Monastic_Dances_in_Bhutan.

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Monastic Dances in Bhutan:
The Dance of Padmasambhava’s Eight Aspects at
Nyima Lung Monastery, Bumthang
Tenzin Jamtsho
2010
M.Phil. thesis in Tibetan and Buddhist Studies
presented to the Department of Culture Studies and
Oriental Languages
By
Tenzin Jamtsho
University of Oslo
15th May 2010
2
Acknowledgements
No book is written easily and no author can truly boast of succeeding in writing without
anybody’s help. I have been helped by many intellectuals in their various capacities in the
process of writing this thesis. I would like to acknowledge their help with immeasurable
gratitude for going way beyond their duty in the making of my thesis.
First of all I would like to thank my supervisor, Hanna Havnevik, for constant inspiration, for
encouraging me to realize my project and to do this fieldwork. I am very grateful for her
valuable comments on my research during the time I had the honour of studying with her. I
am also indebted for her motherly care when I was having complications in adapting to a new
environment. Without her love and care, I would not have achieved the certificate of M. Phil.
I express my thanks to Astrid Hovden, who helped me by giving extra classes to enhance my
language and in academic writing. I would not have expressed myself so well in my thesis
without her tireless help. I do not want to forget to thank Rinzin Thargyal (Tibetan scholar at
the University of Oslo) for providing me with every possibility for instructing me in Tibetan
literature courses, and being so much concerned whenever I face problems regarding health.
Thank you, rGan la!
I would like to pay my gratitude to Kristine Dehli Høitomt and Tonje Håkensen for their
outstanding administrative work and for arranging amazing sightseeing trips and seminars in
different places. You made my life easier to stay two years in Norway.
Thanks are also due to the Director of the Institute of Language and Cultural Studies,
Semtokha, for his venerable advice and for having supported me when necessary. Françoise
Pommaret, the advisor of the Curriculum Development in ILCS, deserves an incredible thanks
and I acknowledge her immense effort. Without her help, I would not have come to the
University of Oslo to pursue my higher education. So, I pay my heartfelt thanks for her
benevolence and generosity.
I am thankful to Stig Oppedal for proofreading my dissertation time and again. It helped me a
lot. Thank you. I thank all the people I met during my fieldwork for their friendly hospitality,
especially the dance master Dorji Tenzin and Khenpo Ngawang in Nima Lung Monastery and
Khenpo Dorji in Kharchhu Dratshang, for giving me indispensable information. I was
fortunate to meet these intellectual informants from whom I could elicit all the specific
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information. Moreover, I am indebted to Nima Lung Monastery for helping me a lot during
the course of my fieldwork.
I should not forget to thank my dear wife Kunzang Deki for providing me with company at
the fieldwork site and for otherwise helping me get fully engrossed and concentrate on my
work. She also assisted me in collecting the reference books from her office. My thanks also
go to Tashi Tshering (Bhutanese) for helping me at any course and all the Tibetan students in
Norway for having been so friendly.
Thus, my gratitude goes to all of the above intellectuals. Without the help of all these people
my project would not have been completed and my two year stay in Norway would not have
been wonderful. Thank you everybody. Thank you!!!
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Contents
Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................... 3
Abstract ...................................................................................................................................... 9
The system of transcription ...................................................................................................... 10
Chapter One ........................................................................................................................ 12
General introduction to the topic .................................................................................... 12
1.1
Personal background and interest .............................................................................. 12
1.2 Introduction of the topic ................................................................................................. 13
1.3 Aim and objective of the project .................................................................................... 17
1.4 A glimpse of the field site .............................................................................................. 18
1.4.1 The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism ......................................................................... 20
1.5 The literature .................................................................................................................. 21
1.6 The collection of data ..................................................................................................... 24
1.7 The observations ............................................................................................................ 25
1.8 Interviews ....................................................................................................................... 26
1.9 Research ethics ............................................................................................................... 27
Chapter Two ....................................................................................................................... 28
Festivals and ritual dances in the Nima Lung Monastery ........................................ 28
2.1 Festivals .......................................................................................................................... 28
2.2 Categories of religious ceremonial dances in Bhutan and their introduction ................ 29
2.3 Training for the religious dances .................................................................................... 30
2.4 Qualifications of the dancers in general ......................................................................... 32
2.5 Qualifications of the dance master and the deputy dance master .................................. 33
2.6 Importance of a meditative background in ‘cham performance..................................... 34
2.6.1 The ritual dances on the first day.......................................................................................... 38
2.6.2 The ritual dances on the second day ..................................................................................... 40
2.6.3 The ritual dance on the third day .......................................................................................... 41
2.7 The black hat dance prior to procession of Guru’s Eight Aspects in the dancing
courtyard............................................................................................................................... 41
2.8 The procession of the Guru’s Eight Aspects dance in the arena .................................... 42
2.9 The old man ‘Mitshering’ .............................................................................................. 44
2.9.1 The dialogue between the atsara and Mitshering ................................................................ 48
2.10 What makes the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in Nima Lung Monastery unique?
.............................................................................................................................................. 51
5
Chapter Three .................................................................................................................... 55
The dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects ......................................................................... 55
3.1 The manifestation as Padma Gyalpo and the ‘cham ....................................... 58
3.1.1 Acquirement of the name ..................................................................................................... 58
3.1.2 Features and instruments of Padma Gyalpo in the ‘cham .................................................... 60
3.1.3 Symbols and visualization .................................................................................................... 61
3.1.4 The dance of Pema Gyalpo................................................................................................... 61
3.1.5 Significance of the dance of Padma Gyalpo ......................................................................... 62
3.1.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 63
3.2 The manifestation as Nima Odzer and the ‘cham ............................................ 64
3.2.1 Acquirement of the name ..................................................................................................... 64
3.2.2 Features and instruments of Nima Odzer in the ‘cham ........................................................ 66
3.2.3 Symbols and visualization .................................................................................................... 66
3.2.4 The dance of Nima Odzer..................................................................................................... 67
3.2.5 Significance of the dance of Nima Odzer ............................................................................. 68
3.2.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 69
3.3. The manifestation as Loden Choksey and the ‘cham ..................................... 70
3.3.1 Acquirement of the name ..................................................................................................... 70
3.3.2 Features and apparatus of Loden Choksey in the ‘cham ...................................................... 72
3.3.3 Visualization ......................................................................................................................... 73
3.3.4 The dance of Loden Choksey ............................................................................................... 73
3.3.5 Significance of the dance of Loden Choksey ....................................................................... 74
3.3.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 75
3.4 The manifestation as Padmasambhava and the ‘cham ................................... 76
3.4.1 Acquirement of the name ..................................................................................................... 76
3.4.2 Features and apparatus of Padmasambhava in the ‘cham .................................................... 78
3.4.3 Symbols and visualization .................................................................................................... 79
3.4.4 The dance of Padmasambhava ............................................................................................. 79
3.4.5 Significance of the dance of Padmasambhava ..................................................................... 80
3.4.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 81
3.5 The manifestation as Shakya Senge and ‘cham ................................................ 82
3.5.1 Acquirement of the name ..................................................................................................... 82
3.5.2 Features and apparatus of Shakya Senge in the ‘cham ......................................................... 84
3.5.3 Visualization ......................................................................................................................... 84
6
3.5.4 The dance of Shakya Senge .................................................................................................. 85
3.5.5 Significance of the dance of Shakya Senge .......................................................................... 85
3.5.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 86
3.6 The manifestation as Senge Dradrok and the ‘cham....................................... 87
3.6.1 Acquirement of name ........................................................................................................... 87
3.6.2 Features and apparatus of Senge Dradrok in the ‘cham ....................................................... 88
3.6.3 Visualization ......................................................................................................................... 89
3.6.4 The dance of Senge Dradok ................................................................................................. 89
3.6.5 Significance of the dance of Senge Dradok.......................................................................... 90
3.6.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 91
3.7 The manifestation as Tshokey Dorji and the ‘cham ........................................ 92
3.7.1 Acquirement of the name ..................................................................................................... 92
3.7.2 Features and apparatus of Tshokey Dorji in the ‘cham ........................................................ 93
3.7.3 Symbols and visualization .................................................................................................... 94
3.7.4 The dance of Tshokey Dorji ................................................................................................. 95
3.7.5 Significance of the dance of Tshokey Dorji ......................................................................... 95
3.7.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 96
3.8 The manifestation as Dorji Drolo and the ‘cham............................................. 97
3.8.1 Acquirement of the name ..................................................................................................... 97
3.8.2 Features and apparatus of Dorji Drolo in the ‘cham ............................................................ 99
3.8.3 Symbols and visualization .................................................................................................... 99
3.8.4 The dance of Dorji Drolo ................................................................................................... 100
3.8.5 Significance of the dance of Dorji Drolo............................................................................ 101
3.8.6 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 102
3.8.7 The Guru’s Eight Aspects ‘cham: Conclusion ................................................................... 102
3.8.8 Peoples’ perspectives and benefits ..................................................................................... 104
Chapter Four .................................................................................................................... 106
Analysis of the ‘cham in general and of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in
particular ............................................................................................................................. 106
4.1 General introduction ..................................................................................................... 106
4.2 The ‘cham as a medium of transmitting information ................................................... 107
4.3 The ‘cham as tantric practice........................................................................................ 115
4.4 The ‘cham as a rapid method of achieving enlightenment ........................................... 117
4.5 The ‘cham as ‘liberation through seeing’ ..................................................................... 119
4.6 Whose manifestations are the terrorizing and protective deities? ................................ 121
4.7 Significance of the costumes ........................................................................................ 123
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4.8 The religious merit for the practitioner and the audience ............................................ 124
4.9 ‘Cham corresponding to the six perfections ................................................................. 124
Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 126
Bibliography ........................................................................................................................... 129
Glossary .................................................................................................................................. 135
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Abstract
Guru Rinpoche, who is famous for his introduction of the Vajrayana form of Buddhism in the
Himalayan countries in eighth century, is highly venerated by the Bhutanese people. Tradition
tells of many occasions in different parts of the country when Guru Rinpoche confronted and
overcame the evil spirits. Not by destroying or driving them out, but by overwhelming them
with his magnificence, through the religious dances, so that they became humble and
submissive to his word, took refuge, became the followers of Buddhism bound under oath to
protect the religious doctrine. Having thus pacified the spirit world, Guru Rinpoche was free
to disseminate Buddhist teachings unhindered. And in so doing, it is said that he hallowed the
land entirely that not a place remained untouched by his sacred feet.
He is often revered as the second living Buddha. Festivals attributed to his accomplishments
are held on every tenth day of the month and celebrated annually in elaborate cast.
Throughout the kingdom of Bhutan, several kinds of religious dances known as ‘cham are
portrayed on the days of celebrations. The dance of Guru’s Eight Aspects is highly venerated
among these dances.
The thesis deals with the emanations of Guru Rinpoche in the ‘cham performances according
to the tradition in Nyima Lung (Nyi ma lung) Monastery based on three months fieldwork
June-August 2009. I start with a general introduction. Thereafter, festivals and ritual dances in
Nima Lung Monastery in general. However, the major focus is on the Dance of Guru’s Eight
Aspects, its significances and unique portrayal in Nyima Lung Monastery. Analysis of ‘cham
in general and on Guru’s Eight Aspects in particular are given more emphasis. The character
known as Mitshering, explaining the ritual for the audiences seems to be unique for the
performance in Nyima Lung. Otherwise, there does not exist any major differences between
the way the dance is performed in Nyima Lung and other Buddhist monasteries. Performing
the ‘cham is one means for expounding the Buddhist teachings to devout adherents in
Buddhism. Depending upon the individual’s comprehension, ‘cham is understood in various
ways. Nevertheless, according to the Buddhist doctrine it is believed to have great potentiality
in delivering ignorant beings from cyclic existence to enlightenment within one life time.
9
The system of transcription
There are several ways of transcribing Tibetan into Roman script. Since most of the scholars
prefer to use the transcription system described by Turrell V.Wylie, I have chosen to use his
method of transcription to make it easier for the readers.
I will give all the Tibetan terms in phonetic transcription with transliteration the first time the
name or term is used. I will also provide a list of all the names and technical terms in phonetic
transcription as well as in transliteration at the end of my thesis. I have tried to keep near to
the (Tibetan and) Bhutanese pronunciation without diverting too much from the Tibetan and
Bhutanese spellings. In orthographic transcription I put the root letters in capitals for all the
names and for technical terms I used italics. For instance, the name of the person Dorji
Wangmo is written ‘rDo rje dbang mo’. I found this orthographic transcription helpful to keep
the Tibetan and Bhutanese spellings unchanged and convenient for all the readers.
ka
kha
ga
nga
ca
cha
ja
nya
ta
tha
da
na
pa
pha
ba
ma
tsa
tsha
dza
wa
zha
za
‘a
ya
ra
la
sha
sa
ha
a
i
u
e
o
10
Abbreviations
NJ:
Compiled by Ngawang Jamtsho (Lecture of ILCS), Dramitse
Ngacham
PSR and TDR:
Palden Sherab Rinpoche and Tshewang Dongyal Rinpoche
OGP:
O rgyan gu ru padma ’byung gnas kyi gsol ’debs le’u bdun ma’i
lo rgyus dmigs rim phan yon dang le’u bdun ma de’i rten bskyed
RAPA:
Royal Academy of Performing Arts, the first refinement
conference on religious dance held at vocational training
institute, Phuntsholing. Published as journal, Vol. No. 1
KYD:
Khen po Yeshe Dorje, sTon pa thugs rje chan gyi rnam thar
dang, ‘phags bod pan grub bgya mtsho’i btogs brjod bcas phogs
chig tu bkod pa dad gsum pad mo bzhad pa’i nyin byed ches bya
ba bzhugs so, Compilation of blossoming lotus of respect and
the ocean of biography of Buddha and important Buddhist
figures.
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Chapter One
General introduction to the topic
1.1 Personal background and interest
Since I was three years old, I have been acquainted with the religious environment. I was
taught to both read and write Buddhist texts by my grandfather until I was seven. Thereafter, I
was sent to a local monastery Thrichu Gonpa (Khri chu dgon pa) to practice religious rituals.
During the course of my stay in the monastery, I had the opportunity to take part in the ‘cham
dance as well. Large and heavy costumes gave me a tough time when I was between the ages
of seven and thirteen. During the seven years of my stay in the monastery, not as a fully
ordained monk but as a lay practitioner, I had access to all the religious teachings including
the empowerment of the ‘Collection of Precious Concealed Treasure’ (Rin chen gter mdzod
kyi dbang) considered to be one of the most important teachings in the Nyingmapa tradition. I
took most of the vows for lay people from several lamas since I was young. I have also
received religious empowerments (dbang), transmissions (lung) and teachings (khrid) of
almost all the Buddhist teachings including the treatises. Being juvenile, I did not want to
continue in the monastery and left it for a Western education. I studied until tenth grade in the
general schools where I had access to learning social sciences, science, mathematics, language
and cultural studies. Having completed the tenth grade, I opted for joining the Institute of
Language and Cultural Studies (ILCS), Semtokha, where I had access to learning Buddhist
philosophy, language and cultural studies. During my five years of study at the institute, I
studied Buddhist philosophical texts, the practice of Boddhisattva, Madhyamaka (the middle
path) and metaphysics. Besides, I also studied some of the five major sciences, ornate poetry,
grammar, works of art and so forth. The studies of conventional cultural subjects were vital as
the institute’s aim is to preserve Bhutanese culture and tradition. Coincidently, I have a
specific interest in cultural studies, in particular the performing arts. Therefore, I took some of
the performing subjects as mandatory and some out of interest.
Among the several performing art subjects, I took the ‘cham as my main subject besides
philosophical studies and languages until I completed my bachelor degree in 2005. I
performed several kinds of ‘cham in different places for various occasions and celebrations. I
took the responsibility of being the dance master and deputy dance master for several
occasions at the institute level. I learned not only the practical performances of the ‘cham but
12
also the theories as well. Since I am interested in and have some knowledge of the ‘cham, I
currently work as a lecturer at the institute, teaching the performing arts subjects and some of
the five major sciences subjects.
It is for this reason I have chosen to write my dissertation about the ‘cham. My intention is
also to get more experience in research on ‘cham, because the knowledge that I elicit in
writing my thesis would help my institute and students. I would also like to find out how
important the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects (Gu ru mtshan brgyad kyi ‘cham) is, for the
Bhutanese people in their daily life and how people in Bhutan consider the ‘cham
performances in general and Guru’s Eight Aspects in particular – its efficacies, significances,
and the differences in the performances according to the different traditions in the
monasteries. Moreover, there are many aspects of the ‘cham that one can study. On the whole,
the abovementioned issues, aims and objectives motivated me in focusing on one of the
dances i.e., the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects performed at the Nima Lung (Nyi ma lung)
Monastery, a monastery which is famous for practicing the Nyingma (rNying ma) tradition of
Tibetan Buddhism.
1.2 Introduction of the topic
The thesis is devoted to the practice of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in Nima Lung
Monastery in central Bhutan. This dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects is performed once every
year on the tenth day of the sixth month of the Bhutanese lunar calendar. The dance is not
only performed in this monastery, but in most monasteries in Bhutan. However, the most
fascinating aspect of this dance in Nima Lung is its unique features when compared with the
same dance at other monasteries and dzongs.1
Guru Rinpoche, as he is called in Bhutan (rather than Padmasambhava), is one of the most
important patrons of the Bhutanese people. He is believed to have mastered all the Buddhist
philosophies and sciences from different masters. Everybody recites and chants the mantras
of Guru Rinpoche, who is also considered as the second Buddha both by Bhutanese and
Dzong is a Bhutanese term often rendered ‘fortresses’ in English. The Bhutanese term dzong denotes the dual
system of a central monastic body and administration. The head of the monastic body (known as; bla ma gnas
brtan) and the head of the administration (the dzong bdag) have their offices in the fortress and have the
responsibility to look after the welfare of the community.
1
13
Tibetans adhering to the Nyingma tradition2 and believed to be the exemplifier of a way of
living, speaking, and so forth. He is believed to be the one who established Tantric Mahayana
Buddhism in Tibet and all the Himalayan countries.
Tantric Buddhism is also known as Tantrayana, Mantrayana, Vajrayana, Secret Mantra, and
Esoteric Buddhism. According to Hanna Havnevik, in Tibetan Buddhist Nuns, the tantric form
of Buddhism, which originated in the sixth century in India, incorporated both Buddhist and
non-Buddhist elements that are varied and very rich in symbolism.3 Oral legends claim that in
general there are two approaches toward Buddhahood. One of the ways is considered to be
slower, but surer toward liberation, as depicted in the Mahayana sutras. The other, shorter
way is likely to help one achieve liberation within a lifetime,4 but it is believed to be risky,
according to the tantras. David L. Snellgrove points out that the Vajrayana and conventional
Mahayana are two different extremes.5 The Vajrayana practice involves several powerful
methods, and is said to be only advisable to those who are of a strong and stable mind.6
Followers of tantrism seem to consider the tantras as superior to Mahayana sutras. As David
L. Snellgrove quotes from Advayavajra’s Tattvaratnavali: “It is superior because of freedom
from confusion due to singleness of meaning, because of its many methods, because it is not
difficult to do and because of its suitability for those with keen senses.”7 The above quotation
apparently depicts that from a Tantric Buddhist perspective tantra is considered superior to
Mahayana sutra, as it says it is easy, uses various methods and is suitable to practice. This is
because of the accomplishments, according to the Nyingmapa tradition, of the great saint
Padmasambhava, who is believed to have come into extraordinary being for the welfare of
sentient beings and to have created several methods for liberation, and who is believed to be
the founder of the Vajrayana tradition according to the Nyingmapa School of Tibetan
Buddhism.8
2
As stated by Kværne, 1987: 583. http:www.jstor.org/stable/717788?cookieSet=1. (Date of access April 20).
Havnevik, 1989: 31.
4
Snellgrove, 2003: 116, 130.
5
He states that, “The main differences derive from the Vajrayana use of incantation and ritual as a means
towards the ultimate goal, whereas in the earlier phases of Buddhism their use was largely peripheral”.
(Snellgrove, 1987: 130).
6
Snellgrove, 1987: 118f.
7
Snellgrove, 1987: 118-119.
8
Sentient beings are believed to have always wandered in ignorance and delusion in the samsaric realms of the
gods, humankind, titans, animals, spirits and hell beings. Beings in these realms are associated with five poisons:
hatred, lust, ignorance, jealousy and pride. Padmasambhava has purposefully come to assist those beings.
(Dowman 1973: 73 (See also Snellgrove, 2003: 96-97).
3
14
According to Tibetan Buddhism there are several classifications of tantras. The four main
classifications are noted as:
1. Action Tantras (kriya tantra)
2. Performance Tantra (carya tantra)
3. Yoga Tantra (yoga tantra) and
4. Supreme Yoga Tantra (anuttarayoga tantra).9
Practising ritual dances known as ‘cham is associated with the tantric practice, for tantric
practice involves several methods, through actions, signs and symbols, including gestures and
so on. Mahamudra (or phyag rgya chen po in Dzongkha (rDzong kha) and Tibetan), i.e. the
use of ritual hand gestures, are vital for this form of practice. For instance, the crossing of the
vajra and bell (‘dril bu) during any kind of ritual performance symbolizes the relation
between means and wisdom (thabs shes zung ‘jug); the integration or fusion of the two
implies the achievement of enlightenment or nirvana.10
According to Bhutanese tradition, the tantric master Guru Rinpoche brought Buddhism to
Bhutan in 746 AD.11 Before the arrival of Buddhism, Bhutan had been described as mon yul
(mon yul),12 where people were believed to practise the Bon tradition; both the so-called
White Bon (Bon dkar) and Black Bon (Bon nag) as well as other pre-Buddhist traditions.
People believed in local deities and worshipped them in their daily lives. These practices still
exist in most communities and have not been rooted out although Buddhism has become a
dominant state religion. Some practices of the Bon religion became incorporated into
Buddhism, and this practice can be vividly seen in most local areas.
In order to establish Buddhism in Bhutan, it is believed that Guru Rinpoche visited it three
times for different reasons. He first visited central Bhutan (Bumthang) to subdue the local
demon of Sheldrak (Shel brag).13 He subdued this demonic force by performing the wrathful
9
Snellgrove, 1987: 119.
See the different symbols of vajra (Snellgrove, 1987: 120-121).
11
His visit in the country is depicted in almost all the history books of Bhutan, such as Bhutan History and the
History of the Clear Mirror by Lam Pemala.
12
Mon: Darkness, without religion and people practising false religion, embraced with another religion (Bon).
People were without knowledge of merit and demerit. They remain in darkness without the light of Dharma.
Yul: The country, region or location. Thus Mon yul means the country of darkness without religion.
13
The name of a cliff. In this cliff, it is believed that there resides a local demon known as Shelging Karpo, who
was believed to have taken the life force of one of the local kings in the valley. In order to revive the life force of
the king, the king invited Guru Rinpoche to Bhutan to Bumthang. At the time, Guru Rinpoche was believed to be
meditating in one of the caves called Maratika in Nepal. Upon the request of the king, Guru Rinpoche came to
10
15
dance called ‘Drag po sdang mig gi ‘cham’ at Kurje (sKu rje), making the local demon a
protector of Buddhism. According to Buddhist interpretation, Bhutan was full of malevolent
forces which had to be subdued in order to successfully introduce Buddhism to the country.
He performed several religious dances at various places to subdue the malevolent forces, and
he is thereby believed to have established the Buddhist religion firmly. Guru Rinpoche is also
believed to have concealed several treasures (gter) and given instructions and prophesies that
could be revealed by treasure discoverers, tertons (gter ston).14 Bhutan is thus known as the
hidden land of treasure (sbas gnas).15
Guru Rinpoche is believed to be one of the most important figures in this hidden land of
treasure, and to the present day, his accomplishments are venerated and regarded by all the
Bhutanese, and people thus celebrate Tshechu (Tshe bcu)16 on the tenth of each lunar month
(the tenth is believed to be the day of Guru Rinpoche’s birth), to commemorate his
achievements. During the annual festivals, several ‘cham attributed to Guru Rinpoche are
performed in all the monasteries for the benefit of sentient beings. The dance of the Guru’s
Eight Aspects is believed to be the most sacred among the dances. I will therefore discuss the
importance of each manifestation in the form of a religious dance in the subsequent chapters
in my thesis.
For Bhutanese people ‘cham functions as a medium of transmission17 that imparts and
disseminates messages related to traditional values and religious beliefs and ideas. People
believe that they must witness it at least once in their lifetime in order to get some kind of
boon from the dakas, dakinis and bodhisattvas, and to get familiar with both the wrathful and
the peaceful deities before they enter into purgatory. Several meanings and identifications are
thereby imparted. Among the six ways of liberation, the practice of ‘cham and the portrayal of
thankas (thang ka) ‘Scroll painting’ is classified under the ‘liberation of seeing’ (mthong grol)
through which one can obtain liberation from the human cyclic realm (‘khor ba) in
contemporary life. Eight manifestations of Guru Rinpoche are portrayed on painted scrolls,
Bumthang and helped the king regain the life force by subduing the local demon and making him the protector of
Buddhism. Upon Guru Rinpoche’s visit, it is believed that the Tantric Buddhism was firmly established.
14
Discussed under section 1.4.1 ‘The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism’.
15
sbas means ‘hidden’ and gnas means ‘sacred site’.
16
The tenth day of every month is known as Tshechu in Bhutanese and Tibetan. However, there is no ‘cham on
every tenth day of the month, although religious ceremonies are performed in every monastery dedicated to Guru
Rinpoche.
17
Pommaret 2006 See also chapter 4.2 below.
16
thangka, and are performed in an exalted way as the Guru’s Eight Aspects dance by the
monks in every monastery in the country during the annual festivals. Though this dance is
preformed throughout the country, I am going to look at the ways and means that it is
performed in the Nima Lung Monastery in central Bhutan, Bumthang Chumey (Chu smad)
village.
1.3 Aim and objective of the project
The main aim of the thesis is to describe and discuss the practice of the ‘cham of Guru’s Eight
Aspects based on the tradition in Nima Lung Monastery. My aim is to discover what makes
the Guru’s Eight Aspects dance portrayed in the Nima Lung Monastery a different and a
unique one. I will also give the brief historical backgrounds (acquirement of different names)
of each manifestation of Guru Rinpoche in order to discuss the dance of each aspect in detail.
I was motivated to do fieldwork on this topic after having read several legends about the
accomplishments of Guru Rinpoche and also because of hearing that the Guru’s Eight Aspects
dance in Nima Lung was unlike the practice in other monasteries in Bhutan. Therefore, I
wanted to find out in what ways it is similar and what makes it dissimilar. Also I would like to
find out what the fundamental requisites for being a practitioner are and how these
prerequisites are fulfilled. When it comes to the mythical legends of Guru Padmasambhava,
there are many biographies. However, I will only be referring to some of the secondary
references, religious texts and daily cited ritual texts.
The objective of this thesis is to provide precise and coherent knowledge about the eight
manifestations of Guru Rinpoche as played out in the ‘cham performance. The thesis will
hopefully give a clear picture of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in Nima Lung
Monastery in particular with its unique features in comparison with some other Buddhist
monastic dances within Bhutan and elsewhere in other countries. I will describe peoples’
perspectives of the dance, the dance’s meanings, and the benefit that both the practitioner and
the spectators obtain from religious dances in general and Guru’s Eight Aspects in particular.
My thesis will take in traditional beliefs and orally transmitted legends as well as Buddhist
doctrine and belief. Beside the discussion of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects, my thesis
may also help provide information about the monastery, festivals and religious ceremonial
dances other than the Guru’s Eight Aspects dance organized in the Nima Lung Monastery.
17
1.4 A glimpse of the field site
I chose to carry out my fieldwork in Nima Lung Monastery in central Bhutan from June to
August 2009. There were various reasons for selecting Nima Lung Monastery. The monastery
is popular when it comes to the practice of the Nyingma tradition, and the procession of the
Guru’s Eight Aspects dance seems to have different features than monastic dances performed
in other monasteries. Furthermore, the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects is according to the
Nyingma tradition. The place is also quite near where I live, though this was not a primary
reason for selecting the field site – there are several monasteries nearby and most of the
festivals in the monasteries start almost at the same time. Therefore it is convenient for me to
compare and contrast the dances to investigate the exact variations. Though I compare several
monasteries, my main focus is on Nima Lung Monastery.
Nima Lung Monastery is a forty - to fifty-minute car drive from tiny Chamkhar (lCam mkhar)
town in central Bhutan to the west, and a six - to seven-hour drive from the capital city of
Bhutan, Thimphu (Thim phug) to the east. The monastery is located near the Chumey village
in a site surrounded by beautiful pine trees.
The monastery was built in 1935 (in the Wood Pig Year) by a lama called Doring Tulku (rDo
ring sprul sku). In the beginning it did not have an advanced institute for learning Buddhist
philosophical texts in depth other than ritual performances in the monastery. However, for
advanced learners of philosophical texts a shedra (bshad grwa) was set up a few years ago,
and the monastery at Pangla Pogto (sPang la spog tog), which is a few minutes walk from
Nima Lung Monastery, and which is believed to have been built in the 1850s according to the
abbot of the monastery is used for this learning centre. The Pangla Pogto Monastery is in
good condition and can accommodate 20-30 monks with an abbot (mkhan po) and one
caretaker. It became a branch monastery of Nima Lung after having set up the shedra,
because the Nima Lung Monastery alone could not accommodate all the monks.
The Nyingma tradition is followed in the Nima Lung Monastery quite intact. They do not
practise the Kagyu (bKa rgyud) tradition, even though some monasteries practise both the
traditions, which they call karning zungdel (dkar rnying zung ‘brel). This may unintentionally
give the impression that there is discrimination between these two traditions, but it is not the
reason, according to my informants. My informants stated that they have adhered to the
18
Nyingma tradition since its founding date, and it is to keep the tradition unaltered from the
past, but not because of discrimination between the traditions. Among the Nyingma
practitioners, this monastery has a high status, and people believe it is the model for the
Nyingma tradition adherents, according to my informants.18 Therefore, I will briefly discuss
the Nyingma tradition in the following.
Figur 1: A google map showing fieldwork sites
18
This is according to my informants, whom I have interviewed several times. My informants told me that most
of the people come to learn in the monastery from different places to follow this tradition.
19
1.4.1 The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism
The Nyingma School is the oldest of the four major traditions in Tibetan Buddhism. The three
others are the Kagyu (bKa’ rgyud), Sakya (Sa skya) and Gelug (dGe lugs). Nyingma literally
means the ‘ancient’ and it is often referred to as the School of Ancient Translation. The origin
of the Nyingma tradition traces back to the Indian Saint Padmasambhava, who is believed to
have come to Tibet to introduce Buddhism on the invitation of Tibetan King Thrisrong Detsen
(Khri srong lde btsen, 755-97) in the eighth century.19
However, because of the political fragmentation,20 it is said that the ancient tradition almost
disappeared. Nevertheless, fortunately, a few dedicated Tibetan monks managed to keep their
faith alive during the so-called Dark Age.21 Meanwhile, a number of new Buddhist Schools
developed, each adhering to different masters, lineages, special systems and meditative
approaches to experience. However, even in the midst of these new developments, it is
believed that the Nyingma School was able to maintain its own unique identity and to treasure
its teachings and precepts.22 People believe that the Nyingma tradition was further
strengthened particularly by Padmasambhava’s filling the land of Himalayan countries with
sacred treasures (gter) at several places, which were rediscovered by several individuals
according to his vision and proscribed prophecy. Nyingma followers are said to have included
different grades of indigenous religious practice in the arrangement of their teachings into
nine vehicles/methods/ways (theg pa).23 These are the methods for liberation according to
Nyingma tradition. The nine ways of Nyingma tradition are: 24
1. Sravakayana (nyan thostheg pa)
2. Pratyekabuddhayana (rang rgyal theg pa)
3. Boddhisattvayana (byang sems theg pa)
4.
Kriyayana
5.
Upayana
6.
Yogayana
19
Snellgrove, 2003: 170-171. See also Dowman, 1973: 69-70.
Believed to be the anti-Buddhist King Langdarma (gLang Dar ma), the elder brother of Relpachen (Ral pa
chen), who detested Buddhism. Dudjom Rinpoche, 1991: 394.
21
Ibid.
22
Dudjom Rinpoche, 1991: 394-395.
23
Snellgrove, 1987: 407.
24
Snellgrove (1987: 407) interestingly compares the nine Nyingma yanas to the nine yanas in Bon. The
differences and similarities between the two traditions are vividly described in his passage about “Bla-med thegpa (Highest Way =rDzog chen)” in the Nyingma tradition.
20
20
7. Mahayogayana
8. Anuyogayana
9.
Atiyogayana
According to Snellgrove, Atiyogayana is the highest yana or thegpa in the Nyingma tradition.
This tantric philosophy was believed to be transmitted by Padmasambhava. Bhutanese people
rever him as the one who established the tantric Buddhism in the Himalayan countries and he
is the most significant figure for the people who adhere to the Nyingma tradition. His
importance can be vividly seen by people celebrating monthly and annual prayer offerings,
portrayal of ritual dances and so forth. The Guru’s Eight Aspects dance performed during
these celebrations is therefore believed to be the typical Nyingmapa dance, Padmasambhava
himself being a promulgator of this tradition.
1.5 The literature
Works on religious ceremonial dances by Bhutanese, Western and Tibetan scholars must be
taken into consideration. Some work has been done on ‘cham rituals in general, most notably
by Rene de Nebesky-Wojkowitz (1976), Cathy Cantwell (1995) and Ellen Pearlman (2002).25
However, very little research has been done on Guru’s Eight Aspects dance. NebeskyWojkowitz, in his book on Tibetan religious dance, briefly presents the Guru’s Eight Aspects
dance. His description is general, although he points out its belonging to the Nyingmapa
tradition. He asserts that the Guru’s Eight Aspects dance is staged on the tenth day of the
Monkey Year of the Tibetan calendar in Nyingmapa monasteries, and people believe this to
be the day on which Guru Padmasambhava was alleged to have been born,26 which also
corresponds to the Bhutanese tradition. An in-depth study of Guru’s Eight Aspets, not as
‘cham but a description of each manifestation of Guru Rinpoche, was written by the Tibetan
lama/scholar Khenchen Palden Sherab Rinpoche (mKhan chen Shes rab rin po che) and
translated by Khenpo Tshewang Dongyal Rinpoche (mKhan po Tshe dbang don rgyal rin po
che) under the title of “The Eight Manifestations of Guru Padmasambhava”.27 This article
gives details about each manifestation of Guru Rinpoche.
Mona Schrempf has also written a PhD thesis on ‘cham, but since it is in German, I can not read it.
Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1976: 9-84.
27
http://www.turtlehill.org/khen/eman.html, 07.05.2009.
25
26
21
The only thorough study published in a Western language I have found so far on this
particular ‘cham is the article by Cantwell on the performance in Rewalsar in Himachal
Pradesh, Northern India.28 In her article, she mentions that the Guru’s Eight Aspects dance is
a ritual dance which was derived from the visions of the thirteenth-century Tibetan master
Guru Chowang (Gu ru Chos dbang). In her discussion, she also states that the practice of
‘cham is a tantric form of teaching, which indicates how ‘liberation upon seeing’ (mthong
grol) is explored.29
To the best of my knowledge nothing has yet been written about the religious ceremonial
dance of Guru’s Eight Aspects performed in Bhutan. However, there are a couple of
instructive works on other ‘cham dances. Françoise Pommaret’s “Dance in Bhutan: A
Traditional Medium of Information”, explains how ‘cham dances in general can be fruitfully
understood as means for transmitting religious information to the people.30 In addition, there
is some scholarly work by Bhutanese writers on the religious ceremonial dances in general.
For instance, in Sithel Dorji’s work “The Origin and Description of Bhutanese Mask Dances”
(dPal ldan ‘brug pa’i ‘cham gyi ‘byung khungs dang le’u bshad), the origin and enumeration
of the episodes of almost twenty-six kinds of dances are briefly described with beautiful
photographs.31 His book covers most of the mask dances that are prevalent in the country;
however, his work does not mention the dance of Guru’s Eight Aspects.
For my thesis on the dance of Guru’s Eight Aspects, I have referred to some relevant Buddhist
scriptures both in classical languages and written in Dzongkha in Bhutan. The most important
include: 1) Chos spyod kyi rims pa rnam par grol ba’i lam gyi shing rta, ‘A Series of
practices of Dharma for the wagon path of emancipation’ by Dudjom Rinpoche Jigdrel Yeshe
Dorje (Dud ’joms ’Jigs bral ye shes rdo rje). 2) O rgyan gu ru padma ’byung gnas kyi gsol
’debs le’u bdun ma’i lo rgyus dmigs rim phan yon dang le’u bdun ma de’i rten bskyed, ‘A
seven-line supplicating prayer for Guru Pad ma ‘byung gnas, its usefulness and visualization’,
compiled by Padma Thinley (believed to have been discovered as terma (gter ma) by bZang
po grags pa in the fourteenth century). 3) Pad ma bka’ thang, ‘Life and liberation of
Padmasambhava’, Ugyen Lingpa (14th century). 5) sTon pa thugs rje chan gyi rnam thar
dang, ‘phags bod pan grub bgya mtsho’i btogs brjod bcas phogs chig tu bkod pa dad gsum
Cantwell, 2003: “The Dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects”.
Ibid.
30
Pommaret, 2006: www.bhutanstudies.org.bt
31
The title is translated from Bhutanese.
28
29
22
pad mo bzhad pa’i nyin byed, ‘Compilation of blossoming lotuses of respect and the ocean of
biographies of Buddha and important Buddhist figures’, compiled by Khenpo Yeshi Dorji.
Some of the scriptures have page numbers in English and it is convenient to cite them. So I
have made use of these references to help the readers and myself as well. Other scriptures are
not referred in the text, but I have read them and they have helped develop my understanding
of the ‘cham. I have listed those texts in the bibliography.
The two-volume work The Life and Liberation of Padmasambhava, translated into English by
Kenneth Douglas and Gwendolyn Bays from the French Le Dict de Padma by Gustav-Charles
Toussaint, provides a translation of Padma bka'i thang yig, which according to tradition was
recorded by Yeshe Tshogyal (Ye shes mtshogyal) and rediscovered by Terchen Ugyen Lingpa
(O rgyan gling pa). The corrected English version, which includes the original Tibetan
manuscripts and an introduction, has proved very useful because the book contains detailed
accounts of Padmasambhava’s eight aspects.
To elaborate a little bit on the ritual text Chos spyod kyi rims pa rnam par grol ba’i lam gyi
shing rta, ‘A series of practices of Dharma for the wagon path of emancipation’ by Dud ’joms
’Jigs bral ye shes rdo rje (n.d.), which I have mentioned above, has been useful for my thesis
as it accounts praising verses recited when the dance of each aspect is exhibited in the dancing
arena. I have translated the verses from this ritual text as they are essential for the discussion
of my thesis. In addition, there are some translations and analyses of relevant ritual texts
available in German.32 Since I do not read German, I could not use them as sources of
information.
Another very good but short analytical work on the biographies of Padmasambhava by AnneMarie Blondeau deserves mentioning.33 The writer discusses the different biographies of
Padmasambhava and concludes that even if the classification by Tibetan scholars helps sort
the texts into different categories, there are still a number of problems regarding the date and
identity of the inventor of the classification. Blondeau discusses the classification according to
two variations of the account of the birth of Padmasambhava: the rdzus skyes (‘miraculous
32
Klaus, Christa. 1985. Schutz vor den Naturgefahren: Tibetische Ritualtexte aus dem Rin chen gter mdzod
editiert, ubersetzt und kommentiert , Mona,Schrempf. 1994. "Tibetan ritual dances and the transformation of
space", in the Tibet Journal (special issue edited by Toni Huber), Vol.XIX No.2
33
The article appeared in in Michael Aris and Aung San Suu Kyi (eds.) Tibetan Studies in Honour of Hugh
Richardson. Blondeau, 1980: 45-52.
23
birth’) and mngal skyes (‘birth from the womb’). These two contradicting traditions point to
problems in the discussion of authentication of the birth of Padmasambhava.34 In line with
Anne-Marie Blondeau, David L. Snellgrove also mentions the uncertainty related to
Padmasambhava’s diverging historical backgrounds. However, he states that although the
verification of the historical backgrounds must be left to the reader, the biographies are a
remarkable piece of writing of medival Tibetan literature. These texts claiming to be true
pieces of Tibetan writing and professional, Tibetan Buddhist works, are read throughout by
practitioners, philosophers, Buddhists and Western scholars.35
Anne-Marie Blondeau also mentions that we do not know how many biographies of
Padmasambhava have actually been produced. According to Nyingma tradition there are
supposed to be ten thousand nine hundred stories which were believed to have been recorded
by his closest consorts. In order to provide a more realistic number, she quotes the sixteenth
century master dPa’ bo gTsug lag phreng ba, who claimed to have come across fifty different
versions of the biography.36 The article which comprises the most detailed English-language
account of the eight aspects of Padmasambhava is the one by Khenchen Palden Sherab
Rinpoche and Tshewang Dongyal Rinpoche, as mentioned above. It should be noted that the
article is not an academic text, but written from the emic point of view. In the absence of
available scholarly literature, I have found it informative and in line with the viewpoints of
my informants; I have therefore used it for my thesis. However, whereas I have made use of a
number of works in Western languages, most of the information in my thesis is based on my
collected fieldwork data.
1.6 The collection of data
Part of my thesis is based upon a study of relevant Buddhist texts (classical texts), as well as
secondary literature. However, most of the thesis is based upon the fieldwork interviews
conducted in June-August 2009. To investigate daily life and religious practice in the
monastery, I spent almost three months doing research in Nima Lung Monastery.
Part of the time was also spent in the National Library of Bhutan, reading historical
biographies of Guru Rinpoche, and part of the time was spent in several monasteries like
34
Blondeau, 1980: 49.
Snellgrove, 2003: 98-99.
36
Blondeau, 1980: 45.
35
24
Kharchu Dratshang (mKhar chu grwa tshang), Kurje Monastery (sKur rje lha khang),
Tharpaling Monastery (Thar pa gling lha khang), Jampel Lhakhang (Byams dpal lha khang)
and some other school libraries. I formally interviewed four abbots concerning historical data,
the importance of the ‘cham, the implications of Guru’s Eight Aspects dance for the
practitioners, and in-depth religious perspectives; in addition I interviewed five dance masters.
In total I interviewed fifteen people: monks participating in the dance; religious specialists;
khenpos, lay people both men and women; the audience; and some younger people, both male
and female. However, most of the informantion used in my thesis were from religious
specialists or dance masters though I have interviewed several people. My lay informants
were randomly selected without distinguishing gender and do not belong to or represent any
of the monasteries. They were chosen because they presumably had knowledge about the
particular dance and religious dances in general. Otherwise information was gathered by
informal interviews and discussions with a number of people during the festival and at other
times. Most of the data was gathered informally.
1.7 The observations
The research techniques suggested by Raymond L. Gold seem to be the most useful for my
research.37 Gold’s methodology includes four methods of securing the data through fieldwork:
complete participant (full-time participation in all the programmes), participant as observer
(partially participating in the programmes in order to observe), observer as participant (more
or less the same as in case two, but with less emphasis on participation) and complete
observer (without participating in any kinds of programme, observing rather from the
outside). For acquiring the data, I used two of his methods: observer as a participant and
complete observer.
During the time I was at the monastery, the data were collected mainly by participant
observation and by both formal and informal discussions with monks and the dance master. I
observed the dancers during their training and rehearsal. Sometimes I also participated in the
dance during training. I observed how long the training was given to the monks, how they
decided to personify each character in the dance, and who had the right to join in the training,
and I learned about their qualifications. This observation was carried out before the main
festival started.
37
Bryman, 2001: 143-147.
25
During the main show, I observed the preparation of the dance in the preparation room. The
first floor of the temple is used as the preparation room during the main show. Then I
observed the procession of the dance, its costumes and ornaments, and the way people
prostrate themselves and show their enthusiasm and devotion when the dance of the Guru’s
Eight Aspects is in the procession in the courtyard.
During the main show, I was a complete observer. I also took photographs of each character
of Guru’s Eight Aspects. The spectators were fully engrossed with prostration and chanting
mantras of Guru Rinpoche when the dance was staged. Some spectators bowed down on the
ground, rushing, pushing and pulling each other in order to see the dance of Guru’s Eight
Aspects. So, I started randomly interviewing people at the moment I saw them.
1.8 Interviews
It is interesting to interview religious masters about the historical backgrounds of the
particular dances since they have in-depth ideas and knowledge and are highly qualified in
Buddhist philosophy. I did not use any structured questions for all the informants, rather my
interviews were carried out informally. However, I tried to ask the same questions to the
abbots in different monasteries to investigate the different perspectives. To get the
perspectives of the laity, I interviewed lay people at random.
Sometimes it was difficult to interview the lay people in a group. The problem was that
nobody wanted to answer the questions. Instead, they would merely pass the questions on to
each other, as they were afraid to make a mistake when answering. I felt it was generally a
waste of time, and I therefore stopped doing group interviews. But I also realized that this is
the Buddhist way of being reluctant to answer. However, I took more initiative in
interviewing the religious specialists to get in-depth knowledge.
Whenever I went to the field site, I was always well equipped with camera, voice recorder,
paper and pen and some prepared questions in mind. My pocket was filled with a combination
of a bitter nut (rdog ma) and plant (pa ni), which Bhutanese are fond of consuming, and also
chewing gum. This does not mean I bribed the informants. Offering them something edible
and using humour helps build a quick rapport with the potential informants, so that a
26
researcher is more easily able to gather information. I also experienced that a researcher needs
to be articulate and be extrovert if one wishes to get access to informants.
1.9 Research ethics
Initially, I was unsure whether I would be embraced or shunned. In the beginning, all my
informants thought I was a representative from the government who was sent to interview
them about a monastery and the dance. Gradually, however, they came to realize that I am not
a representative from the government, as I went on explaining about myself and my current
career.
During the course of the fieldwork, I assumed that honesty, integrity, objectivity, carefulness,
openness, respect for intellectual property and confidentiality seem to be fundamental
requirements for eliciting information from the informants. These are all ethical issues when a
researcher is doing fieldwork, and I thus followed such ethics accordingly.
27
Chapter Two
Festivals and ritual dances in the Nima Lung Monastery
2.1 Festivals
The literal meaning of the term tshechu (tshe bcu) is the tenth day. For Bhutanese people,
however, Tshechu can also mean festival, and the Bhutanese use the term to refer to a number
of festivals. Nevertheless, the celebrations of the New Year, Losar (Lo gsar), and the
celebrations of Saga Dawa (Sag a zla ba), for instance, are not referred to by the term
Tshechu, though such celebrations are also considered to be festivals. There seems therefore
to be some variation in festival terminology. In this context, however, I will use the term
Tshechu as to mean ‘festival’ and will discuss the importance of the day both in general and
in regard to the festival in Nima Lung Monastery and its religious monastic dances.
A festival, according to Peter Harvey, is a day where Buddhists enjoy and appreciate the
festival as a time to reaffirm their devotion and commitment, create merit both individually
and environmentally, build up values, bind the community together and also partake in merry
making.38 He is absolutely right I guess because people consider the day to be very important.
Furthermore, several lamas have highlighted the importance of the Tshechu,39 which is the
tenth day of the month considered as the day when Padmasambhava was miraculously born
from the centre of a Lotus flower. In order to commemorate and to pay homage to his
achievements, Buddhists in Bhutan and also in some other Tibetan Buddhist cultural areas
celebrate on the tenth day. Particularly Nyingma followers40 celebrate this day as the day of
Padmasambhava. In Bhutan, in almost every monastery and even in private houses, praising
and ritual performances dedicated to Padmasambhava are common on that day.
Correspondingly, David L. Snellgrove states that the various divine manifestion of
Padmasambhava is the core in number of tantric rituals.41 For people adhering to Tibetan
Buddhism, particularly the Nyingmapas, this is a time where all lay people quit their mundane
household works and go on a pilgrimage. People are busy organizing feast offerings known as
38
Harvey, 1990: 191-192.
Compilation, Royal Academic of Performing Arts, Thimphu, 2007: 17 (hereafter, RAPA).
40
For Nyingma adherents, every tenth day is celebrated as Guru’s day, but not on a grand scale as during the
annual festival. During this day no dances will be performed; however, several ritual texts that are dedicated to
Guru Padmasambhava are recited and religious offerings are performed.
41
Snellgrove, 2003: 172.
39
28
tshog (tshogs)42 in their personal houses or in the temples. Every tenth day of the month is
considered as a holy day, which Bhutanese people believe is precious times for them to gather
merit that may help them achieve a good life in their next rebirth.
Likewise, Nima Lung Monastery is also one of the prominent sites where Buddhists in Bhutan
go on pilgrimage, for offerings and to witness the religious dances during the celebrative
festivals. There are several minor festivals (monthly religious offering celebrations) in Nima
Lung Monastery; however, the most celebrated ones are one in the month of July and one in
the month of November. During the festivals and during Tshechu in particular, complex
monastic dances are performed. Therefore, in the following I will discuss first the different
categories of religious dances in Bhutan and then the training for the dancers when they
prepare for the festivals in Nima Lung Monastery.
2.2 Categories of religious ceremonial dances in Bhutan and their
introduction
Among the many religious ceremonies in Bhutan, religious dances are regarded as among the
most important. Moreover, the Bhutanese believe that the main Buddhist doctrines are
reflected in these rituals, because Buddhism in Bhutan does not separate doctrinal philosophy
from ritual practice.
Religious dances in Bhutan have largely been categorized in two ways: the first is labelled
‘monk dance’ (dge slong ‘cham),43 and ideally it is said that it can only be performed by the
monks. This, however, seems to depend upon the monastery and also on whether a sufficient
number of performers is available.44 The other type of dance is termed bod ‘cham45 and is
42
This is a mixture of different kinds of edible food gathered together in a large bowl in front of the altar until
the ritual performance is finished. This tshogs is also distributed among the ritual performers and to other people
who come to visit the temple that day as pilgrims. The rest is left for a patron of the day. The components of
tshogs are rice, different kinds of meat, vegetables (both cooked and uncooked), biscuits, popcorn, sweets,
prepared ritual cakes, and so on.
43
This means that the ‘cham is performed by the monks in the monasteries. The dance is believed to have been
introduced by Padmasambhava, who is also known by the Nyingmapas as the second Buddha. This may be the
reason for why the dance is so named, because in this dance the costumes are long like the robes of the monks,
although they are made of silk brocade. In almost every dance in this category, the costumes are similar although
they may have some additional, minor decorations according to the dance. And the steps of the dances are
usually in slow motion when compared to the other category of dance.
44
According to the informant (1) interviewed on July 2, 2009, Nima Lung Monastery.
45
This literally seems to mean the Tibetan ‘cham, the dance of the ancestors from Tibet. However, the meaning
in Bhutan is that the dance is said to be performed by the laities, the followers of the local leaders and kings in
the past; and that the dance is created by a treasure discoverer according to his visions. Indeed, the bod ‘cham is
supposed to have been performed by the laities; however, as time went by it ceased to be mandatory. Because
29
believed to be performed by lay people who live ordinary householder lives. The bod ‘cham is
said to have been created by Pema Lingpa (Padma gling pa, 1450-1521), the famous
Bhutanese treasure discoverer (gter ston). Nebesky-Wojkowitz46 states that the ‘cham is
believed to have been seen by Pema Lingpa in a dream and was introduced in the human
realm with unaltered steps and sequences. The dances that appear under the category of monk
dance are either attributed to Padmasambhava or have been developed from the Buddhist
philosophical texts and are labelled rtsa ‘cham (the dance of the verses of the scriptures).47
Throughout Bhutan, several different kinds of religious dances are practised that are believed
to have been introduced by the tantric master Padmasambhava (mid-eighth century) or created
by the treasure reveller Padma Lingpa. Below I will describe the training for the religious
dances in Nima Lung Monastery for the preparation of the annual Tshechu festival.
2.3 Training for the religious dances
According to one of my informants, the monks in the Nima Lung Monastery are trained in
several kinds of religious dances before the actual performing days. 48 One of the informants
said that the senior monks usually form one group and the novices form another group. The
senior monks have a greater responsibility for taking part in the dance, whereas the novices
take part in performing some of the minor characters with easier steps. My informant also
stated that the dance training is given for fifteen days.49 The training is offered by the dance
master (‘cham dpon)
50
and the deputy dance master (‘cham mjug), sometimes accompanied
by some of the more experienced monks from the learner group. As I witnessed during my
some monasteries have no monks and some are without laities, both versions are performed. This was also
confirmed by the interviews that I conducted during my fieldwork.
46
Nebesky-Wojkowitz ,1976: 65.
47
rTsa ‘cham means that the dance developed according to the verses of the Buddhist scriptures (rtsa) and also
according to the vision of an accomplished being. The movements of the dance fully depend upon each syllable
of the verse. The dancer makes the steps and movements according to the literal meaning and portraying its
magnificence. This kind of dance is usually performed within the temples and in secret places like in a shrine
room (mgon khang.), the most sacred place in the temple and the residence of the local protector deity. All over
Tibet and the Himalayas women are restricted from entering this area. See also Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1976: 8788.
48
According to informant (2) interviewed on June 20, 2009, Nima Lung .
49
According to informant (2) interviewed on June 28, 2009, Nima Lung .
50
The dance master is usually appointed by the head lama of the monastery, and he is supposed to lead all the
dances in the courtyard. Moreover, he has a great responsibility in giving training; sometimes he also has to beat
the cymbals while performing the dance, in order to lead the rest of the dancers in rhythm. Such beating of
cymbals depends upon the dance; however, not all the dances require the dance master to carry the cymbals.
Being the dance master is not an easy job, as he has to time and again give the signal by making a loud noise that
every individual should be able to hear. This is done when the steps must be changed from slow to speedy and
wrathful and then back again.
30
fieldwork, the senior group is further divided into two groups according to the monks’
abilities to learn the steps. More than twenty dancers are involved at a time, counting each
step aloud in order to learn to remember the steps, something that makes a roaring sound.
However, during the real show the monks are not allowed to count aloud. During the time of
learning, more emphasis is put on the group with less experienced performers. The dance
master is very strict during the training session. Some other active and interested monks from
the best group also help the other group to learn rapidly.
The training of the dance proceeds in the same order as during the actual day of celebration.
Monks go on practising the different kinds of dances one after another, and when they have
forgotten the steps they consult with the dance master on the spot. The dance master then
performs the particular steps in the middle of a circle formed by the dancers, and everybody
looks at him with full concentration. After his performance, the group repeats the steps until
they reproduce them perfectly. In order to make the monks perfect in their skills, the dance
master orders the individual trainees to show the steps in front of the group. When making
mistakes, the monks get criticized, so that a monk learns the dance best through his mistakes.
My informant stated that making the monks dance individually in front of a group helps the
monks to be trained in a better way.51 This strategy seemed to work because every monk is
concerned and worried about making mistakes when they are asked to dance individually.
They try to avoid receiving criticism and funny remarks from their mates. This method of
individual dancing helps the monks to concentrate when the dance master teaches them.
Otherwise, trainees tend to divert their concentration. The discipline is not always strict,
though, and I have seen some of the learners gossiping when a dance master is giving
training.
The novices do not participate fully in the ‘cham, although they may also get a chance on the
day of the celebration to perform some minor characters like dakinis (mkha ‘gro ma) and, as I
myself noticed, sometimes even the consorts of Guru Padmasambhava. However, the novices
get training in advance for their future careers, making it easier both for them and the dance
master in the future when it is their time to perform.
The monks who are still not confident in the dance get practice through tutorial classes. It is
the responsibility of the individual monks to arrange such tutoring. 52 Their friends take the
51
52
According to informant (2) interviewed on June 26, 2009, Nima Lung .
According to informant (2) interviewed on June 19, 2009, Nima Lung .
31
initiative in guiding them. During the fifteen days of training, the performers practise
continuously until the last day. During the final day of their training, the dance master sits and
beats the cymbals while all the dances that have been practised for the last fourteen days are
performed. The monks dance as well as they can and try their best to avoid any error in the
steps. When all the dances have been completely rehearsed, the training course ends, after
which it is time for the participants to get ready for their actual performance either the next
day or the day after.
According to my informant, the dance master and the deputy dance master have a great
responsibility in ‘cham performances. Between the two, the dance master has the greater
responsibility. The dance master is the one to lead all the dances performed during the
festivities. The timing of the performance of the wrathful steps and the peaceful steps is
decided by him. The changes of the steps in the dance are indicated by a loud noise from the
dance master. The dance master is required to participate in most of the dances. Sometimes
the deputy dance master takes over for a dance master when he is absent. The deputy dance
master does not have that much responsibility as long as the dance master participates in the
dance performances. However, he does also have some obligations, such as separating the
lines (of dancers) according to the step changes and making different shapes in the dance.
Both the master and the deputy need to be talented and are selected from among the best
dancers.53 These two people are responsible for assigning different characters to the dancers
and giving instructions and training. However, my informant remarked that the distribution of
characters is also done through mutual understanding among the dancers and that each monk
shares the responsibility according to their capability and talents.54 However, it is also obvious
that the best dancers are always assigned the main character. Nevertheless, the participants in
the dance are required to have certain qualifications in a way to fulfil the prerequisites for the
dance. Thus, in the following I will discuss and describe the qualification of the dancers in
general and at Nima Lung Monastery in particular.
2.4 Qualifications of the dancers in general
According to tradition, the participants in the religious ceremonial dances are generally
required to have undergone meditative training. This is also remarked by Edward Conze.55
53
According to informant (2) interviewed on June 19, 2009, Nima Lung.
According to informant (2) interviewed on June 20, 2009, Nima Lung.
55
Conze, 1972: 11.
54
32
The dancers have to invoke the celestial beings, the dakas and dakinis of the celestial world
(Buddha field), and to be present in the dancing arena. And through visualization, the dancing
courtyard is personified as a Buddha field. Similarly, Nebesky-Wojkowitz states that the most
essential part of meditation is the identification of the dancer with the character he has to
represent in the ‘cham.56 Also according to my informant, it is essential to have a meditative
background, as the dance is a tantric57 form of practice. Ellen Pearlman, also states that “the
dancers practice the meditation and invoke the wish to benefit all the sentient beings”.58 She
also asserts that practising the dance is believed to increase merit and prolong life.59 In
addition, Cathy Cantwell also points out that the dancers are required to have a meditative
background.60
According to the above statements, physical fitness and a meditative background are
absolutely essential for the dancers to perform religious dances. Similarly, my informant
remarked that such a meditational background was necessary to act as dance master or deputy
dance master. Therefore, in the following I will describe and discuss their qualifications and
its importance.
2.5 Qualifications of the dance master and the deputy dance master
Several scholars attest the need of a meditative background; however, in Nima Lung
Monastery, the dancers are allowed to participate even if they do not fulfil these requirements,
according to my informant. However, he stated that the dance master and the deputy dance
master are indeed required to have a meditative background and needed to be trained both
mentally and physically in order to take their responsibilities in the dance performances. 61
According to the information, the person becoming a dance master is believed to have been a
monk for several years and have undergone the religious ritualistic trainings before becoming
the dance master or deputy dance master. My informant also stated that it is an essential part
for them, in particular the dance master. The dance master has a greater responsibility when
performing the dance. This is explained in the following when discussing the importance of a
meditative background in ‘cham performance. One of the informants also remarked that the
dance master is supposed to have undergone meditation for three years, three months and
56
Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1976:100.
See Cabezon and Jackson, 1996: 98-106.
58
Pearlman, 2002: 57-60.
59
Ibid.
60
Cantwell, 2003: 3-4.
61
According to informant (1) interviewed on June 27, 2009, Nima Lung.
57
33
three days (lo gsum chos gsum) or be on a ‘retreat’ (mtshams su gnas) for at least some
months, before becoming the dance master.
2.6 Importance of a meditative background in ‘cham performance
According to Buddhist belief, subduing the mind and bringing it to the right understanding of
reality is regarded as the purpose of meditation. Similarly, Kathleen McDonald states that
meditation is an activity of mental consciousness and that the consciousness is the heart of
Buddhist theory and practice.62 In addition, Peter Harvey states that the ultimate goal can be
elicited only through the perfect wisdom (shes rab), and perfection in wisdom needs to be
nourished by oneself, though the teaching may be granted or initiated by one’s teacher or
reflected in the scriptures. Gaining perfection in wisdom is achieved in order to see the things
as they really are. And to get perfected in wisdom is done through the means of meditation.63
Accordingly, my informant believes also that a meditative background is actually
indispensable for all Buddhist practitioners as it is for the ritual masters like the dance master.
Most of the informants state that if a dance master lacks this prerequisite (meditational
background); he is not qualified for his task. The reason for the need of this meditational
background during the ‘cham is that the dance master has to be able to invoke and visualize64
the deities that he personifies. In his general introduction to ‘tantric meditation’, Peter Harvey
mentions that a practitioner must choose a root teacher who could scrutinize the ‘follower’
first before he initiates him (gives him abhiseka) and transmits constructive instructions for
his meditation. In order to find a faithful and devoted disciple offering– body, speech and
mind – the teacher chooses a deity (yi dam) and a mantra for him, and presents the mandala
of the yi dam.65 Though the ‘cham is one form of tantric practice, the practitioners do not
seem to follow a particular meditation. However, according to my informant, he mentions that
the dance master is required to have meditative background as he has to demonstrate the
destruction of negativity (‘don bgegs ‘byung po/mi ma yin pa) which they believe are
embodied in a linga,66 the dough effigy.67 Through the ‘cham performances, it is believed that
62
McDonald, 1990:13-23.
Harvey, 1990: 244.
64
One needs to fully concentrate on what kind of deity you are visualizing. A simple effictive visualization can
be done by contemplating an image of what you are focusing on until you are able to see the image fully fledged
and in detail. Depending upon the practitioners, one may meditate with open or closed eyes. However, it is
believed to be easier to visualize and devote oneself while visualizing with closed eyes . For further information
see ; Harvey, 1990: 258-267.
65
Harvey, 1990: 260.
66
Triangular shaped, made of either metal or wood, painted on the outside with a depiction of a human skull, and
coloured with black, indicating the wrathful depiction.
63
34
the dance master is required to be able to transcend their consciousness to the Buddha field
and their senseless body as a feast offering upon visualization. This seems to be the reason for
needing a meditative background for the dance master and deputy dance master. According to
the above statement, a lack of this qualification will prevent one from taking the responsibility
of a dance master.
Similarly, McDonald states that the art of visualization is used to its optimum in Vajrayana, in
which it is regarded as the most profound and rapid means of attaining enlightenment. She
further remarks that the practice of this path involves identifying oneself completely, body
and mind, with an enlightened being and seeing one’s environment as a pure realm.68 Besides,
the Bhutanese scholar Lungtaen Gyatso states that during the dance, the dance master and
most, if not all participants in the dance are supposed to visualize the dancing courtyard as a
place of a Buddha field and the dancers as the deities. The audience, when seeing the dancers,
has to think that the dancers are the manifestation of peaceful and wrathful deities. And they
are believed to experience the whole world, or at least the dancing courtyard, as the land of
Buddha, cleansed by the Vajra Heruka (one of the wrathful deities).69
According to the above statements given by the several scholars, the dancers’ meditative
backgrounds are vividly portrayed, particularly that of the dance master and the deputy dance
master. This is because during the course of dancing, the dancers’ main focus is to visualize
the deities they are personifying, and upon visualization the dance is required to be
performed. One can assume that if one lacks a meditative background, one has nothing to do
with the visualization, because people believe that the visualization fully depends upon the
practice of meditation, and only if one had practised meditation, would one be able to
visualize accordingly.
However, my informant also commented that there is a possibility for monks without a
meditational background to be the dance master if the monk’s root lama watches the ‘cham
67
A dough effigy is made of flour, depicting the human figure but naked and placed in the linga. The negative
and dualistic consciousness of the evil spirits is embodied in the figure which indicates the human in the linga.
Through dance, the dance master cuts this tiny figure lying in the linga according to the Buddhist dogma,
precepts and practices. If done accordingly, then it is believed their consciousness will then transcend to the
Buddha field. The senseless parts of the body are then offered as feast offerings through visualization.
68
McDonald, 1990:110-113.
69
Compiled by Ngawang Jamtsho (Lecturer of ILCS) Drametse Ngacham (The drum dance of Drametse), 2009:
124-125 (hereafter, N J).
35
performance from above the courtyard during the main show.70 The reason is that the root
lama takes the responsibility of the dance master in visualizing and in destroying the
negativity embodied in the dough effigy (linga) and transcending their consciousness to the
Buddha field. Nevertheless, the informant added that it is integral for the dance master to look
at his root lama when sacrificing the negativity embodied in the dough effigy. Unless he does
that, the retribution for being unable to transcend the consciousness of negativity embodied in
the dough effigy comes back to him, something that is believed to result in a shortened life .
However, my informant stated that the meditative requirement for the monks to take part in
‘cham performances in Nima Lung Monastery is not strictly upheld. Therefore, in the
following I will elaborate on the tradition in Nima Lung Monastery.
According to my informant, the dancers must generally be highly qualified, but it is not
always mandatory. He added, “The novices are not likely to have meditative backgrounds.
However, they are allowed to take part in the dance. It is not compulsory for the dancers or
the learners to have meditative backgrounds if they are physically sound enough to take part
in the dance”.71 In fact, most of the abbots encourage these qualities for the best dancers at
their level.72 Conversely, in Nima Lung Monastery, it seems that such requirements are not
compulsory for being a dancer. Everyone is permitted to take part in learning and it is valid to
dance. My informants clearly stated that if they had strictly followed those requirements,
many of them would have been unable to dance in the festivals.73 Nonetheless, in contrast to
this, Nebesky-Wojkowitz states that:
One of the main predispositions for the correct staging of the ‘cham is the assuming
of the appropriate spiritual attitude by all the monks who participate in the dance.
Otherwise the ‘cham loses its deep spiritual meaning and becomes a common play
and spectacle. To prepare themselves for the actual dance the dancers have to
70
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 26, 2009, Kharchu Monastery.
Not in general, but based on the fieldwork conducted in Nima Lung.
72
My informants, the abbots of the monasteries, claim that the best way is to have every quality necessary for
being eligible to take part in ‘cham, as this ‘cham is solely a tantric practice. They claim that if the dancers are
all qualified (mentally and physically), this will have a greater impact on both themselves and the spectators, as
they are able to fully visualize and invoke the deities of the dance to pacify the Buddha field and to uplift the
innocent and ignorant sentient beings from the cyclic existence. Dancers without such required qualities would
not have such an impact on themselves and the audience. When dancers were not required to have such
qualifications, it was because the monastery did not have qualified dancers and therefore had to say such
qualifications were not mandatory.
73
I interviewed them at the very beginning of the training of the dance at Nima Lung, June 15, 2009.
71
36
practice meditation and the dancers should enter into meditation even after the
concluding of the dance.74
Nebesky-Wojkowitz’s statements clearly show that to have displayed the correct ‘cham
performance, the assuming of the appropriate spiritual attitude by all the participants is
important. He also mentions that if the staging of the dance is not according to the
requirement and with the correct spiritual attitude, the dance just becomes a common play and
loses its in-depth meaning; in addition, dancers need to enter into meditation after the dance
again. This seems to be compulsory and central for all the ‘cham practitioners.
On the whole, however, neither Nima Lung Monastery nor any other monastery I am familiar
with seem to have made a meditative background a mandatory requirement, though the
practitioners believe it is supposed to be. They claim that this is because of the shortage of the
monks with valid requirements. Furthermore, my informant also stated that only a few monks
have a meditative background.75 This is the reason why some of the monasteries lack monks
with a meditative background, because when appointing a physically talented person they
often choose to neglect the above prerequisite. The reason could also be that if the targeted
dance master is in retreat for several years, then the ‘cham performance in the monastery
should be either postponed or cancelled until he completes his meditation. Accordingly, my
informant claims that the monastery hardly ever postpones or cancels its festival, appointing
instead a dance master and deputy dance master who do not need to meet this qualification.76
The Nima Lung Monastery seems to by and large neglect the meditational background
qualification needed to take part in the ‘cham. Instead, the monastery focuses more on
physical fitness.
To sum up, a meditational background is essential for the monks to participate in the ‘cham
according to the religious tradition. However, they disregard such meditational requirements
in contemporary performances. Disregarding this meditational requirement is not because the
monastery wants to neglect the prerequisite, but because monks only rarely have the required
qualification, and Nima Lung Monastery is no exception. Besides, Nima Lung Monastery has
a number of religious dances that are performed during the festivals, as described in the
following.
74
Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1976:100.
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 28, 2009, Kharchu.
76
According to informant (2) and head lama in the Nima Lung, interviewed on July 23, 2009, Nima Lung.
75
37
2.6.1 The ritual dances on the first day
According to my informant, the first day of the festival is known as dance rehearsal (‘cham
rgyugs).77 During the rehearsal, the dancers are not adorned with any of the costumes that will
be used during the other days of the festival, although they do carry the hand ornaments. They
dance wearing their monk dress. The schedule for the dances portrayed in the dancing
courtyard on this day is as follows: At the very beginning, the dance of Yama (gShin rje), and
the dance representing the Lord of the Dead is performed.78 This dance includes only two
dancers, depicting gShin rje Yab Yum (yab literally means ‘father’ and yum means ‘mother’),
who whirl and jump in each direction and eventually return to the dressing room. In
concluding the yama dance, the dance of the stag, shazam (shwa rdzam), is shown with four
participants with swords and a kind of mirror depicting wrathful dancing in the arena. The
dance includes two female and two male stags. After that the dance of the black hat (zhwa
nag) is performed, in which the dancers make golden libations (gser skyems) upon dancing.
When the dance of the black hat is completed, the dance of the cemetery (dur bdag), which is
also called zhing skyong,79 is performed. The dance is very short and lasts approximately five
minutes and thereafter followed by the wrathful drum dance of Pema Lingpa,80 one among the
ging dances (pad gling ging gsum).
To elaborate a little bit more on these dances, the dances of ging are believed to have been
introduced by Pema Lingpa, the treasure revealer, between 1450 and 1521. The name Pad
gling ging gsum itself denotes that the dance was created by Pema Lingpa. The dance includes
three kinds which can be also called the trinity of the dance of Pema Lingpa. The dances are
juging (rgyug ging, staff messenger’), driging (gri ging, ‘messenger with sword’) and ngaging
(rnga ging, ‘drum messenger’). These three dances are performed in the courtyard
successively one after another, and are believed to be connected to each other. More than 12
dancers participate in each ging dance. The dances of ging start with the juging. Juging carry
a staff, which is called yugpa (dbyug pa), and it is believed that the dancers are responsible for
77
This day is the beginning of the celebration, but its literal meaning is to give a test of the dance on the very day
of the celebration. The dancers do not wear the masks or any of the costumes, and only dance in their monk
robes.
78
For further explanation, see Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1976: 77.
79
Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1976: 78.
80
Pema Lingpa is believed to have come to this human realm to uplift the sentient beings through different ways.
He is also said to be prophesised by Padmasambhava to reveal the hidden treasures. It is believed that he not
only revealed the treasures but also created several dances upon his visions. Among the dances of his creations,
the wrathful drum dance is also one among his creations. There are some different versions of drum dances like
the Drum Dance of Drametse, which among his creations is believed to be unique in its features.
38
gathering and subjugating all the dualistic negativity of humans and also the wandering evil
spirits in all the directions and in the dancing courtyard. During the dance, one can clearly
notice in the dance steps that the dancers point to all the directions with their staffs, signifying
that the evil spirits are dwelling in the given direction. After having finished gathering the evil
spirits in the dancing courtyard, the dancers retire into the dressing room and the dance is
completed. After that, another ging enters the courtyard, where the dancers carry the sword
(gri). Through the dance the evil spirits, which have been gathered by the previous dance in
the linga in the embodiment of the dough effigy, are subjugated and their consciousness is
believed to transcend to the Buddha field, along with their senseless flesh and bones as the
feast offerings. After having subjugated the evil spirits, the third and the last ging enter the
courtyard, with the drum and drum stick in their hand, and dance wrathfully. This drum dance
is believed to be the dance of happiness and the dance celebrating the triumph over negativity.
The drum dance concludes the three ging dances. These ging dances also show the need for
the dancers, in particular the dance master, to have a meditative background, as explained
above in the portrayal of the sword dance (regarding the subjugation and destruction of the
negativity gathered by the staff dance).
However, according to Nebesky-Wojkowitz, the gings are lower-rank supernatural beings
who were originally members of the Bon pantheon. He also remarks that there are numerous
subdivisions of ging.81In contrast to Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Richard J. Kohn states that the ging
are also the emissaries of Padmasambhava and emissaries of Yama, the Lord of the Dead.82
Nevertheless, in Nima Lung Monastery only one among the three gings is performed in the
dancing courtyard on the first day. The first day rehearsal concludes with the demonstration of
the drum dance of Drametse (dGra med rtse; eastern part of Bhutan).83 The dances performed
on the first day are a summary of the dances performed during the three-day period. The
reason is, since it is not possible to complete all the dances in a day, only the major ones are
performed. The following list shows the dances of the first day of celebration in sequence:
1. Yama dance (gShin rje)
2. Dance of the stag (Shwa rdzam)
3. Black hat dance (Zhwa nag)
4. Dance of the cemetery (Dur bdag)
81
Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1976: 81.
Kohn, 2001: 205.
83
N J, 2009: 124-125.
82
39
5. Drum dance of the messengers of fierce deities (rNga ging)
6. Drum dance of Drametse (sGra med rtse rnga ‘cham)
2.6.2 The ritual dances on the second day
According to the tradition in Nima Lung Monastery, the second day celebration is known as
the main show (dngos gzhi) and the dancers are attired in full costumes. The celebration starts
with the performance of the dance of Yama. The dancers are adorned with beautiful silk
brocade dresses with aprons and wrathful, reddish brown masks. Most of the dances are
repeated. The order of the dances is the same as on the first day, but there are some additional
dances. The staff dance of the ging, the juging (rgyug ging), is the fourth dance. After that the
dance of the cemetery is performed in full costume: the dancers wear masks depicting the
human skull and costumes made of five ceremonial scarves respectively coloured white,
yellow, red, green and blue, with the yellow scarf (sman tsi) dominating. The barefoot dancers
wear white skin-tight trousers and shirts. On the second day, the dancers carry the linga
containing the dough effigy, and upon dancing they leave it in the middle of the courtyard and
retire to the dressing room. As soon as that dance is completed, one of the dances of the gings,
where the dancers wield a sword known as driging, enters the courtyard, and upon dancing
the dance master demonstrates the destruction of negativity embodied in a linga. On
completion the drum dancers enter; this is the final ging, the ‘drum ging’, which according to
the Buddhist practitioners celebrates the triumph over the negativity by the beating of their
drums.84 The second day concludes with the dance of ‘the great dance’ (‘cham chen), which
depicts the wrathful ‘dance of a dagger’ (phur ‘cham).85
1. Yama dance (gShin rje)
2. Dance of a stag (Shwa rdzam)
3. Black hat dance (Zhwa nag)
4. Staff dance of a ging (rGyug ging)
5. Dance of cemetery (Dur bdag)
6. Dance of a sword (Gri ging)
7. Drum dance of ging rNga ging)
8. Dance of a dagger (Phur pa’i ‘cham)
84
My informant claimed that the drum dance is usually performed at the end, meaning that it symbolizes the
celebration of triumph after all negativity has been submerged and brought under their control upon dancing. The
beating of the drum is to celebrate happiness over their victory.
85
See Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1976: 87 about the meaning and definition of phurpa.
40
2.6.3 The ritual dance on the third day
The third and final day of the celebration starts with the ‘dance of dakinis’ (bzhengs shig pad
ma), and thereafter ‘the dance of fire’ (me ‘cham), ‘the dance of wrathful deities’ (khro
‘cham) and ‘the five black hat dance’ (zhwa nag lnga ‘cham) are performed. The dance of the
Guru’s Eight Aspects emerges thereafter in a more celebrative86 cast and lasts almost half a
day. The final ritual dance is the drum dance of Drametse, which winds up the three-day
celebration. However, a ‘feast-offering dance’ (tshogs ‘cham) is also performed inside the
shrine room late in the evening, where all the monks get seated in sequence according to their
rank. This feast-offering dance is not included in the main show, and this dance seems to
conclude the ritual reading of a text when winding up a festival of any kind. Below are the
dances performed on the last day:
1. Dance of dakinis (bZhengs shig pad ma)
2. Dance of fire (Me ‘cham)
3. Wrathful dance of deities (Khro ‘cham)
4. Five black hat dance (Zhwa nag lnga ‘cham)
5. Dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects (Gu ru mtshan brgyad kyi ‘cham)
6. Dance of five dakinis (Kha gro ma’i ‘cham)
7. Drum dance of Drametse (sGra med rtse rnga ‘cham)
8. Feast-offering dance (Tshog ‘cham)
2.7 The black hat dance prior to procession of Guru’s Eight Aspects in
the dancing courtyard
Cantwell states that she has dealt with the black hat dance elsewhere (Cantwell 1992). In the
article “The dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects”,87 she discusses how the black hat dance was
performed before the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in Rewalsar (Tshopema) in northern
India, where she did fieldwork. She also states that the black hat dance is performed to
demonstrate the ritual activities in pacifying and destroying the negativity in the courtyard by
offering golden drinks (gser skyems) to the spirits dwelling in the dancing arena, and it is
supposed to be a preparation for the entrance of Guru’s Eight Aspects in the dancing
See below when describing the ‘The procession of the Guru’s Eight Aspects of the dance in the dancing
arena’, how celebrative it is when the dances of the Guru’s Eight Aspects enter the dancing courtyard.
87
Cantwell, 2003: 9.
86
41
courtyard. In a similar manner, I have noticed that in Nima Lung Monastery, five black hat
dancers dance in the courtyard with the golden offerings that correspond to Cantwell’s
description above. However, there seems to have been a variation in the number of dancers.
Cantwell mentions that the number of black hat dancers in Rewalsar88 is four, whereas the
number of black hat dancers in Nima Lung Monastery is five. Nevertheless, I never came
across any further explanation in her article for why the number of black hat dancers in
Rewalsar is four. On the contrary, five black hat dancers in Nima Lung Monastery is believed
to depict the five wisdoms (ye shes lnga) to purify both the outer and the inner mental
environment and invite the Guru’s presence.89 Although there is a variation in the number of
dancers, the perspective of the dance is very similar. In concluding the black hat dance, the
Guru’s Eight Aspects dance emerges in the dancing arena in a more celebrated cast.
2.8 The procession of the Guru’s Eight Aspects dance in the arena
On the whole, the entrance of the dancers in the dancing courtyard is not very celebrative.
However, in the case of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects, more emphasis is put on its
entry into the dancing courtyard. Preparation of the seats of Guru Rinpoche, the main figure in
the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects, is done by the monks. Officials sit on the dais.
The procession of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in the courtyard starts with the
entrance of novices carrying the banners of victory followed in the second sequence by folk
dancers (lay people)90 singing a song believed to bring good luck. They are subsequently
followed by a monk carrying the burning incense in a small bowl made out of metal or copper
(bsang phor) and a pair of flagiolet players (rgya gling pa) in the fourth sequence. The fifth
sequence features a monk beating a plate known as kharnga (khar rnga) like a bell, three or
four monks clashing different types of cymbals and succeeded by the drummers, and a monk
blowing a conch. Then comes again a pair of flagiolet players and a man with an incense
stick, followed by the Guru’s Eight Aspects led by the wrathful emanation of Guru
Padmasambhava, Guru Dorji Drolo (rDo rje ‘Gro lod), dancing in the courtyard wrathfully
with his two other manifestations known as yangtrul (yang sprul); the rest of his
manifestations follow in trail and proceed around the courtyard three times. The main figure
88
Ibid.
According to informant (1) interviewed on June 22, 2009, Nima Lung.
90
The dancers in Nima Lung Monastery during the time of the festival are selected from the gewog (rged ‘og)
‘local government), the best dancers within the community, and they practice before the festival. The dancers
were all female. However, in some of the festivals, it is possible to have both male and female dancers.
89
42
of Guru Rinpoche appears in the end of his manifestations under the spinning umbrella, the
parasol (gdugs) held by one of the atsaras91 named Zhonu Loden (gZhon nu Blo lden),
surrounded by his retinue and consorts Yeshi Tshogyal (Ye shes mtsho rgyal) and Khadro
Mandharava. His appearance in the end of all the manifestations seems to be for a reason. The
assertion is, Buddhist people believe that all the sentient beings are made to attain
enlightenment before him, hence the significance of portraying himself in the end during the
course of the procession.
Guru’s entourage, after circumambulating three times in the dancing courtyard, then take their
seats in accordance with their respective manifestation, with the main Guru Rinpoche in the
centre92 on an elevated throne surrounded by his consorts and retinue. Five heroines (dpa mo)
then appear on the scene. They wear a five-lobed, conical ornament crown called rignga (rigs
nga), a damaru and a bell in their right and left hands, respectively; they dance gracefully and
leave the courtyard. Their appearance in this occasion is believed to pay honour and gratitude
to Guru Rinpoche. Meanwhile, an old man enters with a staff in his hand and with his body
shivering, barely able to stand upright. The entrance of the character draws the attention of the
audience, and this character seems to be unique to the performance of the Guru’s Eight
Aspects dance in Nima Lung Monastery. Therefore, I will describe and discuss this character
in more detail in the following section.
91
For an explanation of atsara, see below.
See Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1976: 39, the eight aspects dance of Guru Padmasambhava is performed annually at
Hemis Monastery in Ladakh.
92
43
2.9 The old man ‘Mitshering’
Figure 2: Mitshering at Nyima Lung Monastery
So far, I have never come across this peculiar character called Mitshering in the ‘cham
performance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in any of the other monasteries in Bhutan, although
there are jokers (called atsaras) to entertain the audience.93 The old man is very similar to the
jokers. He wears an easily identifiable mask that is completely different from the rest of the
jokers. He is adorned with a unique costume: he wears the dress of a monk and a mixed blue
and white scarf with fringes. The mask clearly identifies a very old man with a long white
beard and a wrinkled face. The old man carries a staff in his hand, which helps him to stand
upright.
93
Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1976: 82.
44
As soon as I encountered this character, I asked some monks in the monastery about the
rendering of his name, character and also his responsibilities in the dance of the Guru’s Eight
Aspects. The monks knew him only by the name ‘Old man’ (Mi tshe ring); though they also
explained his responsibilities (see below). I also asked religious specialists in several other
monasteries whether a similar character with the same name is present in the dance of the
Guru’s Eight Aspects in their respective monasteries; however, they all rendered his name
differently and provided different explanations. Some explained that he is known as Gyalpo
Hashang (rGyal po Ha Shang), who they believe to be a patron of Padmasambhava; this
character is not prominent in other monasteries, however. According to Nebesky-Wojkowitz,
the Hashang is sometimes presented as the chief deity, where he is respected by offering
scarves while at other times he is also ridiculed by the atsaras.94 He also explains that
Hashang is identified as “a representative of a Chinese Buddhist sect, who tried to spread
teachings of his school in Tibet, but was defeated in a religious dispute by Kamalasila” and
this is the reason why he is ridiculed by the atsaras. Similar to Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Richard
J. Kohn also states that long life man known as Hashang in the ‘cham originated from
Chinese, as he asserts that “Hva Shang or ho shang in Chinese is a generic term for Buddhist
monk”.95 Hashang is also presented in the annual festivals at Kumbum, Tashilhunpo and
Choni in Tibet.96 A figure with similar characteristics portrayed in Mongolia is known as
Cagan obo, ‘White Old Man’ (rgan po dkar po or dkar rgan in Tibetan). The White Old Man
is seen in all Mongolian temples, and the figure took part in the ritual dances at New Year
(Tsagan Sar). It is said that “the thirteenth Dalai Lama initiated this figure and introduced it
into the New Year dance of Potala, and from there the figure has spread to other ‘cham in
Tibetan and Himalayan countries”. Besides, Cagan obo is also said to have been a divinity of
pre-Buddhist Mongolian folk religion originally.97 Jam Fontain states that in the Mongolian
Tsam festival the White Old man represents the ancient shamanistic gods of
Mongolia who were absorbed into the Buddhist pantheon but who were assigned a
role of only secondary importance. Tsaghan Ebügen is the Protector of Cattle, who
can prevent various animal diseases. Through definitely of Tibetan origin, he has
assumed both the appearance and the function of Shoulao, the Chinese God of
Longevity. Armed with a staff with a handle or a finial in the shape of a dragon, the
White Old Man performed the role of a buffoon. This may indicate that the Lamaist
94
Ibid.
Kohn, 2001: 204.
96
Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1976: 83.
97
Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1976: 83.
95
45
hierarchy tried to undermine the prestige of this representative of pre-Buddhist,
shamanist beliefs. In some monasteries Tsaghan Ebügen was even humiliated and
ridiculed as one of the hated and despised Chinese. Moving along the edge of the
Tsam square he performs his caricatures of the solemn dances. He also "kills" a
"tiger" and performs numerous trics with the four "lions". That he is associated, like
his Chinese counterpart Shoulao, with longevity is evident from popular
superstition. Those who were hit by the sticks of the Lords of the Charnel Grounds
were believed to die within the year. Only by receiving another hit by the staff of
Tsaghan Ebügen could they again be ensured a longer life. 98
In general, I assume that it may be the case that the figure of the old man originated according
to the explanations above. There seems to be several similarities in the character, though they
are rendered by different names according to local beliefs and traditions. The meaning of the
name Mitshering, prominent in Nima Lung Monastery, is similar to the Mongolian name.
According to my informant in the monastery, Mitshering is believed to be the one who knows
the detailed histories of Padmasambhava, as mentioned in the following. Mitshering enters the
courtyard after the eight aspects of the Guru are seated in a row. He bows down before Guru
Rinpoche three times. According to Buddhist belief, to bow down is to show homage and
respect to the higher ones, which Peter Havey consider to be among the most common of the
Buddhist devotional acts of the devotional acts, but not congregational in essence.99 When the
old man enters the courtyard, the atsara known as Zhonu Loden, the holder of the parasol of
Guru Rinpoche in the procession, starts criticizing and making fun of him, asking several
funny questions; this corresponds also to the explanation by Nebesky-Wojkowitz.100
Thereafter a question and answer session between Zhonu Loden and Mitshering starts; before
presenting that, however, I will discuss the meaning of atsara in general and Zhonu Loden in
particular in Nima Lung Monastery.
As in several religious theatrical performances, the jokers play an important role in the ‘cham.
Their movements in the dance are not governed by any rules. Sometimes they seem to go
beyond the limit but try to stay within the boundary.101 On one hand, the role of the atsara is
to entertain the audience with any kind of joke. Their spoken words usually have a sexual
98
Fontain, 1999: 52. Hanna Havnevik informed me about/made me aware of the existence of this Mongolian
tradition and the work of Fontain.
99
Havey, 1990: 172.
100
Ibid.: 83.
101
Pommaret, 2006 : 37.
46
theme, corresponding with their ornaments, which symbolize the male genital organ. On the
other hand, the atsaras have the task of readjusting the masks and costumes and correcting the
steps of the other dancers in the course of the dance. 102
Atsara is known in Sanskrit as acarya, which signifies the highly accomplished master in
philosophy also known as drubthob (sgrub thog/thob pa) ‘highly accomplished one’, usually
used to denote accomplished tantric yogins. They are believed to be from the noble family
according to the oral transmitted tradition. The character, atsara is believed to represent an
accomplished master coming into the human, worldly existence in the disguise of a joker, and
in fact to uplift the worldly beings to enlightenment through jokes according to the people’s
perspectives and beliefs.103 Nebesky-Wojkowitz further mentions that the name atsara
represents the Hindus. He claims that atsara is a figure designed to “ridicule the priesthood of
Hinduism”.104
However, the name of one of the atsaras in Nima Lung Monastery is Zhonu Loden. He is
believed to be young and intelligent by nature, at least in Nima Lung Monastery. 105 He wears
the Bhutanese men’s dress gho (bgo) when the rest of the atsaras wear pants and jackets
typically designed in accordance with their characters in the dance and show their entity.
Zhonu Loden is the one who holds a parasol for Padmasambhava in the course of the
procession of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in the courtyard. My informants stated that “even the
holder of just a parasol is a great intellectual person; the accomplishment of Padmasambhava
is beyond expression”. My informant seemed to sanctify Padmasambhava’s knowledge by the
above statement. It indicates that the knowledge and enlightenment of Guru Padmasambhava
is far beyond expression. Guru Rinpoche or Padmasambhava is a character well known to the
entire Buddhist people in Bhutan, though most of the audience remain in the dark about what
he is supposed to have accomplished. He is believed to be the main hero of the myth and the
role model of yogis, and he is worshipped the most by Nyingma adherents. This assertion
corresponds to Kohn’s statements in his description of the Mani Rimdo festival in Tibet and
Nepal.106 However, in the following I am going to present the details of the question and
Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1976: 82. ‘cham
Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1976: 82.
104
Ibid.
105
According to informant (2) interviewed on June 19, 2009, Nima Lung.
106
Kohn, 2001: 197.
102
103
47
answer session between the atsara and Mitshering in the ‘cham performance of the Guru’s
Eight Aspects, according to the tradition of Nima Lung Monastery.
2.9.1 The dialogue between the atsara and Mitshering
gZhon nu blo lden gyis....
Zhonu Loden says.....
ha ha mgo la mtshar dkar ma gyon rung//
Ha, Ha! You do not need to wear aesthetic cloth on
your head,
dgun ‘khyabs ba mo ‘di na med//
There isn’t any winter frost here
lcang dkar dbyugs pa ma bzung rung//
You needn’t hold the white staff of a willow tree
sgo khyi btsen po ‘di na med//
There isn’t a powerful, harsh dog here
ldem ldem gom pa ma spo rung//
You needn’t walk in a graceful way,
bro gar ‘chams sa ‘di na men//
This isn’t a place for dance
rgan po sa cha gang nas yin//
Old man, where are you from?
da nang ‘ong ba gang nas ‘ong//
Where are you coming from?
do nub ‘gro ba gang du ‘gro//
Where are you going to go?
don dag gang gi don la ‘ong//
For what purpose are you here?
mi rgan gyis.......
The old man says.....
ha ha gola yag po gyon lugs la//
Ha, ha! One who wears a nice dress,
lo rugs cor ‘go can zhig ‘dra//
Looks like a disgusting man
kha rgyag rtse mo mkhas lugs la//
One who is articulate enough,
48
ma rabs blo rig can zhig ‘dra//
Is like a contemptible person
mgo nag rgas pa phya lugs la//
A black head with the behaviour of an old man
grogs po ngan pa can zhig ‘dra//
Is like an evil friend
bzang ngan pha gcig bu la yod//
There is good and bad even between a father and a son
gzhon nu sha rgyas khrag rgyas dus//
Youthful times of development
khyod las lhag cig nga yang yod//
I had some more aspects than you
kha mig dbang po gsal ba’i dus//
When my senses were clearer
khyod las mkhas cig nga yang yod//
I had more good qualities than you
nga ‘chi med ngo mtshar gnas nas yin//
I am from the land of deathless wonderers
da nang ‘khor ba’i gnas nas ‘ong//
I am here to see the land of cyclic existence
do nub mthar pa’i gling du ‘gro//
I will proceed to the land of happiness
Pad ma byung gnas mjal du ‘ong//
I am here to see Padma Jungne
gzhon nus......
sprul pa’i sku mchog pad ma byung gnas ‘di ring ‘dir byon pa gang nas yin khyod rang gis
shes song?
Do you know where the miraculous Padma Jungne comes from?
rgyas pos........
ha ha…. gnam la ‘ja’ ‘tshon snga lnga’i ‘od kyis gur spubs cing//
Ha! Ha! The sky is pitched with the tent of the glow of a five-coloured rainbow
bar snang la me tog sil ma’i char babs//
In the middle, the drizzling rain of flowers
49
sa gzhi la au ldum wa ra’i me tog ‘khrungs tshul dpag na, sprul pa’i sku mchog pad ma byung
gnas ‘di ring ‘dir byon pa thag chod do/
If I see the blooming flower of Udumvara, the miraculous Padmasambhava has definitely
come here.
gzhon nus.......
mi rgan khyod rang la lo ngo gang tsam red?
Hey! Old man, how old are you?
he he mi rgan nga rang lo ngo nyi stong dgu brgya sum cu so gnyis yin la/
Ha ha... I, the old man, am two thousand nine hundred and thirty-two years old.
de nas phyag ‘tshal rgyu dang phyag dbang zhu nas yang gzhon nus.... kho sangs rgyas sha
kya thub pa dang lo ...yin pa ‘dra/
Then he bowed down and received the blessing and again he had a thought that his age must
be equivalent to a Buddha.
he he.... mi rgan tshe ring po zhig re ‘dug pas rgyas can zhig yin gyi red pas/ nga tsho la
sprul pa’i sku mchog pad ma byung gnas kyi rnam thar dang ngo sprod mdor bsdus zhig
bshad rogs gnang dang/
Hey! You seem to be a long-lived person and more enlightened being, so could you please tell
us the precise biography of the miraculous Padmasambhava?
mi rgan nas ....sprul pa’i sku mchog pad ma byung gnas dngos ‘dir bzhugs yod pas/ nges
vajra gu ru’i lung drang
mi dgos kyang/ da kha mi mangs thabs med rogs kyis dri nan// wa mi rgyal ka med drr’i
‘gram lcags// khyi mi bzugs
thabs med rkun mas nag bur// zer ba’i dpe ltar/ khod kyis dri dus nged kyis bshad dgos te/
drin bshad dgos/
slab na slob dgos te zer ba ltar red/ da kdo tsam zhig bshad na/107
The old man says...... the miraculous Padmasambhava is here in reality and I don’t think that I
have to enumerate. Still then, as you ask me insistently, I will never take it as a burden, as the
dog barks insistently at the thief, likewise, if you ask me, I have to explain, as it is said, “if
asked, explain”, thus, I explain to you in detail.
107
These written dialogues were provided by the dance master of Nima Lung. The dance master himself did not
know the origin of these texts, they had been transmitted in the lineage of dance masters in Nima Lung for
generations. I have not yet been able to find out anything more about the origin of these dialogues.
50
Figure 3: Old man in Mongolian dance (source: Museum of Fine Arts in Ulaanbaatar,
Mongolia)
2.10 What makes the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in Nima Lung
Monastery unique?
To explain the uniqueness of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in Nima Lung Monastery,
I will first briefly discuss the above question and answer session between Mitshering and the
atsara, Zhonu Loden. When first seeing the old man, Zhonu Loden laughs and criticizes his
appearance and the way he is dressed; this corresponds to Nebesky-Wojkowitz’s discussion,
where jokers ridicule an old man in the ‘cham performance at Choni (Chos nyid) Monastery
in Ladakh.108 Zhonu Loden then asks him questions about where he is coming from, his
destination and so forth. The old man answers his questions in a funny way, but uses his
intellect to convince a young Zhonu Loden that he is a knowledgeable person. Gradually,
108
Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1976:83.
51
Zhonu Loden realizes that the old man is an intelligent and knowledgeable person and expects
that he knows more about Padmasambhava. He then starts enquiring about the detailed history
of Padmasambhava and his eight manifestations. The old man then describes all the
manifestations and identifies each character with his honorific hand gestures. Completing his
explanation, he once more bows down before Guru Padmasambhava and leaves the courtyard.
This question and answer session between the two has a great impact on the spectators and
also shows the great responsibility of Mitshering in this dance. Mitshering explains the details
of Guru’s Eight Aspects and identifies each form. He draws the attention of the spectators,
and the spectators, besides receiving religious empowerment from Guru Padmasambhava, are
convinced by the eight manifestations of Padmasambhava with his detailed mytho-historical
accomplishments. The audience is fully engrossed when the old man explains each
manifestation, and people become more enthusiastic and dedicated and pay more homage to
him, something that is visible through their body gesture.
On one hand, the old man’s character in the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects has a great
impact on Nima Lung Monastery, where this character brings further acknowledgement and
homage to Guru Padmasambhava and his eight manifestations. However, on the other hand,
Mitshering also acts like a joker and entertainer similar to an atsara. But he neither cracks
jokes verbally nor shows funny body gestures to the audience to attract their attention. The
attention of the audiences is drawn by the nature of his character and by his elaborate
explanation of Guru Padmasambhava’s eight forms.
The dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects is performed in most of the monasteries in Bhutan
during the festivals, and the most famous festivals are celebrated in Thimphu, Punakha (sPu
na/thang kha) and Paro (sPa ro/gro). These festivals are popular not only in Bhutan but also
elsewhere.109 The festivity in those places lasts for three days, and thousands of spectators
both from outside and within the country gather to witness the different religious dances
performed during the three-day celebration. I also had an opportunity to witness all kinds of
religious dances in those monasteries, including the dance of the eight manifestations of Guru
Padmasambhava. However, I have never come across such a character (whether called by the
109
Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1976: 35.
52
name Mitshering or any other names) who presents the detailed history of each manifestation
of Padmasambhava during the course of the dance, like the one in Nima Lung Monastery.
As a result, I thus found that this feature (Mitshering) in Nima Lung Monastery distinguishes
the portrayal of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects from other monasteries. Though the
dance steps are largely the same in the various monasteries, there are some differences in their
costumes and ornaments, depending upon the monastery’s assets/financial support. During
my fieldwork, I did not have the chance to witness the dances in many monasteries. However,
I took the opportunity to watch the Guru’s Eight Aspects dance in Kurje Monastery, where
that particular dance is the only one performed. The dance is performed on the tenth day of
the sixth month of the Bhutanese lunar calendar. The monk dancers come from one of the
monasteries from the central part of Bhutan, Trongsa Dzong (Krong sa rdzong) a month
before in order to recite the prayers attributed to Padmasambhava. According to tradition,
when Guru Padmasambhava visited Bhutan, he is said to have meditated in Kurje for a while
in order to tame the local deity Shelging Karpo (Shel ging dkar po). To subdue this
malevolent force, he is said to have performed the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in
addition to Drag pos dang mig gi ‘cham, and he eventually triumphed over the local fierce
deity and was thus said to have been made a protector of Dharma. Hence, on the tenth day,
people gather from both nearby and far away communities at this place. Their gathering here
is to watch the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects and receive the religious empowerment
from the lamas present at the festival at the same time. After the empowerment ceremonies, a
‘cham of the Guru’s Eight Aspects was performed. However, the dance performed in Kurje
was different from that performed in Nima Lung Monastery and elsewhere in Bhutanese
monasteries. In Kurje, the Guru’s wrathful emanation known as Dorji Drolo has a further role
to be played. He dances almost half an hour with his wrathful steps.
According to the informant, he said that Dorji Dolo has a great role in the dance of the Guru’s
Eight Aspects and particularly at Kurje. This is because Padmasambhava assumed this form
to tame the local deity.110 This is the reason for having more roles to be played on the day of
the celebration. Furthermore, I also watched a documentary version of Guru’s Eight Aspects
dance performed in Kharchu (mKhar chu) Monastery with the abbot of the monastery, even
though I did not had a chance to witness the real show because of the timing difference of the
110
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 23, 2009, at Kurje Monastery.
53
festival. However, no character similar to the Mitshering was present in the dance I saw in the
documentary.
On the whole, having witnessed several dances performed in different monasteries in Bhutan,
and having compared these with some of the Buddhist societies abroad, my conclusion is that
the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects performed at Nima Lung Monastery is unique. The
unique figure of the Mitshering at Nima Lung Monastery has a great role in order to impart
the detailed history of Guru Padmasambhava and his eight manifestations to the audience
during the dance, which I believe is important for being a follower under his patronage.
In conclusion, the origin of the unique figure of Mitshering of Nima Lung Monastery seems
to go back to either Mongolia or Tibet. However, as far as my observations are concerned, it
would seem that no other monastery in Bhutan features a similar character when performing
the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects. Until a similar performance can be found, this feature
thus makes the performance at Nima Lung Monastery a unique one.
54
Chapter Three
The dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects
Figur 4: Guru’s Eight Aspects in the seated posture before they take turn to dance individually
The dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects, i.e. the eight forms or manifestations of
Padmasambhava, is practised widely and elaboratively in both the Kagyu and Nyingma
traditions in Bhutan. The origin of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects differs from
monastery to monastery. In Nima Lung Monastery the Guru’s Eight Aspects dance is believed
to be practised according to the tradition of Kathog (Ka thog) Monastery in eastern Tibet.111
The dance practiced in Nima Lung Monastery is a little different compared to how it is
practised in other monasteries. The figure known as Mitshering, explained in Chapter Two,
makes a difference in the presentation of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in Nima Lung
Monastery. Informants state that except for the portrayal of the figure of Mitshering, the steps
of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects and their way of exposition are similar to those in
the other monasteries.112
The dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects is the most spectacular dance and is in fact the central
focus of the whole dance performance, because Guru Rinpoche in Nyingma tradition is a
central figure.113 Guru Rinpoche, in whose honour the festival is performed, makes a dramatic
entry into the dancing arena with his entourage. A monk who personifies Guru Rinpoche in
111
According to informants (1) and (2) interviewed on July 15, 2009, Nima Lung.
According to informants (1) and (2) interviewed on July 15, 2009, Nima Lung .
113
Kværne, 1987: 583.
112
55
the dance wears a gold-coloured mask and long silk brocade, which is highly decorated with
different patterns symbolizing and signifying different features believed to be according to
Buddhist belief and perception. Guru Rinpoche and his entourages are led by a procession of
musicians into the dancing arena, and the Guru is also accompanied by his disciples, who hold
a parasol for him.
In the subsequent sections, I will describe in detail each manifestation of Guru Rinpoche and
how he acquired the names, and I will discuss the name of the dancing steps of each
manifestation. The information has been orally transmitted in Bhutan, and this mythohistorical or legendary tradition has been retold from generation to generation. Even though
the legendary background, introductions and presentations vary from monastery to monastery,
the dancing steps on the whole do not seem to have different names. The Guru’s Eight
Aspects dance performed in Rewalsar in Himachal Pradesh, northern India, and studied by
Cantwell (2003), is not different either. In addition, I will also compare the features of the
Guru’s manifestations and the instruments held in the dance in Bhutan with the Guru’s Eight
Aspects dance performed at the Hemis Festival in Ladakh, and described by Madhu Khanna
in “The Hemis Festival”.114 Every device employed in the dance possesses symbols. From the
Buddhist point of view, symbols help identify oneself with the internal and external material
appearances. According to Buddhist belief, and as stated by Dagyab Rinpoche, the awareness
we gain further enables one to influence reality not only in the present life but in future lives
as well.115
Furthermore, visualization is an integral part of the dance performance, and every aspect
holds a range of meanings. Kohn states that it is obligatory for the dancer to be or to identify
with whichever deity he represents or enacts.116 He further states that the dancer in general,
during all the ritual performances, must think of his body as the deity, his speech as the
mantra and his mind as dharma.117 These are believed to be the key sources of benefits for
beings – the performer himself, the audience and society – and I will therefore discuss them.
However, I will not try to go too detailed into such a discussion. Particularly, I will curtail the
traditionally believed historical backgrounds of each manifestation. This is because the
Bhutanese and Tibetan patron Guru Rinpoche is held to be omniscient, omnipresent,
114
http://www.ignca.nic.in/nl_01104.htm (access date: January 26, 2010).
Dagyab Rinpoche, 1995: 10.
116
Kohn, 2001: 61.
117
Ibid.
115
56
miraculous and transcendental and to be the second Buddha, as also stated by Khanna.118
According to tradition, Guru Rinpoche was a great esoteric practitioner, taught numerous
followers about the esoteric teachings of Buddha and the esoteric approach of enlightenment,
and had different forms119 in different places, so that there are numerous stories about Guru
Rinpoche and he is referred to with a number of different epithets. Also Blondeau mentions
the traditional account that Guru Rinpoche adopeted several forms according to the nature of
the beings to be subjugated. Similarly Snellgrove says that Guru Rinpoche: “...was recognized
in his own right as a self manifesting Buddha”.120 He has external, internal and secret forms
for spreading dharma teachings.121 One of the informants stated that if anyone proclaims that
he has covered the whole history of Guru Rinpoche, and all his accomplishments, this cannot
be true. This is because he believes that no ordinary person can achieve a complete
understanding of Guru Rinpoche, as Guru Rinpoche is an enlightened being and therefore
beyond imagination122
118
Khanna, 1997: 2.
Although he has many forms, they are essentially said to be one (Dowman, 1973: 70).
120
Blondeau, 1980: 46, Snellgrove, 2003: 96.
121
Pema Thinly, 2003 (O rgyan gu ru padma ’byung gnas kyi gsol ’debs le’u bdun ma’i lo rgyus dmigs rim phan
yon dang le’u bdun ma de’i rten bskyed): Folio, 4b, line 4-folio 6b, line 4.
122
According to informant (1) interviewed on June 27, 2009, Kharchu.
119
57
3.1 The manifestation as Padma Gyalpo in the ‘cham
Figur 5: Guru Padma Gyalpo
3.1.1 Acquirement of the name
The first emanation is called Guru Padma Gyalpo (Guru Pad ma rGyal po); guru means
‘teacher’, pad ma ‘lotus’ and rgyal po a ‘king’. According to popular belief and the oral
transmission, he is believed to be directly related to Buddha Amitabha (‘Od dpag med), the
58
Buddha of the Western Paradise, and also Avalokiteshvara (sPyan ras gzigs), the Bodhisattva
of Compassion. This is because when the mythical kingdom of Oddiyana was plagued by
famine and drought, Avalokiteshvara is believed to have had compassionate feelings towards
the inhabitants. Therefore, Avalokiteshvara requested Amitabha for help.123 According to the
myths and as told by two high Buddhist masters: “The Buddha Amitabha emanated golden
light from his heart centre that is said to have taken form as a five-pointed golden vajra
inscribed with the syllable HRI.124 It landed right in the centre of a lotus flower growing in the
Lake of Dhanakosha.”125 The flower was believed to be uncommonly large, with an eightyear-old boy seated in the vajra posture and surrounded by a radiating rainbow light and
dakinis.126
Up until that moment, the king of Oddiyana – profoundly known as Indrabhuti among his
several given names, such as Dhanapala (Dha na pa la), Gawoo (Ga ‘u) and Pranjakirti – had
been blind on one eye. Encountering this miraculous lotus-born Padmasambhava is said to
have healed him.127 King Indrabhuti was very much pleased and invited the lotus-born child
to his palace and adopted him as his son and heir.128 The king also arranged for his adopted
heir a consort named Bhasadhara.129 Here the lotus-born Padmasambhava is believed to have
become a king of Oddiyana and received the name Padma Gyalpo (Lotus King).130
There seems to be different occasions for achieving names. In contrast to the above story, it is
said that when Guru Padmasambhava went back to Oddiyana for the second time with his
consort Mandharava, his previous queen Wechangma (‘Od ‘chang ma) was jealous. Because
of this, king Dhanapala of Oddiyana ordered both to be burnt alive. On this occasion,
Padmasambhava showed supernatural power and turned the fire into a lake.131 He and
Pad ma bka’ thang: 9-13. (See also Douglas, part (1)1978: 112). The text Pad ma bka’ thang is a treasure text
discovered by O rgyan gling pa. The text first came into a European language in 1933, through a French
rendering by G. C. Toussaint. According to Jackson a thorough revision of the translation needs to be done.
Jackson, 1979: 123-125; see Palden Sherab Rinpoche and Tshewang Dungyal Rinpoche (hereafter PSR and
TDR), 1992: 8; see also Dowman 1973: 73-74.
124
Dudjom Rinpoche, Jikdrel Yeshi Dorji, (translated and edited by Gyurme Dorje and Matthew Kapstein),
1991: 468-469 .
125
The lake is believed to be endowed with eight auspicious aspects which are described as clean, clear, cool,
soft, good smel, accomplishing, harmonious and delicious.
126
Pema Thinley, 2003: 2-4 (See also Powers, 1995: 323-325 for details).
127
Pad ma bka’ thang: 114-118. (See also PSR and TDR, 1992: 8).
128
Pema Thinley, 2003: 6-7. Here Guru himself claims that it was his intended aim to be born as a prince of
Oddiyana (Dowman, 1973: 74).
129
Douglas, part (2) 1978: 428.
130
Some information is availabe in Snellgrove, 2003: 97.
131
Lam Kunzang Wangdi, 2007: 99-100 (daily recited prayer book).
123
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Mandharava are believed to have appeared together on a lotus flower in the centre of the
lake.132 The king was very ashamed for having doubted the greatness of his adopted son and
offered the kingdom for a second time. The king and all the people of Oddiyana became
Buddhists. The Guru was then called Padma Gyalpo.133 There are several narrations of this
story. However, Guru Padmasambhava is believed to have ruled the kingdom of Oddiyana for
five years.134 Thereafter he renounced the kingdom for enlightenment.
This is how Guru Rinpoche is believed to have acquired the name Padma Gyalpo. In the
following, I will describe the features and instruments of Padma Gyalpo in the ‘cham
performance and how he is supposed to be visualized. Then I will write about the dance of
Padma Gyalpo according to the tradition of Nima Lung Monastery.
3.1.2 Features and instruments of Padma Gyalpo in the ‘cham
Guru Rinpoche as Padma Gyalpo has a pointed black beard. He is semi-wrathful. His skin is
red while his robes are a shade of orange, a little redder than yellow. His right hand holds a
small damaru. He is normally depicted as holding a mirror and a hook in his left hand;
however, during the portrayal of the dance of Padma Gyalpo at Nima Lung Monastery, he
holds a damaru in the right hand and kind of metallic plate in the left hand that is vividly
visible in the photograph above plate no. one. Similarly, in the Guru’s Eight Aspects dance
performed in Hemis Monastery, the figure of Padma Gyalpo seems to hold a different object
in his left hand, namely incense, instead of a mirror and a hook.135 Therefore, I assume that
different monasteries have different customs and traditions. I have not been able to find the
reason why he holds this instrument during the performance in the Nima Lung Monastery.
Therefore, I will rather explain according to popular belief the symbolism of the mirror and
hook that he can be seen bearing in almost every icon and painting of Padma Gyalpo.
132
Pommaret, Namgay Dukpa, 1997: 15.
O rgyan Pad ma ‘byung nas kyi rnam thar rgyas pa gser gyi phreng ba thar lam gsal byed. Hereafter, OGP.
(See also the report of the discussion of the dance held in RAPA, Thimphu, Bhutan. A thirty-nine page booklet
has been published, n.d.).
134
Douglas, part (2) 1978: 428.
135
Madhu Khanna, 3.
133
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3.1.3 Symbols and visualization
The symbolic meaning of the mirror is believed to be wisdom, shes rab (Skt. prajna).
According to Buddhist dogma, wisdom is believed to be a major aspect for renouncing all the
false notions and attaining happiness. Further, ‘wisdom’ and ‘means’ (Tib. thabs, Skt. upaya)
are the twofold aspects combined that manifest enlightenment.136 Wisdom without means and
means without wisdom do not, according to Buddhist doctrine, results in enlightenment.
Combination of them is crucial for salvation.137 Similarly, the hook symbolizes compassion
(Tib. snying rje, Skt. karuna). In standard Mahayana philosophy, wisdom and compassion are
counted among the perfections of Bodhisattva. The cultivation of these perfections is believed
eventually to rescue all sentient beings that are trapped in samsara.138
During the ‘cham performance, the dancer personifying Padma Gyalpo is envisaged sitting on
the lotus flower, upon sun and moon discs, relaxing in the royal posture.139 According to
informants, this form of envisioning is believed to be the right approach of visualization. 140 It
is believed that if the dancer of this manifestation is not able to visualize the detail form of
Pema Gyalpo, it would have less effect and also entail less blessed empowerment both for the
performer and the audience. Padmasambhava appears in several different demeanours. He is
called ‘Gu ru zhi ba’ in his peaceful form and ‘Gu ru drag po’ in his wrathful from.141 Padma
Gyalpo is one of the peaceful manifestations of Padmasambhava, and in this context he is
visualized in peaceful demeanour.
3.1.4 The dance of Pema Gyalpo
The dance of Padma Gyalpo is a majestic dance performed in the courtyard. The steps and the
movements he makes are known as ‘movement of bringing the three world realms under his
power’ (khams gsum dbang du ‘du ba’i stang stabs) that are absolutely the same as the dance
performed at Rewalsar (as studied by Cantwell).142 Padma Gyalpo is attired in magnificent
costumes with instruments in both hands. His dance is associated with the recitation of a
136
Havey, 1990: 262-263
Snellgrove, 1987: 281-283.
138
Snellgrove, 1987: 283. This is also the understanding of informant (1) interviewed on July 25, 2009, Kharchu.
139
For a detailed visualization of Guru’s Eight Aspects, see Pema Thiley, 2003: Folio, 24b, line No. 2-folio, 32b,
line No.5.
140
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 27, 2009, Nima Lung.
141
Snellgrove, 2003: 172.
142
Cantwell, 2003: 15 and see also RAPA, n.d.: 24.
137
61
praising verse by the ritual master accompanied with beating cymbals. The verse of praise is
as follows:
khams gsum srid gsum dbang du bsdud//
Padma rgyal po’i sku la bstod//
Three spheres of existence of the three realms
Brought under the power [of Pema Gyalpo]
[I thus] praise Padma Gyalpo.143
Padma Gyalpo dances according to the rhythm of the cymbals and also according to the
recitation of the praising verse by the ritual master. He is believed to follow every word with a
different style of steps, steps back and forth, left and right, up and down to the count of the
cymbal master. In the ‘cham performances, this is known as ‘gro sdod spo bzhag: ‘gro ‘go’,
sdod ‘stay’, spo ‘take [your] steps’, bzhag, or ‘leave [the step]’ or ‘stop’ which is known as
tangtab (stang stabs), ‘the aesthetic movements in the dance’.144 He is semi-wrathful in
appearance. However, the dance is not wrathful; rather it is peaceful and calm.145 The dance is
believed to subdue the ego-clinging and transcend the emotions. On completion, Padma
Gyalpo takes his seat near Guru Rinpoche.
3.1.5 Significance of the dance of Padma Gyalpo
According to the commentary by Lama Mipham in the translation of the Eight Manifestations
of Padmasambhava by Khenchen Palden Sherab Rinpoche and Khenpo Tshewang Dungyal
Rinpoche,
The effects of practicing on Guru Padma Gyalpo depend upon your level of
approach. If you are a leader, your leadership will become more stable and benign. If
you are just a regular being, you will become more loveable. If you want to be
loveable and appreciated, practice on Guru Padma Gyalpo.146
Pad ma bka’ thang: 264.
This is the movements in the ‘cham according to proscribed rules relating to nine aesthetic styles/ways of the
dance.
145
Peaceful and wrathful deities are part of the tantric pantheon, and according to their dispositions, people are
assigned either peaceful or wrathful meditational deities (yi dam) by their teacher in order to proceed on the path
to enlightenment.
146
PSR and TDR, 1992: 10.
143
144
62
In addition, the following cited verse also explains the same as mentioned in the above
quotation. According to the believers, there seems to be some further benefits upon witnessing
and taking part in the dance performances as Padma Gyalpo: it removes diseases, increases
the stability of the five senses, improves the power of intelligence, brings beings and nonbeings under control and fulfils what one desires:
gzi brjid stobs rgyas nad rigs byung ‘khrug zhi//
dbang lnga las rung yid bde spobs pa myur//
mi dang mi min rlung sems dbang du ‘dus//
bsam don yid bzhin grub par byin gyis rlobs//
May the [beings] get removed from diseases, increasing power and magnificence
By gaining power over the five senses with peaceful mind and rapid courage
Bringing subjugation from the spiritual beings
And fulfilling [one’s] desire accordingly. 147
3.1.6 Conclusion
In conclusion, the dance of Padma Gyalpo, which is an enactment of central
philosophical concepts in Mahayana (including tantric) Buddhism, is believed to have a
great impact on both the practitioner and the audience; I will describe the benefits (for the
practitioner, audience and society) at the end of this chapter. For the dancer, performing
the dance of Padma Gyalpo in the dancing courtyard, adorned in magnificent costumes
with necessary instruments in his hands, performing the proscribed visualizations with
spectators watching the dance with respect and devotion, is believed to be effective in
bringing about a good life, removing any kind of calamity and bringing everything under
one’s control, which ultimately leads to enlightenment by cleansing the defilements and
ego-clinging within the self.
147
Dudjom Jigdrel Yeshe Dorje, folios, 61b-64b.
63
3.2 The manifestation as Nima Odzer and the ‘cham
Figur 6: Guru Nyima Odzer
3.2.1 Acquirement of the name
Nima Odzer (Nyi ma ‘od zer), ‘Rays of Sun’, is believed to be the second emanation of
Guru Rinpoche. He is associated with crazy wisdom (bdag med rtogs pa’i shes rab), and
his emanation is held to increase awareness of the great emptiness-bliss (bde stong).
According to the myths transmitted orally, it is said that Nima Odzer wandered across
India in different guises. According to Yeshe Tshogyal’s record of the biography of Guru
Rinpoche translated into English by Kenneth Douglas and Gwoendolyn Bays, Nima
Odzer taught the Dharma to the harmful deities dwelling in the ‘Bodies End Cemetery’
(sKu la rDzogs pa’i Dur khrod): “The god with the body of a yak, the head of a lion and
64
the legs of a serpent who carries a trident with a cadaver banner. Padma with his back
against the Mount Potala Stupa made of precious crystal teaches the Dharma to the
dakinis for five years”.148 In this context Padmasambhava is believed to have gained the
name Nima Odzer.149 According to the daily recited prayers, it seems that he has lived in
most of the charnel grounds teaching dharma to spiritual beings.150
However, he is also believed to have several emanations. At times Nima Odzer is
disguised in various forms, like a powerful master of meditation, a weak-looking beggar
and various animal forms, in order to help beings in the lower realms.151 In addition,
Nima Odzer is also believed to have visited Varanasi in India. According to Khenchen
Palden Sherab Rinpoche, he appeared in the style of a wild yogin, holding a khatvanga in
his right hand. Though he did not have any money with him, he asked a woman if she
had any beer. He drank five hundred gallons of beer. When the woman asked him to pay
for the beer, he replied that he would pay for it later and asked for a refill. He finished
more than five hundred gallons of beer, but was not even near to being drunk. When the
woman insisted that he pay, he stuck his khatvanga into the ground and told the woman
that he would pay when the shadow moved or sun set.152 However, the shadow did not
move at all. The day seemed to be very long. Eventually, this matter was brought to the
king. And the king sent some ministers to investigate the matter. They knew that when
the wandering wild-yogi did not have money to pay for the beer, such things usually
happened (i.e. that the sun did not set). They therefore offered to foot his bill, and
suddenly a great shadow fell over the land and it was night. This demonstration helped
hundreds of people and the woman selling the beer in particular. Thus, the name Nima
Odzer, ‘Rays of Sun,’ is believed to be the result of this miraculous demonstration, i.e.
for having the power to stop the sun’s movement.153 Similarly, there are numerous other
explanations for the name Nima Odzer, though I cannot explore these here due to the
limits of this thesis. In the following, I will describe the features and apparatus of Nima
Odzer in the dance and discuss their importance.
148
Douglas, (ii) 1978: 434. (See also Pommaret and Namgay Dukpa, 1997: 15).
Pad ma bka’ thang: 190-191 (see also Khenpo Yeshi Dorje (compiler, no date – abbreviated hereafter K. Y
D) sTon pa thugs rje can gyi phan thab dang, ‘phags bod pan grub rgya mtsho’i btogs brjod bcas phyogs chig tu
bkod pa dad gsum pad mo bzhad pa’i nyin byed ches bya ba bzhugs so (a compilation of important
iconographies of Buddhist saints.
150
Lam Kunzang Wangdi, 2007: 100.
151
PSR and TDR, 1992: 15.
152
Pad ma bka’ thang: 300-301.
153
PSR and TDR, 1992: 16.
149
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3.2.2 Features and instruments of Nima Odzer in the ‘cham
In the form of Nima Odzer, he looks semi-wrathful with a golden-red colour. Both of his
eyes are wide open and bulge a little. He has considerably long hair which is tied up on
the top of his head, as can be clearly made out from the mask he wears during the ‘cham
portrayal. Normally, he is bare-chested; however, in the ‘cham display he is adorned with
aesthetic costumes. He wears a yellowish silk brocade dress. He holds a khatvanga in his
left hand and a sun in his right hand according to the dance performed in Nima Lung
Monastery, which corresponds also to Madhu Khanna, the Guru’s Eight Aspects dance
performed at the Hemis Festival.154 The hand ornaments always seem to bear a symbolic
meaning. Furthermore, to make the dance powerful in endowing blessing, the dancer is
required to embody Nima Odzer during the dance show, and then to visualize him. Each
monk assumes the personality of the deity he is meant to characterize, as I will describe
below.
3.2.3 Symbols and visualization
The khatvanga staff or adept’s staff is believed to be an unusual ceremonial trident-staff that
is carried in the crook of the left hand by tantric masters. For male tantric masters, the staff is
said to symbolize the female consort and his inner power or abiding essence, and for female
tantric masters the male consort and her secret inner nature,155 which also correspond to the
explanation given by the religious specialists that I have interviewed.156
According to the informants that I have interviewed during the course of fieldwork, the
original khatvanga staff is believed to have developed from an Indian bed leg from which it
takes its name. The top of the staff comprises a trident, a column of three human heads in
various states of partial decay, and a ‘cross vajra’ (rdo rje rgya gram) with a ‘vessel’ (tshe
‘bum) resting on it, or the fourth upper arm transformed into a vessel. The three trident points
are believed to represent the three energy and wind channels along the spinal column and as
such denote complete mastery over the autonomous nervous system.157 According to the
informants, the white skull, the partially decayed red head and the freshly severed green or
dark blue head have been explained as symbolizing the three ‘bodies’ (Skt. kaya) i.e. the
154
Op. cit.
Kunzang Dorji, 2003: 40.
156
According to the informant (1) interviewed on July 23, 2009, Nima Lung and Kharchu.
157
Kunzang Dorji, 2003: 41.
155
66
dharmakaya, sambhogakaya and nirmanakaya or the primal existence modes of enlightened
beings.158 In contrast, there seems to have been an alternative explanation, namely that these
heads also symbolize conquest over ‘the three [root] poisons’ (sdug gsum) of lust, hatred and
delusion.159 Besides holding this significant ornament, the dancer visualizes Nima Odzer in
the course of dance performances.
It is believed that the dancer must visualize as Nima Odzer but not as himself (the
personifier). To visualize and meditate on Nima Odzer, one should meditate on love and
compassion, reflect on the deeper nature of the mind and visualize him as a form of wisdom,
then as the manifestation of love and compassion in a rainbow body, but not as a solid
entity.160 This meditation can be called loving-kindness (byams brtses, Skt. metta) and
compassion (snying rje, Skt. karuna) which is described as the path factor of right thought by
Harvey.161 The dancer visualizing all the required forms does also have to recite the twelvesyllable Vajra Guru Mantra, ‘Om a hum vajra gu ru pad ma siddhi hum’. Mantras are sacred
words which contain power to enhance one’s practice. With these visualizations and chanting
of mantras, the rays of the light of love and compassion are believed to be disseminated and
reflected resplendently to all the sentient beings, and the audience in the dancing courtyard is
enveloped with the radiance of light illuminated from Nima Odzer, thus delivering them to
‘the Blissful Realm’ (bDe chen gyi Zhing).162 The dance is perceived as both interesting and
entertaining by the audience, with peaceful steps throughout the dance.
3.2.4 The dance of Nima Odzer
The dance of Nima Odzer is slow and involves “peaceful”163 movements with different
gestures. There is some whirling around, however, sometimes with a gentle lifting of the
legs and arms. The hands move across each other frequently. His dance is believed to
subdue three poisons. Cantwell’s account of the dance from Rewalsar includes a story
about an occasion when Hindu followers attempted to poison Nima Odzer; however, he
transformed the poison into amrita, ‘divine elixir’ (lha’i bdud rtsi).164 This is an example
158
According to informant (1) interviewed on June 26, 2009, Kharchu.
According to informant (1) interviewed on June 27, 2009, Kharchu.
160
PSR and TDR, 1992: 17, and also according to informant (1) (see footnote 24 for details).
161
Harvey, 1990: 209.
162
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 27, 2009, Kharchu and July 30, Nima Lung.
163
The movements involve coinciding with the peaceful appearance; gentle lifting legs, slow movements of the
hands, he turns in all the directions abide by the discipline however, in mild, but not wrathfully.
164
Cantwell, 2003: 15.
159
67
of how Nima Odzer subdued the three poisons, taming and suppressing evil forces.
Therefore, the dance of Nima Odzer is known as ‘movement of taming all the beings [in
the three spheres]’ (‘gro ba ‘dul ba’i stang stabs).165 Throughout the dance, the dancer
and the ritual master recite the praising verse along with the beat of cymbals. The
subsequent are the phrases recited:
rmongs pa’i mun sel ‘gro ba ‘dul//
Nyi ma ‘od zer sku la bstod//
Removing the darkness of delusion,
taming the beings in the [three] realms
[I thus] praise Nima Odzer.166
Nima Odzer dances according to the recitation of the praising verse before taking a seat
near Guru Rinpoche in the row.
3.2.5 Significance of the dance of Nima Odzer
If one either participates or witnesses the dance of Nima Odzer, it is believed that all
one’s discomfort, hardship and difficulty become removed, whether yearly, monthly or
daily. In addition, all beings would be helped in clearing the obstacles on the path to
enlightenment. Furthermore, the dance is believed to increase one’s glory, power and
luck and help one gain victory over all the ten directions. The following stanza states the
same as the explanation above:
lo zla zhag dus skeg dang ltas ngan zhi//
chos dang thar pa’i bar du gcod pa sel//
dbang thang rlung rta rgud sogs sor chud cing//
phyogs las rnam par rgyal bar byin gyi rlobs//
May the [beings] get removed from the bad omen yearly,
monthly, daily and hourly,
Clearing the [way] between Dharma and nirvana
Also improve [one’s] power of glory
And gain victory over [ten] directions167
165
Cantwell, 2003: 15 and see also RAPA, n.d.: 24.
Pad ma bka’ thang: 264.
167
Dudjom Jigdrel Yeshe Dorje, folios, 61b-64b.
166
68
Also, it is believed that if you are beginning to practice love and compassion and value
wisdom but are limited in your ability to embody your understanding, Guru Nyima Özer will
help you actualize these qualities and bring them into relationship with sentient beings which
is also in line to my informants.168 Upon practicing his form it is believed one will achieve the
great emptiness-bliss (bde stong) and recognize the essence of all the fundamental elements
causing one to suffer in the lower three realms of samsara. Through enacting the dance and
witnessing the form of Nima Odzer, both dancer and spectator are believed to attain
enlightenment or at least a good rebirth.
3.2.6 Conclusion
The second emanation, Nima Odzer, seems to play a vital role in bringing about, for the
dancer as well as for the audience, the recognition of the true nature of existence. The
dance steps, which symbolize the taming of the demons symbolizing our vices and
removing the delusion of grasping onto a ‘self’ or ‘ego’, seem to have a great impact on
everyone present. Through meditating on Nima Odzer or witnessing the dance of Nima
Odzer and reflecting upon love and compassion, it is believed to be possible for both the
practitioner and the audience to recognize the true nature of reality and consequently
achieve ‘permanent happiness’ (gtan gyi bde ba).
168
PSR and TDR, 1992: 17. This is also according to the informant (1).
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3.3. The manifestation as Loden Choksey and the ‘cham
Figur 7: Guru Loden Choksey
3.3.1 Acquirement of the name
The third manifestation of Padmasambhava is called Guru Loden Choksey (Gu ru Blo
ldan mchog sras), ‘Teacher Supreme Knowledge Holder’. People believe that Guru
Loden Choksey was an enlightened being even before he left the kingdom of Oddiyana.
70
However, for the sake of sentient beings, he wandered in all the eight cemeteries, eating
the food and wearing the clothes offered to the dead bodies. According to legends, the
Buddhist classical scripture (Yeshe Tshogyal: Pad ma bka’ thang) and also statements by
Khenchen Palden Sherab Rinpoche, in ancient times the Indians had a funerary tradition
of offering food and clothes to the dead bodies in the cemeteries for one year after the
funeral.169
Guru Rinpoche is believed to have lived in the charnel ground called Hechen Del (He
chen brdel) ‘Pervasive great joy of north-west’ for five years, teaching both the visible
and invisible beings.170 The ‘visible beings’ are the low class of people who carried the
dead bodies to the charnel grounds in ancient times; Guru Rinpoche gave teachings to
such corpse carriers. The ‘invisible beings’ are the spiritsand deities dwelling in the
cemeteries to whom he gave teachings as well. He is believed to have given elaborate
instructions on the Nine Ways (of the Nyingmapa tradition) to the invisible beings and
also the teachings of ‘the Great Perfection’ (rDzogs chen), the highest teaching in both
the Nyingmapa school and the Bon religion. Guru Rinpoche then travelled to Bodhgaya,
honoured as the place where Buddha Shakyamuni achieved enlightenment.
Oral tradition and hagiographies say that in Bodhgaya, near the Mahabodhi tree, Guru
Rinpoche demonstrated miracles. There he encountered an old lady who inquired about
his lineage, his master and the teaching:
“Who is your teacher? To which lineage do you belong?” Guru Rinpoche replied, “I
have no teacher and have no need for one. Neither do I belong to any particular
lineage. I am a totally enlightened being, primordially aware.” The old woman
immediately responded by saying, “Oh, that’s not right. Without the blessing of a
teacher, you cannot be enlightened. You must have connection with a master.
Lacking that, no one will accept your words.” 171
Guru Rinpoche, keeping these questions in mind and thinking that he must have some
teachers and lineages in order to teach other sentient beings in a reliable manner, thus
sought teachers and lineages. Guru Rinpoche is then said to have contacted several
Pad ma bka’ thang: 192-198 (see also PSR and TDR, 1992: 12 and Yeshi Dorji (n.d).
Pad ma bka’ thang: 192-198.
171
PSR and TDR, 1992: 12. Or 12.
169
170
71
masters and studied all ten sciences, languages, received Maha-, Anu- and Atiyoga172
teachings from numerous ‘realized masters’ (sgrub thob), becoming a fully accomplished
religious master himself. Therefore, it is for this reason that Guru Rinpoche gained the
name of Loden Choksey.173
However, in some other accounts, it is said that when the Guru was dwelling in the
cemetery in Kashmir, he gave teachings to both visible and invisible beings 174 for
several years and thus achieved the name Loden Choksey.175 On the whole, it seems that
Guru Rinpoche received the name Loden Choksey because of his accomplishment in
esoteric learning, becoming the supreme holder of knowledge that he received from
several masters, and wandering in the eight charnel grounds in order to give teachings to
the visible and invisible beings. Leaving the question of how Guru Rinpoche received his
name, in the following I will discuss the features and apparatus of Loden Choksey in the
‘cham.
3.3.2 Features and apparatus of Loden Choksey in the ‘cham
Guru Loden Choksey is peaceful in appearance with a rich white skin colour.176 He has
long hair decorated with a blue-green lotus, known as an utpala flower, tied up on the
crown of his head; however, this is not vividly seen during the dance, being covered by
the five lobes. He is generally depicted as wearing a white scarf believed to be the
costume of a king according to some other accounts. At times he is also portrayed
wearing a scarf which has a ribbon wrapped around the head. However, according to the
dance practised in Nima Lung Monastery, the dancer is beautifully adorned with a long
silk brocade gown with different patterns, though not with a white scarf as stated above.
As Loden Choksey in the dance, he carries a damaru in his right hand and a ‘lotus
patterned cup’ (pad phor), in the left. Also in this context he seems to differ from the
dance performed at the Hemis Festival. Madhu Khanna has stated that in the Hemis
festival the dancer holds incense instead of a lotus cup in his left hand, though the
172
The highest teachings in the Nyngmapa school, see e.g. Snellgrove, 1987: 396-426.
(see compilation by RAPA, Thimphu, Bhutan. Publication dates and year are not available. In this work we
find a discussion of the importance of ‘cham, also see Lam Kunzang Wangdi, 2007: 98-99).
174
For visible and invisible beings, see above.
175
Douglas (ii) 1978: 432. See also Douglas, (i) 1978 : 171-175 for details, see also bKa’ thang bsdus pa, folio
5a line 6.
176
Pommaret, and Namgay Dorji, 1997: 11-16.
173
72
damaru held in the right hand is the same.177 But I assume that the visualization may be
the same even though Madhu Khanna does not explain this.
3.3.3 Visualization
Guru Loden Choksey is believed to be the wisdom emanation of Guru Rinpoche. The
dancer visualizes Loden Choksey as he represents him in the dance. According to
informant (1), the dancer has to visualize the accurate form of Loden Choksey with love
and compassion, disseminating the light of wisdom over sentient beings. Khenchen
Palden Sherab Rinpoche says that in order to visualize Loden Choksey, “one has to
create a small sphere of white light in the space before you. Concentrate on that for a
moment and then transform the sphere into the transcendental rainbow body of Guru
Loden Choksey, omnidirectionally radiating white light.”178 The visualization does not
seem to be an easy task, as explained by Khenchen Palden Sherab Rinpoche, unless one
has enough knowledge and required teachings. However, according to the tradition
practised in Nima Lung Monastery, the dancers are never forced to visualize. The
qualifications of most of the dancers do not seem to suffice for advanced visualization
practices, since visualization requires a meditational background. Almost every
participant in the dance lacks this qualification. However, they dance with correct
gestures with the proper steps of the dance.
3.3.4 The dance of Loden Choksey
Guru Loden Choksey dances in the dancing courtyard gently moving around in circles and
majestically lifting his legs and moving his hand across each other several times. His dance is
always peaceful. The dance of Loden Choksey is known as ‘Removing the darkness of
ignorance [of a being]’ (rMong pa’i mun pa sel ba’i stangs stabs) which is similar to what
Cantwell writes.179
During the dance, the ritual master recites the following verses of praise upon clashing
the cymbal. It is also said that the dancer has to recite the verses internally upon
177
Khanna, 1997: 3.
PSR and TDR, 1992: 15 of 38.
179
Cantwell, 2003: 14 and see also RAPA, n.d.:23.
178
73
dancing.180 The praising verse also means that ignorance will be removed and wisdom
disseminated to sentient beings. The praising verse to Loden Choksey goes like this,
shes bya kun la ma rmong pa’i//
blo ldan mchog sred sku la bstod//
the one whose knowledge is not deluded
[I thus] praise Loden Choksey.181
3.3.5 Significance of the dance of Loden Choksey
The dance of Loden Choksey is believed to bring prosperity to all the sentient beings, and to
bring the evil ones under the practitioner’s power. The evil ones will obey those who have
witnessed the dance of Loden Choksey as servants. In addition, both dancer and spectators
will have good dreams and good omens, as explained in the following stanza:
mnga‘ thang longs spyod ‘phel zhing rkang ‘gros ‘dus//
‘gro kun dang ‘dus gzhi bdag bran bzhin nyan//
rmi lam rtags mtshan bzang po mthong ba dang//
grub gnyis gter kha brdol bar byin gyis rlobs//
May the [beings] flourish in richness and power,
and gather worldly beings
Under [ones] control obeying [one] like a servant,
And having the good dreams of good omens
Exploring the door of treasure182
Furthermore, as Loden Choksey is believed to be the wisdom emanation of Guru
Rinpoche, people believe that practising either the ‘cham or meditation upon this
manifestation will be effective in dispelling the darkness of ignorance and help one
master the arts and sciences, ultimately leading one to awaken to the reality of primordial
180
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 27, 2009, Nima Lung Monastery.
Pad ma bka’ thang: 264.
182
Dudjom Jigdrel Yeshe Dorje, Folio, 61b-64b.
181
74
wisdom.183 The dance of Loden Choksey plays an essential role in dispelling one’s
darkness of ignorance and helping one realize the actuality of life.
3.3.6 Conclusion
The ‘cham of Guru Loden Choksey helps spectators to achieve merit by dispelling the
ignorance within the self through the contemplation of love and compassion, as Loden
Choksey is believed to be one of the wisdom emanations of Guru Rinpoche that is
effective in dispelling ignorance. Buddhist people consider ignorance to be the main
cause of suffering. Therefore, the removal of ignorance by the dance of Loden Choksey
is crucial for the believers.
183
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 26, 2009, Nima Lung Monastery.
75
3.4 The manifestation as Padmasambhava and the ‘cham
Figur 8: Guru Padmasambhava
3.4.1 Acquirement of the name
Guru Padmasambhava, ‘the Lotus Born’, is believed to be the fourth emanation of Guru
Rinpoche. According to legend told in Padmasambhava sacred biographies, it is believed
that Guru Rinpoche wanted to transform the negative energy into more peaceful and
76
compassionate forms and that he searched for the place where he might be able to offer
the most help to all beings. The legend says the time had come to subjugate and spread
dharma in Zahor, and Guru Rinpoche is said to have had a vision of Zahor, a country
which is believed to be in the northwest of Bodhgaya, and saw a wisdom dakini in his
vision.184 The wisdom dakini was Mandarava. Therefore, Guru Rinpoche, intending to
transmit his teachings with her assistance and also thinking that both could achieve
immortality, visited the country of Zahor.
Though the king of Zahor, Arsadhara, had many queens, he had only one daughter named
Mandarava. Traditionally, in the country of Zahor, marriage was pre-arranged. However,
as Mandarava had several suitors, it was hard for her father to decide. The king left the
choice to her. Nevertheless, she did not want to get married to any of the suitors.185
Instead she opted to practise the Dharma and she was accompanied by four hundred and
ninety-nine female friends.
It was this time that Guru Rinpoche arrived in the place encircled by a rainbow in the sky
and majestically seated on the rays of the sun. He was then invited by Mandarava and her
friends to give religious teachings. He accepted their request, and Guru Rinpoche taught
them intensely. However, people misunderstood and believed that they were having a
good time and dating this unknown man. The false rumours spread throughout the
country, and eventually the false words arrived at the door of the king. The king then sent
some of his ministers to investigate and to kill the offender if the rumours were true. The
investigators found that all of them, including Mandarava, were fully dedicated to this
unknown person and sat around him. Without noticing the truth of what the women were
really doing, and who the man was who expounded the teachings, all the religious
practitioners, including Mandarava, were sentenced to prison for several years. The man
(i.e. Guru Rinpoche) was burnt alive. At this time Guru Rinpoche exhibited some of his
miracles by turning the fire into a lake. A beautiful lotus flower blossomed in the midst
of the lake, where Guru sat in the vajra posture on the lotus flower. Because of this
miraculous display,186 Guru Rinpoche achieved the name of Guru Padmasambhava, ‘The
Lotus-born’. The king realized that Padmasambhava was a fully enlightened being and
184
Lam Kunzang Wangdi, 2007: 99.
Pad ma bka’ thang: 250-258.
186
Pad ma bka’ thang: 259-267.
185
77
offered his hat as a sign of respect to him. It is also said that king Arsadhara even offered
his kingdom. However, Padmasambhava did not accept it. Therefore, the king requested
Padmasambhava to give him and all his retinues the teachings of Buddha.
Padmasambhava then instructed them in the Vajrayana teachings.187
In some other accounts, Guru Rinpoche is believed to be the ‘Lord of the Teachings’ of
Dharma, hence achieving the name Padmasambhava.188 In Pad ma bka’ thang (Yeshe
Tshpgyal),it is said that Guru Rinpoche was in the charnel ground called
Lankakuta/Lanka, or Mound to the North (Lang ka brtsegs), for five years, turning the
wheel of Dharma to the beings dwelling in that area. Therefore, he obtained the name
Padmasambhava.189 There are numerous statements regarding how he achieved the name
of Padmasambhava, he being the esoteric master of tantric teaching and being
omnipresent. However, in the following I will describe his features and the instruments
that he bears during the ‘cham portrayal in accordance with the practice in Nima Lung
Monastery.
3.4.2 Features and apparatus of Padmasambhava in the ‘cham
Padmasambhava’s features are the same in the ‘cham as in most other iconographies of
him. His complexion is golden yellow and his demeanour is peaceful and calm. He wears
a red hat which is pointed at the top, the hat of a monk. He bears a skull cup in his left
hand while his right hand is believed to be in the posture of the ‘protection mudra’
(skyabs sbyin phyag rgya,). In contrast, in the dance performed at Hemis Monastery,
Padmasambhava bears a vajra in his right hand, as pointed out by Madhu Khanna.190
However, at Nima Lung Monastery the apparatus held during the dance portrayal by
Padmasambhava is vividly visible, as stated in the line above. It is believed that his skull
cup must be filled with amrita (bdud rtsi), ‘long-life nectar’. While in the dance display,
however, it is not filled with amrita. Informants (1) and (2) remarked that though Guru
Padmasambhava should ideally be portrayed according to convention, during the dance
only the mere symbols are shown because the full apparatus would be inconvenient as
187
See more details in PSR and TDR, 1992: 18-23. See also Douglas, (ii) 1978: 430.
’bKa thang bsdus pa, folio 5a, line 3.
189
Pad ma bka’ thang: 204-211; see also Yeshi Tshogyal, (i) 1978: 180-183.
190
Khanna, 1997: 3.
188
78
the dancer has to dance.191 But they remarked as well that the dancer visualizes the entire
fixation during the dance.
3.4.3 Symbols and visualization
The nectar contained in the skull cup is said to symbolize the true essence of existence.
When the dancer is performing the dance of Padmasambhava, he is required to visualize
that he is the real Guru Padmasambhava, and that the nectar in the skull cup is
transmitted to all sentient beings, thus purifying them from negative emotions, mental
obscuration, diseases and external calamities. Visualization is carried on until everything
has been completely transformed into the form of Padmasambhava. However, informants
(1) and (2) remarked that full visualization is possible only if one has undergone the
practice of meditation.192 However, they state it is always good to visualize at least what
is possible during the dance, and a minimal visualization is indispensable for the efficacy
of the performance.
3.4.4 The dance of Padmasambhava
Padmasambhava enters the dancing courtyard to take his turn in the dance, with the skull cup
in his left hand and with his right hand in a mudra posture, the kind of mudra which is
believed to be the protection or teaching mudra (chos ’chad phyag rgya). The dance of
Padmasambhava is slow and graceful. He sometimes turns around majestically. His hands
never move, however, but remain in the same initial posture. Cantwell accounts that in this
dance, Padmasambhava implies the “qualities of knowledge and wisdom contained in his
teachings”. However, the dance does not seem to have different names.193 The dance of
Padmasambhava is known as the ‘Movement of the rolling water of wisdom (Buddha
qualities)’ (Yon ten gyi rba rlabs g.yo ba’i stangs stabs).194
During the dance the ritual master recites the following verses with the clash of the cymbals,
while Padmasambhava dances in the dancing courtyard. The following verse praises
Padmasambhava:
191
According to informant (2) interviewed on July 27, 2009, Nima Lung.
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 27, 2009, Kharchu.
193
Cantwell, 2003: 14.
194
RAPA, n.d.:23.
192
79
yon ten thams cad rab rdzogs pa’i//
pad ma sam ba+ha’i sku la bstod//
The one who has fully understood/perfected the Buddha’s teachings
[I thus] praise Padmasambhva195
The dance of Padmasambhava lasts for a few minutes, and upon completion the dancer takes
a seat in a row near Guru Rinpoche. Though the dance seems outwardly entertaining, there is
subtle meaning in it. The meaning may be understood by both the audience and the
practitioner.
3.4.5 Significance of the dance of Padmasambhava
The dance of Padmasambhava is believed to bring great changes within sentient beings.
The following verses explain that one is believed to have been cleansed of all lies,
harshly spoken words, meaningless arguments and defamatory statements to the Buddha,
Dharma and Sangha. The performance is also believed to have purified all the
negativities within oneself, helping one to achieve enlightenment:
ngag ‘khyal tshig rtsub rdzun smras skur pa btab//
nyan thos ‘dul khrims byang sems bslab pa nyams//
gsang sngags dam tshig ‘gal sogs nyes ltung rnams//
byang zhing bdag rgyud dag par byin gyis rlobs//
May the [beings] be blessed in purifying the [beings’] mind and removing all the downfalls!
Such as speaking senseless, harsh, false and slandered words,
Violating the vinaya rules of Sravaka and precepts of the Bodhisattvas,
And opposing the commitment of the secret teachings196
Furthermore, according to informant (1), meditating upon Padmasambhava brings peace
and tranquillity within the self and is also believed to regenerate197 one’s energy (khong
shugs/sems shugs/nus stobs), which corresponds with the explanation by Khenchen
Pad ma bka’ thang: 264.
Dudjom Jigdrel Yeshe Dorje, folios, 61b-64b.
197
People believe they get additional strength, spiritually.
195
196
80
Palden Sherab Rinpoche.198 In addition, both the practitioner and the audience would
achieve a calm and peaceful state of relaxation and help create a pleasant atmosphere for
other sentient beings, harmonizing both the internal and the external environment
through performing or witnessing the dance or upon witnessing the performance, as also
described by one of my informants.199
3.4.6 Conclusion
The dance of Padmasambhava, known as the ‘Movement of the rolling of water of
wisdom’, is meant to have an inspirational and significant impact both for the practitioner
and the observer, according to several assertions made by various authors and informants
during the course of the fieldwork. The dance of Padmasambhava culminates in bringing
peace and tranquillity by removing the ignorance within the beings through the wisdom
emanation of Guru Rinpoche as Padmasambhava. Therefore, the dance of
Padmasambhava is conceived as important for all the spectators in that it intends to show
a way to become aware of the true nature of reality and help them to subdue their
negativity through the practice of love and compassion.
198
199
PSR and TDR, 1992: 22.
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 28, 2009, Kharchu.
81
3.5 The manifestation as Shakya Senge and ‘cham
Figur 9: Guru Sakya Senge
3.5.1 Acquirement of the name
The fifth emanation is called Guru Sakya Senge (Sha kya sen ge), ‘Lion of the Shakya’.
He is believed to be a fully ordained monk. His ordination was given on the small island
in the Ganges River by Ananda, believed to be one of the seven generations of regents.
82
Further, it is said that when Guru Shakya Senge was ordained there, he was offered a
monk’s robe and a begging bowl by the earth goddess. I assume that Shakya Senge holds
these apparatus not only during the portrayal of the ‘cham, but in all the iconographies of
Shakya Senge relating to the above legends.
However, under the guidance of Ananda, he mastered the Tripitaka (the Vinaya, Sutra
and Abhidharma) as well as the outer and inner tantras (gsang sngas).200 He visited most
of the places where Buddha gave his sermons, and he is said to have meditated
particularly on the deity Vajrakila. Shakya Senge is believed to have reached the highest
realization.
According to mytho-historical beliefs inscribed in the Buddhist philosophical texts,
Buddha Shakyamuni predicted that King Ashoka would help in transmitting the Dharma.
In his childhood Ashoka is said to have been cruel, but he nevertheless became the king.
And as a king, he ordered the killing of numerous people and waged several wars. Then
Guru Rinpoche, in the form of an ordinary monk, arrived in the kingdom to tame the king
and his executioner. Through Guru Rinpoche’s exhibition of extraordinary powers (Skt.
siddhi), he converted the king and executioner. Guru Rinpoche then taught the teachings
of Buddha. The king and executioner became strict followers of Dharma. 201 According to
the legend, it is also said that King Ashoka altered his name to Dharmaashoka, ‘the
Buddha-minded Ashoka’. Furthermore, Guru Rinpoche, in the form of a simple monk,
meditated at the Vulture Peak (Bya rgod Phung po Ris) near Bodhgaya. There he
transmitted religious teachings of the first turning of the wheel of Dharma (Chos ‘khor
dang po): the Four Noble Truths (bden pa bzhi), the Twelvefold Chain of
Interdependence (rTen ‘brel bcu gnyis), the Teachings of the Abhidharma (mNgon par
mdzod.) and Vinaya ‘Dul ba). Having taught the four turnings of the wheel of Dharma
(bDen pa bzhi gi chos ‘khor) successively, he is believed to have become known as
Shakya Senge.202
200
The highest tantra in the Nyingmapa tradition. The exoteric, subtle way, believed to be the short way to
enlightenment, involves pragmatic sophisticated means and ways.
201
Pad ma bka’ thang: 285-290.
202
Douglas, (ii) 1978: 426.
83
In addition, displaying the eight manifestations within one body is known as Shakya
Senge.203 According to some legends, it is believed that when Guru Rinpoche arrived at
Bodhgaya, people asked who he was. To this question, he answered that he was an
enlightened Buddha by nature; however, people did not believe him. Consequently, he
visited master Prabahati in Zahor to learn more of Buddha’s teachings in order to satisfy
peoples’ desire and to convince them that he was a fully enlightened being. He received
religious teachings from Prabahati and achieved high realization.204 This is one reason
why he received the name Guru Shakya Senge.205 There are other explanations for the
name Shakya Senge as well, but I will not explore them here. In the following I will
describe and discuss his features and apparatus in accordance with the ‘cham
performance in Nima Lung Monastery.
3.5.2 Features and apparatus of Shakya Senge in the ‘cham
As Shakya Senge, his skin is golden yellow and he has a peaceful expression. He wears a
monk dress and looks like the Buddha Shakyamuni. In addition, he holds a begging bowl
in his left hand and a vajra in the right hand. In the dance, however, he does not seem to
carry the vajra as practised at Nima Lung Monastery, though he does carry a begging
bowl. Also, he does not make any form of mudra with his right hand during the dance, as
you can vividly spot from his photograph. There are some similarities between the dance
performed at Hemis Monastery and Nima Lung Monastery in bearing the apparatus.
During the Hemis Festival, Shakya Senge holds the bowl in his left hand but nothing in
the right, only forming a mudra posture.206 We see some similarities here but also
difference as well. However, the dancer is believed to visualize according to the
proscribed techniques.
3.5.3 Visualization
During the dance of Shakya Senge, the dancer representing him is required to visualize
the actual and complete form of Shakya Senge. In addition, the dancer has to imagine
that a golden light is being transformed within him and that the light is transmitted for the
Bka’ thang bsdus pa, folio 5a, line 5.
Lam Kunzang Wangdi, 2007: 98.
205
K. Yeshi Dorji, n. d.: 100.
206
Khanna, 1997: 3.
203
204
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benefit of sentient beings through love and compassion.207 The dancer is also required to
rehearse the Vajra Guru Mantra when performing the dance.
3.5.4 The dance of Shakya Senge
The dance of Shakya Senge is not wrathful either. He dances serenely in the dancing
courtyard for a while, encircling with his diligent steps and stepping to and fro. His dance
performance is known as ‘Movement of conquering the host of demons’ (bDud dpung ‘joms
pa’i stangs stabs).208 This is also mentioned by Cantwell.209 During the dance, the ritual
master recites the following verse when he beats the cymbals. The dancer recites them when
dancing as well. The steps of the dance are according to the meaning in the verse:
logs ‘dren bdud bzhi ‘dul mdzad pa’i//
Sha’ kya seng ge sku la bstod//
taming the four opposing Maras
[I thus] praise Shakya Senge210
3.5.5 Significance of the dance of Shakya Senge
The dance of Shakya Senge is believed to remove all the external and internal obstacles. The
dance is believed to strengthen the aspiration to achieve the three precepts: morality,
contemplation and wisdom. If performed correctly, the adept may ultimately flourish in
limitless knowledge and accomplish the Buddha qualities through the dance, as explained in
the subsequent verse:
‘chi bdag gza’ bdud sde brgyad gnod ‘tshe zhi//
tshul khrims rnam dag bslab gsum yongs su rdzogs//
rig pa’i gnas dang mdo rgyud thams cad la//
mkhen rab phyogs med rgyas par byin gyis rlobs//
May the [beings] get removed from harassment, death, gza’, eight evil spirits,
And accomplish the morals, precepts and practices of Buddha,
207
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 20, 2009, Nima Lung Monastery.
RAPA, n.d.:24.
209
Cantwell, 2003: 16.
210
Pad ma bka’ thang: 264.
208
85
Gaining awareness from all the sciences, sutras and tantras
And achieving boundless knowledge of [Buddha dharma]211
3.5.6 Conclusion
The dance of Shakya Senge is peaceful, but performed with splendid steps by a dancer
clad in a magnificent monk’s dress. The dance is called ‘Moving the host of maras’ and
its intention is to bring both physical and mental peace in beings.
211
Dudjom Jigdrel Yeshe Dorje, folios, 61b-64b.
86
3.6 The manifestation as Senge Dradrok and the ‘cham
Figur 10: Guru Seng Dradrok
3.6.1 Acquirement of name
People believe that the sixth emanation is Guru Senge Dradrok (Guru Seng ge sgra
sgrogs), ‘Guru Lion’s Roar’. He is considered to be one among the two wrathful forms of
Guru Rinpoche. According to oral and traditionally widespread belief, the name Senge
Dradrok originated because of his spreading of the Dharma sound throughout the six
87
realms.212 However, in some accounts it is said that he was at ‘the Cemetery of SelfFormed Mounds’ (lHun grub brTsegs pa’i Dur khrod), believed to be one of the most
fearful cemeteries in Nepal, subduing the evil forces and teaching Dharma to the dakinis.
Guru Rinpoche lived there for five years and subdued the eight classes of gnomes,
reduced three worlds and subjugated the three domains, and thus received the name
Senge Dradrok.213
There are several descriptions of him receiving the name Senge Dradrok. In some
accounts, it is said that Guru Rinpoche was in the north of Bodhgaya at Nalanda. Nalanda
is believed to be the largest monastery in the history of Buddhism. Guru Rinpoche was
helping the monks’ debate with the non-Buddhist scholars (mu stegs pa), who were
believed to be great magicians trying to demolish the Buddhist teachings. 214 In order to
tame the non-Buddhist and devil-minded figures, Guru Rinpoche is believed to have
practised meditation on Singhamukha,215 ‘the Lion-faced Dakini’. After having meditated
on Singhamukha, and through transforming himself into the wrathful form of Senge
Dradrok, i.e. the one with the lion’s roar, he triumphed over the non-Buddhists by
making the subjugation mudra (dbang du ‘du ba’i phyag thabs). Because of this incident,
he received the name Senge Dradrok.216 However, in the following, I will discuss his
features and hand ornaments that he carries during the dance of Senge Dradrok.
3.6.2 Features and apparatus of Senge Dradrok in the ‘cham
Guru Senge Dradrok is wrathful in appearance. His skin colour is dark blue. He has three
glaring eyes and four fangs. On the head sits five skulls. He carries a flaming fivepointed vajra in his right hand. His left hand makes a subjugation mudra which
corresponds to the dance performed at the Hemis Festival as well. In the ‘cham it is
vividly visible that he also has a two ‘further manifestations’ (yang sprul) of his
personification. They are also called Sengphrug (Seng phrug), or ‘Lion Cubs’.
Traditionally, the Guru’s Eight Aspects dance practised in Nima Lung Monastery has
these two further manifestations, the third being Senge Dradrok himself.217 But it seemed
bKa’ thang bsdus pa, folio 5a, line 5.
Pad ma bka’ thang: 200-203. See also Douglas, (1) 1978:176-179, and RAPA n.d.: 20.
214
Lam Kunzang Wangdi, 2007: 100-101.
215
Spelt according to PSR and TDR, 1998: 38.
216
PSR and TDR, 1998: 27.
217
According to informant (2) interviewed on July 20, 2009, Nima Lung.
212
213
88
that there are variations in the number of further manifestations of Senge Dradrok. Some
of the informants state that Senge Dradrok has six further manifestations. However, I will
focus on the manifestation as portrayed in Nima Lung Monastery as my fieldwork is
based on this site. In any case, the dancers are attired with long, dark-blue silk brocade
dresses, with an apron embroidered with the depiction of a wrathful face, and they dance
wrathfully while visualizing Senge Dradrok.
3.6.3 Visualization
According to informants (1) and (2), the dancer representing the Senge Dradrok has to
visualize the complete form of Senge Dradrok. To contemplate him, he is required to
envisage the dark-blue light that finally transforms into Senge Dradrok, and through
Senge Dradrok the dark-blue light is transmitted to sentient beings. This light is believed
to be the power of Senge Dradrok helping to liberate beings from suffering. While
visualizing Senge Dradrok, the dancer is also required to recite the Vajra Guru Mantra of
twelve syllables while performing the majestic dance in the dancing arena.
3.6.4 The dance of Senge Dradok
Senge Dradok (‘Lion Roar’), being one of the wrathful manifestations of Guru Rinpoche,
dances wrathfully with his further manifestations Sengphrug. The three emanations dance in
the courtyard. Their dancing steps involve whirling around, tilting the body to an extreme
level several times, at times almost jumping, with a huge stepping sound that can be clearly
heard. According to the informants, variation in the steps, i.e. wrathful and peaceful, depends
upon the subjugation and taming of the malevolent demonic forces and less aggressive ones.
The dance of Senge Dradok has more wrathful steps than the rest of the manifestations,
because it is believed that in this manifestation, he subdued the more destructive and hostile
demons, thus involving wrathful steps.218
The dance of Senge Dradok is called ‘Movement of shaking up of the three realms of
existence’ (Srid gsum g.yo ba’i stangs stabs) and is the same as the dance performed at
Rewalsar, as studied by Cantwell.219 During the dance, the following praising verse is recited
218
219
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 26, 2009, Kharchu Monastery.
Cantwell, 2003: 16 and see also RAPA, n.d.:24.
89
by the ritual master as he beats the cymbals. The steps associated with the dance are said to be
according to the meaning of each word present in the verse of praise220:
mu stegs dam sri ‘dul mdzad pa’i//
seng ge sgra sgrogs sku la bstod//
The one who disciplines the destructive evil spirits
[I thus] praise Senge Dradok221
3.6.5 Significance of the dance of Senge Dradok
The dance of Senge Dradok is believed to remove many obstacles by his blessings:
negativity within a person, destructive forces, bad omens, nightmares, and all the
environmental calamities.222 In addition, it is also said that one’s knowledge would
flourish with the eradication of one’s negativity and bring victory over the external evil
forces and dualistic mental conceptions. Furthermore, one would achieve triumph over
the ‘Four Evils’ (bdud bzhi)223 and be able to assist sentient beings. The subsequent
stanza explains the above meaning;
bar chad kun zhi tshe dpal yon ten rgyas//
snang ba dbang ‘dus phas rgol rtsad nas choms//
bdud bzhi las rgyal khams gsum ‘gro kun la//
sbyin btang phan yon thob par byin gyis rlobs//
May the [beings] get removed from obstacles,
gain long life and become knowledgeable persons,
also gain power over thought and suppress offensive [evil] forces,
Triumphing over four Maras and becoming generous for all the
beings.224
220
According to informants (1) and (2) interviewed on July 25, 2009, Nima Lung Monastery.
Pad ma bka’ thang: 264.
222
PSR and TDR, 1992: 28.
223
The four evils are lha’i bu’i bdud, nyon rmongs pa’i bdud, phung po’i bdud and ’chi bdag gi bdud; from the
ritual text called brGya bzhi cho ga: 1-20.
224
Dudjom Jigdrel Yeshe Dorje, folios, 61b-64b.
221
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3.6.6 Conclusion
Senge Dradok is one of the wrathful emanations of Guru Rinpoche. The characterization
of the dance of Senge Dradok, ‘Movement of shaking up of the three spheres’,
corresponds to the wrathful steps performed by the dancer during the course of the dance
in the dancing arena. In contrast to other manifestations, Senge Dradok with his ‘further
manifestations’ (yang sprul) dancing in the courtyard is believed to give great benefits to
sentient beings by removing their internal and external negativity. Therefore, people of
Bhutan believe that they must see the dance at least once in their lifetime.
91
3.7 The manifestation as Tshokey Dorji and the ‘cham
Figur 11: Guru Tshokey Dorji
3.7.1 Acquirement of the name
There are several names of the seventh emanation. He is called Guru Tshokey Dorji
(Guru mTsho skyes rdo rje), ‘Guru Vajra Born [in] Lake’, who is also known as Padma
Jungney (Pad ma ’byung gnas), ‘Lotus Born’. People assert that when Guru Rinpoche
was born miraculously in the lotus flower in the centre of Lake Dhanakosha in the northwestern land of Oddiyana without a father and mother, he is believed to be the
92
incarnation of the body, speech and mind of Buddha. He therefore received the name
Padma Jungney,225 as explained in the following verses:
O rgyan yul gyi nub byang mtshams
Pad ma ge sar sdong po la
ya mtshan mchog gi dngos grub brnyas
pad ma ’byung gnas zhes su grags
On the border of the northwestern land of Oddiyana
on the lotus pollen grain
[the birth] being accomplished miraculously
[and he became] known as Lotus Born226
According to popular belief and orally transmitted legends, Guru Rinpoche in the form of
Padma Jungney/Tshokey Dorji visited the Tibetan plateau in order to establish the
Dharma.227 However, it is difficult, based on the written and oral sources, to explain
exactly in which form he visited the Tibetan plateau, though suggestions can be found in
some accounts. In this emanation, Guru Rinpoche is known by several names. However,
in the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects practised annually at Nima Lung Monastery, he
is known by the name Tshokey Dorji, ‘Varja Born in Lake’. Since my fieldwork was
based on Nima Lung Monastery, I prefer to explain him as Tshokey Dorji. Furthermore,
he is also known as Dorji Chang (rDo rje ‘chang), which means ‘Vajra Holder’. 228 It is
believed that when Guru Rinpoche was born in the centre of the lotus flower, he was
holding a vajra in his right hand. This incident is the reason why he received the name
Tshokey Dorji. The two names, Tshokey Dorji and Dorji Chang, have somewhat the
same meaning, as does Lotus Born (the implication being that he is born in a lake).
Leaving a further exploration of the historical background of the name, I will rather
explain the features and apparatus that he carries during the ‘cham according to the
tradition in Nima Lung Monastery.
225
Lam Kunzang Wangdi, 2007: 96-97.
Pad ma bka’ thang: 81-92. (See also Lama Kunzang Wangdi (compiler), 2007: 118 prayers recited daily).
227
PSR and TDR, 1992: 28-34.
228
Douglas, (ii) 1978:424.
226
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3.7.2 Features and apparatus of Tshokey Dorji in the ‘cham
Guru Tshokey Dorji is also a peaceful emanation of Guru Rinpoche. However, he is also
said to be semi-wrathful as he is believed to be a simultaneous manifestation of eight
forms. Nevertheless, in the form of Tshokey Dorji, he is dark blue in appearance. He also
wears a long, dark-blue silk brocade dress in the ‘cham performances. His right hand
holds a vajra and the left a bell. But Madhu Khanna pointed out that he holds a bell and
skull as his hand instruments during the ‘cham portrayal at Hemis Festival. Furthermore,
he is named Padmavajra, ‘Lotus Vajra’, which can also correspond to Tshokey Dorji,
‘Vajra Born in Lake’.229 However, according to Buddhist beliefs, his hand ornaments
bear the symbolic meaning that has been explained in the previous sections.
3.7.3 Symbols and visualization
According to informants (1) and (2), vajra signifies ‘skillful means’ (Skt. upaya, Tib.
thabs) (male) and the bell signifies ‘wisdom’ (Skt. prajna, Tib. shes rab, female), so
basic in the philosophy of the Buddhist tantras. Here the ‘Absolute’ or Enlightenment is
understood as a union of relative (Skt. samvrtisatya) and absolute (Skt. paramarthasatya)
truth, symbolized in a number of dual concepts, such as “...a passive female and an active
male principle, profound cognition (prajna) and skilful means (upaya), sun and moon,
left and right, lotus and vajra, blood (rakta) and seed (sukra), night and day”.230 Guru
Tshokey Dorji embodies both skilful means and wisdom; he is indestructible, one who
has attained enlightenment. During the ‘cham of Tshokey Dorji, the dancer personifying
him is required to visualize the complete form of Tshokey Dorji, and upon that, radiate
the five coloured lights (red, green, blue, yellow and white) from the centre of his heart to
the beings in order to help tame and subjugate destructive forces and to preach the
Buddhist Dharma.231 The dancer has great responsibility in the performance of the dance
besides the style and steps of the dance. The dance is known by different names in
accordance with the emanations portrayed.
229
Khanna, 1997: 3.
Havnevik, 1989: 32.
231
According to informants (1) and (2) interviewed on July 26, 2009, Nima Lung Monastery.
230
94
3.7.4 The dance of Tshokey Dorji
Guru Rinpoche in the form of Tshokey Dorji performs a peaceful dance. His dance
involves whirling around several times gently and alternately moving his hands across
each other several times. The crossing the vajra and bell (‘dril bu) several times
symbolizes the relation between skilful means and wisdom (thabs shes zung ‘jug); the
integration or fusion of the two implies the achievement of enlightenment or nirvana.
Cantwell says that the dance of Padma Jungney resembles the birth of Guru Rinpoche
and awakening of primitive Buddhahood.232 However, for me it is difficult to say in what
way the dance depicts this stage, and my informant never explained the reason. He
explained that the dance of Tshokey Dorji is known as ‘Movement of blossoming from
the lake’ (mTsho skyes bzhed pa’i stangs stabs), which corresponds with Cantwell’s
discussion.233 During the dance performances, the ritual master recites the following
praising verse:
ma chags skyon gyis ma gos pa’i//
pad ma byung gnas sku la bstod//
the one undefiled and free from attachment
[I thus] praise Padma Jungney234
The ritual master beats the cymbals and the dancer dances accordingly and also recites
the same praising verse with the intonation of the ritual master. At the same time the
dancer is supposed to recite the twelve-syllable Vajra Guru Mantra. The dance of
Tshokey Dorji is deemed to have several significant effects, which I will describe in the
following.
3.7.5 Significance of the dance of Tshokey Dorji
The dance of Tshokey Dorji is believed to remove one’s diseases, local calamities and
obstacles, and to bring longevity, wealth, health and foreknowledge (mngon shes). It is
also believed that the dance may provide the adept with a chance to see Guru Rinpoche’s
232
Cantwell, 2003: 18.
Cantwell, 2003: 13 and see also RAPA, n.d.: 23.
234
Pad ma bka’ thang: 264. In this manifestation, Guru Rinpoche has several forms and different names.
However, in the dance practised in Nima Lung Monastery this seventh form is known by as Tshokey Dorji.
Therefore, I will follow this tradition in this thesis.
233
95
face and receive his religious teachings. Seeing him and receiving the Dharma orally
from him is believed to lead to liberation. The fortunate person is eventually lifted up to
the paradise of Guru Rinpoche, as explained by the subsequent verse:
nad gdon dgegs dang gal rkyen bar chad zhi//
tshe srogs dpal rgyas nyams rtogs mngon shes ‘char//
gu ru’i zhal mthong chos thos dpal gyi rir//
skyes nas thugs kyi sras ‘gyur byin gyis rlobs//
May [beings] removed from disease, obstacles and certain calamities
Achieve prosperity in [one’s] life expectancy, richness and far-sightedness,
Be enabled to see the face of Guru and get teachings from him in the [coppercoloured mountain]
And become a trustworthy son of mind [Guru]235
Practising meditation on Guru Tshokey Dorji or Padma Jungney is believed to make an
imbalanced body balanced, an unpleasant one pleasant and peaceful, an unclear one clear
and fresh, and so forth.236 Several religious scholars and Buddhist scriptures sanctify the
significance and efficacy of the dance of Tshokey Dorji.
3.7.6 Conclusion
Guru Rinpoche has several names in this seventh emanation. In this manifestation, he is
sometimes known as Tshokey Dorji, Padma Jungney, Padmakara, Dorji Chang and
Padmavajra. However, in the Guru’s Eight Aspects dance in Nima Lung Monastery,
Guru Rinpoche’s seventh emanation is known as Tshokey Dorji, and the description I
have given here follows the Nima Lung tradition. Though the seventh emanation of Guru
Rinpoche has several names, their literal meanings are pretty much the same. The dance
of Tshokey Dorji is believed to have a great effect on the spectators. People, because of
faith, devotion and respect (as seen in their body gestures and enthusiastic behaviour),
rush to see the dance and get touched by the dancers, which they believe will attain merit
for them.
235
236
Dudjom Jigdrel Yeshe Dorje, folios, 61b-64b.
PSR and TDR, 1992: 34.
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3.8 The manifestation as Dorji Drolo and the ‘cham
Figur 12: Guru Dorji Drolo
3.8.1 Acquirement of the name
The eighth and final emanation of Guru Rinpoche is known as Guru Dorji Drolo (Guru
rDo rje gro lod), ‘Diamond-guts’ (Skt.: Vajrakilaya). This form is believed to be one of
the most wrathful forms of Guru Rinpoche, though Senge Dradok is also one of them.
However, people believe that Dorji Drolo is the most furious and powerful emanation
and that he emanated just before Guru Rinpoche left for Rakshasas to tame evil spirits.
97
According to the legends, it is believed that Guru Rinpoche lived in Tibet for fifty-five
years taming the evil spirits and spreading the Dharma throughout the Tibetan plateau.237
Nevertheless, Guru Rinpoche in the form of Dorji Drolo visited several places outside the
Tibetan plateau in order to pacify and subdue the demonic forces and establish the
teaching of the Great Perfection, the highest tantric teachings in the Nyingmapa School.
One of the renowned places that he visited is said to be Taktshang (sTag tshang), ‘Tigers
Nest’, located in the south-west of the Tibetan plateau, i.e. in present-day Bhutan.238 His
visit to the place is reflected in many scriptures, daily recited prayers, and ritual texts.239
He is said to have flown there by riding on a tigress, a tigress believed to be one of his
consorts, Tashi Khedon (bKra shis khe’u sgron). Taktshang is situated in the middle of a
steep cliff on the high mountain to the west of Thimphu, and the place is known by its
name Paro Taktshang. The temple at Taktshang was rebuilt in the 1990s after it was
burnt by a fire. The dimension of the temple is said to have doubled when it was rebuilt.
At present the place is very famous as a pilgrimage site for both outsiders and for
Buddhist people in Bhutan. Dorji Drolo is the main protector deity of Taktshang.
However, Guru is believed to have visited numerous places disseminating the tantric
teachings. Therefore, in some accounts it says that Guru Rinpoche stayed for five years
in ‘Cemetery Pile of Lotuses’ (Pad ma brTsegs pa’i Dur khrod) taming the evil forces
and turning the wheel of Dharma for the dakas and dakinis. Thus he received the name
Guru Dorji Drolo.240 His secret name here is known as Senge Dradrok (Seng ge sgra
sgrogs).241 Furthermore, Guru Rinpoche has a name for almost every place he is
supposed to have visited, though I cannot go into further detail here. In the following I
will rather discuss his appearance and the instrument that he holds during the ‘cham
performance based on the Nima Lung Monastery’s tradition.
237
PSR and TDR, 1992: 34.
Ibid. (See Cantwell, 2003: 18 and also the recited text dKon mchog spyi bsdud, folio, 10a, line 4). The text
contains the praising verses attributed to Dorji Drolo visiting Taktshang and taming hostile forces.
239
dKon mchog spyis bsdus, folio 10a, line 4. See also Lam Kunzang Wangdi, 2007: 102.
240
Pad ma bka’ thang: 212-215. See also Douglas, (i) and (ii) 1978: 187-190 and 435 respectively.
241
Pad ma bka’ thang: 213.
238
98
3.8.2 Features and apparatus of Dorji Drolo in the ‘cham
Guru Rinpoche in the form of Dorji Drolo is dark red. He looks very wrathful with three
eyes bulging out and four fangs protruding from his mouth. In the dance, he is attired
with a dark red gown with an apron depicting the wrathful face of a heruka.242 He holds
‘a nine-pointed vajra’ (rdo rje rtse dgu pa) in his right hand and a ‘ritual dagger’ (phur
pa) in the left. Madhu Khanna points out that he bears a vajra and something made of
iron during the dance at Hemis Festival;243 it is not clear, however, what item of iron he
meant. Nevertheless, the instruments symbolize the subjugation of the more malevolent
demonic spirits dwelling in the human realm.
3.8.3 Symbols and visualization
The vajra, often translated as ‘thunderbolt’ or ‘diamond’, symbolizes indestructible
nature. It signifies also the means for taming the hostile evil forces on the exterior level
and those within (i.e. the ego-clinging of a person). The pointed, conical dagger, usually
used as the hand tool by the herukas, is believed to symbolize the wrathful herukas
destroying the more malicious spiritual spirits. Buddhists believe all conical ritual
instruments are wrathful depictions, and Richard J. Kohn also states that the “dagger is a
symbol of the divine metabolism that purifies what passes through it, digesting
obstreperous spirits and converting them into gods of the pure land”.244 I think what
Richard J. Kohn claims is that the dagger is a sacred object cutting through and
transforming impure substances into pure ones and subjugating ritually the evil forces,
using wrathful means. Though Kohn explains some of the symbolic significance of the
instruments, he does not describe the visualizations performed during the ‘cham
portrayal.
During the dance of Dorji Drolo, the dancer personifying him is required to visualize the
complete form of Dorji Drolo; it is believed that the red light illuminated and transmitted
through him to the sentient beings will help remove any kind of obstacle and disaster. In
242
Heruka, according to Buddhist mythology, is a manifestation of Buddha and Boddhisattvas in times of
hardship for the sentient beings. He is also a considered to be a fearful depiction of a deity, where most of his
artefacts are portrayed naked with human bones and skulls believed to have wondered in the cemeteries. He is a
tantric deity. Tantric practitioners are said to meditate on him while in the practice of tantric teachings. Larsson,
2009: 187.
243
Khanna, 1997: 3.
244
Kohn, 2001:196.
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addition to the visualizations, the dancer must also recite the twelve syllables of the Vajra
Guru Mantra.245 Even the dancing steps of Dorji Drolo are far more wrathful in
comparison with other manifestations.
3.8.4 The dance of Dorji Drolo
The dance of Dorji Drolo is furious and swift. The dance involves whirling around,
jumping to and fro and bending the body right and left numerous times, corresponding to
the description made by Kohn.246 The dance of Dorji Drolo starts when the Guru’s Eight
Aspects starts entering the dancing courtyard. He also has two ‘further manifestations’
(yang sprul) named Dophrug (rDo [rje] phrug), or ‘Vajra child’, according to the
tradition in Nima Lung Monastery. The three dancers perform the same steps at the same
time. Their appearances are not so different from the main Dorji Drolo; they have a
slightly different colour (light red), but they wear the same costumes. Among the Guru’s
Eight Aspects dances, this form has the longest and more wrathful dance. It is said that
normally the dance master is supposed to represent the main Dorji Drolo accompanied by
the two best dancers. I assume that requiring a dance master and the two best dancers to
represent Dorji Drolo here is because the dance involves more complicated steps than
those of the other manifestations. In addition, the dance lasts for a long time,
approximately an hour, and needs to be energetic.
In Nima Lung Monastery, however, the dance master does not represent Dorji Drolo. The
role is represented by the deputy dance master. This is because the dance master has to
represent and portray Mitshering (‘the ‘Old man’’) during the Guru’s Eight Aspects
dance portrayal. They consider Mitshering to be important figure. In addition, the one
who represents Mitshering has a great role to play. He has to memorize almost all the
biographies of each manifestation and explain them to the audience coherently during the
course of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects. So, this is the reason why the dance
master does not perform the Dorji Drolo.
The dance of Guru Dorji Drolo is called ‘Movement of eradicating the arrogant ones’
(Dregs pa tshar gcod kyi stangs stabs) corresponds to the dance performed in Rewalsar
245
246
According to informants (1) and (2) interviewed on July 25-26, 2009, Nima Lung and Kharchu.
Kohn, 2001: 196-197.
100
and studied by Cantwell.247 During the dance, the ritual master beats the cymbals and at
the same time recites the following praising verse:
dregs pa’i dgra bgegs tshar gcod pa’i//
rDo rje gro lod sku la bstod//
The one who annihilates the hostile forces
[I thus] praise the form Dorji Drolo.248
Even though the recitation of the praising verse is completed, the dance proceeds further.
The dance of Dorji Drolo is the one that starts from the beginning of the procession of
Guru’s Eight Aspects in the dancing courtyard, and it is the one that winds up the Guru’s
Eight Aspects dance.
3.8.5 Significance of the dance of Dorji Drolo
According to informant (1), the dance of Dorji Drolo is believed to have a great effect in
removing the anger and the attachment of sentient beings. Furthermore, the dance is
effective in removing restlessness, stress, confusion and emotional imbalances. 249 In
addition, the following extracted verse explains some further significance:
dus min ‘chi sogs ‘phral rkyen mi ‘byung zhing//
‘phos ma thag tu bde chen zhing khams dang//
pad ma ‘od du gu ru’i drung skyes nas//
‘gro don dpag med ‘byung bar byin gyis rlobs//
May the [beings] avoid an untimely death and sudden unfavourable conditions
And soon [after death], may the [beings] get rebirth in the peaceful land
Before the Guru and benefitting boundlessly the [sentient beings] 250
The above-quoted verse describes that the dance of Dorji Drolo hinders an untimely
death and removes nearby obstacles, and helps one be reborn in the afterlife in the land of
247
Cantwell, 2003: 17 and see also RAPA, n.d.:24.
Pad ma bka’ thang: 264.
249
According to the informant (1) interviewed on July 29, 2009, Kharchu.
250
Dudjom Jigdrel Yeshe Dorje, folios, 61b-64b.
248
101
peace and happiness, in the presence of Guru Rinpoche, who has the ability to help
sentient beings immensely.
3.8.6 Conclusion
The eighth and final form, Guru Dorji Drolo, is perhaps the most wrathful form of all the
manifestations. In this form he has several further forms, according to the practice in
Nima Lung Monastery; he has two such further manifestations. According to the
informants, scholars and some primary sources, the dance in the form of Dorji Drolo as
the ‘Movement of eradicating the arrogant ones’ has a great effect in removing anger,
attachment and obstacles from the beings. The dance of Dorji Drolo is more wrathful
than the dance of the other manifestations.
3.8.7 The Guru’s Eight Aspects ‘cham: Conclusion
In my description of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects, I have included the
interpretations made by the informants and referred to some of the classical Buddhist
texts, in order to make the interpretations of the dances more understandable and enhance
my discussion. I have tried to explain how each manifestation acquired its name
according to popular belief and according to the written sources. And based on primary
texts and my observation (as well as on some secondary sources), I have described the
dance. There exists a multitude of stories about the manifestations of Guru Rinpoche, and
there are different traditions for how the manifestations should be portrayed. However, I
have discussed the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects according to the information
elicited during the course of my fieldwork. The perspectives of the informants vary
somewhat from informant to informant and even among different interviews with the
same informant. Here it is difficult to confirm or even refute their accounts by
observation. Furthermore, to complicate matters, the Guru’s Eight Aspects dance is
practised differently from monastery to monastery (even within a small country such as
Bhutan) and perhaps even at the same monastery from one year to the next. Nevertheless,
my descriptions and discussions are all based on the tradition practised in Nima Lung
Monastery and I tried to follow their explanations. However, I have compared it with
some monasteries both within and outside of Bhutan.
102
It seemed as though the interpretations given by informant (1) for the legendary
background of Guru Rinpoche and his eight manifestations are similar to what is written
in the textual tradition relating to Guru Rinpoche and also the secondary sources
(scholarly works). However, there are some differences in the dancing styles and steps in
the ‘cham practices, so far as I have noticed. The Guru’s Eight Aspects ‘cham practised
in Nima Lung Monastery is believed to follow the ‘cham introduced by the monastery’s
founder Bero Tulku Jamyang Tenpai Gyeltshen (Be ro sPrul sku ‘Jam dyang bsten pa’i
rgyal mtshan)251 in accordance with the Kathog (Ka thog) tradition.252 Other monasteries
practise according to the tradition of Guru Choki Wangchuk (Guru Chos skyid dbang
phyug, 1212-1270), who is believed to be the incarnation of King Trisong Detsen (Khri
srong lde btsen, 790-844).253 Nevertheless, the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects is
always associated with pacification, subjugation and endowment. The steps do not seem
to have separate names, though the practices differ from monastery to monastery as
explained above. Every dance is constituted with various symbolism and meanings that
are believed to benefit the beings in the realms in general, both the performer and the
spectators. Their features and hand instruments always bear various symbolic meanings,
something which is ultimately believed to liberate the beings from the lower three
realms. There is not much variation in significance, though the dance has different names
according to the subjugation and pacification. However, this conception is beyond the
general believer’s perception, and only accomplished masters and philosophers
understand the deepest esoteric tantric meaning of the ritual dance. Nonetheless, people
come to the dance in order to receive blessings, and this is the preconception the
audience has.
Buddhist people in general and Buddhists in Bhutan in particular always seem to esteem
the efficacy of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects. It is considered to be a ‘great
blessing’ (byin rlabs chen po) from which they believe they can obtain merits and a
better rebirth. When people are asked how they look at the emanations of Guru
251
gZhi chen bai ro rin po che), Jamyang Tenpé Gyaltsen was recognized by Jamyang Khyentse Chokyi Lodro
the thirty-sixth incarnation of Vairotsana. He is an important holder of the Kathog lineage. His main seat is
Zhichen Kharmar Sangag Tangye Ling in Golok, one of the major branches of Kathog Dorje Den Monastery in
eastern Tibet. Zhichen has its own group of over twenty branch monasteries throughout the region . Jamyang
Tenpa’i Gyaltshen currently resides in Nepal. http://www.drukpacouncil.org/index.php/en/Lineage/lineage/menu-id-62.html (Date of access April 3, 2010)
252
According to informants (1) and (2) interviewed on July 30, 2009, Nima Lung.
253
Cantwell, 2003: 5.
103
Rinpoche, they usually reply: “We have no idea. We come here to receive blessing from
Guru Rinpoche”.254 However, for religious and educated people, the answer is more
sophisticated: “We look at him as one, Guru Rinpoche, not as several, but with an
immense power of blessing and with the potency to liberate us from the ocean of
suffering”.255
3.8.8 Peoples’ perspectives and benefits
3.8.8.1 Practitioners
Buddhist people believe that a person participating in the ‘cham performances is a tantric
practitioner, as the ‘cham is considered to be a form of tantric ritualistic practice which
also corresponds to Mahayana doctrine. Hence, the performer is believed to achieve a
greater benefit than the audience. The benefits the practitioner is supposed to gain are
good health, good fortune, wealth, a better rebirth in the next life and, not least, every
chance to attain enlightenment within this lifetime. It is difficult to evaluate how far it is
true but this is how they believe. In addition, people also believe that the performer of the
‘cham is active, both mentally and physically. Furthermore, the practitioner is believed to
be better trained to recognize the deities in times of death in the intermediate state (bar
do), which is very important in Tibetan death rituals. However, some informants state
that the audience can attain the same benefits as the dancers, as I will explain in the
following.
3.8.8.2 Spectators
From the above statements one can assume that the dance practitioners have better
chances than spectators to obtain merit, protection, better rebirth and enlightenment.
However, the statements made by some of the informants also indicate that spectators
would have similar advantages. According to my informants, they believe that there are
no differences in the advantages, at least in the context of ‘cham performances. However,
one of my informants remarked that achieving the advantages depends upon how
mentally sound and capable a person is to understand and conceptualize the ‘cham
performances. Even for the practitioner it is not enough to say that he would gain all the
advantages by being physically involved; he needs to be mentally alert and capable to
254
According to informants (general audience, interviews carried out among uneducated people) interviewed on
July 29, 2009, Nima Lung.
255
According to informants (1, 2, and religious educated audiences) interviewed on July 27-29, Nima Lung.
104
perceive himself as a tantric practitioner and understand the true nature of reality. It is
also believed that there is always the chance that capable individuals in the audience may
acquire spiritual benefits like those of the dance performers.256
In general, however, people believe that the audience, by attending the ‘cham, may also
achieve mental alertness, removal of sickness, a healthy and prosperous life, a better
rebirth and enlightenment. This is what they believe according to the interviews I
conducted during the course of my fieldwork during summer 2009. My informants also
explained that the ‘cham not only benefits individual practitioners and spectators, but
also the society.
3.8.8.3 Society
The annual performance of the ‘cham is believed to have a great effect on society,
according to my informants. People believe that it blesses society. The blessings from the
‘cham lead to environmental pleasantness, bring a good harvest, remove local calamities,
draught and famine, and ensure a peaceful livelihood throughout the year. Therefore,
every person evaluates highly the anticipated great individual and environmental
achievements of the dance.
256
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 19, 2009, Kharchu.
105
Chapter Four
Analysis of the ‘cham in general and of the dance of the Guru’s
Eight Aspects in particular
4.1 General introduction
‘Cham is generally believed by the Bhutanese to have a great impact on human society,
although such dances are perceived quite differently by different Buddhist followers. The
Bhutanese believe the ‘cham to be endowed with the power, and is one of the major means, to
rescue the practitioners from cyclic existence (samsara). There are also several ways of
approaching the ‘cham, as I will discuss in the following sections in regard to various age
groups. To the Bhutanese, all ‘cham, and the ‘cham of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in particular,
are considered to be means of transmitting religious beliefs and traditional information
through various symbols and gestures. Moreover, the ‘cham is regarded as a form of tantric
practice that involves multifarious gestures, such as hand gestures (mudra) and the chanting
of mantras. Through these distinct gesticulations and meditational constellations, the
practitioner is believed to quicken the attainment of Buddhahood.257 Bhutanese people believe
that a ‘cham in general and the ‘cham of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in particular are means of
‘liberation through seeing,’ thongdrol (mthong grol). However, people have diversified
notions of the term thongdrol according to their philosophical and educational background.
Nonetheless, when a ‘cham is portrayed during auspicious days in Buddhist monasteries, lay
people are believed to potentially obtain liberation merely by observing the performance.
What is liberation? According to Buddhist doctrine, liberation is the attainment of
enlightenment and thereby cessation of samsaric existence. However, since this aim may be
too difficult to reach, a good rebirth in the human realm is also considered beneficial.258 In
order to achieve enlightenment, religious specialists have elaborated numerous methods259
rooted in Buddhist doctrine.260 Bhutanese people believe that a ‘cham in general and the
257
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 27, 2009, Kharchu.
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 27, 2009, Kharchu.
259
It is said there are several ways of achieving the enlightenment: (1) Liberation through seeing (mthong grol),
(2) Liberation through hearing (thos grol), (3) Liberation through recall (dran grol), (4) Liberation through
feeling (tshor grol), (5) Liberation through tying a protective knot (btags grol) (6) Liberation through attachment
(reg grol).
260
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 27, 2009, Kharchu.
258
106
Guru’s Eight Aspects in particular are superior means for liberation. Religious dance
practitioners and spectators alike are believed to accomplish merits upon performing and
observing the dance on auspicious days. I will discuss the religious significance of the dances
more elaborately in the subsequent sections.
4.2 The ‘cham as a medium of transmitting information
The word ‘media’ is usually associated with such means of mass communication as
television, newspapers, the Internet and movies. However, these are not the only media of
transmission through which information is imparted. In Bhutan there are also some other and
more “traditional” media of transmission through which information is imparted to society
and which should not be left out. This point is made by Françoise Pommaret on the very first
page of her article ‘Dance in Bhutan: A Traditional Medium of Information’.261 I think she
has discussed very well the notion of medium of information according to the Buddhist belief
and practices. In Bhutan, Tibet and Mongolia and in the Buddhist world in general, traditional
values are largely dictated by Buddhist ideas. Pommaret remarks that:
In Bhutan, traditional values have always been largely shaped by Buddhist concepts.
Dances are performed on auspicious days and are parts of festivals which have
different names according to the places. On these occasions, the whole community,
which is usually dispersed throughout a valley, gathers at one place at a given time
and socializes, making a traditional ‘media event’ in contemporary jargon.
Through a religious event and in an entertaining way, knowledge is imparted to the
public who are often not highly educated and cannot read, or have no time to immerse
themselves in arduous religious texts. 262
According to her statement, it is very clear that those who do not have ideas about Buddhist
concepts, are unable read and do not have time to dedicate themselves to religious studies are
the main benefactors from the visual display of Buddhist core values in an entertaining way. It
is also the time where people get together and socialize, besides acquiring knowledge of
Buddhist concepts. Furthermore, people believe that images and actions have a much stronger
impact than the mere reading of texts. When watching TV, for instance, viewers who are
familiar with the broadcasted language understand what is being said, whereas those who are
not skilled in the language grasp the theme by means of actions and body language. Similarly,
261
262
Pommaret, 2006: 31.
Ibid.
107
the ‘cham has the same implication in transmitting the Buddhist concepts to the Bhutanese
people through the dance performances. There are several ‘cham which function as media of
information. However, in the following I will describe two of these dances, namely the dance
of the Guru’s Eight Aspects and Raksha Mangcham (Raksha mang ‘cham), ‘the vast dance of
Rakshas’, which is quite different from the dance of Guru’s Eight Aspects. The dance of
Raksha Mang ‘cham is included here as one set of example because it is a very instructive
example of how Buddhist concepts and knowledge are exhibited through religious dances. I
will analyse the ‘cham as a medium of transmitting information, and I will explore how the
characters in it should ideally be conceptualized according to the Buddhist doctrine and
popular belief.
Raksha Mangcham meaning ‘The Vast dance of Rakshas’ is a dance in which all the
messengers of the Lord of the Dead are exhibited. During the dance they indicate what one
will encounter after death. In the dance of Raksha Mangcham,263 the main performers,
wearing different kinds of animal heads, represent the deities who are believed to appear after
death in the intermediate state. The dancers surround the Lord of the Dead. He is usually
called Shinje (gShin rje) in Dzongkha and Tibetan. Sometimes he is also known as Choki
Gyalpo (Chos kyi rgyal po), ‘Dharma King’.264 Most of the times, people merge the terms and
address him as Shinje Chokyi Gyalpo (gShin rje chos kyi rgyal po). He conducts trials for the
deceased. He has various forms. He seems to appear differently according to outer, inner and
secret forms. In the outer form, he is believed to appear in blue face with some instruments in
the hands and dark blue in inner form. He appears as red in the secret form. He holds a skull
cup in every form, though there are some changes in instruments according to the change in
forms.
Nebesky-Wojkowitz discusses these changes of forms and instruments in more
detail.265 However, when he is portrayed in the ‘cham, he is often depicted as red. During the
dance, the audience can identify with the characters, such as the man known as Digchen
Nelbum (sDig can dmyal ‘bum), meaning on who has committed non-virtuous acts.266 He is
said never to have erected a prayer flag267 in his entire life, neither for the well-being of other
sentient beings nor for himself. Digchen Nelbum is depicted by wearing a black dress and
263
Sithel Dorji, 2000: 20-41.
Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1975: 82.
265
Ibid.
266
Literal meaning is ‘A man of sin’ who is believed to suffer for a hundred thousand years in hell.
267
According to Buddhist belief, the easiest way to accumulate merit is to erect a prayer flag. It is said that one
can erect prayer flags without much effort and investment. But he has not even done the easiest job to gain
virtuous acts.
264
108
carrying a basketful of animal heads. When he dies and enters the intermediate state and faces
the Lord of the Dead in the trials, Digchen Nelbum is dragged away and punished by a
wrathful animal-headed judge (‘dre nag cung)268 roaring at him for his sinful acts. Sin and
virtue are measured on scales, symbolically represented by black and white pebbles (rde’u).269
Buddhist people believe that the ‘black pebbles’ (rde’u nag po) represent sinful deeds and
white for virtue. According to Buddhism, black represents impurity, evil, suffering, egotism
and bad fortune. Therefore, Digchen Nelbum, being a sinful figure, is dragged along the black
path by the wrathful deities, indicating that if one creates sins, one would be subject to such
punishment after life. The black path is depicted by the black cloth in the dancing courtyard.
In contrast, Khimdag Pelkey (Khyim bdag dpal skyes),270 ‘the virtuously born householder’ is
depicted wearing a white cloth. According to Bhutanese and Tibetan Buddhism, white
signifies purity, peace, liberation, kindness and good fortune.271 When confronting the Lord of
the Dead at the trial, Khimgad Pelkey is supported by the peaceful deity known as Lha Karpo
(lHa dkar po),272 who has been doing virtuous deeds throughout his life. His good deeds are
’Dre nag cung is also one of the main characters besides Raksha Lango in the dance of Raksha mang cham.
‘Dre nag cung is said to be one of the most wrathful deities who terrifies the deceased person on the stage. He
tortures the deceased person the most. In a loud voice, ‘Dre nag cung says, “You, sinful person, killed all the
animals that came in front of you. You ate the fresh meat as meals. You drank the hot blood to quench your
thirst. You never spoke any polite words to anyone. You killed all the animals that dwelt in the mountains and
you fished in the valleys. You raised conflicts among the friends and beat them the most. You had heretical
views on the accomplished master. You burnt all the Buddhist monastic schools. You contaminated the oceans
with poisons. You made the fires to burn the jungles and forests, making the land barren. You tortured your own
parents and stole all the Buddhist icons.” After saying all these words with terrifying body gestures, torturing
him, beating him and dragging him here and there, ‘Dre nag cung eventually takes him along the black path
accompanied also by some of the wrathful deities. This is the role of the ‘Dre nag cung in the dance of Raksha
mang cham. Sithel Dorji, 2000: 20-41.
269
These pebbles are not the pebbles found on the ground; rather, they are the symbols used by the Buddhist
followers to indicate sin and virtue. In the present context of contemporary life, one may assume that a pebble is
a unit of measurement equivalent to a kilogram.
270
Also an elderly householder disciple of the Buddha (RY).
271
Dagyab Rinpoche, 1995: 10.
272
lHa dkar po personifies the peaceful deity in the dance where the rest are all wrathful deities. He wears a
white gown and holds a rosary in his left hand. He stands on the left side of the Lord of the Dead. His position on
the left also has a reason: according to the Buddhist belief, the god is always represented by the left side, and the
left side is regarded as the dwelling place of god. In the dance of Raksha mang cham, lHa dkar po symbolically
represents the one who helps lead virtuous men to the land of Buddha. The following are the verses spoken to the
Lord of the Dead and the rest of the deities helping virtuous men. He goes to the bottom of the line and bows
down three times and says, “Khimdag peljorchen is a faithful person by nature. He is faithful to Dharma
teachings and always refrains from sinful acts. He has saved five hundred people by paying five kilograms of
gold in front of a King Maha raja. From his hometown, he is the one with more faith and dedication to help
sentient beings believe in the teachings of Buddha. Look at the white pebbles that he has accumulated during his
course of life. Why should he go to the hell to suffer? There is no point for him to go to hell. So, I will lead him
to the land of Buddha.” By saying these verses, lHa dkar po leads him to the land of bliss of happiness
accompanied by the dakinis. Sithel Dorji, 2000: 20-41.
268
109
represented by white pebbles. A dakini lead Lha Karpo to the Buddha-field along the white
path indicating that he is delivered to the land of happiness.
Hence, the dance of Raksha Mangcham functions as an educational tool as well as an
entertaining way of traditional “mass communication”, providing an ideal opportunity for
visual information. First, the portrayal of the two characters in the above dance clearly shows
that virtuous acts help the deceased to be either reborn in the human realm or obtain salvation
by the additional help of peaceful deities. Conversely, the non-virtuous deeds lead to torture
by the wrathful deities and to a life of suffering in hell after death, according to the Bhutanese
people’s perspectives. These messages are clearly reflected in the above dance in an
entertaining way, yet with deep symbolic meaning. Second, the dance conveys the message
that one should devote oneself to the accumulation of merit and prepare for future lives with
virtuous acts, which are always believed to lead to a good rebirth in the next life. Third, the
dance also conveys the ideal symbolic identification of deities that people will encounter after
death in the intermediate state.273 Finally, the dance imparts the message that recognition of
the deities in the present lifetime helps to identify them after death.
Similar to the dance of Raksha Mangcham, the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects, exhibited
in the dancing courtyard by individual dancing steps, demonstrates how Guru
Padmasambhava subdued the local malicious demonic forces in particular areas and places in
order to establish his Buddhist tantric teaching. In the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects,
some manifestations dance wrathfully like Dorji Dolo and Singye Dradog, whereas others use
more harmonious movements, the former symbolizing wrathful and the latter peaceful deities.
According to the informants (1) and (2), the wrathful steps are said to be performed in order
to tame the malicious demonic forces. Likewise, the peaceful steps are orchestrated to subdue
the milder ones.274 According to Buddhist doctrine, the mind power of a tamer must
correspond to the strength of the resident evil forces.
The dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects didactically conveys above all information of virtuous
Buddhist values and proper conduct to the audience where Zhonu Loden additionally
discloses the detailed origins of every emanation of Guru Rinpoche. These details cannot be
understood by lay people, unless one is an adept reader of philosophical texts or a dance
273
274
Fremantle and Trungpa, 1975: 33-36 (appearance of peaceful deities), 57-71 (appearance of wrathful deities)
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 5, 2009.
110
practitioner. However, in Nima Lung Monastery the spectators are invited to more insight by
Zhonu Loden’s detailed explanation of each manifestation during the course of the dance,
leading the awareness of the audience into the world of the Guru’s Eight Aspects.
According to the informant (1), Zhonu Loden’s explanation of the dance and its peculiar
effects definitely helps the uneducated audience at Nima Monastery understand more about
Guru Rinpoche.275 Knowledge of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in the establishment of Buddhist
tantric teachings and their detailed historical backgrounds is clearly portrayed and imparted to
the audience through the dance in a way that is easy for the audience to assimilate.276 The
depiction of the wrathful and peaceful deities in the dance represents the terrorizing deities in
the intermediate state. Seeing the Guru’s manifestations in the dance in both wrathful and
peaceful forms in the present life is believed to help the wandering consciousness (rnam shes)
in the intermediate state after death recognize them not as terrifying deities of torture, but as
manifestations of the Guru, whose intention is to help liberate people from the suffering of
earthly existence.277
However, comprehension seems to deviate among the audience during the dance. For the
people skilled in religious knowledge and the older members of the audience (35-60 years of
age), the ‘cham in general and the Guru’s Eight Aspects in particular are commonly seen as
the manifestation of deities they believe they will later encounter in the intermediate state and
who therefore should be confronted previous to death. Relating in the present time to the
dance figures in the ‘cham as personifications of deities is believed to help believers
recognize the real deities in the intermediate state. Making prostrations and offerings during
the course of the dances is believed to accumulate merit, as compassionate actions are
acknowledged as preparations for joyous reincarnation in the next life. The conception of
rebirth is one of the Buddhists’ predominant beliefs. To them, doing prostrations and giving
offering during the dance performance of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects are
fundamental ways to gain merit. Even in this category of audiences, there seems to be
differences of perception: educated people seem to understand the meaning conveyed through
the dance better than the illiterates. Presumably, uneducated lay people are helped to better
understand the meaning and significance of the dance by their more educated friends among
275
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 25, 2009, Nima Lung.
According to informant (2) interviewed on July 25, 2009, Nima Lung.
277
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 5, 2009, Kharchu.
276
111
the audience. Elderly spectators never seem to regard the ‘cham as mere entertainment or
social gathering. Rather they show their devotion, respect and dedication to any kind of
religious dance. This is how the religious specialists and elder spectators look at the ‘cham.
Similarly, the youth/early adult segment of the audience (15-35 years) also regards the ‘cham
in a distinct way. For them, any kind of ‘cham is experienced as entertainment. Furthermore, a
‘cham is often regarded as an enjoyable leisure activity where peers get together, neighbours
chat and new friendships are made in a relaxed atmosphere. The following interview explains
the way they conceptualize the ‘cham:
I am 26 years old. I have been watching the ‘cham since my childhood. My parents
used to bring me with them. I was not interested in watching it, instead I spent my
time with fellow mates playing. For me ‘cham was an entertainment and at times
frightening. I neither understood what it meant nor inquired into its meaning. My
parents used to say, “It is sbyin rlab chen” [a great blessing]. I did not know what
that meant. However, I took it as entertainment and a socializing occasion. For me
‘cham still is entertainment, though not frightening any more. I have so little
knowledge of its religious significances. I love coming here because I can meet so
many people and become friends with them. 278
From the above statements, one can conclude that ‘cham is merely entertainment for some
audiences in this age group. He explicitly mentions that ‘cham is an occasion where one can
make friends and get to know people. It also seems that he is religiously indifferent, because
he never asked elders or religious specialists about its hidden religious meaning. Nevertheless,
there are also audiences who really understand the meaning and the purpose of performing it.
The subsequent interview shows this explicitly:
My name is Sonam Zangpo and I am 23 years old. I have been watching the ‘cham
since my childhood. I was not able to understand the meaning of ‘cham in my
childhood. But now, I can understand, at least to my level. Yes, ‘cham is
entertainment on one hand. But on the other hand, it is very sacred and I know
Buddhist teachings are conveyed through it. I was told that watching ‘cham brings
us happiness in contemporary life by cleansing defilements and overcoming
ignorance. And I was also told that one can get a good rebirth in the next life, though
we are always reminded that we should have devotion and be respectful. We get
278
According to informants (4, 5, 6) interviewed on July 29, 2009, Nima Lung.
112
spiritual empowerments by witnessing the ‘cham. Therefore, I come to watch it to
receive religious boons and at least get a better rebirth in the next life. This is the
reason for coming to witness it. I also look forward to know more about its religious
significance and its impact on human beings and society. I ask older people every
time I come across difficulties in understanding. I am interested in knowing more
about it. 279
Here the perspective is antithetic to the previous interview. This spectator understood quite
well. He shows his interest in watching the dance and asked specialists about the religious
concepts. According to his statement, this person does not seem to see ‘cham as mere
entertainment.
However, there are various understandings within the same age group. Attending dance
performances takes place in people’s free time, when the daily chores (any kind of services)
are left behind for social enjoyment.280 In this age group most of the audience observing the
‘cham do experience them with an aspect of entertainment in the usual sense of the word, the
exception being religious practitioners (both monks and lay practitioners) and a few ordinary
people. For these young people, their perspectives and motivation for witnessing the dance
and their lack of apprehension of its symbolism are in considerable contrast to the older
group, whose perspectives and motivations are similar to religious scholars and specialists.
On the whole, however, at the current time the majority of people seem to relate to the ‘cham
as a leisure and merry-making activity. Therefore, ‘cham performance has no religious
significances for the majority of people.
Furthermore, there is still another approach to the understanding of the ‘cham which is held
by the younger generation (5-15 years).281 This age group thinks that any ‘cham is
entertainment at the same level as other dances. It appears that almost 90% of the audience
take it as an entertainment in this age group. They neither understand it as a religious activity
nor see its superior significance to other events. However, this leaves over 10% who
understand the intended meaning of the dance: these are children who are accustomed with
inherited culture and tradition, are shaped by their parents’ views, and who are especially
279
According to informants (4, 5, 6) interviewed on July 29, 2009, Nima Lung.
According to informant (3) interviewed on July 5, 2009, Nima Lung.
281
Although I only interviewed few people in this age group, my generalization is based also on my long
experience with young people in Bhutan, and having grown up in the country myself.
280
113
interested in religion. Below I record one of the interviews from a child (13 years) that I had
during the course of my fieldwork. Here he says:
I came to see the ‘chams over the past few years under the compulsion of my parents. I
tried to adjust my behaviour according to my parents’ wishes and hopes. It took me several
years to get acquainted with the culture. However, eventually I could do it. My parents
were happy then and they are happy now. My father explained to me countless times the
importance of the religious dances. My interest emerged gradually and now I watch every
dance carefully. I find my friends running here and there, even if they are brought to the
dance show by their parents. Sometimes I try to help guide their playful minds. I am
successful at times, though I am not most of the time. But there are also children like me
who are brought up like me under compulsion and got acquainted. I appreciate them very
much. Sometimes, I feel like participating in the dance and I frequently ask my parents if I
can do that. My father says I need to be a monk. But I am not that much interested in being
a monk. Maybe this is because I am young and my mind is not matured. But I love
watching the dance and I never miss it.282
Generally, children regard any kind of ‘cham as entertainment, which may even appear
frightening to the very young. Most of the children never witness the dance even though they
are brought to the place by their parents, but instead pass their time playing with their friends
and visiting the temporarily sheltered shops nearby the dancing courtyard. However, bringing
children to the celebration does make them familiar with the culture and tradition. Therefore,
parents encourage the children to participate in the festival, even though they are not in a
position to understand the meaning in the ‘cham. Similarly, the people from Western
countries (tourists) seem to conceptualize ‘cham merely as entertainment. I had an
opportunity to interview such tourists during the course of my fieldwork. They explained to
me that they do not really understand the Buddhist concepts within the ‘cham performances.
For some of them, such performances are new and for some not. However, they think that it is
really an interesting and entertaining dance. Their perspectives can be illustrated by the
following statements, which were reported in Bhutanese media:
“People joked, laughed and interacted, it brought people together and it was very
beautiful,” said Australian Peter Davidsen.
“You could feel the joy and fun, the happiness, and the peaceful atmosphere of the
community,” said Christian Gruber, a German IT project manager.
282
According to informants (4, 5, 6) interviewed on July 29, 2009, Nima Lung.
114
“I feel privileged to have been able to attend such a magnificent festival,” said
Felipe Chirinos from Peru. 283
From such statements, one can assume that many tourists hardly have any notion of the
Buddhist concepts existing within the ‘cham performances. Their perspectives are similar to
those of the younger Bhutanese generation or some of the audiences with similar ideas or
conceptions. Yet, Bhutanese people believe that religious messages are allegorically depicted
through the ‘cham and that these messages are apprehended according to the viewers’
individual capacity. It is also believed that even though people may not comprehend the
spiritual messages intellectually, watching the ‘cham will nevertheless affect them in a
positive way, and the Bhutanese think that the more people are exposed to such religious
displays, the better it is. So even if people are not concious about how ‘cham influences them,
merit is earned just by watching, and a seed is planted whereby the spectators may be more
spiritually mature the next time they watch such religious dances. But no doubt, in Bhutan,
religious dances have played an important didactic role in transmitting or imparting Buddhist
concepts to the population and through watching the dances people have also achieved basic
information about Buddhist ideas about life after death. On the whole, the taming of one’s
emotions and dualistic conceptions are essential Buddhist messages transmitted during the
‘cham, and these ideas are grounded in concrete symbols with which the audience can
identify.
4.3 The ‘cham as tantric practice
According to Buddhist doctrine, ‘cham is believed to originate from the vajrayana. In
vajrayana, there are four ways/doors of secret religious instructions and precepts:
1. Prayer offered in words for requesting a grant [according to what one desires] (don
rnams gsol ‘debs brjod pa tshig gi sgo)
2. The meditation on the essence [of nature] in through a secret mantra (thugs dam
gnad bskul gsang ba sngas kyi sgo)
3. Meditation upon a particular point in full concentration (dmigs pa rtse gcig ting
‘dzin yid kyi sgo)
4. The signs and symbols through the dance [hand] gestures (mtshon pa brdar btags
phyag rgya gar gyi sgo) 284
283
www.kuenselonline.com. Date accessed: 27, March 2010.
115
The practice of ‘cham could be argued to fulfil all the above categories. However, it is more
appropriate to say that ‘cham fits best in the fourth category, i.e. where the Buddhist messages
are imparted through signs and symbols and different body gestures. Michael Saso, in his
discussion of the tantric rite known as the Goma rite, says that “the hand gestures (mudra),
mantric chants, and eidetic visions (mandala) must be seen and practiced in order to be
understood”.285 In tantric practice, according to Saso’s statements, it is very clear that hand
gestures and the chanting of mantras are an integral part. Moreover, people believe that
tantric Buddhism does by definition include the use of the physical body.
Furthermore, more wrathful depictions of ‘cham is believed to culminate as a form of tantric
practice, classified in the Nyingmapa tradition as Mahayoga.286 In addition, according to
Tibetan Buddhism, its potential for liberation within a lifetime elevates ‘cham to a tantric
form of practice; Dagyab Rinpoche in this context states that, “We have a chance, firstly
through the very process of consciousness expansion and secondly through the enormous aid
which contact with tantric reality brings, to make much greater progress on our own path. The
path becomes, then, steeper and more perilous, more intense yet shorter.”287 Harvey also
describes the tantric form of practice as a complex meditational system.288 Harvey states that
the incorporation of ritual, magic and rich signs and symbols enhances its complexity.289
Above all, however, Dagyab Rinpoche reminds practitioners that everyone must go every step
of the way themselves and that it is neither a conjuring trick nor a vicarious deliverance. I
think his assertion is valid because a practitioner has to understand the dance (tantric form of
practice) properly and profoundly, performing the steps accordingly with a strong faculty of
mind. In this context it is interesting to note the statements made by Havnevik, that in tantric
Buddhism the way to salvation is understood as a union “of duality through the ascent of the
bodhicitta” (byang chub sems), not by following the multitude stages of Mahayana thinking,
but through the psychic centres of the body, regarded as enabling the practitioner to obtaining
liberation within a single lifetime.290 Unless one understands the in-depth meaning and correct
methods either upon practicing ‘cham or different kinds of tantric practices, as mentioned,
284
RAPA: 7.
Saso, 1990: xiii.
286
NJ, 2009: 97.
287
Dagyab Rinpoche, 1995: 9.
288
Harvey, 1990: 134.
289
Ibid.
290
Havnevik, 1989: 32
285
116
obtaining salvation is believed to be impossible. Havnevik also discusses the various yogic
methods in this context and the requirement of a female partner in the practice of tantrayana
for obtaining enlightenment, where the aspirant body seeks enlightenment through various
techenics and methods.291 This could be what the practitioners might believe.
4.4 The ‘cham as a rapid method of achieving enlightenment
From the Buddhist point of view, the ‘cham is believed to be a swift method of transcending
the cyclic existence of birth and death and rebirth for both the practitioner and the spectator.
People believe that this is because ‘cham is a tantric form of Buddhist practice and thus has
the capacity to liberate participants in the span of a lifetime,292 or at least to a better rebirth.293
Harvey also writes that tantric practices aim to help the practitioner gain liberation more
rapidly than through the practice of the Bodhisattva path.294 Snellgrove points out that,
according to vajrayana teachings, liberation is possible within a single lifetime only if one
comes across a qualified master who is also willing to transmit the truth.295 These perspectives
correspond to the opinion of the religious specialists that I have consulted.296 The religious
adepts participating in the ‘cham can be understood as agents for ‘the transference’ of the
effectiveness and meaning of the dances to the lay audience or to others with a keen interest in
following the vajrayana.
Absolutely, my informant (1) remarked that liberation and achievement of enlightenment
depend upon the way a person understands the ‘cham performances. He stated that a deep
understanding of the symbolic nature of the dances is closely linked to the individual’s
intuitive feelings and psychic constitution. The merit of the dance is believed to depend upon
its correct application within one’s mind, for only then can it become a verifiable experience
of a state of consciousness to attain enlightenment. It is also believed that self-realization
spring from an inner experience of higher spiritual awakening.297
291
Havnevik, 1989: 34
Snellgrove, 2003: 116
293
According to informant (2) interviewed on June 25, 2009, Nima Lung Monastery. Some audiences seem to
have some knowledge or ideas about the effectiveness of the ‘cham in general and eight aspects of Guru in
particular. When I interviewed them on the source of their knowledge and ideas, they explained to me that it is
through the oral transmission from the religious specialists.
294
Harvey, 1990: 134
295
Snellgrove, 2003: 116
296
According to informant (1) interviewed on June 25, 2009, Nima Lung.
297
Khanna, 1977: 125.
292
117
Furthermore, Mookharjee Khanna states that there is a multiplicity of techniques employed in
tantric rituals for realization, through the media of sound (mantra), form (yantra), psychophysical postures and gestures (nyasa and mudra), and the offerings of flowers.298 Among the
many techniques for liberation, the ‘cham uses psycho-physical postures and bodily gestures,
whereas various hand gestures (mudra) and mantra chanting are also vital elements for its
realization. In line with Khanna, Harvey also writes that tantric rites involve what he calls
ritual gestures, the depicting sign of various kinds of heavenly Buddhas. He says that mudras
help intensify the value of of the mantras in evoking psychic forces and greater states of
consciousness.299
On the whole, according to widespread popular beliefs, interpretations by several religious
specialists and according to scholars, one may conclude by saying that any kind of tantric
practice is believed to have the power to help to either bring about enlightenment within one’s
lifetime or at least to get a better rebirth in the next life. But this is also said to be dependent
on how a person understands the concept of liberation as mentioned above. Among many
tantric practices, the ‘cham is believed to be one of the techniques for liberation that the
Bhutanese people believe in and worship. In addition, Khanna mentions that if one practises
the right form of the dance, in the right way, at the right time and right place, 300 any kind of
tantric practices is believed to be the short way for achieving enlightenment.301
298
Khanna, 1977: 126.
Harvey, 1990: 266.
300
Khanna, 1977: 166.
301
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 25, 2009, Kharchu.
299
118
4.5 The ‘cham as ‘liberation through seeing’
Figur 13: Thongdrol
Buddhists believe there are several methods for liberation, and the ‘cham is considered one of
them. The Guru’s Eight Aspects dance and other religious dances can be observed when
visiting on auspicious days, and also in paintings of various deities on the scrolls and walls of
monasteries. These dances and paintings are considered to have the capacity to offer
‘liberation through seeing,’ thongdrol (mthong grol).
It is common for Bhutanese monasteries to have scroll paintings of the Eight Aspects of the
Guru. There are also scroll paintings of important icons like Pema Lingpa, the famous
Bhutanese treasure revealer, and the Buddha. However, for Bhutanese, scroll paintings of the
Guru’s Eight Aspects are treasured more, as Guru Rinpoche is believed to be one of the most
important figures in establishing Buddhism in the country.302 Hence, scroll paintings of the
Guru’s Eight Aspects are familiar to Bhutanese people, and to most lay people the concept of
302
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 25, 2009, Kharchu.
119
thongdrol is also widely known. For the religious adepts, however, not only the scroll
paintings are considered thongdrol but also the ‘cham in general. This is because they believe
that the ‘cham has the potential to liberate sentient beings from suffering. Various animalheaded dances are shown to the audience during the ‘cham. These deities are believed to be
protective deities who will be encountered in the intermediate state after death. It is also
claimed that people can never escape samsara without confronting them.303 However, if a
person is familiar with the deities in the present life, one will recognize the deities
encountered in the three stages of the intermediate state between death and new rebirth. 304 For
instance, people read the Bardo Thodrol (Bar do thos grol) ‘Liberation through Hearing’ (the
so-called Tibetan Book of the Dead) at the time of death, which is believed to be guiding the
way for a deceased person.
A further explanation needs to be given about the confrontation with deities after death,
according to the notion of ‘liberation through hearing’ in the intermediate stage, in order to
clarify the concept of liberation. In the first stage the peaceful deities emerge. In the second,
the wrathful deities arise, terrorizing the wandering consciousness. In the third stage both
wrathful and peaceful deities are encountered, according to Franscesca Fremantle and
Trungpa,305 and according to the informant (1).306 It is crucial that the wandering
consciousness recognizes the deities it meets at these stages. It is at the third stage, where it is
difficult for even great meditators and philosophers307 to recognize the deities accordingly,
and if recognition is not achieved, continued samsaric existence is the result.308 At this stage,
the liberation through hearing is important for the deceased. The deceased’s personal guru,
spiritual friends or another acquaintance is therefore required to read the text Bardo Thodrol
close to the ear of the deceased person. The reading of the text is believed to guide the
wandering consciousness to recognize the emerging deities in the intermediate state and lead
303
Fremantle and Trungpa, 1975: 33-94.
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 27, 2009, Nima Lung.
305
Fremantle and Trungpa, 1975: 57.
306
According to informant (1) interviewed on June 25, 2009, Kharchu.
307
Here in the intermediate state, when encountering both the wrathful and the peaceful deities, it is said one is
too confused to recognize one’s protective deity, because both the protective deities and the terrorizing deities
emerge at the same time and cause confusion in the wandering consciousness. If one is lost and fails to recognize
one’s protective deities, then it is believed that the consciousness is fully persuaded and deluded by the nonprotective deities and eventually ends up suffering. Bliss of happiness or enlightenment is said to be achieved
only if one is capable of recognizing the protective deities, their yidam. Otherwise one would suffer throughout
in an ocean of suffering.
308
Fremantle and Trungpa, 1975: 57.
304
120
it towards enlightenment or a good rebirth.309 Reading of the text has the potency to liberate
the consciousness of a deceased person in the same way as liberation through seeing, which is
the objective of witnessing ‘cham or seeing scroll paintings displayed at auspicious days.
Accordingly, the ‘cham conceived as thongdrol, as I have explained above, helps the
consciousness wandering in the intermediate state to recognize all kinds of deities. Having
seen the deities in the form of dance performances during their lifetime, people are familiar
with them at the time of death when the consciousness enters into the intermediate state. It is
believed to be easy for them to identify the confronting deities. Recognizing deities when in
the intermediate state is thus regarded as crucial. People therefore believe that if one has
experienced and witnessed (mthong ba) the ‘cham, one gets released (grol ba) from the
sufferings. Rebirth in the upper three realms in the six spheres is believed to depend upon how
well a person recognizes deities in the intermediate state. Therefore, people believe that ‘cham
is a method for ‘liberation through seeing’. However, confronting deities is believed to be a
reflection of one’s own mind. Let us examine this in the following section.
4.6 Whose manifestations are the terrorizing and protective deities?
According to Buddhist doctrine as understood by my informant who is an educated monk, the
emergence of both wrathful and peaceful deities are said to be the reflections of one’s mind.
Allegedly, all human beings are believed to be inborn with both negative and positive
attributes. Negative qualities are to be the evil-doer and positive features are likened to a
virtuous being. The evil deity (‘dre) is believed to reside on the right-hand side of the human
body and the virtuous deity (lha) on the left. Ignorance within a person is always
accompanied by the evil deity, who leads people to perform non-virtuous acts. During the
time of death, they are believed to come in the form of a wrathful deity in the intermediate
state, where they terrorize the wandering consciousness. The virtuous deity is believed to
assist a person in the accumulation of virtuous acts. However, this work is laborious and timeconsuming, as the process of freeing the mind is always hampered by the evil deities.310 Being
ignorant, a person is unable to tame his own mind and often gets deluded by the evil deity and
consequently performs a huge amount of non-virtuous acts. People are more sinful than
virtuous. However, the person who is able to tame his or her mind is believed to accumulate
309
310
Ibid. 34-35.
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 29, 2009, Kharchu.
121
much merit. The virtuous deity is in general believed to guide a person to tame his or her
negativity and ignorance, which is the main cause of defilement. The virtuous deity is the
peaceful deity, who is also to be confronted in the intermediate state to help the being to be
liberated. But according to Buddhist belief, both evil and virtuous deities are in essence one
and a reflection of one’s mind.
When wandering in the intermediate state after death, the manifestations of both the wrathful
and benign forces must be confronted. If the mind is liberated from dualistic conceptions
during one’s lifetime and has accumulated a sufficient amount of virtuous acts, it is believed
that it will recognize its protective deity and thereby attain enlightenment. It will be neither
deluded nor terrorized by the wrathful aspects when they appear. On the contrary, the nonvirtuous actors are terrorized and made to suffer in the lower three realms.
From the above statements, according to my informant’s interpretation of Tibetan Buddhist
doctrine, the wrathful and peaceful manifestations that appear in the intermediate state are not
inexperienced deities, but forces that have always been residing within oneself; good and bad
action are thus but reflections of a person’s state of mind. It is said that if a person is able to
differentiate the deities within him or herself through various means and techniques, liberation
or incarnation into a good rebirth is an easy transition of consciousness. But ignorant people
are not able to understand themselves; they lack the insight into the processes of the mind.
Therefore, through ‘cham performances of any kind and the Guru’s Eight Aspects in
particular, both the wrathful and peaceful deities are portrayed in a convincing way to the
ignorant spectators in order for them to recognize these aspects through symbolism. Ignorant
audiences are also influenced or convinced by religious adepts. I have come across people
explaining to each other how to understand the meaning of the dance. For most of the time,
one can notice, a religious adept would sit among older audiences and explain to them. But
the abbot or a lama of the monastery also uses a microphone to instruct the deluded spectators
about the meaning, benefits and importance of each and every individual dance. This is done
only in some monasteries. Nima Lung Monastery does not have this facility. Some of the
spectators think that it is not sufficient to give a verbal explanation. They feel that it is also
essential to introduce the costumes of the deities in order to ease recognition. People feel the
different colours of the costumes make it easier for them to remember and recognize the
deities. Hence, in the following section I will discuss the significance of the dance costumes.
122
4.7 Significance of the costumes
Every ‘cham has its own distinctive costumes. The dancers wear the costumes of particular
deities that they are personifying in the dance. Furthermore, the costumes that the dancers
wear during the dance do not only have symbolic meaning, but they are said to be the actual
dresses of the god and goddess.311 For instance, during the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects,
the dancers representing the eight forms of Guru Padmasambhava have their own costume
according to the specific aspect they depict. The magnificent costume in scroll paintings seen
in the monasteries of a seated Guru Padmasambhava is said to be the dress of the King of
Zahor.312 In a similar vein, during the dance of his manifestations, the dancers are adorned
with the actual dresses of the eight manifestations. The dresses of the eight aspects are the
same in all the ‘cham in terms of colours, shapes and texture.
The costumes in the dance imitate the iconography of the deity as also depicted in the scroll
paintings as the typical dress of the deities. On the one hand, the imitation of the usual attire
of the deities is believed to facilitate the recognition of the particular deity not only in the
dance, but also in the bardo (the intermediate realm between lives). On the other hand, the
costumes help the dancers visualize the deities they are representing. 313 According to
informants (1) and (2), it is believed that dance costumes help liberate people from suffering
as well. Furthermore, it is believed that the recognition of the symbols, which are part of the
costume, brings longevity for the practitioner and also for the audience in the present or the
next life. In addition, the dance has the potential of fulfilling the participants’ desire and
confers ease and wealth upon their lives.314
According to the above statements, the costumes worn during the dance is believed to have a
great impact on the spectators, making their life easier either now or in the next rebirth.
According to my informants (1), it is believed that the costumes have a profound impact on
the audience because they are replicas of the garments of Guru Padmasambhava. One of the
informants (2) claimed that through the costumes, one can easily recognize a particular deity
and thereby facilitate liberation from the ocean of sufferings. Therefore, in the following I
will discuss the gaining of religious merit through the ‘cham performances for the participants
311
NJ, 2009: 57.
According to informant (1) interviewed on July 30, 2009, Kharchu.
313
According to informants (1) and (2) interviewed on July 25-28, Nima Lung.
314
N J, 2009: 69.
312
123
(performers and audience) in order to achieve happiness according to the Buddhist definition
of the word.
4.8 The religious merit for the practitioner and the audience
According to my informants (1 and 2), the dancers and the audiences receive benefit upon
taking part in the ‘cham as performer and audience. They are believed to attain the cleansing
of inborn defilement. It is claimed that through their familiarity with the deities’
characteristics and clothing in the dance, they easily recognize the deities in the intermediate
state. As discussed in the above sections, this recognition brings longevity, decrease of
disasters and unfortunate incidents of the participants (performer and audience), and
fulfilment of one’s desire. In addition, one expects permanent happiness or at least a good
rebirth.315
4.9 ‘Cham corresponding to the six perfections
People believe ‘cham is the practice of six perfections (Skt. paramita) of the Bodhisattva.
They think that teaching, learning and seeing ‘cham involves six perfections. The six
perfections, according to Mahayana doctrine, are fundamental ways and integral means for
enlightenment. The six perfections are as follows:
i.
Generosity (sbyin pa)
ii.
Morality (tshul khrims)
iii.
Patience (bzod pa)
iv.
Endurance (brtson ‘grus)
v.
Contemplation (bsam gtan)
vi.
Wisdom (shes rab)
i. Generosity: If the ‘cham is taught to the learners with generosity and good intentions, it is
believed to perfect the generosity in the receivers.
ii. Morality:
When the teaching and practising of the ‘cham are accompanied by correct
rules and regulations, this is believed to fulfil the perfection of morality.
315
NJ, 2009: 100.
124
iii. Patience: Learning and teaching with patience is believed to develop the perfection of
patience.
iv. Endurance: At times of learning and teaching, both the student and teacher need to apply
enduring capacity. If this is accomplished, it is believed the perfection of
endurance is realized.
v. Contemplation: Both in times of learning and actual performance, if one commits oneself to
the belief in its transformative power and to the focusing of the mind on what is
right while discarding what is not-right, it is believed that the perfection of
contemplation will be realized.
vi. Wisdom: If one commits oneself with the mind focused on emptiness during the
observation of the dances, nature itself becomes non-existent. As the
phenomenal world is created by dualistic conceptions, nothing is permanent. If
one is able to conceptualize accordingly, this realization gains perfection of
wisdom.
In addition to the six perfections believed to be basic for common practitioners, Tibetan
Buddhism recognizes four more advanced ones. These include thab (thabs) ‘means’, tob
(stobs) ‘power’, monlam (smon lam) ‘prayer’, and yeshe (ye shes) ‘exalted wisdom’. Among
these ten perfections, the seventh paramita or perfection ‘means’ combined with ‘exalted
wisdom’ constitutes the skilful means (thabs shes) for liberation according to tantric theory
and practices. And ‘cham being a tantric ritualistic practice and one means for obtaining
liberation according to Buddhist belief, the seventh perfection ‘thab’ is integrated with the
practice of ‘cham. Though the ‘cham is believed in theory to be the practice of six perfections
or ten, in reality its practice is always a challenging one. Practioners are not able to be
generous, patient, moral, contemplative, and so forth. Both the learners and teachers lose their
tolerance frequently in times of learning and teaching. But during the main performances the
dancers are believed to follow the prescriptions of the Buddhist doctrine.
125
Conclusion
The Nima Lung Monastery, which is shrouded in beautiful pine trees in central Bhutan, is
famous for its practice of the ‘old tradition’, Nyingma. The dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects
performed at this monastery, which is very much related to Nyingma tradition. Therefore, my
thesis was meant to look at the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects and its significances.
Guru Padmasambhava, referred to as ‘Guru Rinpoche’ by the Bhutanese people, is one of the
most important figures in Bhutanese life. He is believed to be the second Buddha by Tibetan
and Bhutanese followers of the Nyingma tradition.316 For them, he is a central character who
is believed to have introduced the tantric form of Buddhist religion in the Himalayan
countries in the eighth century. Guru Padmasambhava is a character with several features,317
most commonly known as a tantric master. In Bhutan, his accomplishments are revered daily,
monthly and annually. The occasion known as Tshechu, ‘the Tenth dDy’, the day when
Tibetan Buddhists believe Padmasambhava was born, is celebrated to commemorate his
achievements. On this day, several religious dances attributed to Padmasambhava are
performed. Prayers and ritual feast offerings are carried out in several monasteries and
personal homes during the religious juncture.
During Tshechu, several dances introduced by several Buddhist masters are portrayed in three
consecutive days. The dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects is performed on the last day of
celebration and lasts for several hours. The fascinating scene in this context is the presentation
of the two characters known as Mitshering, ‘‘Old man’’, and atsara Zhonu Loden,
‘Intellectual Man’. Their question and answer session elevates the enthusiasm and devotion of
the spectators to the dance of Guru’s Eight Aspects performed in the dancing arena. Because
of the detailed description of each manifestation by Mitshering to the questions of Zhonu
Loden, awareness is created among the (mainly) illiterate spectators, thus contributing to
building more respect and faith. The portrayal of these two figures is what makes the dance of
the Guru’s Eight Aspects at Nima Lung Monastery unique. However, the origin of the
Mitshering in the dance is still unclear. Some accounts explain that the character originated
from the Chinese monk Hoshang.318 This is a topic that needs further exploration.
Nevertheless, this figure is the most celebrated one besides the Guru’s Eight Aspects in the
316
Kværne, 1987: 583
He is considered to be a mendicant, tantrika, magician, scholar, exorcist, priest, missionary, visionary, saint
and so forth.
318
Kohn, 2001: 204.
317
126
dance, and the character is represented by the dance master, underlining the figure’s
importance.
The dancers are generally required to have meditational qualifications. When personifying a
deity, it is considered to be important to visualize the deity as prescribed. The dancers are
obliged to subjugate, pacify and spiritually triumph over the hostile forces during the dance
performances. However, because of the inadequate number of performers with required
qualifications, the monastery has difficulty practising the dance according to the doctrinal
precepts. Therefore, the participants at Nima Lung are not fully qualified, but they still take
part in the ritual dance.
The dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects performed at Nima Lung Monastery is not unlike the
performances in other monasteries within Bhutan and elsewhere (for instance in Ladakh and
Rewaltsar in Himachal Pradesh).319 There are some differences in some of the instruments
and costumes used during the dance portrayal, depending upon the monasteries’ financial
situation. Nonetheless, the term used for naming the dancing steps of each emanation appears
to be very similar. Moreover, their symbols and significances are never far apart either. The
religious dances always have a component of Buddhist information that can fall broadly into
three or more categories: subjugation, victory, and didactic moral dances.320 These are all
depicted in the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects. In the Bhutanese and Tibetan cases,
indigenous exegesis of ritual symbolism is highly developed with ritual manuals and
commentarial works elaborating rich symbolic associations of the complex. However, it is
believed that no one explanation can totally encompass or fully elucidate the symbolism.
Though understanding such interpretations are an essential parts of training in tantric practice,
practitioners do not all have the same level of knowledge. In the case of the dance considered
here, even ignorant onlookers having some idea of the particular connotations of the ritual
symbolisms are thought to benefit from witnessing the dance, simply by accepting that the
dance demonstrates a display of the Guru’s enlightenment mind.
Whether practitioners or onlookers, the dance is believed to benefit everybody involved. A
pleasant present life and a better rebirth in the next life is the benefit they are believed to elicit
from practising and witnessing the dance. Further, performing the dance anywhere is believed
to remove natural disasters globally or at least within the community. Bhutanese people
319
320
Cantwell, 2003, Kohn, 2001.
Pommaret, 2006: Dance in Bhutan: “A Traditional Medium of Information and Cantwell”, 1995: 28.
127
prioritize the Guru’s Eight Aspects dance as the one having the most significant impact on
sentient beings.
The religious dance, ‘cham is associated with imparting several Buddhist messages in various
ways and means. Pommaret suggests a comparison with the transmission of messages through
modern technology. Media such as TV, the Internet, cell phones, and newspapers disseminate
world and local news every day.321 Similarly, Buddhist messages are disseminated through
the performance of the religious dance, thus functioning in the largely “pre-modern” setting in
rural Bhutan – in a similar way as modern media. In Chapter Four I adopted this analogy on
my study of the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects in Nima Lung. However, the diversified
perspectives of the participants and spectators are important to keep in mind when discussing
the comprehension of the imparted Buddhist messages. Depending upon their level of
understanding, the religious dance is apprehended differently. Some perceive it as a means for
obtaining merit, peace, better rebirth and liberation, while others see it mainly as
entertainment.
The symbolism depicted in the dance is always subtle. The symbolism does not state or limit
its meaning very much. Instead, it points to mental processes that cannot be absolutely
clarified by the verbal explanations. According to Buddhist doctrine, the dance is considered
to constitute ‘liberation through seeing’. However, discussions with some of the audience
suggested that people have a number of different ideas about the effects of the dance. The
most frequent answer on being asked their reason for coming to witness the dance is ‘to get
empowerment’, dbang and ‘blessings’, byin rlabs. They believe that watching the dance
makes the mind more tranquil. According to Cantwell, however, the idea of receiving dbang
and byin rlabs here is not simply that the presence of the Guru’s Eight Aspects or
Padmasambhava alone arises briefly during the dance. This is because the mental impression
created by seeing them is so great that it remains imprinted on one’s mind.322 Another
commonly expressed significance of the dance is that by seeing Padmasambhava in the
present life, one will be able to recognize him when one dies and be more likely to get rebirth
in the blissful land, Sangdog Pelri (Zangs mdog dPal ri) ‘The Glorious Copper-coloured
Mountain’.. On the whole, the goal for both practitioners and spectators is liberation.
321
322
Pommaret, 2006: 31.
Cantwell, 2003: 19.
128
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Glossary
Abidharma:
The Buddhist philosophical and psychological material which the
Buddha Shakyamuni left with his devotees and which later became part
of the Buddhist canon.
Atsara/acarya:
The great philosopher, great yogis and yogins, high caste adepts. They
appear in the ‘chams in the disguise of jokers in order to liberate the
sentient beings through various kinds of jokes.
bardo/bar do:
Intermediate state/purgatory, in between life and death, the wandering
state in search of either rebirth or enlightenment.
Boddhisattva:
Boddhisttvas are either reincarnated or divine. They are
described as the yogin who has overcome fear and attained the
illuminated understanding of a mature aspirant upon the path.
They are also called as sons of Buddha, and in their divine
manifestations they are Herukas.
beyney/sbas gnas:
Hidden land of treasure. Bhutan is known as one of the lands of
hidden treasures.
Bod cham/bod ‘cham:
The dance performed by the laities, followers of the local
leaders and kings in the past and the dance introduced by
the treasure discoverer.
byin rlabs chen:
Enormous blessing, potential in removing sins and advantageous
in gaining merits in Buddhist beliefs.
cham/’cham:
Cham pon/’cham dpon:
Known for religious dances.
The dance master, leader of all the ‘chams and highly
qualified monks with meditational background and
eligible to perform ritualistic sacrifices and performances
during the dance portrayal. Mentally and physically
sound.
Cham jug/’cham mjug:
The deputy dance master who quite often also substitutes in the
role of a dance master in his absence. His qualifications are
equivalent to those of a dance master.
Dakini:
Divine beings which seldom take human form, though they
constantly attend a yogin. They help instruct and bring the
highest bliss of the Guru to the beings.
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Digchen Nelbum/sDig can dmyal ‘bum: The sinful man, who would suffer in the hell for
hundred thousand times after his death, obsessed
with sinful deeds.
lde’u:
Directly translated as pebble. It is a symbolic representation for
measuring both evil and virtuous deeds in the previous life when
in the intermediate state by the judges in front of the Lord of
Dead.
Dharma:
The path of practice, the written scriptures of the words of a
Buddha, the moral discipline, religion and the realm of divinity,
which expounds the ultimate clarity and purity.
Drametse/dGra med rtse:
Free from enemies.
Dratshang/grwa tshang:
Monastic school similar to shedra. However, subjects studied are
different in terms of depth of learning and teaching.
‘dre:
Ghost, evil spirit.
‘dre nag cung:
Evil animal-headed judge in the intermediate state, the one who
terrifies wandering consciousnesses the most.
Dzong/rdzong:
Bhutanese term for fortress, which is also used for the dual
system of the government; monastic and administrative
purposes.
Gelong cham/dge slong ‘cham:
The dance performed only by the monks in the
monasteries. The dance believed to have been introduced
by the tantric master Padmasambhava in the seventh
century. The dance developed from the ritual texts are
also considered to be a monk dance as well.
Gri/gri:
Ging/ging:
Dagger/knife.
Considered as the messenger of a Padmasambhava or Buddha.
The dakas and dakinis of the Buddha field.
Gho/bgo:
Men’s dress, somewhat similar to Tibetan men’s costume.
Kurje/sKu rje:
Literally means the body print, the prominent site for pilgrimage
for all the Buddhist people.
Khimdag Pelkey/Khyim bdag dpal skyes: In the ‘cham performance, he is a symbol for
virtuous man.
Linga/ling ga:
The liberation of the effigy. The effigy is kept inside the metal
made conical shaped thing and demonstrates the destruction of
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the negativities during the dance portrayal or even during the
usual ritualistic performances in the monastery.
Lha/lha:
God, goddess.
Lha Karpo/Lha dKar po: Peaceful form of god or deity with white heart who helps
wandering consciousnesses in the intermediate state and during
the trial.
Monyul/mon yul:
Darkness without Buddhadharma teachings in the area.
Bhutan was known as monyul before the arrival of
Padamsambhava in the late seventh country, according to
some historical portrayals.
Mitshering/Mi tshe ring:
‘Old man’. One among six long-lived figures in the Buddhist
icons.
Ngeshi/dngos gzhi:
The main show.
Sheldrak/shel brag:
shel literally means a glass, while brag means cliff.
Shelging karpo/Shel ging dkar po: The local protective deity at Kurje, the most sacred and
famous pilgrimage site, central Bhutan.
serkem/gser skyems:
The golden libation/golden offering.
Tshechu/tshe bcu:
Literally means the tenth day of every month. However, the term
is profoundly known as a festival by the Bhutanese people. The
origin of the term is from the tenth day because most of the
three-day celebrations begin from the eighth day of a month and
end on the tenth day corresponding to the birthdays of Guru
Rinpoche; therefore, the dance of the Guru’s Eight Aspects is
performed.
tshengay/mtshan brgyad:
Literally means name. However, this name does not mean every
name, rather only for the Guru’s Eight Aspects.
Thangka/thang ka:
Thangka literally means scroll painting. The paintings can be of
any important figures; Buddhist icons.
Thegpa/theg pa:
Nine vehicles or ways for liberation, yana in Sanskrit.
Thongdrol/mthong grol:
It means liberation through seeing. Thongdrols are usually
bigger in size than the thangkas, and also more decorative.
Thodrol/thos grol:
One among the six kinds of liberation; liberation through
hearing.
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Shedra/bshad grwa:
Buddhist monastic schools where teaching and learning is
involved.
Khenpo/mkhan po:
Highly qualified Buddhist officials in the monastery. The
highest ranking person in the monastery is the abbot and khenpo
is the second highest person in the monastery.
karning zungdel (dkar rnying zung ‘brel: Dual system of religion; Kagyu and Nyingma
tradition. Bhutanese people practise both
traditions. However, the official religious
tradition practised in the country is Drugpa
Kagyu.
Kagyu/bka rgyud:
One among the four different religious traditions in Tibet
Nyingma/rnying ma:
The old tradition among the four main traditions in Tibetan
Buddhism.
Tshog/tshogs:
Its literal meaning is gathering. The edibles staffs are collected
and gathered in several small and huge bowls during the course
of the ritual performances.
Tsacham/tsa ‘cham:
The dance developed from the root texts and performed in
accordance with the syllables.
Guru/Lama/blama:
A teacher, a Boddhisttava either incarnated or being well
educated in Buddhist philosophies thus achieving one of the
highest position in the monasteries.
Heruka:
Heruka is a personification of the illuminated elements of the
mind coming together in a violent compassion in a way to
instruct yogis and yoginis in the nature of reality. According to
Buddhist mythology, Heruka is a manifestation of Buddha and
Boddhisattvas in times of hardship for the sentient beings. He is
also a considered to be a fearful depiction of a deity, where most
of his artefacts portray without wearing garments often bearing
human bones and skulls believed to have wondered in the
cemeteries. He is a tantric deity. Tantric practitioners are said to
meditate on him while in the practice of tantric teachings.
Mahamudra:
The highest teaching in Nyingma tradition profoundly known to
phyag rgya chen po in Tibetan Buddhism.
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Pema/Pad ma:
The lotus flower. Every Buddha or Guru Rinpoche is
iconographically depicted resting upon the lotus sitting upon sun
and moon discs. They represent the Dharmadhatu, free space.
Phurpa/phur pa:
The ritual instrument, the dagger. This signifies the penetrating power
of compassion when confronting the egos which cling to human beings.
This instrument is used in rituals of demonic control. The power of the
Phurpa, whose one end is shaped like a vajra, is its means of cutting
through the outer guise of selfishness and the void of importance inside.
Rinpoche/rin po che:Literally means the Precious Gem. Rinpoche is used as the title of a
Lama in whom one has placed his/her trust during the initial practice of
Dharma teaching. Rinpoche is also used to address the highly qualified
monastic monks (the abbots and so forth).
Samsara:
Samsara encloses all the six spheres, god, anti-god, humankind, hell,
hungry ghost and animal realm. Within these six spheres are considered
the full suffering and painful live.
Shedra/bshad grwa: Buddhist School where certificates can be obtained for Bachelor,
Masters, PhD and Geshey Degrees in Buddhist studies.
Shinje/gShin rje:
Profoundly called ‘Lord of the Dead’.
Chos kyi rgyal po:
Dharmaraja, Dharma King.
Sutra:
Scriptures which reveal exoteric sermons of Buddha and which are used
for describing any devotional and supplicative material that has been
written by the incarnation of Buddha.
Tantra:
Scriptures written to expound the teachings of Tantrika, the way and the
way itself which the Tantrika then identifies. Tantra is an exoteric
teaching and considered as the quick method of liberation.
tenmo/ltod mo:
Entertaining show/exhibition, e.g. a cultural show.
Terton/gter bton/ston:
The treasure discoverer of treasures hidden in several places and
areas. These hidden treasures are revealed in propitious times
and conditions according to prophesy.
Vajra/rDorji:
It is a ritual instrument shaped like a thunderbolt that represents the
masculine principle with the indestructible nature.
Yidam/yi dam:
The personal deity; protective deity.
Yugpa/dbyug pa:
The staff, mostly made of cane.
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Figur 14: A Bhutan map (Google)
For detail fieldwork sites, refer figure No. 1
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