohen, 1985) was fitting. The pathfinder takes people
through unknown places, and provides access (Schmidt, 1970 in Cohen, 1985) otherwise unavailable. The terms mediator or leader (Holloway, 1981, in Cohen, 1985) are more often used. Holloway
(1981) defines the mediator (in Cohen, 1985) as a middleman who communicates between the tourists and the host community at a destination. Concerns with middlemen in dealing with poverty
tourism involve that some middlemen cash a lot of the profit made (Ibid., 2003). This role can be
powerful in that the middleman may influence both parties (Meyer, 2003). However, in a tourism
context the mediator becomes a culture broker (McKean, 1976 in Cohen, 1985) whose responsibilities count communication between the community and the local and national governments (Ibid.,
1985).
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Tourism has been suggested to be a successful tool for poverty alleviation because tourism creates
employment possibilities for poorer people (UNWTO, 2011) as well as generate economic empowerment of impoverished societies (Guardian, 2011). Ritchie & Crouch (2005) introduced a framework, which allowed for an analysis of a tourist destination’s competitiveness. This framework includes an overview of stakeholders and internal-external factors necessary to consider when reviewing a tourist destination. Zhao and Ritchie (2007) developed an integrative framework for AntiPoverty Tourism Research (APT) framework, which modified Ritchie and Crouch’s (2005) framework, except adapted to consider tourism as a means for poverty reduction. It aims to explain how
stakeholders (Zhao & Ritchie, 2007) navigate in the field of poverty alleviation.
1.2 Research Aims
The following will reflect this project’s research aims:

Understand and define the poverty and its merge with the tourism industry

Describe how KUFET use the media's influence for awareness creation

Examine how KUFET, incorporates tourism in their daily organisations

Elucidate the significance of Raphael Owino in KUFET and the Kiberan community

Explicate the challenges KUFET experience or may potentially encounter
1.3 Research Questions
How does the organisation, KUFET, use tourism as a development tool for poverty
alleviation in the community of Kibera and what is the role of Raphael Owino?
- and what challenges does Raphael Owino and KUFET encounter?
1.4 Structure
As delineated in the table of contents this project consists of six chapters. The first is
the introduction. The second is the methodological deliberations for this project.Thirdly, a theoretical framework reviewing our chosen academical theories from which we obtained valuable insight
and tools applicable to our fourth chapter, which consist of the main findings from our empirical
research in Kibera. The fifth chapter contains the analysis of the empirical findings and of the chosen theoretical frameworks. Lastly, chapter six is the conclusion.
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2. Methodology
In the following we will present our methodological approach, which encompasses
this project’s methodological concepts. Firstly, we will explicate the social research strategies
touching upon our methodological approach, reasoning methods and considerations. Hereafter, we
will deliberate more in-depth with our chosen qualitative research approach, where we describe
respectively; social science and ethnography, ethnography and participation, field notes, the research structure, interview design, prior research and selection criteria, and finally, the implications
and limitations.
2.1 Social Research Strategies
The following sections will reflect two perspectives in regards to social research strategies. First we will describe the methodological approaches and reasoning methods covering the
exploratory approach to then mention the inductive reasoning for our project. Secondly, we will
focus on the methodological considerations arguing for the utilisation of ontological considerations
in this project.
2.1.1 Methodological Approaches and Reasoning Methods
For our project an exploratory approach was adopted (Davies, 2006), as our methodological approach, in regards to research, was concerned with generating theory. The exploratory
research approach was combined with the notion of exploration of a specific chosen social setting,
Kibera and its community, and us, being researchers, as explorers. We went to Nairobi, to gather
empirical data, as we explored the social setting of Kibera, and based on our observations and empirical material we applied relevant theory. With an inductive stance, “theory is the outcome of research” (Bryman, 2012 p. 26), and we can therefore conclude that our method of reasoning had an
inductive approach.
2.1.2 Ontological Considerations
When reflecting our social methods of considerations we applied social ontology, as
this project is “concerned with the nature of social entities” (Bryman, 2012 p. 32). More specifically, we were concerned with the position of constructionism, which is a “(...) position (...) that asserts
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that social phenomena and their meanings are continually being accomplished by social actors. It
implies that social phenomena and categories are not only produced through social interaction but
that they are in a constant state of revision” (Bryman, 2012 p. 33). Constructivism is based on the
notion that realities are not objective but “socially constructed” (Bryman, 2012 p. 33). Therefore, us
being researchers in the field of Kibera we are presenting our specific version of the social reality,
rather than considering it being definitive.
2.2 Qualitative Approach and Structure
To carry out this research we chose a qualitative approach. The qualitative research
method is appropriate as we wanted to understand the development tools used by KUFET to empower the Kiberan community. This required an in-depth understanding of KUFET and the Kiberan
community’s view points as well as an understanding of the context. Also, we would need thick
descriptions of social settings, situations and the individual relations, all relevant to the qualitative
research method (Bryman, 2012). Specialising on the KUFET organisation focused the research to
unveil those specifically empowered by them opposed to analysing the community as a whole.
Going through qualitative research method Bryman (2012) outlines six main steps of the qualitative
research process:
(1) General research question(s)
(2) Selection of relevant site(s) and subjects
(3) Collection of relevant data
(4) Interpretation of data
(5) Conceptual and theoretical work
(5a) Tighter specification of the research question(s)
(5b) Collection of further data
(6) Writing up findings/conclusions
The above overview does not allow for the research to change or adapt to different circumstances. It
does not embrace an iterative and dynamic research process. This is why Bryman’s (2012) framework is too elementary, static and basic to reflect the more dynamic progression of this project. Before departure we formulated a more general research question, knowing we wanted to focus on
KUFET and empowerment. However, a specific focus of interest was finally determined upon re-
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turn to Denmark, and going through our empirical data collection. From here we decided upon relevant theory in conjunction with our interpretation of the collected data. Throughout the project we
narrowed down our research question. As we did our entire data collection during a one week visit
in Kibera, we did not have the possibility of returning to the site of investigation for more research.
However, these following sections will elucidate in further details how we accumaleted our data
collection in Kibera.
2.2.1 Triangulating
As mentioned in the prior section, the straightforward qualitative research process
does not entirely comply with the research study of this project, as it does not reflect the research
process we practiced. This project consisted of more than one research method. Hence, we applied a
triangulation method (Webb et. al., 1966 in Bryman, 2012) by using an approach to the development study with more than one method employed and resulting in greater confidence in empirical
findings. We employed the approach of triangulation in this project by ‘checking out’ our observations with interviews questions to determine whether we might have missed important or misunderstood these observations. In this sense, the method of employing triangulation in this project functioned as a process cross-checking our empirical findings. As a more specific example in our empirical research we utilised the method of participant observation (section 2.2.3) by also employing
semi-structured interviews (section 2.2.6) to ensure a more valid data collection. Both research
methods, respectively participant observation and semi-structured interviews, will be elucidated
individually in the following sections.
2.2.2 Social Science and Ethnography
This project is a research study very much concerned with social science. The subject
matter of social science is concerned with people and their social world (Bryman, 2012); “the objects of social sciences - people - are capable of attributing meaning to their environment” (p. 399).
This project’s fieldwork, as already mentioned, was carried out in the slum of Kibera, in Nairobi,
Kenya. The time span of the fieldwork in Kibera was one week (4th-11th of November 2013),
which means we managed to carry out micro-ethnography (Wolcott, 1990 in Bryman, 2012). Spradley
(1979)
commented
“ethnography
is
not
so
much
about
studying
people
as
learning
from
them” (in Whitehead, 2004 p. 18).
Hence, ethnography
is
the
process
of
learning
about
the ethnographic
hosts’
worlds
and
cultural
systems, through the
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eyes of the people studied (Whitehead, 2004; Bryman 2012). We carried out our ethnographic research in Kibera as participant observer (Spradley, 1980).
2.2.3 Participant Observer
The participant observer enters a social situation with two agendas. First, to engage in
activities appropriate to the situation/setting, and secondly, to observe the activities, people, and
physical aspects of the setting (Spradley, 1980). All human beings use their given perceptual skills
when gathering information about a social situation, researcher or not. However, as a participant
observer it is required to heighten the sense of awareness, to raise the level of attention and to tune
in things usually (by the ordinary observer) being tuned out (ibid, 1980). In this notion, important
to note is the significance of the participant observer entering the social life of a setting with a wideangle lens to take in a much broader spectrum of data (ibid, 1980). An example hereof could be
when we studied the tacit cultural rules for classroom behaviour and the influence for our presence.
Here we observed the children and their behaviour in the classroom, and studied their eagerness to
learn. Also, we wrote down seemingly trivial data about the children’s small cultural rituals with
‘victory’ songs and dances after an academic accomplishment (Meehan et. al., 2013). This is an
example of how we, as participant observers, by having a wide-angle lens could enrich our data.
Also, there are biases when doing participant observation, as one can only observe the events in that
specific setting or situation, and therefore might miss out on other aspects (DeWalt & DeWalt,
2002). However, to our favour we had the advantage of being two researchers in the field, which
meant ‘four eyes’ instead of two, and thus gain more and different observations on the site investigated. Also, this advantage made it possible for us to ‘spread out’ and talk to different people simultaneously. As participant observers we adopted an overt role, meaning our role as researcher was
known to the people being studied (Bryman, 2012). According to Spradley (1980) being a participant observer entails alternating between insider/outsider experiences, and having both simultaneously. As an insider we were assigned as teachers at the nursery school, at same level as local
teachers. Thus, as an insider we felt some of the same emotions during these situations as the ordinary participants (i.e. locals) felt. Conversely, we simultaneously experienced being an outsider,
where we observed ourselves teaching and the students as mere ‘research objects’. Here we had the
experience of observing while also teaching. In such, we were part of the scene, yet outside the scene. However, a concurrent insider/outsider experience was not the case at all times. We also had
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individual cases of being a full participant and others observing as an outsider. So, to fully understand the entire spectrum, through a wide-angle lens (ibid, 2012), we increased the level of introspectiveness (ibid, 2012). In this case i.e. us being teachers, was a kind of introspection of ordinary
activities, as for the ordinary participants (i.e. local teachers) this was everyday experiences taken
for granted. We acknowledge the use of introspection is not objective matter, as we personally engaged in the research. Given the fact we were aware of our stand as academics and researchers, we
were able to distance ourselves from our empirical data. However, the judgement of a researcher
can be affected due to the relationships built with the studied people or communities (Bryman,
2012; Labaree, 2002), and thus an ethnographic researcher can never be fully objective. Noteworthy, Eoin Meehan did not take part in collecting the primary data in Kibera so was not as personally
engaged with the findings. Hence, Eoin Meehan could distance himself more from the research and
have a critical perspective. His role has been an advantage when going through the observations as
well as field notes made by Stephanie Blakeman and Marie Brøndgaard in the ethnographic fieldwork. Therefore, a removed disposition to the empirical data collected in Kibera benefited the process.
2.2.4 Field notes
Field notes, when doing ethnographic research, is valuable for prompting the researcher’s memory. In that notion, we as researchers, due to the frailties of our human memory,
took notes on our observations in Kibera in order to ensure we remembered all the observations.
Notes of observations need to be detailed of the activities, shared information, behaviours and our
initial reflections. The notes need to specify the key dimensions of what was observed or heard
(Bryman, 2012). It would be useful to take notes straight away, however, walking around with a
notebook and pencil at all times and taking notes can be both disturbing to the casual flow of ‘walking and talking’, but can also risk making people self-conscious. As we were two researchers at all
times, we would whenever the individual researcher felt it was needed, take scratch notes (ibid,
2012), which later would be written up. After each day of fieldwork we would sit down and talk
about our observations, and then in more detail make individual notes - full field notes (ibid, 2012 p.
450). Also, we set up a blog (Meehan et. al., 2013) for more formal and visual note sharing in between group members. Our notes was very effective for us as a group, both to be able to keep on
going back to written notes throughout the project, but it also provided a good holistic view of our
15
empirical data between all group members. Furthermore, it ensured that the two researchers who
had visited Kibera could thoroughly explain their experiences to Eoin Meehan.
2.2.5 Research Structure
Given the fact that this fieldwork was very much concerned with social science, a research
orientation that entails as little as possible prior contamination is preferred (Bryman, 2012), as we could have
risked imposing an inappropriate frame of reference on people, even though a group member, Stephanie, had
visited Kibera before. Keeping a certain structure at a minimum, by adopting an unstructured strategy (ibid,
2012), was therefore preferred, as it could enhance our opportunity of genuinely disclosing the perspectives
of the Kiberan community, rather than delimit Kibera and its community. Open ended questions allowed for
expansive answering and created a reactive conversation flow e.g. when we, unplanned, walked along the
railway and Raphael Owino explained us about all the areas we went through. As a result, it allowed us to
immerse into the social setting of Kibera with a less specific research focus in mind, to make as many observations of Kibera, the community, the empowerment aspect and the focus on tourism as development tool, as
possible. From here it was then possible to gradually formulate narrower and more specific research questions from the empirical data.
2.2.6 Interview Design
When considering qualitative interviewing there are two major types respectively the
unstructured interview and the semi-structured interview (Bryman, 2012). The interview types used
in this project and during our fieldwork reflects a combination of the two. We adopted an unstructured interview when we walked the ‘streets’ of Kibera, which we previously referred to as ‘walking and talking’. Also this was the case during our ‘small talks’ during lunch or in the schools small
breaks. During these situations we asked occasional questions, which the interviewee could respond
freely to respond and in turn we, as interviewers, could respond by following up on what seemed
relevant. What is explained here can also be regarded as ‘a regular conversation’, which also fits the
nature of the unstructured interview (Burgess, 1984 in Bryman, 2012). On the other hand, we also
conducted interviews reflecting more of a semi-structured interview (Bryman, 2012). The semistructured interview is recognised by having a more structural nature, when the interviewer has an
interview guide planned out of questions that should be fairly covered throughout the interview
(ibid, 2012). However, the interviewee still has a great amount of freedom of how to respond (ibid,
2012). The usage of a semi-structured interview was relevant when we had a meeting with Christine
16
Ongondo, the Senior Community Development Officer in the Nairobi County, but also in our follow up interview at the end of the week with Raphael Owino. For both situations we had prepared
an interview guide as well as follow up questions, and new questions generated due to the reply of
the interviewee.
2.3 Prior Research and Selection Criteria
At a prior semester project Stephanie Blakeman underwent an ethnographic research
study in Kibera, the slum in Nairobi; “The Slum Guide in Kibera: Creating Authenticity,” doing a
comparative analysis of three different organisations and slum guides located in Kibera. The project
concluded that KUFET was the only organisation, which had investment in the local community.
The inclusion of volunteers in organisational practices and an underlying goal to promote community development were clear project findings. We decided to focus on the role of KUFET in the
Kiberan community with an emphasis on empowerment and the use of tourism as a development
tool.
2.4 Implications and Limitations
Slums have long been a subject to academic investigation, however, sparse attention
from tourism research has been paid to the poverty alleviation research (Zhao & Ritchie, 2007;
Rolfes et. al., 2013). Hence, the circumstance of researching a field which has not yet been uncovered implies certain inherent limitations when having to draw upon existing research and frameworks.
A limitation when doing ethnographic research in Kibera is the restrictions of photography (FreireMedeiros, 2013). Much of what is appreciated in today’s postmodern tourism practices is not directly experiencing reality itself but rather the representations and particularly, through the medium of
photography (Rojek & Urry, 1997; Urry, 2002). Concerning slum tourism, this is not the case.
Freire-Medeiros (2013) describes, in the case of the slum, Dharavi “that the company [had] a nophotography policy (...) to keep the tours from becoming too intrusive” (p. 44). Also, in the case of
the favela (slum), Rocinha, in Rio, Freire-Mederios (2013) explains that “(...) the guides follow
strict rules on what may and may not be photographed by the tourists” (p. 89). This restriction of
photography is also the case in Kibera. Hence, slum tourism does not share current postmodern
tourism practices of photography (Rojek & Urry, 1997; Urry, 2002); one cannot walk around in
17
voyeuristic manner, invading residents privacy by taking photographs as one pleases. Thus, in terms
of research implications, the restrictions of photography meant that we could not document certain
scenarios, creating difficulties in terms of revision and sharing of possible empirical data. However,
instead we relied on thoroughly written field notes and our memory capacity having extracted sufficient information.
One of the limitations of this research can be the lack of significant insiderness (Labaree, 2002)
merely due to the short duration of our stay in Kibera. Had we stayed for a longer period of time we
may have experienced situations differently, this including our role as teachers. We would, however, always belong to an external segment in the Kibera community due to us being foreign. Therefore our role need not be caught in between the insider-outsider (Spradley, 1980) dichotomy as the
duration of our stay was always set to be one week.
The fact that Stephanie Blakeman had prior experiences from Kibera and with KUFET it created
research implications. Upon arrival a relation between Stephanie Blakeman and Raphael Owino
was already established, which automatically included Marie Brøndgaard. Thus upon Marie
Brøndgaard’s arrival in Kibera her relation to the community was significantly stronger compared
to Stephanie Blakeman’s first-time-experience in April 2013. Hence, we conclude that due to
Stephanie Blakeman’s prior connection to Kibera, KUFET and Raphael Owino we were able to
gain greater access into community understanding and relationship building. Access is what Cohen
(1985) explains as the; “(...) [granted] access to non-public spaces, where they would not otherwise
to able to enter - e.g. access to the ‘back regions’” (p.11). This access can also be translated into a
notion of trust. In that regard, Raphael Owino led us not only through geographical spaces, but also
through socially organised areas, and thereby also shouldering the responsibility for our behaviour,
making sure we did not interfere with ongoing activities, cause damage or perform inappropriate
photography. Thus, due to previous connection, a stronger relationship was built and we had greater
access to research material than would else have been possible.
Another implication, maybe even constraint, is the very fact we were in Kibera as researchers. We
had an aim and a goal by going to Kibera; to investigate. This way we were more culturally and
academically aware of diverse culturally faux pas than an ordinary participant.
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3. Theoretical Framework
This theory section of the project will define key theoretical deliberations of poverty,
tourism, roles, and destination - and poverty frameworks. We will introduce a definition of poverty,
and explicate an understanding of the phenomenon of poverty- and slum tourism as well as propoor tourism. Hereafter, we will highlight the globalized media’s importance for an informed population to be able to discuss the macro environments influence on KUFET. Furthermore, we will
depict the considerations of Cohen (1985) regarding the mediator role and tour operators to later be
able to define Raphael Owino’s role for KUFET and the community. Lastly we will present Ritchie
& Crouch’s (2005) sustainability framework, to then be able to explain the model set forth by Zhao
& Richie (2007); Integrative Framework for Anti-Poverty Tourism Research (APT). This framework will provide theoretical considerations for investigating how tourism is a development tool for
poverty alleviation for KUFET.
3.1 Poverty and Slum Definition
This section will illustrate main points regarding humanity in regards to poverty. The
selected data is found useful for understanding the Kiberan slum and unearthing what constitutes
poverty.
Identification of who are the poor can be a complicated but important issue. For many years the
poverty line was measured $1 USD per day (a-dollar-a-day), however, the World Bank later rectified to today’s global poverty line of $2 USD per day (UNICEF, 2012). About 80% of humanity
lives on less than $10 USD a day (GHF, n.d.). Out of the approximately 2.2 billion children worldwide, one billion children - every second child - live in poverty (Shah, 2013). According to
UNICEF (2012), there are more than eight million children dying each year - some 22,000 per day while most of their deaths are preventable (UNICEF, 2012). Hunger, malnutrition and lack of clean
drinking water contribute to about half of the child mortality (ibid, 2012). Further, 15 million children are orphaned due to HIV or AIDS (Poverty, n.d.; Shah, 2013).
Data on rural areas, including slums such as Kibera, demonstrates that three in every four people
live on the poverty line with a similar share of the world population suffering from malnutrition
(Shah, 2013). About 2.5 billion people in developing countries are forced to rely on biomass (ibid,
2013), e.g. fuelwood and charcoal, to meet their energy needs for cooking, which is the very case
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for Kibera (Appendices 13, 14 & 15). Kibera is populated with approximately 95% of the residents
living below the poverty line, and noteworthy is that the Kenyan government owns the Kiberan land
(KWAHO, n.d.), which will be explained further in section 4.3. Most of the Kiberan residents are
working in the industrial area of Nairobi city as labourers with an average income of approximately
$0.50 USD (KWAHO, n.d.). Most of the houses in Kibera are mud shacks and roofed with corrugated iron (ibid, n.d.), which will be described in greater detail section 4.1. Composed by lack of
clear policy frameworks from the Kenyan government, there are not any effective government programmes meeting the basic needs of the Kibera residents (ibid, n.d.). Poor water supply and sanitation are amongst some of the more serious infrastructural problems in Kibera (Appendix 4). This
also supports what Mandela (2005) argued regarding poverty not being natural but man-made.
Noteworthy is today’s interventions in slums have been received from external operations such as
aid donors, development partners and NGOs rather than the national government (KWAHO, n.d.).
In order to grasp Kibera as a location for our research an explanation of not just poverty but also
slum will be discussed in the following. Ding (2013) discusses the difficulties in defining what constitutes a slum given that the variances in languages and cultures globally complicate the generalisation of the term. The UN-Habitat Report (2007 a) defined a modern slum as being “a heavily populated urban area characterised by substandard housing and squalor” (p. 1). The UN-Habitat (2007 b)
furthered a slum as an area lacking the following qualities: Inadequate access to clean water facilities, inadequate access to sanitation and other infrastructure, poor structural quality of housing,
overcrowding, and insecure residential status. However, Frenzel et. al., (2012) argued that public
discourses heavily link slums as areas of poverty, substance abuse with an unsatisfactory intervention on a governmental level. The latter will be further elucidated in section 5.3.2.
3.2 Poverty and Its Merge with Tourism
This section will provide an outline of the overall terminology of poverty tourism
(Frenzel & Koen 2012; Dufresne, 2010; Freire-Medeiros, 2009; 2013), followed by a more specific
focus on slum tourism (Frenzel & Koen, 2012; Whyte et. al., 2008) and pro-poor tourism (Chok et.
al, 2007; Harrison, 2008; Frenzel & Koen, 2012; Hall, 2007).
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3.2.1 Poverty Tourism
Poverty tourism is a topic of increasing academic debate (Dufresne, 2010). Poverty
Tourism is referred to as tourism activities in a closed settings such as a slum, township or favela
that tourists consciously choose to visit in order to experience a poor area (Frenzel & Koen 2012;
Dufresne, 2010; Freire-Medeiros, 2009; 2013). Poverty tourism stems from a long tradition of initially wealthy people in rich North wanting to learn or at least observe the lives of those less fortunate than themselves (Steinbrink, 2012) and originates from a “fascination with the exotic other”
(Freire-Medeiro, 2013 p. 2). This began in Victorian England, when the darker streets of London
were visited by the wealthier segment in the city for entertainment and charitable purposes (ibid,
2013; Dufresne, 2010). This allowed for the recognition of moral citizens in the society (ibid,
2013). A similar tendency also began in the Bowery in New York and the Bronx in Chicago in the
late 1890s (Steinbrink, 2012; Freire-Medeiros, 2013). Unlike during the Victorian times, impoverished areas today generate more attention due to an increase in volunteers going to these areas
(Freire-Medeiros, 2013) as well as other pro-poor initiatives. The latter will be discussed in section
3.2.3. However as our research area is specifically on Kibera our focus will be put on slum tourism.
3.2.2 Slum Tourism
Slum Tourism is encompassed by poverty tourism, however only concentrating slum
areas. Slum tourism is an interdisciplinary field of study (Frenzel & Koen, 2012). Slum tourism has
in instances been stimulated by political causes. During the 1980’s the South African slum area,
Soweto, received much attention from political tourists protesting against apartheid (Frenzel &
Koen, 2012). Dharavi, the largest slum area in Mumbai, India, has since 2006 been a popular slum
tourism destination (Frenzel & Koen, 2012). The more general increased popularity for slum tourism has also been induced by feature films such as Slumdog Millionaire, which takes place in
Dharavi, Mumbai, City of God, narrated in a Rio de Janeiro stage and The Constant Gardener,
which is situated in Nairobi, Kibera (Dufresne, 2010). The tourism industry at most destinations is
considerate in providing the setting, which correlates with the visitors prior assumptions and expectations (Steinbrink, 2012). These areas can use this Hollywood-produced publicity both as a selling
point yet they also end up having to meet the tourists expectations, which in turn may limit progress
of development.
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Slum tours are becoming a more frequently used terminology in the tourism industry when referring
to tours conducting in a slum (Frenzel & Koen, 2012; Steinbrink, 2012; Freire-Medeiros, 2013).
However, due to its unconventional character morbid terminologies for these tourism practices are
also being used e.g. slum safaris, poverty porn (Dufresne, 2010) or slumming (Basu, 2012), which
are terms usually supported by critics.
When discussing the security involved with slum tourism, tourists visiting slums are warned about
taking leisurely strolls by themselves (Freire-Medeiros, 2013). Slum tours in its very terminology
implies being ‘a tour’ and visits to slums, therefore, always involve a guide. Freire-Medeiros (2013)
discusses the importance of a guide, a prerequisite to touring, in providing safety and passage
through the slums (ibid, 2013). The issues of security are elaborated upon in regards to Cohen
(1985) in section 3.4 and further on when analysing the role Raphael Owino, in section 5.2.2.
When considering slum tourism both ethical and moral behavioural questions arise (Frenzel &
Koen, 2012). According to Whyte et. al. (2011) difficulties occur as there is no real link between
the slum tour operators, the tourists and the residents of the poor area. Moreover Whyte et. al.
(2011) argue that this results in miscommunication as the slum tour operators promise through their
marketing that they can provide tourists with a “personal observation of poverty” (Ibid, 2011 p.
337) According to Moscardo (2008) by increasing the inclusion of the community, and bringing
their attention to the benefits of tourism in general this would establish a relationship between tour
operators and locals.
According to Basu (2012) it is a misconception that financial donations are the solution to problems
in slum areas. Basu (2012) argue that instead of focusing on monetary gains from slum tourism developing pro-poor tourism initiatives are more productive yet not the only means. Basu (2012) continues that “ (...) it is erroneous policies and programmes that have been the cause of perpetuating
slums (...)” (p.76). In the following section pro-poor tourism is explained.
3.2.3 Pro-poor Tourism
This section will provide a brief outline of the term pro-poor tourism (Chok et. al.,
2007; Frenzel & Koen, 2012; Hall, 2007). Pro-poor tourism is a term initially invented by the Unit-
22
ed Kingdom Department of International Development (DFID), and has since been used by various
industries including charitable organisations, international financial bodies, non-profit organisations
and academic researchers, when referring to poverty alleviating tourism practices (Chok et. al,
2007). Pro-poor tourism has been on an academic rise since the 1990s and can be defined as tourism
activities that benefits the poor (Frenzel & Koen, 2012). According to Hall (2007) pro-poor tourism
is referred to as an academic “(...) interest in the relationship between tourism development and
poverty-reduction strategies (...)” (p. 2).
However, Chok et. al., (2007) stress that tourism is not the solution as issues concerning sustainable
development arises (ibid, 2007). Further, it has also been questioned whether tourism does in fact
aid the process of development fully or whether it creates a division between people on a local level
(Harrison, 2008), e.g. if a slum guide living in a slum earn more relative to their peers. According to
Harrison (2008) pro-poor tourism may be initiated with good intention however, the local residents
must be taken into consideration. Tourism working with pro-poor initiatives such as women empowerment and education have been highlighted as a means for alleviating poverty but not all nonprofit and non-governmental organisations agree on the development potential in tourism (Hall,
2007; Roudi-Fahimi & Moghadam, 2003). However, Chok et. al. (2007) suggest that currently,
there are too few publications on empirical research to support the positives in pro-poor tourism and
its context importance, and further state:
“If persistent structural inequities are not addressed, relying on tourism (pro-poor or not) as a last
resort ‘rescue plan’ is unlikely to reap significant and long-term benefits for the already marginalised, particularly if their communities are already fractured and inhabit environmentally vulnerable
areas” (Chok et. al., 2007, p. 36)
This highlights the fact that tourism in slums or other impoverished areas should not be promoted as
the sole component of pro-poor initiatives. Our research in this regard contributes to the understanding of how pro-poor initiatives have the potential to collaborate with tourism practices as a supplementary rather than a primary tool for development.
Noteworthy is also when discussing slum tourism and/or pro-poor tourism scholars often create a
rigid dichotomy between right-wrong, pro-anti and good-bad (Freire-Medeiros, 2013). These, ac-
23
cording to Freire-Medeiros (2013), are too simplistic to capture the real complexity of this kind of
tourism. Our empirical fieldwork in Kibera supports Freire-Medeiros’ (2013) notion that such simplistic dichotomies does not grasp the complexity of the reality as one would need to move beyond
such limiting binaries.
3.3 The Media, the Globe’s Information Source
This section will shed light on the role of the media as a global information source.
The reason for this section’s relevance for this project is to discuss a person’s perceptions of reality
may be a result of the contemporary media coverage. Also we will make an effort to reflect the media’s importance when wanting to develop awareness.
“After you've had somebody say to you for the thousandth time, ‘how come we never hear about
these issues in the media,’ you start to realize that the media itself is an issue”
(Svend Robinson, 1997 quoted from Rich Media, Poor Democracy by Robert McChesney, p. 315,
in Shah, 2012a).
The influence of the media in our contemporary society is a key pillar and/or barrier in global information sharing. Based on the distinct scope of humanity living in poverty, one would think poverty was a significant topic of today’s media. However, today’s public recognition and understanding of poverty and realities in developing countries are quite limited (Robinson et. al., 2009). There
is more of a tendency from the mainstream media to cover the extreme and more sensational stories,
and ignoring the extent of today’s mass of poverty on everyday basis (ibid, 2009). Hence, it may be
extreme to say that the mainstream media enhance the problem of global poverty, nevertheless, the
influence of the mainstream media can be enormous; due to silence - just as noise - can have an
effect (Shah, 2011a). In addition to this, in developed nations, there are powerful corporations with
major influences on traditional media (Shah, 2011a). The almost monopoly creates a rather holistic
news outlet rather than the media reflecting diversity. Contrary, the developing countries are encountering issues such as lack of ‘freedom of speech’ where there are censorship and/or violent
threats when wanting to report issues of more controversial character according to the ones of power (ibid, 2011a). However, today’s contemporary society and usage of the several media platforms
when engaging in information sharing, through e.g. the Internet’s social networks, is important for
global information sharing (Robinson et. al., 2009; Shah, 2011a). This is a ‘bottom-up’ method of
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information sharing, rather than the traditional media’s ‘top-down’, is crucial when wanting to work
around the existing power structures of mainstream media. It is ‘user-generated-content’ and ‘citizen-journalism’ (Lazy, 2009; Robinson et. al., 2009). An informed global population is pivotal for a
change, and to broaden the understanding of the reality in the developed countries (Fremstad, 2013;
WEF, 2013). Another significant subject of the bottom-up approach to information sharing is the
importance of people who have visited poor areas and gained poverty experiences (Robinson et. al.,
2009). It is these people who has ‘a voice’ because their stories have the potential of resonating with
the world better than the traditional media (ibid, 2009). Hence, these people with more personal
experiences together with the researchers in the field are important to include, as they can have a
significant impact by being able to both create an understanding of the causes to poverty and also
project the opportunities and possibilities of poverty development.
3.4 The Mediator
According to Holloway (1981) the occupation of leading a group carries numerous titles and has little consensus in the usage, and two conceptualizations of the role of tour guides was
formulated; a mediator and a leader (in Cohen, 1985). The conceptualization of the mediator is the
role of a middleman; between the local community and the travelling party (ibid, 1985). Tour guide
here becomes a culture broker (McKean, 1976 in Cohen, 1985). Raphael Owino, for example, functions as the culture broker between different parties; the community and visitors, the community
and the networks, but also between the community and the local government. Thus, the mediator
role is the overall role of Raphael Owino. The conceptualization of the leader is, however, primarily
concerned with leading the group and providing privileged access (Schmidt, 1970 in Cohen, 1985)
and control (ibid, 1985). The leader role is centred around the guide providing the access and control (i.e. responsible for the safety of the traveller). The leader comes from Cohen’s (1985) distinction of the antecedent, pathfinder. Cohen’s (1985) description of the pathfinder categorizes the role
of Raphael Owino when guiding rather well, as the pathfinder is one “who leads the way through an
environment in which his followers lack orientation or through a socially defined territory to which
they have no access” (Cohen, 1985 p.7). In the tourism industry the tour operator represents the
central connection between the customers and providers of services, and hence has the power to
influence both sides, (demand and supply), according to their interests (Meyer, 2003). We will be
elucidating this further, in section 5.2.1, in regards to the role of Raphael Owino and the different
25
political actors. The benefits of operating without a middleman not only arises notions of achieving
a closer relationship with the clientele but improve economic empowerment for Raphael Owino.
Economic empowerment will be further detailed in section 3.5.4 and analysed in section 5.1.3.
3.5 A Framework for Poverty Alleviation
Evaluating the effectiveness and sustainability for a destination can be accomplished
by investigating the following frameworks by Ritchie & Crouch (2005) and Zhao & Ritchie
(2007). Frameworks provide a set of assumptions that help in understanding the structural layout of
a concept. They assist in proper review and utilisation of policies. A thematic flow is created, often
concerning all key components, enabling recognition of stakeholder fields, environmental changes,
central themes and possible goal attainment. The recognition of interconnected plots in a framework
should be the basis for any analysis to be made. The below model by Ritchie & Crouch (2005) is
devised to analyse and measure the competitiveness and sustainability of a destination. The model
takes deep consideration in the advantages a destination possesses as a means to qualify the its
competitiveness and sustainability.
Figure 1. Conceptual model of competitiveness (Ritchie & Crouch 2005).
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The below APT framework by Zhao & Ritchie (2007) is shaped from the framework of Ritchie &
Crouch (2005) the former with a new goal of poverty alleviation. Noteworthy is that frameworks
are made to provide a set of assumptions that helps understanding the structural layout of a concept.
Zhao & Ritchie’s (2007) framework is build up around the marketing model by Ritchie & Crouch
(2005), which we acknowledge is a model based on marketing perspectives and the implications
with this will be further discussed in section 5.3.2 of the analysis. Hence, as a point of reference the
APT framework by Zhao & Ritchie’s (2007) may be ill-suited in certain areas. Also the comparative aspect is up for discussion as we are well-aware that it is difficult to encompass an all inclusive
model for all impoverished areas as they are not homogenous entities. This issue was touched upon
in section 3.1 where difficulties arose in defining a slum due to the generalisation of the term.
Throughout the analysis section of this project we will be referring to and contesting this framework
by Zhao & Ritchie (2007).
Figure 2. An integrative framework for anti-poverty tourism research (Zhao & Ritchie 2007).
The APT framework’s (Zhao & Ritchie, 2007) central ladder focuses on “the processes and mechanisms as to how tourism development can contribute to the reduction of poverty” (p. 12). This project will attempt to comprehend the APT framework (ibid, 2007) with regards to KUFET and
Kiberan society, addressing findings throughout. Worth mentioning in this regard is that this project
does not aim at comparing and contrasting Ritchie & Crouch’s (2005) sustainability model with
Zhao & Ritchie’s (2007) APT framework. Recognising the comparative element between the mod-
27
els despite their different objectives stimulates a critical analysis of Zhao & Ritchie’s (2007) APT
framework when applied to the case of KUFET and Kibera.
This section aims to create an understanding for the reader of the different conceptual layers in the
APT model. The purpose of this is to provide a foundation for greater understanding of the analysis
section of the project. The analysis section of the project will aim to incorporate collected empirical
data into the APT framework to identify the compatibility of the model with the KUFET organisation. The following sections will provide a breakdown of the APT model by Zhao & Ritchie (2007),
starting from the bottom and up, explaining the stakeholders and themes included in the APT
framework leading onto the determinants. This breakdown is done to enable the reader to see the
process in action and experience the mobilisation upwards through the model.
3.5.1 Stakeholders
Stakeholders are the launching point of the framework. They are the parties with the
greatest interests and influences in using tourism as a means to alleviate poverty. The following
paragraphs give a brief description of Zhao and Ritchie’s (2007) definitions and roles of stakeholders and is going to be regarded in comparison to the situation of KUFET. Examples will be provided to keep the lucidity of this section.
The poor
The poor can be reflected as the primary beneficiaries of tourism (Zhao & Ritchie, 2007). The poor
are not a homogenous and therefore possess diverse needs and ambitions. The poor can grow both
socially and economically through tourism and are should be intricate to policy planning as they
have arguably the most to gain. It can be noted that the poor are by no means the only party to gain
from APT but their definition dictates the poor as those APT aims to assist. In regards to the workforce, the poor are employed at the basic industries required of a destination such as accommodations, restaurants and stores. These industries are the starting point of the road to poverty alleviation. Employment of the poor incorporates aspects of empowerment, sustainability and inclusion to
the APT process.
Government
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Governments are tasked with applying policies and educating the locals for long term sustainability
of projects. Governments also gain increased revenues through increased visitors to a destination
and also non economically by promoting the culture of the country onto the world stage. According
to Zhao & Ritchie (2007) governments are also tasked with providing the infrastructure necessary
for tourism such as roads, airports and train links. Although the role of governments is less on a day
to day scale as other stakeholders may experience, it is important that they maintain the long term
vision of a destination. Marketing of a destination internationally through summits, conferences
and trade fairs can be tasked by the governments as they have the greatest accessibility to world
markets. The government and the influence they have will be analysed further in section 5.3.
Private Sector
The public sector is the fundamental energiser of APT but a destination will require in depth involvement of the private sector to ensure investment and product development (Zhao & Ritchie,
2007). They will also be the primary employers of the locals at a destination. Entrepreneurial skills
ensure a competitive destination that has the flexibility to adjust and comprehend situational changes. From an educational view, the private sector can provide a strong link between the government
and the poor, promoting concepts of empowerment and economic growth. Raphael Owino’s role
between the Kiberan community and the local Nairobi government emphasises the importance of
such connections. This will be expanded on further in section 5.3 of the analysis.
Tourists
The question of exactly who should represent the tourists and what interests they possess is difficult
to establish (Zhao & Ritchie, 2007). Difficulties arise when the heterogeneous nature of the tourists
is examined. The uncertainty of their interest can lead to inconclusive assumptions in such frameworks as APT. However, excluding the tourists for the fact that they are a difficult stakeholder to
analyse is erroneous (ibid, 2007). Also worth noting is the impact of the volunteering tourists to
developing destinations. They supplement the normal economical benefits of a tourist with payments of education, construction and participation in the everyday lives of the locals. The role of
the domestic tourist in developing nation is not to be overlooked. Pearce (1995) asserts that at many
destinations the number of domestic tourists has begun to surpass that of the foreign (Anuar et al
2012). In this project, domestic tourism is not an investigated topic as tourism for Kibera is more in
29
the traditional sense i.e. long journeys, crossing borders. Domestic tourism however receives
acknowledgement for its potential in developing countries.
Civil Society
Civil Society in the stakeholder field refers to those who are not motivated by monetary rewards but
those who feel a civil obligation to the society of where they belong. The civil society “(...) refers to
a multi-level group of voluntary and non-profit organisations that, independent from the state, market and family spheres, are dedicated to promoting public good, especially for marginalised or disadvantaged social groups” (Hadenius & Uggla, 1996 in Zhao & Ritchie, 2007, p.21). Complexities
arise in Kibera and for KUFET when determining who represents civil society. The analysis section
5.1.1., will further detail the exclusion of certain stakeholders from civil society in Zhao & Ritchie’s (2007) APT model. Civil society, in regards to tourism, is connected in detail to the disadvantaged at a tourist destination as they wish to apply available resources to the unfortunate opposed to
withholding for personal gains.
Aid donors
Aid donors are of particular concern to the APT model as they have a longevity of providing support to local schools and businesses. As donors tend to desire a say in how their funds are being
utilised, it is of importance to closely monitor the contribution levels they supply to APT. Further
expansion on the governmental influence regarding aid donors will be present in section 5.1.3 and
5.3.2 of the analysis. Further, donations are not to be seen purely as handouts which can have negative impacts on the sustainability and empowerment of a society but rather as stimulators to encourage prosperous growth.
3.5.2 The Three APT Themes
The three themes of APT to be considered as outlined by Zhao & Ritchie (2007) are
destination competitiveness, local participation and destination sustainability. It is proposed that for
a destination to develop tourism as a poverty alleviation tool these three themes must be present and
work in coherence at a destination (ibid, 2007).
Destination Competitiveness
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Destination competitiveness is a focal theme in the APT model. Distinguishing between comparative and competitive advantages of a destination is a documented route into understanding and
quantifying the validity of a destinations competitiveness (Ritchie & Crouch, 2005). Comparative
advantages are those that are possessed by the destination. These advantages can either be inherent
(cultural) or created (infrastructure) (ibid, 2005). The processes which mobilise these advantages to
create a measurable advantage for a destination is the competitive advantage a destination will have.
Specifically with regards to pro-poor tourism or slum tourism, special attention should be placed on
the competitive advantages of poor regions as comparative advantages are often scarce, underdeveloped or ineffective. By focusing on possible competitive advantages a destination concurrently
promotes a natural resource sustained approach with high levels of local participation required to
supplement policies. For example Kibera, along with the KUFET organisation, utilises the mystique
of the slum to engage with tourists who are curious, adventurous or philanthropic. Despite limited
functionality as a traditional destination, efficient application of resources maintains a competitive
advantage for Kibera as a destination. The Kiberan slum is a spawning destination which limits the
amount of resources present. Capitalizing on inherent qualities is a more accessible avenue as created resources require greater investment, often from governmental or outside investors, leading to
policy and planning issues complicating development.
Local Participation
Intrinsically linked with competitive advantage is the theme of local participation. If the local
populace is to truly benefit from the tourism industry, either economically or socially, then their
involvement is paramount (Zhao & Ritchie, 2007). Participation in tourism equips locals to prevent
monetary leakages from destinations. Management positions occupied by educated foreign nationals in developing countries can lead to local losses not only economically but from a social standpoint (ibid, 2007). Section 5.1.2 of this project will investigate the effects of KUFET operating
without a middleman. Fostering a culture of inclusion can also promote productivity amongst locals
which can accomplish sustainable and secure life standards. As tourism enterprises mainly tend to
consist of large numbers of small to medium sized ventures (UNWTO, 2011), it is pivotal to promote participation at a destination level. Often these enterprises consist of low level positions requiring minimal academic education supporting entrance to those from a poverty stricken background. It is also to be noted that this incorporation minimises the distance economic and social
prosperity trickles down leading to a greater distribution and accessibility of potential benefits.
31
Destination Sustainability
Central to the issue of providing sustainability to a tourist destination is implementing a strategy for
the long term opposed to a short term economically driven concept (Zhao & Ritchie, 2007). Traditionally sustainability of a tourist destination is heavily linked with the carrying capacity of the environment at a destination level (Ritchie & Crouch, 2005). The analysis section will discuss the
consequences of Kibera not possessing fundamental structural resources due to lack of governmental presence. A question is raised as to whether endowed natural resources are a measurable advantage for Kibera. Significant here is the problem of increased popularity of a destination can lead
to detrimental effects to the host. Providing a sustainable destination requires both meeting the
needs of increased number of visitors while simultaneously protecting the resources of the destination. We are going to discuss this notion further in section 5.3.1.An altered investigation will analyse the importance of providing a sustainable living environment for the people of Kibera before
addressing tourism concerns. Policy making and planning are vital to securing the long term future
of a destination.
3.5.3 Influences from Macro and Micro Environments
The inclusion of micro and macro environments is to acknowledge that tourism is an open
system subject to change and influence from both internal and external factors (Zhao & Ritchie,
2007). Environmental changes have an influence on the Kiberan community and warrant monitoring and analysis for developing tourism practices.
The Micro Environment
At the micro level, varying stakeholder interests or communications at a destination, can greatly
impact upon tourism flows to a destination (Zhao & Ritchie, 2007). The micro environment is concerned with actions or activities by entities within the tourism system, especially when goals of each
member is affected, whether they are a single stakeholder or an organisation (Ritchie & Crouch,
2005). With regards to the KUFET organisation, micro environmental operations such as empowerment projects or improved infrastructure can have positive effects on the goals of the organisation. Initiatives from local policy makers e.g. the Nairobi County, can also have positive impacts on
the development of a destination. Noteworthy is here that the stakeholders, within the micro environment, can have different opinions, based on their area of interest, which can create diverse
judgements on how policies should be operated and what the end goals of operations should be.
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This supports what Harrison (2008), in section 3.2.3, states about the divisions forming between
stakeholders when implementing development initiatives.
The Macro Environment
Similarly, macro economic conditions can be consequential to a destination as they can positively
or negatively affect the processes of poverty alleviation. Competition from similar destinations,
fluctuating currency exchanges, strife in neighbouring nations or the price of oil can all affect a destination’s competitiveness and in turn the possibility of implementing an APT framework. Kibera is
not yet overly concerned with all these respective macro environmental challenges as they are still
in the early stages of tourism development. KUFET and the community of Kibera is susceptible to
macro forces such as the environment e.g. Westgate Mall Nairobi 2013 terrorist attack, but also
from law and policy influences; e.g. corruption levels, freedom of press, health and safety laws, and
laws regulating environment pollution. These are all forces considered to be out of the direct control
of KUFET, but ones that can have extensive consequences for it. Thus, these respective issues are
all concerns for KUFET, which we will elucidate in section 5.3.
In regards to the macro environment influences, drawing attention to the corruption of state in Kenya is very relevant when studying these external influences on Kibera. Figures released for The Corruption Index 2013 (Transparency, 2013) indicates Kenya with score of 27 (0 being highly corrupt
and 100 being very clean) and thus categorized as a country of corruption. As a point of reference,
Denmark scored 91 (Transparency, 2013). Corruption affects primarily the poorest or most vulnerable in a society (AEG, 2000), in other words, those KUFET hold the greatest interest in assisting.
An example could be the failure of governments to deliver basic services, education and/or
healthcare which all greatly mounts pressure on KUFET to perform at a level perhaps beyond their
means. These external factors are influences to bear in mind when discussing the macro environmental conditions affecting KUFET and Kibera, which we will explicate in the analysis, section 5.3.
3.5.4 Determinants
The determinants are complementary in nature. According to Zhao and Ritchie (2007)
there are three determinants respectively opportunity, security and empowerment. The three co-exist
to create an underlying notion of sustainability to the goal of poverty alleviation.
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Opportunity
Opportunity in the sense of this framework is granting an economic opportunities to the poor for
them to be able to act upon (Zhao & Ritchie, 2007). Zhao and Ritchie (2007) state the increased
focus on the income generation capabilities of the poor. Economic opportunity can take many forms
including the opportunity to start ones own business e.g. Jane Owino’s jewellery workshop in
Kibera, which will later be explained, in section 4.2.4. Jane Owino’s workshop is an example of
both educational and economic opportunity in Kibera. In the case of KUFET the development perspective is focused primarily on women and children opportunities, which will be highlighted in the
empirical data section (4.2.3 and 4.2.4). Furthermore we will explicate these means of KUFET’s
empowerment opportunities in the analysis section 5.1.4.
Security
Providing a stable, low risk living environment for the poor is a main issue of security (Zhao &
Ritchie, 2007). It is security against threats such as illness, economy crashes or natural disasters
(ibid, 2007). Security plays an important role in the determinant factors of the framework as it promotes long term planning with regards to both empowerment and opportunity. Zhao & Ritchie
(2007) discuss the importance of the government socially securing the poor against the aforementioned threats. Kibera, however, may face difficulties in this regard due to lack of Kenyan government presents in their society.
Also, another aspect of security, not mentioned in Zhao & Ritchie (2007) is the security of the tourists. In this project, in section 5.2.2, we will discuss the significance of the security of tourists. We
are further going to highlight security in reference to the complexity of the role of Raphael Owino
and his position in Nairobi County and in KUFET, this will be explained in section 5.2.3.
Empowerment
According to the World Bank (n.d) “empowerment is the process of enhancing the capacity of individuals or groups to make choices and to transform those choices into desired actions and outcomes”. The concept of enhancing the capacity of the poor to influence state and social institutions
strengthens their participation in decision making processes (Zhao & Ritchie, 2007). The UK
Outbond Tour Operating Company comments on empowerment as a ‘non cash’ strategy to enhance
34
the quality of life of the poor through pro-poor practices (Meyer, 2003). An assent in societal positioning is important as financial remuneration appears to fail in top-down approaches to development where the trickle-down effect falls short of benefiting those in greatest need (Chambers 1983;
1992; Conyers & Hills, 1984; Freire, 1971 in Dunn 2007). The limitations of the top-down approach will be reflected throughout the analysis section 5.3, whereas the bottom-up approach implemented by KUFET will be explicated in section 5.1.2.
The empirical data obtained in Kibera provided an insight into how the Kiberan community was
provided with empowerment building blocks through KUFET. Noteworthy when discussing empowerment is this project’s focus on three key empowerment entities which were found to be particular for the organisation; social -, educational - and economic empowerment. This will also be highlighted in our empirical data on KUFET, in section 4.2.1. The following first will explain each empowerment entity in greater detail.
Social empowerment
Social empowerment may aid the establishment of a more holistic community where financial and
social levels of the community are interlinked. To strengthen a social empowerment of community
members is a central theme for sustainable change (Anderson & Milligan, 2006). Social empowerment for KUFET is involved with the inclusion of the poor as members of the Kiberan community.
When focusing on the social empowerment of the Kiberan community this project will primarily be
considering it as an outcome of the educational and economical empowerments (see section 5.1.4. )
Studying the social empowerment in regards to KUFET, and more specifically Raphael Owino, this
will be projected through community influence and social character, throughout section 5.2. In this
notion, empowerment can be manifested socially when embedded in the networks as well as the
relationships between local residents (Woodhouse, 2006 in Moscardo, 2008). The notion of self
empowerment arises with desire to heighten social status (Friedmann, 1996). It is also noted however that outside help, i.e. the state, is also a warranted support for helping stimulate self empowerment approaches (ibid, 1996). In reference to the case of Kibera and KUFET, this provides an interesting notion to the success of self empowerment and taking initiatives.
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Educational empowerment
Educational empowerment when executed successfully can be a long-termed investment in a society as education helps improve the percentage of people in the labour force (Roudi-Fahimi &
Moghadam, 2003). Education is a fundamental human right (UNESCO, n.d.; UNICEF, n.d). Education, according to the UN (1989), should be accessible for all children, and free until secondary
school. Education will have substantial impact on a child’s development, something that organisations such as UNICEF emphasise (UNICEF, n.d.; UNESCO, n.d.; UNFPA, n.d.). Ensuring regular
school attendance supports continuity in children’s upbringing (UNICEF, n. d.).
Education of especially women is profoundly important form of empowerment (UNWTO, 2010a;
UNFPA, n.d.). When girls stay in school they get educated and when girls are educated they have
the possibility to produce an income and take care of themselves as well as their families (Waldman, 2012). This will have a positive effect on the whole community (ibid, 2012). A higher percentage of the educated women will assist in creating gender equality and allow for women to become more independent (Roudi-Fahimi & Moghadam, 2003). Internationally, the tourism industry
has a fast growing number of female employees yet most female employees in tourism are in junior
positions to men and therefore earn less (UNWTO, 2010a).
Educational empowerment in developing societies decreases unemployment (Roudi-Fahimi &
Moghadam, 2003). There is quite a high unemployment rate in Kibera, which can partly be blamed
by the fact that when people get the HIV-infection they are often let go from their workplace
(Waldman, 2012). As will be highlighted in the empirical work, section 4.4.2, Pamela A. Otieno
explains HIV/AIDS is a taboo in the Kiberan community, especially HIV-infected men are too
proud to admit their disease and can thus live in denial of the problem. In regards to educational
empowerment and women, KUFET also has a women empowerment project targeting HIV-infected
women, explained further in section 4.2.4
Also, tourism can be used as an educational empowerment tool to enhance the general educational
empowerment of both visitors and the community (Pittman, 2012). Tourists are an important element in awareness creation. The information flow going to the tourists is important. An example
could be the fake slum constructed in South Africa which functions as a display-window for the
visiting tourists (Ekstra Bladet, 2013). The authenticity is of lower priority as security is of much
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higher priority i.e. the water is clean and there are no violent risks involved in going out at
nighttime. This form of educational tourism (Pittman, 2012) is also the case for tourists visiting
Kibera, however there is an ethical risk of exploiting the residents by turning them into this similar
‘display-window’. These ethical concerns and questions of voyeurism, though being important, are
not considered in this project as the focus lies on the development initiatives in Kibera. The focus is
rather on educating the tourists about Kibera so they grow a cultural understanding of the community and the livelihood of the residents. The focus of education and information sharing will be reflected in section 5.1.2.
Economical empowerment
Tourism is a global multi billion dollar industry, it accounts for approximately 9% of GDP and is a
powerful driver in world economic trade (David Scowsill in Guardian, 2011). It is an industry that
has demonstrated continuous growth and diversification throughout the last couple of decades
(UNWTO, 2011). The continued growth and diversification of the tourism industry has created a
modern day entity which is conceptualised as encompassing increasing degrees of socio-economic
prosperity (ibid, 2011). It is within these strengths studies are warranted to monitor possible benefits for developing nations for engaging in tourism practices (Vaugeois, 2000; UNWTO, 2011).
Tourism has been identified as an option for sustainable economic development in developing nations and when focused on poverty alleviation it helps to create benefits for the poorest through employment creation, small business enterprises, cultural awareness and cementing market ties (UNWTO, 2011). Iwersen-Sioltsidis & Iwersen (1996) comment how the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) and World Bank promote tourism in developing nations as a means to secure the “sectoral
structure of the economy and the state of public authority budgets” (p. 301).
In regards to slum tourism, slum tours are generally distributed through direct sell, internet etc. or
via a ‘middleman’ (e.g. a travel agent) who then arranges the sales while getting a percentage of the
retail price (Meyer, 2003; Tricia Barnett in Guardian, 2011). The biggest concern in the industry of
slum tourism and tourism as a poverty alleviation tool, is the economic benefits of the middleman
(ibid, 2011). With regards to KUFET, this project will focus on the organisation’s monetary income
to project how the money flow into KUFET becomes an outcome of economical empowerment.
The possibilities for economic empowerment for KUFET and Kiberan society will be further investigated in analysis section 5.1.3 and 5.1.4
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4. Empirical Data Overview
Our empirical data collected during our fieldwork in Kibera from November 3rd to
10th 2013 will encompass this chapter. Primarily it will be unfolding the KUFET organisation and
Raphael Owino, but it will also entail an outline of the government and other existing projects in
Kibera. It starts out by describing the slum of Kibera. Then we will portray the KUFET organisation
along with its different projects. Hereafter we will explain the role of Raphael Owino, followed by a
description of the different project entities under the umbrella organisation of KUFET respectively
the Slum Tours, West Soweto Nursery School, the Jewellery Workshop and the Volunteers Opportunities. We will then discuss the Government followed by explanation of other existing projects in
Kibera being Kadamuna Self Help Projects and Pamela A. Otieno with her project, Kibera HIV and
Aids Support Initiative Program (KHASIP).
Worth mentioning before unfolding the different sections is that KUFET focuses on different empowerment project with a special attention to women - and children empowerment. This project will
thus primarily focus on these respective empowerment projects not to discard the importance of
other possibly empowerments, e.g empowerment of men, but to allow for a more comprehensive
review of KUFET’s women and children empowerment initiatives.
4.1 Kibera
According to Raphael Owino, the population of Kibera counts approximately one million, however, the exact number is unknown. We were explained that Kibera is the Nubian word for
‘forest’ and that this slum consists of fourteen villages (Appendix 1). The religions represented in
the Kiberan community consists of Hinduism, Islam and Christianity. The neighbourhoods in
Kibera are not divided based on religions, which means the different villages are with mixed religions and carries no conflicts. When standing on a the highest point of Kibera one can see the rigidly, definable borders of the area (Appendix 8). Around Kibera big, expensive houses are located and
the construction of a hotel overlooking the slum is in the cause of preparation. Although some may
argue that having a hotel adjacent to a poor area is tasteless, Raphael Owino made it clear that many
Kiberan residents expect it to open for employment possibilities.
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A railway runs through Kibera and shops are located closely on both sides (Appendices 6 & 7).
Raphael Owino clarified while we walking that “the railway is not a problem, they are used to it,”
(05-11-2013) (Appendices 6 & 7). This is because the railway was present before Kibera was populated and therefore, residents are know how to navigate around it. Kibera is rather hilly and at places very steep, which is impractical due to the build up of the streets. The ground is made up of a
mixture of soil and rubbish, and when navigating ‘the streets’ of Kibera it feels like being in a maze
of narrow paths and cul-de-sacs (Appendix 3). The Kiberan shacks are either mud built supported
by wooden frames or made up by thin, corrugated metal walls and roofs (Appendix 5).
The poor sanitation issues in Kibera includes lack of access to electricity and running water. Toilet
facilities do not exist in most parts of Kibera and most places a hole in the ground functions as latrine for the residents. Where toilet facilities are to be found it can only be accessed by payment.
The term ‘flying toilets’ refers to the invention of biodegradable bags, which can be used as singleuse-toilets and the human waste is disposed of with the trash (Appendix 4). Much of the rubbish is
on the streets clustered on the side of the roads where children shape it into footballs.
From walking the streets of Kibera we found that people were generally very approachable. By
Raphael Owino generating an open-hearted goodwill, and introducing us to everyone in Kibera as
his friends we had a feeling of inclusion into the community. The children of Kibera ran up to us
and continuously said “how are you - how are you”. We were explained by Raphael Owino that
they connotate those words with ‘white people’. However, this sense of community and acceptance
we felt was negotiated to us by Raphael Owino, hence, we acknowledge that the feeling of inclusion
was due to his mediating personality, which will be elucidated in section 5.2.
4.2 The Organisation, KUFET
KUFET is the main subject of investigation in this project. The organisation is founded and run by Raphael Owino who we will introduce more in the next section, 4.2.1. KUFET consists, as former explained, of different development projects. These entail both tourism and nontourism related projects. The tourism related projects are the slum tours, section 4.2.2, and the volunteering opportunities, section 4.2.5. The non-tourism based entities are empowerment projects
targeted at the women and children in the Kiberan community. The women empowerment project is
39
a jewellery workshop for training HIV/Aids affected women, section 4.2.4 and the children empowerment initiative is based in the West Soweto Nursery School, section 4.2.3. The individual components of KUFET will be explained in more detail in the following sections. The philosophy of
KUFET is to assist the residents of Kibera through these empowerment projects. Raphael Owino
emphasised the importance of “opening up Kibera to the world” (05-11-2013) and has a desire to
improve the lives of Kiberan citizens to create a stable platform for a brighter future. KUFET seeks
to accomplish this and empower the community in a variety of ways.
4.2.1 Raphael Owino
Raphael Owino holds many roles and is a prominent figure in the Kiberan community.
He is the founder and has leading role of KUFET. Raphael Owino’s title as the chairman of Trade
Fair and Development for the Nairobi County was officially given to him by the community in Autumn 2013. This title has increased Raphael Owino’s connections with networks in Kibera, but also
with the local government. Raphael Owino explained us that the “Trade Fair and Development is an
umbrella body for artisans in Nairobi” (07-11-2013) to create development initiatives in the community for local projects. Through the Trade Fair and Development, Raphael Owino establishes
contacts with Kiberan projects that are to be unfolded in section 4.4. According to Raphael Owino
he supports different development and empowerment initiatives throughout communities in Nairobi, but primarily in Kibera.
Raphael Owino’s inherent characteristics appear to play a strong role in his community positioning.
Enthusiasm and optimism are abound in his approaches to his many roles in the Kiberan community. Such personal philosophies assist in his rise to the position as chairman of the Trade Fair and
Development. He demonstrates strong community commitment through the KUFET organisation.
This in turn offers a medium for his intentions to project themselves onto the Kiberan society. What
inspires him to continue is the acknowledgement he receives from the community. To be recognised
is also a driving factor in the work carried out by his son, Daniel Owino, who occasionally work in
the West Soweto Nursery School.
Raphael Owino and Jane Owino are married and together they have seven children. Four of their
children study in university or college. Besides their own children two orphans live with them. Nei-
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ther Jane Owino nor Raphael Owino were born in Kibera but came, as many residents of Kibera,
from villages near Lake Victoria, in search of education or work. Raphael Owino has been living in
Kibera for thirty-two years and the house they live in now, which is considerably big relative to
other Kiberan houses, was built twenty years ago. This shows that Raphael Owino, although living
in the slum, is not belonging to the poorest segment of Kibera. Although Raphael Owino emphasises education as the utmost important component of his work, he also realises the potential of tourism and its economic gains for for KUFET and the community. This was the very reason why he
began conducting slum tours. The empirical data collected on KUFET clarified for us the great importance the organisation has placed in empowerment initiatives respectively economic -, social and educational empowerment.
4.2.2 The Slum Tours
The slum tour aspect of the organisation is a three year old project, and thus, the
youngest element in the umbrella of KUFET. There are six guides (Appendix 2), however, Raphael
Owino is the main guide and he only relies on using other guides at times when he is unable to conduct the tours himself. Raphael Owino wants to continue to conduct tours, despite his many responsibilities both in KUFET and as chairman in the Trade Fair and Development. The frequency of
tours vary considerably between three and nine per week and they primarily pay for the school expenses e.g. teachers salary and books. The cost for each slum tour is $25 USD and two tours will
pay one teacher’s monthly salary.
The slum tour takes tourists through the safer areas of Kibera, describing the local setup, the historical aspect of the slum and its current conditions to give tourists an impression of everyday life in
Kibera. The tours pass Jane Owino’s workshop, which will be explained in the next section, 4.2.4,
and the pre-school school, explained in section 4.2.3. This is done primarily to create awareness
about KUFET projects and potentially encourage tourists to return as volunteers. In addition to
wanting to share the message about the slum and the conditions Kiberan residents live in, KUFET
also wishes to promote that Kibera is a culturally rich and happy place with great potential.
When interviewing Raphael Owino about the resident’s earlier thoughts regarding KUFET’s slum
tours, he stated that “before the slum tours, outsiders were not so much accepted in Kibera” (10-112013). However he stressed that tourists are becoming more of a regular occurrence in Kibera,
41
which has resulted in locals accepting their presence. Raphael Owino explained KUFET’s importance in the increased reception of visitors. He claimed “mobilisation of tourists to volunteer in
community projects” (Raphael Owino, 10-11-2013), which is to benefit Kibera as a whole. What
Raphael Owino explains here is that the community now realises the benefits he and KUFET facilitates for Kibera and they appreciate his caring character.
4.2.3 West Soweto Nursery School
The West Soweto Nursery School, i.e Raphael Owino’s preschool, is a crucial element
for KUFET. The preschool was established to provide education for the youngest children of
Kibera. Raphael Owino highlights the importance of educating children to empower the community
as a whole. The school is vital to succeeding this ambition. It is also the component of KUFET,
which is the most costly to run due to teachers’ salary etc. The West Soweto Nursery School has
been established for five years before the lessons were held in the neighbouring church (Appendix
9). The new, current school was built from funds raised by Steve Anderson, who came to Kibera as
a tourist and on his return to America he raised the money for a school through his church.
The preschool currently has twenty-three pupils enrolled. The students are divided into two classrooms for the youngest and oldest children (Appendix 10). The nursery school is for students the
aged one to seven years old. Besides this age criteria there is no standards for acceptance, rather the
value embraced by Raphael Owino is that all children have the right to education. Noteworthy is
that some of the pupils at the nursery school are orphaned and in protective care of guardians, usually being relatives. Raphael Owino takes special caution with these children and allows exemptions
to payments as often these children provide an extra economic burden for the families. The preschool fees are $2.50 USD monthly, but if families are unable to afford the monthly fee, this is not
obligatory. This reflects that some of the children enrolled in this nursery school can be considered
some of the poorest of the Kiberan community. However, it is important to note that Raphael
Owino requires a small fee for serving the students breakfast and lunch, which accounts for approximately $0.002 USD everyday, which must be paid by all pupils’ parents or guardians. Raphael
Owino explained to us that this fee is equivalent to what the parents or guardians pay for feeding the
children at home. The food served at the West Soweto Nursery School consists of porridge for
breakfast and rice for lunch, which Jane Owino prepares in their home.
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All the students at West Soweto Nursery School are Catholic. Noteable is however, that this is not
counted as a selection criteria, as all schools in Kibera are divided by religious beliefs. This is a
cultural matter and has nothing to do with exclusion, and as mentioned above, religion does not
cause conflicts in Kibera. Pupils at West Soweto Nursery School come from four different villages
in Kibera (Appendix 1), this is out of convenience, as most of the families of these children attend
the church next door. Considering cultural norms in Kibera it is also worth mentioning that students
wear school uniforms, however, noteworthy is then that less than half of the pupils in West Soweto
Nursery School wore uniforms (Appendix 10). This also reflects that a lot of the children enrolled
in this preschool are of the poorer families of Kibera.
Upon graduation Raphael Owino ensures his students proceed their education in a governmental
primary school, which is for free. Noteworthy is that the primary school being free of charge just
meets the human right of a child for education rather than the government being generous. Moreover, Raphael Owino strives to get his students to continue into secondary school. However, an issue
arise as the governmental secondary schools are charged, which becomes an economical barrier
preventing a lot of students continuing their studies. Hence, a vast amount of children must end
their educational career when reaching secondary school i.e. approximately twelve years old. To
Raphael Owino, however, it is crucial for especially children to stay in school. Raphael Owino
keeps special attention to children, young girls and women when talking about the importance of
further education. Also, he explained he wanted to meet this current community issues by building a
secondary school, for girls only. Given the fact this is highly costly for Raphael Owino and KUFET
he is encouraging all the support he can get. Raphael Owino believes that the prolonged education
of especially girls will have a more positive effect on the Kiberan community as a whole. He explained, that the longer they are enrolled in educational institutions the more likely they are to become less dependent on men.
According to Raphael Owino there is a current governmental policy plan for a new railway construction in 2014. This railway would go straight through the community of Kibera, and will also
affect the current location of West Soweto Nursery School. Moving the nursery school is a costly
and time consuming process and initially unwelcomed by KUFET. However, Raphael Owino wishes to move the school outside Kibera, possibly to Langata, in order for it to be located on non-
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governmental soil. This would secure the preschool from future governmental plans of construction
work in Kibera. These are also the initial plans for the plans regarding the secondary school for
girls. In this sense, Raphael Owino is planning a relocation and is trying to organise donations and
possibly local governmental support for the construction of both schools.
The teachers of the preschool are according to Raphael Owino employed based on their level of
education. As aforementioned, education is vital to KUFET, hence, the teaching must be of high
quality. More specifically Raphael Owino’s criterias for being a teacher are that they must have an
education, have good English skills and be good with children. Each teacher at West Soweto Nursery School receives a monthly salary of $57.77 USD (XE Currency Converter, n.d.).
4.2.4 The Jewellery Workshop
According to Raphael Owino, the limited access to health facilities is a general problem in Kibera.
The ‘Doctors Without Borders’ located in Kibera ensures free access to their clinics. They hand out
free medicine, however, noteworthy here is that they cannot provide food with this medicine. This
is a big issues for HIV-infected people who need food for ingesting the medicine. Jane Owino became aware of this problem and started providing food bought with KUFET funds for those unable
to buy food themselves. From meeting the HIV-infected people she was inspired to open up a workshop (Appendix 11). The women empowerment project is a jewellery workshop, founded and run
by Raphael Owino’s wife, Jane Owino. Jane Owino started the workshop initiative to support HIVinfected women. She started this training programme as she had seen a lot of ill women struggling
in Kibera. She started out by visiting them and providing them with flour but soon found that this
was expensive and did not empower the women. She still provides ill people with food supplies as
well as running the workshop. Jane Owino explained to us that “husbands leave women with HIV
and find a new home” (07-11-2013) and her mission, therefore, is to support HIV-infected women,
especially those deserted by their husbands. ”I ask women if they want free training or help,” Jane
Owino explained (07-10-2013) and if they agree she trains them in jewellery making. The training
takes between one and six months. When the training is completed the women are provided with
beads, string etc. to get them started on their own. If Jane Owino sells something they produced, the
women receive ten per cent of the profit.
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The jewellery is made from beads of glass, paper or bone. The latter is prepared on an electrical
device by professional bone carvers, who monthly receive a salary of $46 USD (XE Currency Converter, n.d.). Other objects sold from the workshop are carved wooden bowls and spoons. The wood
carvers work for an outside business and products are ordered by Jane Owino.
The profit goes to the school, the majority to the payment of the school staff. The workshop is registered under Trade Fair and Development. Being registered with Nairobi County provides the workshop with legitimacy and the possibility of being supported financially if a big initiative was taken
to either expand or export goods internationally.
For future prospects Raphael Owino wants to make an alliance with local tour agencies in Nairobi.
The idea is that the women from the workshop can sell their jewellery at stalls on the roadside near
by Kibera. This will target the tourists participating in other touristic activities, such as going on
safari, where a pit stop scenario will provide souvenir purchasing opportunities. This would potentially require authorisation from Nairobi County, which will be assisted by his role as chairman of
Trade Fair and development.
4.2.5 Volunteers through KUFET
According to Raphael Owino, volunteers have a major impact on KUFET projects.
Volunteers who come to Kibera are in general North Americans or Europeans. KUFET has on average four to five volunteers annually, and the volunteers usually stay somewhere between two weeks
and three months at a time. The volunteers go to Kibera through KUFET to teach at the preschool
and/or help Jane Owino in the jewellery shop. Upon our arrival in Kibera we were told by Jane
Owino that a woman from North America was volunteering with her, and just left few days before
our visit.
Raphael Owino is of the opinion that volunteers greatly empower all parties involved. According to
Raphael Owino volunteering has a great potential to improve language skills of the pupils and even
the teachers. Therefore, KUFET seeks volunteers who have a high level of English skills in order to
enhance the language skills of both teachers and pupils in the West Soweto Nursery School. Raphael Owino also said that the “volunteers encourage the children and teachers” (10-11-2013). During
45
our visit when we were teaching and playing we witnessed an amplified eagerness amongst the students. They were eager to show us their notebooks in order for us to correct their tasks. The teachers
encouraged us to teach the students both English and facts about Denmark. Also, some teachers
were being enthusiastic about practising their own language skills. These observations supports
Raphael Owino’s notion on the outcome of the presence of volunteers. The positive effect of volunteers is reflected in the fact that pupils have done very well after having being taught by volunteers.
Raphael Owino argued that he truly believes that pupils, teachers and volunteers are empowered by
the volunteers’ stay in Kibera and highly encourages more visits.
According to Raphael Owino some people contact him after having been on a slum tour as they
want to return to Kibera as a volunteer. Also we were told that an increasing number of the volunteers contacted KUFET from learning about them through the KUFET website. Others find out
about KUFET through church collaborations Raphael Owino has established, which was the very
case for the previous mentioned tourist Steve Anderson who raised the money for the currently used
school, after paying Kibera a visit. When a volunteer contacts Raphael Owino he will assist them in
finding a project suitable for their wishes, even if that means it is outside of KUFET’s projects. He
states that it is his “duty to find the right project for them [i.e the volunteers]” (Raphael Owino, 1011-2013), here referring to his title of being chairman for Trade Fair and Development.
4.3 Government
According to Raphael Owino, which is also supported by former section 3.1, the land
of Kibera is governmentally owned but the ‘houses’ are owned by those who construct them. Raphael Owino explained that a few years back the national government decided to begin a construction
of a highway going through Kibera, which is still under construction. Given the fact people have
build houses on this land, the government gave the residents three months to move without compensation and without a plan for their relocation. This is also the case with the new governmental
policy plan for a new railway construction in 2014, which will be highlighted further in section
4.2.3.
During our fieldwork in Kibera Raphael Owino set up a meeting for us with the Christine Ongondo,
the Senior Community Development Officer in Nairobi County. During our meeting with Christine
46
Ongondo she explained to us, how she monitors different development projects and initiatives in
poorer areas such as Kibera while assisting them economically in order to develop their ideas further until they can continue independently. These different projects under assistance of Christine
Ongondo will, in order to keep the lucidity of this project and its several projects, a couple projects
found relevant for our project will be explained individually in the following section 4.4. Noteworthy is here that as these projects does not directly fall under the umbrella of KUFET.
Furthermore, we were explained, by both Raphael Owino and Christine Ongondo, that there are
other slums and poorer areas in Nairobi besides Kibera. Langata is one of them. Langata is a poor
area in the vicinity of Kibera however it is not considered a slum. Raphael Owino explained to us
during one of our tours around Kibera a national governmental initiative was sought implemented in
Langata to reduce the high number of residents in the area most troubled by crime in Kibera. The
Kenyan government implemented the initiative to built houses in adjacent Langata. According to
Raphael Owino, the national government thought the initiative would be welcomed by the Kiberan
community rather it ended up with most people preferred to stay inside Kibera and instead rented
out the houses in Langata. Our research deduced that residents consider Kibera as their home despite the conditions. According to Raphael Owino, this sense of belonging and sense of community
thus led some residents to stay in Kibera instead of moving to Langata.
4.4 Other Projects in Kibera
Besides KUFET there are other development projects existing in Kibera. This section
will explicate a couple of these projects whom we were in contact with during our fieldwork in
Kibera.
4.4.1 The Kadamuna Self Help Project
Through our meeting with Christine Ongondo we found that these different projects
are organised in networks in order for them to be recognised by the Nairobi County. Also, the projects would need to be registered if potentially wanting to receive funding from Nairobi County. A
network worth mentioning is, Langkibre, which is a joined network between Kibera and Langata.
The Kadamuna Self Help Project is a registered projected organised under the Langkibre Network.
The different project under the Langkibre Network reports to the chairman of the Trade Fair and
47
Development i.e. Raphael Owino, who takes it further to the Nairobi County. The Kadamuna Self
Help Project was initially started to create employment in Kibera for men. The project produce
laundry detergent, repair shoes and produce briquette. The most recent and most profitable initiative is that of briquette production (Appendix 14). The production of briquettes is a sustainable
process as it consists of waste paper found on the Kiberan streets, water and the residue from charcoal (Appendix 13). The briquettes are used for cooking, and one kilo can support a fire for four
hours i.e. two meals. The kilo price for the briquettes is $0.34 USD (XE Currency Converter, n.d.).
The briquette production was suggested by an American volunteer, who recently visited the project.
Solomon Otieno Okoth, who was our main contact to the project, highly encourages volunteers to
visit the project has he suggested that they not only benefit with new knowledge but also potentially
invite financial means into the project. The latter is of great current focus for this project as funds
are need to purchase an automatic machine for their briquette production to replace their current
manual labour work (Appendix 15). By the change to an automatic machine the Kadamuna Self
Help Project would be able to increase their production as it would allow the sales to be by the ton
rather than kilo.
Solomon Otieno Okoth also explained the importance of automatic machine for educational purposes. As the automatic machine would increase the production and be more efficient. The automated
process would save time for the workers, which then could be spent educating male teenagers who
finished primary school, and do not attend secondary school either because of lack of interest or
economical difficulties. This way the young boys would provided with skilled labour education.
Solomon Otieno Okoth stated that, “if we can get the machine to make the briquettes then we have
the opportunity to train young boys after primary school and keep them off drugs, beers and out of
fighting” (07-11-2013).
4.4.2 Pamela A. Otieno and KHASIP
Upon Stephanie Blakeman’s first trip to Kibera touring with other slum tour organisations she visited Pamela A. Otieno (Appendix 12). Pamela A. Otieno is the founder of KHASIP,
and is herself infected by HIV. Through an arrangement with Raphael Owino we went to visit Pamela A. Otieno. This visit was primarily for own research sake i.e. to grow an understanding of other
48
HIV/Aids empowerment initiatives in Kibera, but also to introduce Raphael Owino the KHASIP
project as he did not know of it.
Pamela A. Otieno had before her start up of KHASIP gone through ‘Doctors without Borders’ and
joining courses which motivated her to make a living for herself to achieve a prosperous future.
“Once I was empowered...” (Pamela A. Otieno, 07-11-2013) as she said, she felt the obligation to
empower others because “there are still people suffering in silence” (Pamela A. Otieno, 07-112013). Pamela A. Otieno explained that, through KHASIP, she creates awareness about HIV and
Aids, to remove the misconceptions about sex and physical contact, to remove the self-denial that
some HIV-infected people suffer from. By partnering with governmental health facilities she can
send people in need of health care to these facilities. Also KHASIP offers HIV-infected people motivational courses, where they can become independent and able to support themselves. The courses
encourages HIV-infected people and give them hope; she said, “there is hope in everything” (Pamela A. Otieno, 07-11-2013). Besides the courses, support groups for children of HIV-infected parents, caregivers and the infected people also are established. Pamela A. Otieno explained her help
reaches approximately twelve of the fourteen Kiberan villages. However, according to Pamela A.
Otieno it can be difficult to reach out to the men in society due to HIV being an extreme taboo.
Nevertheless, Pamela A. Otieno explained to us how she values how tourism can benefit her work
of awareness creation, and bring her potential aid donors.
5. Analysis of Empirical Findings
Building upon the knowledge gained from the selected theoretical contributions, the focus of this
chapter is based on the fieldwork and empirical data conducted in Kibera. When analysing and
problematising our empirical research, we will do this in relation to our theoretical framework with
a prominent attention to tourism as a potential tool for poverty alleviation, the role of Raphael
Owino and the APT framework by Zhao & Ritchie (2007) . For the first part of the analysis we will
be focusing on KUFET while problematising tourism as a platform for poverty alleviation in relation to the organisation’s other development projects. The money flow of KUFET and the implementation of the bottom-up approach will be analysed closely. The second part of this analysis will
be focusing on the complex role of Raphael Owino. We will unfold this by discussing his negotiating mediator role (Holloway, 1981 in Cohen, 1985) between the different actors being both the
49
government, local community and the tourists. When discussing these actors we will problematise
the leadership/influence of Raphael Owino and his challenges. The third and final part will problematise the external challenges affecting KUFET by studying the different components of governmental responsibilities and corruption of state.
5.1 KUFET
The first section of the analysis will investigate the organisation of KUFET. It will
first be examined through categorisation in the Zhao & Ritchie (2007) APT framework. Categorising KUFET deduces the role they play in Kibera i.e. what are their primary interests. Secondly, the
bottom-up approach utilised by KUFET will be detailed with special focus on the benefits of the
bottom-up approach, information sharing and creating awareness internationally. The third sub section will deal with the money flow of KUFET. How they receive money and the dispersion of monetary income will be discussed. Donations constitute economic income for KUFET. A critical interpretation of the aid donors (Zhao & Ritchie, 2007) will conclude this money flow section. The final
sub section will investigate the educational and social empowerment encouraged by KUFET’s organisational practices. Special attention will paid to KUFET’s women education initiatives and the
role volunteers can play in Kibera. These will provide contrasting accounts of empowerment methods in KUFET i.e. the impacts tourism can have and empowerment creation outside the tourism
field.
5.1.1 Categorising KUFET
Raphael Owino being the founder of KUFET represents a central figure for the organisation. We will go in-depth with the role of Raphael Owino in section 5.2. However, in this section
we will explicate the operations of KUFET, which operates on local, national and international levels. KUFET consists of different empowerment projects however, not all of them operate within the
tourism industry. As mentioned in 4.2 the mission of KUFET is “opening up Kibera to the world”
(Raphael Owino, 05-11-2013). The idea is to bring new developments to the Kiberan community.
Nevertheless, KUFET currently has several development projects focusing on educational and economic empowerment of the local residents with special attention paid to the women and children of
Kibera. We acknowledge that KUFET is not the only organisation wishing to create development
plans in Kibera but for this project will be the sole organisation examinee.
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According to the APT model (Zhao & Ritchie, 2007) outlined in section 3.5, there are six stakeholders to consider. However, when trying to categorise KUFET and stakeholders in the framework
of Zhao & Ritchie (2007) the rudimentary nature of the model becomes apparent. As former stated,
in section 3.1, Kibera is populated with approximately 95% of the residents living below poverty
line. Hence, according to the model of Zhao & Ritchie (2007), the Kiberan community would be
categorised as the poor. KUFET on the other hand could be considered as civil society due to belonging to an NGO. The separation of the poor and civil society is both problematic and disturbing
as the framework (ibid, 2007), in the case of KUFET and Kibera, is indicating that the Kiberan residents are not part of civil society. This classification of stakeholders clearly reflects the rigid elementary nature of the model is ill suited to encompass the complexity of reality. Such simplistic
dichotomies does not according to our empirical research grasp the complexity of the reality in
Kibera as one would need to move beyond such limiting binaries. This notion is also supported by
Freire-Medeiros (2013). Also, our empirical data reflect that KUFET is not attempting to only empower the lives of the poverty stricken but also empower the organisation and its social character.
When regarding the organisation empowerment and its social character, KUFET also becomes a
tool to gain influence in the political scene and not only within the tourism industry. These elements
of influence and its importance are not included or taken into consideration in the model of Zhao &
Ritchie (2007). Hence, the organisations of KUFET are intertwined into several relations that have
multiple interest areas and thus cannot be placed in a basic and static framework as this APT model
of Zhao & Ritchie (2007).
5.1.2 Bottom-up Approach and Information Sharing
KUFET is an organisation in Kibera developing empowerment projects with a bottom-up approach
to organisation structures. The bottom-up effect by KUFET can have a significant impact for the
community of Kibera. In that sense, there is great potential when working outside governmental
development strategies of Kibera, particularly when governmental refusal to support Kiberan development is prevalent, which we will elucidate further in section 5.3.1. The importance that Raphael
Owino keeps stressing is the significance of raising awareness about Kibera, and by operationalising the bottom-up approach to organisations. For KUFET a significant point is that the organisation
has no middleman i.e. no cooperation with tour agencies or similar. Raphael Owino alone handles
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the distribution of the slum tours, e.g. through webpage, email and telephone. The directness of
KUFET’s organisation is also of great importance because as mentioned in section 3.5.4, the biggest concern in having tourism as a poverty alleviation tool, is the economic benefits of the ‘middleman’ (Meyer, 2003; Tricia Barnett in Guardian, 2011). Dealing with a ‘middleman’ becomes an
issue of inequality, in regards to money distributions as the trickle down can be uneven and fail to
be beneficial to those most in need (Chambers 1983; 1992; Conyers & Hills, 1984; MedeirosFreire, 1971 in Dunn 2007). Also, the agreements with volunteers goes directly through Raphael
Owino. This directness where money can transfer to KUFET can greatly benefit the empowerment
of the organisation. This meaning KUFET strengthens their own position but also empowers others
on different levels; educational aspect through school and woman project, but also empowering the
Kiberan community as a whole.
This also means that KUFET are able to take a more negotiated stance with their business dealings
while simultaneously building more personal relations with their customer base.
The tourists, and even more so the volunteers, coming to Kibera through KUFET get educated on
the life in a slum such as Kibera, i.e. on the living conditions and can thus grow a cultural understanding of Kibera. KUFET’s focus on promoting the Kiberan community’s potential and desire to
educate their children for a better future, supports Frenzel et. al. (2012) notion that the cultural relevance of slums often takes precedent over any insights into the misfortunes of the community.
KUFET believes developing cultural understanding amongst the visitors to Kibera is an important
element to awareness creation and global information sharing. Waldman (2012) supports this by
explaining the importance of volunteers going to Kibera for spreading the word about the current
issues and potentials to secure a sustainable future for Kibera. However, we want to stress that even
though the visitors may grow a better understanding of Kibera, they may not change attitudes towards the slum. The motivations of the tourists will not further be elucidated in this project, however, we will exemplify situations where tourists upon their visit have taken action to further support
the community of Kibera. We do acknowledge that a personal experience can travel far i.e. spread
via Facebook posts and shared in more intimate settings with friends and family. There is data supporting the idea that people who have been experiencing poverty themselves through touristic activities can have an effective voice in the media (Robinson et. al., 2009). Hence, KUFET is hoping to
create international awareness through tourism by the potential impact of ‘citizen journalism’ and
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‘user-generated content’ (Lazy, 2009; Robinson et. al., 2009). Shah (2011a) criticizes the mainstream media's silence on non sensationalist stories, supporting the aforementioned authors support
of ‘user generated’ hands on journalism content.
Based on the former we thus recognise that a personal experience from visitors in Kibera has the
potential of resonating with people globally. The influence of tourists visiting Kibera can therefore
be of substantial significance for awareness and information sharing globally. Broadening the understanding of the reality to developed countries is significant for an informed global population
and implementing change (Fremstad, 2013; WEF, 2013). Noteworthy in this regard is the effectiveness of the bottom-up approach, as it goes around governmental influence, which we will be explicated further in following sections 5.3.2.
5.1.3 The Money Flow of KUFET
When regarding KUFET’s economic income Raphael Owino’s recent collaboration with Nairobi
County where he has been nominated the Chairman of Trade Fair and Development is to be considered. Raphael Owino’s position with the Nairobi County means KUFET has the potential to receive
economic support from Nairobi County for the development initiatives in Kibera, and potentially
globally. Basu (2012) supports this notion arguing that donations are not the answer to slum problems and investing in pro-poor tourism is much more beneficial than potential gains from slum
tours. This project can take this thought a step further, suggesting pro-poor initiatives are best focused initially on the Kiberan community before considering tourism development.
The Kenyan government’s desire to relocate residents as specified in section 4.3, contrives against
empowering the citizens. This relocation would have been a quick fix for the Kenya government
who then would fail to support the long term empowerment projects. Moving the Kiberan citizens
to the Langata area of Nairobi would only be counterproductive to the community sense experienced in Kibera and the opportunities KUFET aims to provide. Our research shows that although
conditions in Kibera are inadequate the residents enjoy a sense of community in Kibera. Nevertheless, the following will explicate the tourist as well as non tourist activities by KUFET, which generates revenue for the organisation.
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Tourism is a multi billion dollar industry and the potential for poverty reduction through tourism is
tremendous (David Scowsill in Guardian, 2011). However, only a very small percentage of poor
countries, and even more so the poor people, have benefited from tourism (ibid, 2011). Tourism has
the potential of being a central progressor to the economic empowerment of developing nations
(ibid, 2011). KUFET’s primary engagements in tourism activities involves the slum tours of Kibera
that they organise and the volunteering programmes offered; e.g. teaching opportunities at the
nursery school.
As mentioned in section 4.2 KUFET has many different projects; tourism as well as non tourism
based entities. The tourism practices in KUFET consists of the slum tours and the volunteer opportunities. These respective tourism entities for KUFET represents parts of the economic income for
the organisation. In short, bringing tourism practices into the overall business plan of KUFET constitutes economic momentum. This section will be elucidating these tourism customs and thus highlight the economic influence of having tourism as a development tool for poverty reduction. The
slum tours and volunteers are, as mentioned, handled directly through Raphael Owino, which means
the gross sales going directly into KUFET. Money received from touristic activities is important to
the KUFET organisation. The slum tours organised daily are set at a standard price ($25 USD) for
participants. During the slum tour there will be visits encouraging further money spending at local
shops and facilities. For example Jane Owino’s jewellery workshop, which is run by the wife of
Raphael Owino, is directly under the supervision and leadership of the KUFET organisation. The
money earned from sales in the jewellery shop is directed to the umbrella organisation KUFET.
Here the money is dispersed throughout the various enterprises KUFET administers for varying
purposes, such as paying teachers at the school or buying raw materials for the crafts stores. It is
acknowledged that currently this is minor income but it is the reality of a small business enterprise
that can potentially stand on its own merit, without being over dependent on the consumption from
tourists. Economic empowerment is further witnessed through this touristic activity. Again, by this
illustration we have witness the benefits for KUFET operating a bottom-up approach, this time economically, where the money arrives at foundation level to be directed where deemed most suitable.
The items produced in Jane Owino’s shop are soon also being sold at markets around Nairobi due to
the influence Raphael Owino has in Nairobi County. Also the volunteers coming in through
KUFET amounts to economic income for the organisation. There is a $210 USD non-refundable fee
54
upon arrival for all volunteers and hereafter the volunteer pays a separate amount depending on the
length of stay with KUFET (KUFET, n.d. b). We will in section 4.2.5 highlight the importance of
the volunteers coming to Kibera to teach at the preschool.
Donations to KUFET provide an immediate economic relief to the organisation. Donations, however, do not necessarily take part of KUFET’s tourism practices as one can donate from their home
country through the KUFET website. Noteworthy, regarding donations, is that they paradoxically
can foster a nature of dependency in a society, where will for economic independence can be lost.
Basu (2012) supports the notion that financial donations are not the solution to slum problems.
Thus, KUFET must take responsibility for the dispersion of the aid received from outside sources.
Aid can be used to educate, pay wages, build schools and a myriad of other examples. Returning to
the topic of governmental assistance mentioned at the beginning of this section, this project emphasises the importance of the sense of community in Kibera. A critical reflection of the empirical data
collected in Kibera surmises this point (section 4.3). KUFET and the Kiberan community rejected
assistance that would neutralise their empowerment by refusing to move to Langata. The aid from
the government i.e. housing in the Langata district, would for the KUFET organisation have been
better suited to funding the current empowerment opportunities in Kibera and creating opportunities
for a sustainable society. The role of the government will be further developed in section 5.3.
Referring to Zhao & Ritchie’s (2007) APT framework, the classifications of stakeholders again
becomes an issue for discussion. This has already been touched upon in section 5.1.1 with the discussion of lack of data in the APT model to support the different ambitions of stakeholders. It is
also important to investigate the definitions of the stakeholders and question the individual nature
they are presented in in Zhao & Ritchie’s (2007) APT model, where aid donors are represented as a
stakeholder. In this framework the aid donor is classified as an independent stakeholder from the
civil society and the tourist. The aid donor is characterised as providing “loans, grants or other kind
of assistance to support APT development” (ibid, 2007). Notable here is the former notion of donations not necessarily need to constitute part of tourism, and is not constrained to any geographical
setting. Based on this conception the aid donor could just as well constitute part of the civil society
and/or the tourist. This is similar to the issue, which arose in section 5.1.1, where the poor were
55
excluded from civil society. The aid donors’ exclusion from civil society and the tourist is made
more puzzling by the distinct categorisations made by Zhao & Ritchie (2007). Attempting to apply
Zhao & Ritchie’s (2007) framework to the case of KUFET raises clear concerns as the stakeholder
paradigms appear flawed. Aid donors are of specific importance for KUFET as they are replacing
governmental intervention, or lack thereof. An example of an aid donor providing an immediate
economic relief to KUFET is the case with Steve Anderson, mentioned in section 4.2.3, where he
sponsored the current preschool through his church in the U.S.A. Hence, money entering from the
outside world can be essential to attain and maintain a higher overall standard of living for the
community of Kibera. The money KUFET receives is both from foreign donations and domestic
activities. This monetary income is utilised to economically empower those associated with the organisation. Economic empowerment of such subsidiary parties is of great benefit to the KUFET
organisation. Noteworthy in this regard is also that KUFET is a platform for economic profits and
Raphael Owino becomes a central role due to his alliances with different stakeholders. That way,
KUFET also becomes a platform for Raphael Owino to exercise influence.
Tourism can however an unstable economic resource for Raphael Owino who cannot depend on
these fluctuated revenues from the tourism industry, as he cannot hinge on the payments from the
families of the children. However, KUFET needs an economic profit to keep the development projects in Kibera going. Notable is that tourism is not means of which KUFET solely can rely on, rather serve as an additional to other projects, this also supports the notion of Chok et. al. (2007),
highlighted in section 3.2.3. A necessity for tourism to succeed in developing areas is that basic
infrastructural needs are met but also that empowerment and other development projects are
planned long-termed. In that sense, KUFET’s economic empowerment through their tourism activities can potentially foster economic independence from the tourism industry, however it needs to
support other livelihood incomes.
5.1.4 Social and Educational focus of KUFET
Albeit Raphael Owino needs an economic profit to sustain KUFET we have found
that Raphael Owino’s personal vision of social empowerment through education, of especially
women and children, outweighs the organisation’s desire for economic profits. KUFET has, as explained in section 4.2.3 and 4.2.4, two non-tourism development projects both mainly focusing on
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empowerment through education. The initiatives are respectively the preschool of educating children from Kibera and Jane’s Jewellery where she trains HIV-infected women in Kibera. These integrated educational empowerment initiatives by KUFET will be explained in greater detail in the
following to illustrate their importance in context to economic empowerment for a sustainable future for KUFET and the Kiberan community. This supports the very notion of the inclusionary of
other empowerment projects rather than merely be dependent on tourism as a tools of development.
However, even though Raphael Owino generally charges the parents or guardians for enrolling the
children in preschool, he believes the necessity is education rather than economics, so if the families
cannot pay, this is not compulsory. This signifies that Raphael Owino deems the core sentiments of
human rights, mentioned in section 3.5.3, by embracing the ideal that education is a fundamental
human right hence should be accessible for all children i.e. the Kiberan orphaned child or children
of families with priority on everyday survival rather than education.
Education is important for everyone but it is especially significant for young girls and women (UNFPA, n.d.), which in section 4.2.3 is projected to be also of Raphael Owino’s beliefs. Women’s literacy rates are significantly lower than men’s in developing countries (UNFPA, n.d.), hence also of
relevance for the area of Kibera.
"Education is one of the most important means of empowering women with the knowledge, skills
and self-confidence necessary to participate fully in the development process." ICPD Programme of
Action, paragraph 4.2 in UNFPA, n.d.
When focusing on young girls in regards to empowerment initiatives of KUFET, Raphael Owino
believes in the power of education through schooling is positive in changing their lives. In short,
empowerment through education has the potential to generate social empowerment and a more sustainable living. Waldman (2012) supports the continued education of women promoting the increased opportunities of generating an income and greater capacity to take care of themselves and
their families After preschool graduation, Raphael Owino ensures they enroll in a governmental
primary school in Kibera. Most girls end their education after primary school to start helping the
57
women in their families, or start families of their own. Raphael Owino’s plans of building a secondary school for girls only gives the possibility of prolonging their education. According to UNFP
(n.d.) investing in young girls' education is one of the most effective ways to reduce poverty and
further, to invest in secondary school education for girls yields especially high dividends. Keeping
young women in educational institutions safeguards their education. This potentially also prevents
them from getting ill e.g. with HIV/AIDS or from being lured out of school by men with bad intentions (Waldman, 2012). When these young girls are educated they will become independent and
able to produce an income to take care of not only themselves but also their families. According to
Waldman (2012) this process ensures success of both the girls and the community as a whole.
Hence, by Raphael Owino potentially enrolling these young girls into further education, it can empower the whole Kiberan community because the educational achievements of these young women
have a ripple effect. The ripple effect can also lead to sociocultural changes in Kibera, as fact is,
girls who have been educated are likely to marry later and to have smaller and healthier families
(UNFPA, n.d.). Noteworthy in this sense is that further education of young women may result in
sociocultural changes which can be of problematic nature as it will be tampering with the current
cultural traits. This could for example be in the case of family conflicts e.g. if the family considers
their children's work of essential character for the livelihood of the family as a whole. We will not
unfold this further, rather clarify that we have taken this aspect into consideration. Again this supports the very notion that culture plays a significant role and due to the complexity of reality, and
the simplicity of the APT framework by Zhao & Ritchie (2007), this has not been taken into consideration in the model.
However, investing in the future of women and children is an initiative and of specific focus for
Raphael Owino and KUFET, but specific programmes for empowering men also exist in Kibera just
not through KUFET. An example could be that of Solomon Otieno Okoth, reflected earlier in section 4.4.1.
Raphael Owino highly encouraged us to return to Kibera and volunteer at the West Soweto Nursery
School as he believes bringing in volunteers for teaching has a great educational empowerment
character for the children. Based on our empirical data while teaching and reflecting upon the behaviour of the students, our presence alone highly encouraged the children to participate and learn.
Raphael Owino states that the “volunteers encourage the children and teachers” (10-11-2013) The
students are more eager and engaged in the classroom as it is exciting for the them to have a ‘new’
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teacher. In this notion it is noteworthy that local participation can be distinguished in different
ways. Additionally, empirical research indicated that selling just two slum tours provided the
monthly salary of one teacher (section 4.2.2.). These examples clarify important aspects of KUFET
dealing with tourism to promote their empowerment initiatives. Further by using volunteers in the
classrooms tourism becomes of assistance to promoting both local participation and educational
empowerment. They are both central themes in Zhao & Ritchie’s APT model (2007). Volunteers
promoting educational and local participation in the Kiberan society are a strong indicator of value
to KUFET. Also according to Raphael Owino children who attended the preschool whilst volunteers were present, have shown a higher level of English skills when reaching primary school.
Waldman (2012) also shares this view of interaction with international volunteers makes the children motivated in learning. Hence, Raphael Owino understands and focuses on education and its
ultimate objective of improving the Kiberan individual’s quality of life. Thus, it is fair to conclude
that Raphael Owino regards the children as the future of the Kiberan and that education is the platform for a long-term investment.
When focusing more specifically on women KUFET has the jewellery making initiative, which
empowers HIV/AIDS infected women by training them in jewellery making. This is as explained
earlier, section 4.2.4, a project initiated by Jane Owino, Raphael Owino’s wife. The training, is as
the education of the children, a long-termed investment and is very important for a sustainable
Kiberan community. The HIV/AIDS infected mothers become more independent, and are able to
take care of themselves, and their children. Putting this into perspective, this is a very important
initiative for the Kiberan women, but also for the future of their children, because as former described 15 million children worldwide are orphaned due to HIV/AIDS (Poverty, n.d.; Shah, 2013).
Also, in future perspectives the training of these women may then be linked to their children's educational attainment. Hence, the training of the HIV/AIDS infected mothers will also change more
sociocultural factors in the Kiberan community, as the educated mothers are more likely to be in the
labour force, allowing them to pay some of the costs of schooling, and may be more aware of returns to schooling (UNFPA, n.d). Kenyan cultural barriers tabooing not only the inclusion of women in the workforce but also those infected with HIV/Aids, can stimulate a strong tie with promoters
of HIV/Aid workshops and HIV/Aids infected women, creating a powerful human resource base for
organisations to empower themselves further upon.
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As explained, Jane Owino and Pamela A. Otieno’s programmes fall under two different projects
and initiatives in Kibera. However, we believe a potential cooperation between Jane Owino and
Pamela Otieno’s programme, KHASIP, could be highly beneficial. Jane Owino undergo training
with these HIV/AIDS women, but Pamela Otieno increase these women’s knowledge about HIV
and AIDS to empower them to achieve a positive living as well as getting an understanding of
HIV/AIDS and prevention skills. This cooperation could be a powerful empowerment tool as it will
decrease exciting stigmas on and misconceptions about HIV/AIDS, make the women independent
and proud of own achievements. This can have the former explained ripple effect within the whole
family and coming generations in Kibera. However, important to be aware about is society, culture
and the complexity of reality again. As one step is to empower these women and the community,
however harder is the next step of gaining acceptance of HIV/AIDS in society.
5.1.5 Sub-Conclusion
Zhao & Ritchie’s (2007) framework identifies aid donors, tourists, the poor and civil
society as singular level stakeholders. It does not identify the varying levels of impact they can assert to a developing tourism destination. For instance, the cultural heterogeneous nature of the poor
as detailed in 4.1, in relation to religious beliefs, quantifies the complexities that arise from rigid
stakeholder boxing. Implications of physical distance also arise. Aid donors remoteness from a destination does not allow for an emotional attachment or experience to a destination, generating a
weaker bridge to the community than that of volunteers, who may generate a closer relationship
from experience. Both can contribute to the economic empowerment of Kibera and KUFET but can
have very different impacts over the societal empowerment. Similarly the different interests of
stakeholders in Kibera will impact upon the levels of empowerment achievable. Locating KUFET
in the stakeholder field too proves troublesome due to the rigid categorisation of the stakeholders
and the complexity of reality. Additionally the economic gains from slum tours provide KUFET
with assistance to enhance their educational empowerment programmes.
Knowledge sharing processes and creating awareness to the plight of the Kiberan community are
perceived to be an important aspects of KUFET’s role. The bottom-up approach to information
sharing is demonstrated as positive to the organisation and is an important tool for benefiting from
tourism practices. Also, the bottom-up approach to the money flow of KUFET promotes economic
empowerment for the organisation. Slum tours as well as associated activities allow money entry at
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root level without the presence of a middleman, encouraging economic responsibility and empowerment in the organisation. Volunteers are included in this project’s definition of who constitutes a
tourist in Kibera. Volunteers have a distinct role to play creating international awareness and can
impact upon educational participation. Their effect on international attention through the bottom-up
approach implemented by KUFET is noteworthy however, the key factor remains the importance of
local institutionally driven education initiatives. KUFET’s utilisation of tourism is an additional to
Kibera driven educational initiatives that provide the basis for educational empowerment and local
participation of Kibera.
5.2 The Role of Raphael Owino
Seeking to place Raphael Owino and his multi-sided roles alone in the framework
seems impossible. Raphael Owino holds several positions and operates with different networks. He
is founder and the organisation leader of KUFET, a community representative of Kibera, but also a
representative in Nairobi County titled Chairman of Trade Fair and Development. Understanding all
the different classifications of Raphael one would need to comprehend the local culture, which is
something the APT framework (Zhao & Ritchie, 2007) does not take into consideration.
Looking at Kibera as a destination for tourists, a problem arises with the dependency of both the
community and KUFET on Raphael Owino. This section will first investigate Raphael Owino’s
complex role as a mediator and relation with political networks. Sketching the character of Raphael
Owino will help to understand how he reached his position and utilises his personal traits to remain
socially empowered. Following this will be an investigation into Raphael Owino’s position as a
leader and the importance this has for visitors and the KUFET organisation. Concluding the analysis of Raphael Owino is the challenges he may face that stem from corruption issues and the aforementioned complexity of his role in Kibera.
5.2.1 Mediator and Political Networks
Raphael Owino is the central figure in the daily operations of KUFET. He has the
ability to influence at ‘all sides’, according to their respective interests, hence the role of a mediator
(Holloway, 1981 in Cohen, 1985). However, Raphael Owino is not just as the theory suggest the
61
middleman between the local community and the travelling party (Cohen, 1985), rather he is a culture broker between all parties; the local community and visitors, local community and different
local networks, and also between local community and the government. In this sense, and based on
information from two former sections, 5.1.3 and 5.1.4, it is clear to argue that KUFET operates outside the tourism industry but also within political networks of Nairobi.
Raphael Owino is a representative in all operations of KUFET, and thus holds a pivotal role in the
businesses’ daily operations. Further, we argue that Raphael Owino holds a strong character in the
community of Kibera based on his position as chairman in the Trade Fair and Development, which
does not just have an influence in Kibera but also in other communities in Nairobi. Raphael
Owino’s title as the chairman was officially given to him by the community, which as an effect has
increased his connections with networks in Kibera. As a result of this Raphael Owino has increased
his social character in the local community. Noteworthy, in this regard, is that when Stephanie
Blakeman visited Kibera first time around, in April 2013, Raphael Owino had at the time no engagement with the Nairobi County. Raphael Owino’s development since then has been expansive.
The stand of KUFET in the local community, civil society and the local government increases with
the influence of Raphael Owino. Given the fact that Raphael Owino is in direct cooperation with the
Nairobi County makes the local government aware of his project initiatives and its opportunities,
which may benefit KUFET in an economic sense but might also make Raphael Owino an influential
person in future governmental policy plannings in Kibera. As former mentioned in our empirical
data collection, section 4.2.1, Raphael Owino and his son, Daniel Owino, who at times teaches in
the West Soweto Nursery School see their job as a source of acknowledgement in the Kiberan
community. This functions as a motivational factor for them both as they wish to maintain but also
increase this level of social character and community recognition. Investigating in the progress of
Raphael Owino’s reputation in Kibera, it becomes clear that he is socially empowered through his
work with tourists and volunteers. Particular success for Raphael Owino is when he tries and accomplishes the return of tourists as volunteers in KUFET. This adds to his social standing in Kibera
and Nairobi as he appears increasingly credible and influential.
62
Raphael Owino is a key community member of Kibera and if he influences future governmental
policy planning, the local community should acknowledge him further. Raphael Owino exerts a
strong personality, with positive influences on Kiberan society. His good nature is important to this
statement. Raphael Owino utilises his interpersonal skills at an institutional level to build on a
community level. An example was his inclusion of Stephanie Blakeman and Marie Brøndgaard at
the Nairobi County meeting with Christine Ongondo (see section 4.3), where he provided access to
an apparent research related issue. Upon reflection it is clearer that the meeting provided more importance to Raphael Owino and the KUFET organisation than information for us as researchers.
The meeting mostly detailed the possibility of KUFET organising a fair in Denmark to promote the
jewellery produced by Jane Owino and create awareness of their organisation internationally. The
presence of us as researchers was purposeful by Raphael Owino, as he wanted to demonstrate to
Christine Ongondo the seriousness of his intentions for an international fair. Raphael Owino’s ability to gain trust as a leader was directly aimed at benefiting growth opportunities for KUFET and
Kibera.
The fragile nature of his reputation creates a delicate balance for Raphael Owino and the social empowerment he currently possesses is challenged or, perhaps more precisely, contested and negotiated. The governmental influence can trump personal ideals especially when corruption and transparency are issues (Governmental corruption will be explained further in the following section 5.2.3).
A lofty social status for Raphael will also magnify any consequences of decisions he makes. Raphael Owino’s rapid ascent this year could reach a ceiling where he may even discover his descent is
just as quick, so is the sensitive nature of the public eye.
5.2.2 Mediator and Leader
When discussing Raphael Owino’s role when guiding the visitors, volunteers or tourists, on a slum tour around Kibera it becomes apparent that he functions as the distinction of the
antecedent, pathfinder (Holloway, 1981 in Cohen, 1985). The tourists enter an unknown area, i.e.
Kibera, where no guide-books, signposts, or other orientational devices will be beneficial. The visitors are dependent upon Raphael Owino being a guide to lead the way and gain access (Schmidt,
1970 in Cohen, 1985) to the unfamiliar and potentially unwelcoming populace hence also the importance of control (Schmidt, 1970 in Cohen, 1985). When leading the tourists around in Kibera,
63
Raphael Owino embraces the factors of both access and control as he makes the visitors entry into
Kibera possible while also providing the safety necessary. The access granted to the tourists by
Raphael Owino who provides control when they meet the locals works against the opinions of
Whyte et. al. (2011) who argue for no real link between tourists, slum tour operators and the locals.
Contradictory to this is Moscardo’s (2008) and Basu’s (2012) arguments, stating this allows the
community to be involved with tourism processes and attain more than economic income from the
tours. This is possible, as former explained, due to Raphael Owino’s high social character in the
community, and the accomplishments of being a good mediator i.e culture broker between visitors
and community. An interesting analogy of these thoughts is to consider Raphael Owino as a pathfinder for the KUFET organisation. KUFET, and the Kiberan community, are searching for a reasoning, empowerment in many senses, without a ‘signposted’ route to this unbeaten path to success.
Raphael Owino is acting as a pathfinder in the sense he is guiding the local Kiberan’s through the
unknown area, one of empowerment and opportunity, where he leads the way. Raphael Owino exerts access for KUFET and control for the community i.e developing opportunities for KUFET and
providing security for the community in the face of the unexplored.
A delicate balance in the influences of Raphael Owino is witnessed. Raphael Owino’s influence
will again be contested as his social standing potentially rises or falls. The more control Raphael
Owino delegates in KUFET the less he will withhold for himself, shifting the influence he can assert. As mentioned though, it is an issue with regards to KUFET’s vulnerability when an over dependency is placed on an individual’s shoulders. Raphael Owino is in the unique position of being a
leader who controls every aspect of KUFET. By this action Raphael Owino has made himself indispensable to the KUFET organisation. Thus, we conclude that in order for KUFET to have a sustainable future, Raphael Owino must to be aware of flipside to his leadership, to ensure the security of
the community. Rephrasing this, Raphael Owino must develop a long term vision for KUFET and
ensure the success of the organisation is not solely based on his social status even if this hinders the
influence he asserts. Hence we conclude that Raphael Owino’s position is very fragile. If something
happened to him or when he eventually is too old to carry on working, his replacement will be hard
to find due to the level of trust and political stand that is created throughout multiple stakeholders.
64
Zhao & Ritchie’s framework (2007) fails to highlight the impacts of the varying influence levels of
the stakeholders. Considering in the case of Raphael Owino, he has risen to a high rank in the space
of half a year where he now is noticed by the local government and supplied with a voice to influence change. Raphael Owino’s new position, and additional responsibilities in surrounding communities, provide unexplored territory for him as a leader. This project has previously examined the
different goals of the stakeholders as well as the often overlapping categorisation of stakeholders.
Now it is also important to note the influences the stakeholders can pronounce in Kibera i.e. how
much influence do the stakeholder possess on one another and how this level of influence can adjust
through time. Returning to Raphael Owino’s rise to the position of chairman of Trade Fair and Development in Nairobi County, there is a stark increase in the influence he can have for the poor, in
civil society and with the government. With regards to the role Raphael Owino can play for KUFET,
it will greatly depend on the retention of an influential position in Kiberan society.
5.2.3. Corruption and Role Complexity
Corruption is a heinous term as it does not take into account the cultural relevance of a
society. Without the correct context, the term does not have a defined measurement. Corruption is
malicious in nature as it refers to unfair practices. These practices are often carried out by the elite
few in society who wish to retain a position of influence in a society (AEG, 2000). Corruption, not
only existing in governance but also amongst the private sector, is a common occurrence in African
countries (ibid, 2000). Civilians with government ties attain lofty positions in society. These positions are retained through the fulfilment of promises, particularly when favourable to government
goals. A danger for Raphael Owino and KUFET is that Raphael Owino’s new found governmental
links may lead him to a point where his ideals for Kiberan society are challenged by a conflict of
interests with the desires of stakeholders in society such as the government. This may be a challenge for KUFET and potentially be a limitation for the application of tourism as a developmental
tool e.g. conflicts within community and Raphael Owino can result in his lack of control over tourist. Complex societal pressures can even lead to a shift of focus for Raphael Owino as he grows in
his position e.g focus on self-improvements rather than community. The model indicates the three
key determinants for APT tourism respectively opportunity, empowerment and security (Zhao &
Ritchie, 2007). However, when applied to Raphael Owino, we see the determinants available to him
with regards to his position in Nairobi County. Raphael Owino is socially empowered, has opportunity to influence decisions in a society and enjoys a security in his position for now. Also Raphael
65
Owino creates opportunities for others, has empowerment projects and provides security both for
residents and visitors. Raphael Owino’s work demonstrates a mutual gain for both him and Kiberan
society. If influences, such as media pressure or governmental responsibilities, contest this balance
between desires to assist Kibera and empower himself the after effect is currently unknown. Ideally,
Raphael Owino’s principles (section 5.2.1) would be of guidance but often real world complexities
interfere with this utopian outlook. As mentioned in section 5.1.4, currently Raphael Owino has a
vision to educate and socially empower the poor opposed to acquire monetary gain for KUFET.
However, his mediator role will be forced to adapt if current circumstances progress. A cultural
broker he may remain but more importantly for the future will be Raphael Owino’s ability to broker
political culture with his Kiberan philosophy.
5.2.4 Sub-conclusion
The personality of Raphael Owino plays a major role in his ability to network in
Kibera and with the tourists and volunteers he receives through KUFET. Currently, Raphael Owino
is ascending socially and with this it is important he retain those inherent traits that made him originally so popular and adhere to his role as a pathfinder and mediator (Holloway, 1981 in Cohen,
1985). The fragile nature of reputations leaves concerns when they are over relied upon.
Fragility again arises when KUFET’s dependency on the role played by Raphael Owino is highlighted. A sustainable organisation should hold in place a contingency especially when over reliance
is placed on human capital i.e. Raphael Owino. His leadership is so central to the practices of
KUFET that they would appear to be lost without his input. Raphael Owino is central to KUFET
and the Kiberan people in and outside tourist practices. Complex societal pressure could possibly
alter the motivations and ambitions of Raphael Owino. Satisfying the needs of Kibera may conflict
the goals of the government, compromising Raphael Owino’s position as a mediator.
5.3 Implications and External Factors
First the difficulties KUFET and Kibera encounters due to lack of government support
for the community will be analysed. An insight into security issues will provide an example of the
vulnerability Kiberan’s experience in their daily lives. Secondly, the inclusion of the government in
Zhao & Ritchie’s model (2007) will be challenged. This will reveal the stakeholder positions of an
APT model should include specific stakeholders to different case studies. This issue has been
66
touched upon in sections 5.1.1. and 5.1.3, with regards to the goals and influences of stakeholders in
the framework (ibid, 2007). The section will though specifically contest the government inclusion.
5.3.1 Government Accountability
The lack of governmental responsibilities brings challenges to KUFET and Raphael
Owino. The governmental failure in regards to basic services, education and healthcare affects primarily the poorest or most vulnerable in a society (AEG, 2000) i.e. Kibera and its community.
“Like slavery and apartheid, poverty is not natural. It is man-made and it can be overcome and eradicated by the actions
of human beings. (...) It is the protection of a fundamental human right, the right to dignity and a decent life.”
(Own transcription of the ‘Make Poverty History’ speech)
A lack of governmental responsibilities in regards to basic service, education and healthcare in
Kibera mount high pressure on and create difficulties for KUFET. This supports Frenzel et. al.’s
(2012) idea of public discourses on slums as areas of poverty, substance abuse with an unsatisfactory intervention on a governmental level. UNICEF’s (2012) diagnosis of causes of high child death
rates (section 3.1) mirrors the issues KUFET faces. Healthcare threats from poor sanitation, lack of
water, improper waste disposal and related disease outbreaks stem from government absence in
Kibera. This very lack of resources and consequent inability to address the issues of basic service
mounts a great pressure on the daily operations of KUFET. The residents in Kibera’s deprivation of
human rights make it difficult for KUFET to lead projects, and it is noteworthy that it can become
too overwhelming or ambitious for an organisation of their size to fight a problem of which is needed governmental support. As previously mentioned in section 3.5.2, often a governmental task is to
supply the necessary infrastructure at a tourism destination (Zhao & Ritchie, 2007). Sustainability
in this essence should not only secure the future of the destination for tourists but also secure the
future of residents. However, in the case of the Kenyan government infrastructure should not be
developed for tourism in Kibera, instead it should be developed for the local population and only
utilised by tourists out of convenience. Providing a sustainable and secure community in Kibera is
currently not a goal of the Kenyan government. This counteracts the determinant of security (ibid,
2007), implying an APT framework is not suitable for Kibera. An example, highlighted in section
4.3.3, is the governmental plans to construct a railway that would go straight through Kibera. Construction will particularly affect the West Soweto Nursery School, which will have to be relocated
as a result. This is costly for KUFET with Raphael Owino trying to organise donations and gov67
ernmental support for construction of a new school. Section 3.5.2 under destination sustainability,
highlighted the importance of first securing the resources of a destination before implementation of
policies to meet the needs of increased visitors to a destination. Therefore governmental accountability presently has the opportunity to demonstrate assistance to KUFET and the aid the relocation
of the West Soweto Nursery School. This notion is hypothetically satisfactory however real world
complexities, such as lack of government interest, compromise this preference.
5.3.2 Corruption of State
A barrier to economic empowerment for KUFET is the corruption of the state. Due to
corruption, the Kenyan government compromises the very matters of human rights. As mentioned
in the theoretical framework, 3.5.1, there is a high corruption level in Kenya which affects the poorest of society who face the very brunt of corruption (AFCG, 2000). Smith (1996) proclaims in any
society, those in power will possess authority to determine who will benefit from tourism in that
society (Smith, 1996 in Scheyvens, 1999). This project postulates the Kenyan government assert
negligence on Kibera as a habitat for locals and therefore are disengaged in developing tourism
practices to benefit Kibera, KUFET or Raphael Owino. Chok et. al. (2007) states “if persistent
structural inequities are not addressed, relying on tourism (...) is unlikely to reap significant and
long-term benefits for the already marginalised (...)” ( p. 36). The notion in section 5.1.3. resonates
here as the importance of using tourism as a supporting industry in Kibera materialises. If the authority is corrupted then empowerment of the locals can be difficult to achieve. Where centralised
decision making processes are used by governments, it can be interpreted as another cost of poverty
on the poor, in that they are further marginalised and disempowered in society (World Bank, n.d.).
Corruption of the government leads to major implications for the KUFET organisation. Here the aid
donors play a big importance in providing economic assistance to the poverty stricken in a society,
which also supports KWAHO (n.d) notion that today’s interventions are received from external
operations such as aid donors, development partners and NGOs rather than the national government. Donations at a national level are best dispersed by the government of Kenya. The aid donors
in this sense are not aware specifically who they are assisting and count that the government will
honestly distribute the income to those most in need. The need for developing countries to pay off
debts (internationalist, n.d.) sees the money lost and not reaching the supposed benefactors of donations i.e in this case KUFET and the Kiberan community. However, KUFET and Raphael Owino
68
can benefit from their bottom-up approach where they will see money enter the organisation directly at the root level, to be dispersed as the organisation deems necessary. This however constitutes a
problem for aid donors as by choosing a specific organisation to support, they automatically neglect
others in need. Donors paying directly to KUFET must trust money will be correctly distributed by
the organisation and Raphael Owino. Raphael Owino’s character of being an indispensable mediator, section 5.2.1, again will come to the fore in such a process. Raphael Owino’s ability to present
himself as honourable and caring will secure the willingness of aid donors to assist.
Additionally, when reflecting upon the information sharing barriers to global awareness, section
3.3, the issues of Kibera being obstructed by the corruption of the state, in regards to the traditional
media, arise. Kenya, being a corrupt state, has issues such as lack of ‘freedom of speech’ where
censorship and/or violent threats can occur when wanting to report issues, of more controversial
character, according to the ones of power (Shah, 2011a) For example, the media negligence of presenting the state of living conditions in Kibera. Again, the corruption of state the Kenyan government compromises the very matters of human rights i.e. freedom of speech and - press. Here, the
bottom-up approach of KUFET rather than the traditional media’s ‘top-down’ becomes an opportunity and crucial when wanting to work around the existing power structures of mainstream media.
An ideal system would witness the government fairly distributing donations to organisations but the
reality in developing nations is different. Section 5.1.3 noted the responsibility of KUFET in dispersing donations where required within their organisation. Section 5.1.2 discusses the direct payments to organisations in developing nations can be a precarious investment and an apparent example of success in KUFET cannot create a precedent. The major implication of government corruption for KUFET is the additional responsibility of monetary distribution aligned with the opportunity to directly benefit those most in need in Kibera.
5.3.3. Sub Conclusion
Corruption underlined some of the key points in this section. Government corruption
is prevalent in Kenya not most when their absence in the Kiberan community is noticeable. Lack of
the basic provisions to Kiberan society by the Kenyan government questions the possibility of fully
69
implementing APT to Kibera. Assisting in the development of the community ought to be a primary
concern for the Kenyan government before any investments in tourism practices are investigated.
Raphael Owino himself was not without concerns due to the ever growing complexity of his role in
Kiberan society. Benefits of Raphael Owino’s apparent honourable nature have already been investigated in section 5.2.1. but possible scrutinisation has been implied in this chapter. This point was
made in relation to the shifting of Raphael Owino’s role where unaccustomed influences can alter
procedural actions.
6. Conclusion
KUFET is an example of an organisation in Kibera that utilises tourism as a tool for poverty
alleviation through economic and educational empowerment. Tourism practices that facilitate these
empowerments include the slum tours and volunteer programmes employed by KUFET. Other development projects by KUFET include the educational empowerment initiatives respectively West
Soweto Nursery School and Jane Owino’s Jewellery Workshop. The main finding of these practices
was that although tourism related projects are beneficial to KUFET in promoting empowerment and
participation to the Kiberan community, they are an addition to the projects of KUFET. Hence,
tourism as a developmental tool for KUFET is supplementary to their pre-existing empowerment
initiatives. Difficulties arose when investigating the stakeholder paradigms proposed by Zhao &
Ritchie (2007) in relation to KUFET and Kibera. Our research concluded the APT framework (ibid.
2007) proved too static for application to the chosen case study of KUFET. In that sense, we conclude that tourism as a development tool can be beneficial to KUFET and the Kiberan community
when it is additional to other livelihood incomes, thus not solely depend on it. Positively, this independence from the tourism industry can be beneficial to the security of the Kiberan community.
Fluctuating tourist flows indicate the need to consider non-tourism activities as central to development programmes in Kibera. The bottom can easily fall out of the tourism market in developing
nations such as Kenya. The example of the 2013 terrorist act at the Westgate mall in Nairobi is a
recent example of a detrimental occurrence to tourism flows.
Seeking to place Raphael Owino and his complex roles in the APT framework (Zhao & Ritchie,
2007) is unattainable as he holds several roles spread out over different networks and corporations.
In order to comprehend the organisations of Raphael Owino a consideration of the local Kiberan
culture is needed, which the framework fails to incorporate. The APT framework provides guide-
70
lines and a set of assumptions but is not applicable universally to destinations and difficulties arose
throughout this project. Raphael Owino’s role of a mediator makes him able to influence ‘all sides’
(Holloway, 1981 in Cohen, 1985). Raphael Owino’s ability to gain trust and be an honorable character in Kibera benefits him greatly to further his and the Kiberan communities empowerment.
However, to found that due to the complexity of his role making influence at all sides is unlikely to
be universally satisfactory as ambitions and interests of stakeholders widely differ.
Corruption too effects Raphael Owino as he grows in his position, and closer to governmental influences. The bottom-up approach adopted by Raphael Owino, in relation to economic inputs, means
he decides those who are most in need in a society. Ideally, the government would accept responsibility for such activities in Kibera but the real world issues pertain this from occurring. A cautious
approach by Raphael Owino is suited for him to not gain or lose influence too quickly. Raphael
Owino is classified as a modern pathfinder as he leads the unfamiliar paths of Kibera for visitors
and new empowerment territories for KUFET. He asserts access and control in Kibera due to his
mediator role and high social standing.
As mentioned in the introduction by Mandela (2005) poverty is man made. This is a consequence of
when governments fail to assist those most in need in a society. Lack of governmental accountability creates an unstable system where, as previously mentioned, the bottom could easily fall out. As
highlighted the government should first secure the local community before implementing any tourism development plans. Protecting the livelihood of the locals will enable for a sustainable tourism
industry to operate. The government of Kenya also fails to address the needs of KUFET creating
extra pressures on Raphael Owino to perform the tasks normally required of them. This point is
highlighted by the ideal situation where a non-corrupt government would allocate resources such as
donations evenly.
71
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List of Appendices
Appendix 1: Names of Villages in Kibera
Villages in Kibera
Kibera consists of fourteen villages.
Names of villages in Kibera where the pupils come from:

Soweto West Village

Kiandra Village

Katuekra Village

Anary Village
Names of additional villages:

Kisnmo Ndogo

Kambi Muru

Lindi

Laini Saba

Soweto East

Makina

Kiehinjio

Mashimoni

Mama Okinda

Siranga
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Appendix 2: List of Staff Members in all Projects Mentioned
Tour Guides in KUFET:

Raphael Owino

Daniel Ouma

Peter Otiri

Coleta Adhiambo

Mercyline Atieno

John Link
West Soweto Nursery School Staff:

Dorothy Akinyi
(Head Teacher)

Beatrice Akinyi
(Teacher)

Peter Ochieng Rojas
(Teacher)

Frederick Okeno
(Teacher – working whilst waiting to start university)

Christine Adhiambo
(Teacher – on maternity leave)

Shikuku Atieno
(Cleaner)

Jane Owino
(Cook)
Jane Owino’s Workshop:

Jane Owino
(Founder of workshop, coach, mobiliser of new members,
salesperson, teacher and trainer)
We did not get the names of the wood carvers nor of the two women who at the moment train in the
workshop.
79
The Kadamuna Self Help Project:

Solomon Otieno Okoth (Salesman and our main contact to this project)

Joseph Oketh Odhiambo
(Chairman and responsible for
shoe repairs)

John Okelo
(Production Manager of Bri-
quettes)

Khadija Abdi
(Human Resources)

Amina Osen
(Technical Controller)

Emily Kalamela
(Bead Worker)

Phyllis Inziani
(Bead worker)
Nairobi County:

Christine Ongondo
(Senior Community Development Officer)
KHASIP:

Pamela A. Otieno
(Funding director of Kibera HIV and Aids Support Initiative Programme KHASIP, lecturer, responsible
for the KHASIP shop in Kibera)
80
Appendix 3: A Kiberan Pathway
Photograph of path between houses. (Photo courtesy of Sayaka Takano).
Appendix 4: Road Side in Kibera
Pigs are walking in the rubbish in the shallow that used to be a stream of water.
81
Appendix 5: Kiberan Mud Shack
Close up of mud shack wall in Kibera. The roof is made by corrugated iron.
Appendix 6: Current Railway in Kibera
View of the current Kiberan railway. On its left side, the new railway will be constructed in 2014. The
construction of the structure, which can be seen in the background, has ceased. (Photo courtesy of
Sayaka Takano).
82
Appendix 7: Photograph Taken whilst Walking on the Railway
When walking from West Soweto Nursery School to the Kadamuna Self Help Project, which was quite a
walk, we followed the railway. This provided a good sense of the big size of Kibera.
Appendix 8: View of Kiberan Roof Tops
View of Kibera.
83
Appendix 9: West Soweto Nursery School
View of West Soweto Nursery School. The building visible in the left corner is the church building. The
new railway is to be constructed on the site of the school.
Appendix 10: Class Room in West Soweto Nursery School
View from the classroom of the oldest pupils. The three girls in the centre are wearing blue school uniforms. The teacher on the right side of the black board is Frederick Okeno, who mainly teaches the oldest pupils.
84
Appendix 11: Jane Owino’s Workshop
Jane Owino’s jewellery workshop. From the left: Raphael Owino, Solomon Otieno Okoth, Stephanie
Blakeman, Sayaka Takano (tourist and photographer to some of our pictures), Jane Owino and Marie
Brøndgaard. In the background one of the bone carvers can be seen.
Appendix 12: Pamela A. Otieno
Pamela A. Otieno standing in the KHASIP
shop in Kibera.
85
Appendix 13: The Kadamuna Self Help Project – Manual Device
The photograph depicts the manual device for making briquettes. The bucket in the middle is waste paper mixed with water ready to be mixed with charcoal residue. The bucket on the right contains the final mixture for briquettes.
Appendix 14: The Kadamuna Self Help Project – Briquettes
The Kadamuna Self Help Project.
The briquettes are put out to dry.
From the left: Joseph Oketh
Odhiambo (Chairman and responsible for shoe repairs),
Solomon Otieno Okoth (Salesman and our main contact to this project)
and John Okelo (Production Manager of Briquettes).
Briquettes are produced for cooking and can support a fire for approximately four hours.
86
Appendix 15: The Kadamuna Self Help Project – Demonstration
John Okelo (Production Manager of Briquettes in the Kadamuna Self Help Project) demonstrating to
us how the manual device for making briquettes function while Solomon Otieno Okoth (Salesman and
our main contact to this project) explains the process.
Appendix 16: Walking with Raphael Owino by the Railway
Raphael Owino (left) walking with us on the
railway in Kibera, explaining about the
governmental policy plans for building another railway in 2014. On both sides of the
track, shops are located even though the
train passes twice daily.
87