Lampisa: Indigenous Practice of Water Management of the Pidlisan Tribe in
the Cordillera, Philippines
By:
Montañosa Research and Development Center
[This is an edited version of the paper, “Lampisa: Indigenous Irrigation Management of the
Pidlisan Tribe in Northern Sagada” published in Promoting Traditional Knowledge for Food
Security (2009) by the EED Task Force on Indigenous Peoples.]
I.
Introduction
The Cordillera region in Northern Luzon, Philippines is homeland to more than 1 million
indigenous peoples belonging to at least 8 distinct ethnic groups collectively called Igorots. It has
a total land area of 1,829,369 hectares and a population of 1,520,847 (2007 Census) of which
about 75% is comprised of indigenous peoples. The region is known as the watershed cradle of
northern Luzon with its various rivers and tributaries, and is also known for its rich mineral ore
deposits in its mountainous topography.
Agriculture serves as the primary source of livelihood of the people in the Cordillera. In the
Study on Rice Production Practices in the Central Cordillera (Padalla and Pangod, 1999), the
scarcity of water is identified as a major constraint in rice production in the region. It is clearly
recognized that the control, preservation and development of this basic resource is necessary to
sustain subsistence production.
The present state of Cordillera forest lands is characterized by a rapidly decreasing forest cover
primarily due to timber poaching, forest fires, and agricultural expansion. Only 676, 866 hectares
or 37% of the total land area is forested, and about 20% of the region’s forest land is being used
for agricultural purposes (CDPC, 2008). The water resource base in the region is also under
pressure from increasing water demand due to population growth, expansion in housing, tourism,
real estate, and intensified cash-crop production. The critical need for this scarce resource results
in conflicts among contending users. Heated arguments have ensued among farmers over whose
rice fields should be irrigated first, resulting, in many instances, in fistfights and bloody
confrontations. In Betwagan, Sadanga in Mountain Province, a man lost his right hand when he
was hacked by a farmer who caught him diverting water from his rice fields.
Water disputes have even turned into community or tribal conflicts. In 1999, the Pidlisan tribe of
Northern Sagada and the Dalican tribe of Bontoc, both found in Mountain Province, waged a
bloody tribal war over who had predominance in the use of a critical water source. Months later,
another tribal war erupted between the Saclit and Sadanga tribes in the same province over the
control of a major irrigation system.
Farmers believe that despite decreasing irrigation, the volume of water discharge from traditional
sources indicates there is still enough supply for all users. A decisive factor, however, in
sustaining water availability is the implementation of an appropriate and tested water
management system to control and regulate its distribution. This is crucial nowadays that the
farmers have observed changes in climatic conditions such as prolonged drought and excessive
rains which, in some instances, have resulted in severe crop damages – a situation that is further
aggravated by deforestation. An effective water management system especially during the dry
season will help minimize crop loss.
This study presents one indigenous practice of water distribution developed by the Pidlisan tribe.
Instituted in the early 1930s, the Lampisa system has excelled as an alternative approach to
maintaining and managing irrigation systems which are vital aspects in rice production. This
practice has survived decades of challenges and triumphed over individualism, kinship
favouritism and political pressures. By promoting communal ownership of basic resources, the
Lampisa has also upheld the tenets of a true indigenous cultural community.
II.
The Pidlisan Tribe and their Domain
The ancestral domain of the Pidlisan tribe straddles four clustered communities in Northern
Sagada, namely, Fidelisan, Aguid, Pide and Bangaan. Together with the barangays of Tanulong
and Madongo, this area comprises the Northern Zone based on the Municipal Development
Zoning Plan of Sagada, a municipality of Mountain Province.
The Pidlisan domain has a mountainous terrain characterized by steep slopes (more than 50%) of
high sedimentary mountains with deep ravines. The only gentle slopes are found at mid-elevation
in Bangaan on top of the Langsayan ridge in the west. The settlements are located on midmountain slopes facing south surrounded by flights of rice terraces. Elevation ranges from 1,000
meters above sea level (masl) to as high as 2,200 masl.
The Pidlisan area has similar climatic conditions as in other parts of the region, experiencing
rainy season from May to October and dry season for the rest of the year. It has a mean
precipitation of 204.97 mm and a mean temperature of 20.71 degrees Celsius (UP-CSC, 1999).
Its soil, which is characterized as acidic, is deficient in Phosphorus (less than 15 ppm), low in
Nitrogen and adequate in Potassium content. The soil has shallow depth, low water-retention
capacity and prone to erosion (UP-CSC, 1999).
Pidlisan hosts the remaining forest frontiers in Sagada, maintaining the largest pine and mossy
forests in the north that stretches deep into the Maeng domain in Abra. Of the 681.5 hectares of
watershed areas identified by the Municipal Planning and Development Offices, 485 hectares
(71%) are located within the Pidlisan Ancestral Domain.
Access to resources is open to all members of the tribe including those who have joined the
community through intermarriage. Anyone has the right to cut lumber in the communal forests
for house building, clear land for swidden, release animals to graze in the open fields and mine
gold at the community-owned mines in Lenas.
Although not officially recognized by the government, the dap-ay remains part of the governance
system in the Pidlisan domain. This political institution still makes the decisions and defines the
actions to be taken on tribal matters. For instance, it was the dap-ay through the council of elders
that decided the Pidlisan tribe should wage war against Dalican in the earlier cited 1999 water
dispute. In addition to its governance role, the dap-ay also sets the tempo of the agricultural cycle
through the observance of thanksgiving feasts, holidays and rituals such as the begnas and
ubaya.
Rice Agriculture and Other Livelihoods
The four barangays of Pidlisan have a total population of 2,078, representing 19 percent of
Sagada’s total population of 10,930 (2007 Census). The majority of the residents engage in
agriculture with rice farming as the main economic activity. The people also cultivate other crops
like vegetables, corn, legumes, coffee and fruits in their backyards and uma (swidden) to
augment their income from rice farming.
Secondary sources of earnings are derived from cash crop production, small businesses (retail
store, wagwagan or sale of second-hand clothes, weaving, food processing), small-scale mining
and wage labor. Becoming a pattern in the area is seasonal labor migration during farm offseason when able-bodied men go to other places to work as labourers in construction firms. To
contribute to the family income, a significant number of old men and women also go to lowland
cities in the Christmas season to carol and beg for alms, returning to their villages in January in
time for transplanting.
But most important of economic activities in Pidlisan is rice production. There are no records as
to when the first rice paddies were built but elders believe these were constructed during the
Spanish colonial era (1521-1898). With the use of crude tools and ingenious skills, the first
generation of wet farmers laboriously carved the steep slopes of the mountains into the awesome
rice terraces they are today. Reaching thousands of feet up the mountains, the Pidlisan rice
terraces are known as the most extensive in the entire municipality of Sagada.
The farmers practice one cropping of rice per year due to cool temperature and low solar
radiation. The rice production cycle starts with land preparation in November, followed by
transplanting in early January and harvesting in June until July. Most of the varieties planted are
traditional rice varieties, which are characterized as aromatic, pest resistant, long maturing (5-7
months) and with good taste. The rice fields are left to fallow from July to November although
small patches are planted to root crops and vegetables as a second crop.
Northern Sagada has a total rice land area of 175 hectares. On the average, each Pidlisan farming
household tills 0.15-0.25 hectare of rice fields. The mean yield per hectare is 2.29 tons of palay
or 1.6 tons of rice based on a 70 percent milling recovery rate. A family of six is generally
sufficient in rice supply for a period of 6-7 months, and to cope with the shortage, households
import rice from nearby municipality of Bontoc, Isabela province, and municipality of Tabuk in
Kalinga province.
III.
The Lampisa System: Promoting Communal Ownership and Equitable Use
The tradition of water management in Pidlisan commenced at the height of terrace construction
when streams and creeks were tapped to irrigate every square meter of rice land available.
Irrigation canals were constructed spanning several kilometres around the sides of the mountains
passing deep gullies and rocky promontories.
The way of constructing and developing irrigation systems is similar in Pidlisan and in other
areas in Sagada, and this is elaborately described by Voss (1983):
“The canals, or ditches, which guide the water from streams or springs to areas suitable
for terracing, are called ‘payas.’ Depending on the size of the source, the field area to be
watered, and the distance to the fields, these may be more or less elaborate and
permanent. Canals not infrequently are several kilometres long and up to three feet wide
and three feet deep. They look like contour lines along the mountain sides. Where
possible, the canals are dug directly into the mountain sides and are linked with a strong
mud and grass mixture which is packed firmly into place. Around rocky promontories
they will be literally sewn out of the rock. In some cases, tunnels several meters long have
been hacked through particularly difficult stone out-croppings. Dams, called ‘pabalaan,’
are constructed of mud, logs and boulders across the streams at the canal inlets to divert
water into the canals.’
This impressive and complex feat can only be achieved through strong communal participation
in developing, maintaining and managing irrigation systems. It is noteworthy that all field
owners participate in the whole process through indigenous mutual aid systems like the ob-obbo.
Irrigation development enhances the system of water distribution to promote equal accessibility
by all users. One method is simultaneous distribution in which water is released to all canals and
laterals. This is done during the late months of the year when sources can still release abundant
water. Another is rotational water distribution where several persons are assigned to regulate the
flow of water to all sections so that all rice fields are irrigated by turn (Voss, 1983).
All Pidlisan farmers irrigate their rice paddies by continuous flooding for two primary reasons:
they believe that maintaining more water means more rice; and flooding protects the soil from
cracking during the fallow period. In addition, more water tends to loosen the soil, making it
easier for puddling and for incorporating weeds during land preparation.
Since the cropping period falls within the dry and summer months, water becomes a limiting
factor in rice production. Panicle initiation and grain development usually start in the midsummer months of March and April or the time when water discharge from springs and creeks is
at its lowest.
Prior to the implementation of the Lampisa system, water competition was perennial. Individual
farmers used water in their fields for extended periods of time even if this deprived others of it.
Competition for water is a century-old problem that started when rice field expansion exceeded
the maximum capacity of the water resources. The following 1905 account by Jenks on water
distribution at the turn of the 20th century corroborates the water problem in the area:
“All sementera (terraced field) owners along a waterway, whether it is natural or
artificial, meet and agree in regard to the division of water: If there is abundance, all
open and close their sluice gates when they please. When there is not sufficient water for
this, a division is made – usually each person takes all the water during a certain period
of time. This scheme is supposed to be the best since the flow should be sufficient fully to
flood the entire plot – a 100 gallon flow in two hours is considered much better than an
equal flow in two days. During the irrigating season, if there is lack of water, it becomes
necessary for each sementera owner to guard his water rights against other persons on
the same creed or canal. If a man sleeps in his house during the period in which
sementeras are supposed to receive water, it is pretty certain that his supply will be
stolen, and, since he was not on guard, he has no redress. But should sleep chance to
overtake him in his tiresome watch at the sementeras, and should someone turn off and
steal his water, the thief will get clubbed if caught, and will forfeit his own share of water
when his next period arrives.” (1905:93).
The renowned historian, William Henry Scott, substantiates Jenks’ findings some six decades
later. In Central Sagada, he noted that at the height of the dry season – March and April – “the
terraces will twinkle all night with the watch fires of farmers guarding their water against
diversion by neighbours, and the local St. Theodore’s Hospital will expect emergency cases of
bolo (machete) wounding.” (Scott, 1963)
The situation has since worsened because water discharge from traditional sources has continued
to decline. The decrease has resulted in low yields, as reduced water greatly affects the
reproductive stage and development of rice grains. In Central Sagada alone, rice production loss
was pegged at 60-80 percent in 2004 after rice fields dried up. Weeds overtook the rice crop,
consuming whatever moisture was left in the soil. Some farmers no longer bothered to harvest
what remained of their crops, and investments in cash and labor turned to naught. Describing the
dismal farming situation, a farmer remarked, “In the 1990s I used to harvest eight cavans of
palay in my fields in Guedangan. However, I only harvested two cavans last year. This I blame
on insufficient irrigation and water competition.”
Although water distribution continues to be a problem in many parts of Sagada, Pidlisan was
able to solve the problem seven decades earlier when it successfully instituted the egalitarian
Lampisa system of water distribution. Surprisingly, it ended all water competition and ensured
water access to all users.
The Lampisa system is not original to the Pidlisan tribe. Its history traces back to the village of
Tetep-an located some eight kilometres away in the southeast. Voss writes:
“In the early 1930’s, one particularly influential person in the barrio of Tetep-an, who
had gained much respect for his successful battle against American mining interests in
the area, suggested the formation of a system of water distributors, or lampisas, as a
solution to the frequent dispute and many days of water watching that were part of the
traditional system. He discussed the idea with the old men in the dap-ay and they decided
to try it. It is said that the term lampisa is derived from the former ‘lampisa’ or one who
maintains or repairs a road.”
In the next four years this system spread to seven other barrios in northern Sagada, and has been
maintained there since. The number of lampisa in each barrio is proportional to the field area
being watered. In 1979, the barrios using this system – Aguid, Pide, Fidelisan, Tanulong,
Madongo and Bangaan – had a total of 14 lampisas, ranging from one to three per barrio.
Water Distribution and Users
At present, the jurisdiction of the Lampisa system has broadened to include the whole aspect of
water management and operation of irrigation systems. There are three irrigation systems in
Pidlisan, namely, Mabileng, Lakchag and Balikwey. Mabileng has been fully rehabilitated after
all its lateral canals were concreted. The other two, however, are still rudimentary and prone to
erosion and water seepage. Six lampisas are in charge with the number in proportion to the area
received by each irrigation system as follows: Mabileng (3), Balikwey (2) and Lakchag (1).
The maintenance and rehabilitation of these systems are conducted regularly under the auspices
of the dap-ay. Traditionally, the chetchet or the rehabilitation of an irrigation system is done at
the onset of tiyagew (dry season) in November or December. This starts with a ritual in which
the elders go to the source of the irrigation to seek divine intercessions from the anitos (gods) for
a continuous water supply. A white chicken, symbolizing water, is butchered as an offering. On
their way back home, they make an ocular inspection of the entire irrigation system, identifying
eroded portions and seepages, and estimate the number of days needed for rehabilitation work.
Back in the community, the elders and barangay officials call for a meeting of the pumayas (rice
field owners). All pumayas benefited by a particular irrigation system are informally organized
into groups. Their main task is to rehabilitate the irrigation systems before land preparation
whenever the lampisa deems it necessary. A farmer could be a member in all pumayas groups if
his rice fields are scattered and fall under the service areas of all irrigation systems. Usually, a
rice field owner renders 3-5 days of service for the rehabilitation of each irrigation system.
Under the governing policies of the Lampisa tradition, everyone is required to contribute free
labor in all stages of rehabilitation work. Those who fail to participate are fined or ma-aptangan,
with a fine equivalent to the daily rate of labor in the community. All collected aptang (fines) are
centralized and used to buy food for the participating pumayas.
The role of the pumayas in water management generally ends in the rehabilitation of the
irrigation system. After that, everyone is obliged to entrust water distribution to the lampisa
throughout the duration of the cropping period. Primarily, the lampisa is tasked to ensure that all
rice fields receive a fair share of water at all times and to conduct regular inspection of the entire
irrigation system to make certain that water flow is maintained.
The selection of lampisa is vital to the success of the system. Since the lampisas are tasked to
take absolute control over water regulation, a set of stringent requirements are imposed both by
the dap-ay elders and the barangay officials. According to the requirements, a lampisa,
preferably male, must be industrious, patient, dedicated, just, respectably brave and does not bow
to political kinship pressures. The following accounts gathered by Voss from lampisa and from
observations of past events illustrate the integrity of the lampisa selection process.
Case 1. A lampisa talks about the pressures involved in position. He says, ‘ Sometimes I
am afraid to enforce a penalty on a guilty person, especially if the offender is some
prestigious personality. But this is checked with the help of the other lampisas who gave
me moral backing; or if necessary, with the help of the elders and the barrio officials. We
lampisas are always being reminded that our duties are in the interest of the whole
village as against the interests of one man – no matter who he is.’
Case 2. One of the lampisas reported that he was forced to fine a nephew and a cousin
during the past year because they took water out of turn. When he levied the fines they
both called him dirty names; but when he challenged them to take the cases to the dapay, they backed down because they knew they were wrong.
Case 3. The lampisa is faced with fines and sanctions if he shows favouritism. If proven
on the basis of testimony and hard evidence – like the appearance of the soil – that a
lampisa has shown favouritism, a penalty is imposed. The penalties against lampisas are
high because the elders say they hold a very delicate position. One lampisa, for example,
was fined with a whole dog for showing favouritism to relatives. In another case, some
field owners were going to proceed against a lampisa for the same reason, but a mediate
suggested that the lampisa should feed the complainants to cool off the situation. During
the meal, he was advised by the complainants that he should do his duty fairly.
The greatest challenge to this system comes from relatives of the lampisa, or from powerful
influential people demanding more than their due on the basis of ties of kinship or patronage.
However, the lampisa is able to maintain his fairness through the help of the old guards of the
system – the elders of the dap-ay, who use similar past experiences to override such pressures.
They cited that the lampisa system failed in Tetep-an – where it originated – when the lampisa
showed favouritism and the people refused to pay their dues. Another contributing factor in the
weakening of the lampisa system in this area is that more people have engaged in small business
enterprise such as wagwagan or selling of second hand goods, thus lessening the dependency of
the village people in rice farming.
Given the complexity of their work, all lampisas are advised by the elders to implement the
system based on the guiding principle of equal rights of all farmers to communal water
resources. In addition, a set of rules and penalties has been formulated to govern the conduct of
their work and the compensation due them:
1. All lampisas are given absolute control over water regulation. Anyone who interferes
with the duties of a lampisa or swears at him without due cause will be fined and
reprimanded.
2. A lampisa who is found guilty of negligence shall pay a fine to the rice field owner
commensurate to the damage. A rice field owner has the right to sue a lampisa for
negligence and collect damages. However, he must present strong evidences lest he be
fined in return if the lampisa is found innocent.
3. A lampisa who is found guilty of favouritism shall be penalized. He shall pay a dear price
given his delicate position. He shall also be reprimanded and shall undergo reorientation.
4. A lampisa shall receive 5 percent of the total harvest of each farmer beneficiary as
payment for his services.
A lampisa may retain his status for as long as he/she is willing to do the work and does not
violate any of the governing rules of the lampisa system. Payment for the services rendered by a
lampisa follows the original scheme as conceptualized by the elders during the early years of
implementation. Voss notes:
“The lampisa’s share now works out to four or five percent of the harvest in the area.
The fees are collected collectively and divided equally among all the lampisa in each
barrio. In August, when all the fields have been harvested, each field owner submits his
fees to the dap-ay on a day which has been amounted for that purpose. The fees can be in
bundles of rice or in the cash equivalent, as long as they conform to the percentage set by
the barrio. It is estimated that on average a lampisa would get 8-9 gimatas of palay (the
value of one gimata load is 75-100 pesos). At the current rate of pay for agricultural
labor, this works out to about 70-75 days wage: which is approximately equivalent to the
actual time spent on the job.”
The mode of payment persists today due to the people’s strong adherence to the lampisa
tradition. The amount of dues is still the same even though the irrigation systems are
rehabilitated, thereby reducing the workload of the lampisa. Palay is still the medium of
payment. When the rice variety Taiwan dominated the rice landscape, it virtually changed the
harvesting method from the traditional inani (harvesting through picking) into ginapas (sickle
harvesting). However, the farmers are still obliged to plant the inani varieties in order to have
bundles of palay to pay the lampisa.
The regular collection of dues is done in December in time for the winaak which means
“collection”. This is the occasion when all farming households remit their dues not only to the
lampisas but to the dap-ay. According to one lampisa, payments range from 3-60 bundles of
palay per household. He said that their total collection nowadays is much lower compared to
their collections 10 years ago despite the increase in rice yield. One reason for this is the tawid
(inheritance) system that divides rice paddies equally among the children, thus reducing the rice
land holding of each household.
IV.
Conclusions and Recommendations
The successful implementation of the lampisa system is hinged on the power and dedication of
community leaders (dap-ay elders and barangay officials) and compliance by the people with the
laws governing the system. This is the reason why the lampisa is able to overcome the pressures
of kinship and patronage. Learning from past experiences and events, kin and powerful patrons
of the lampisa are now aware that cajoling for special favors in water distribution will definitely
result in public humiliation.
One of the significant contributions of the lampisa to the household economy is allowing the
men to find temporary jobs outside of the village without worrying that their fields will dry up.
This is highly significant today, as a part of the labor force seasonally migrates in search of cash
to pay for educational expenses of children and to buy basic household needs.
The lampisa system promotes communal use of water resources at a low cost. Although the
beneficiaries are obliged to pay for the lampisa’s services, they do so based on fair value (5% of
the total volume of production). This is incomparable to the 40-60 percent crop loss in areas
where competition and unsystematic water distribution prevail.
The lampisa system demonstrates the persistence of indigenous socio-political systems which are
essential in the management of resources as seen in the role of the dap-ay elders in ensuring
tribal unity and discipline; and the cultural values of cooperation, caring, sharing and responsible
stewardship of resources.
Indigenous knowledge systems and practices should be promoted as these play a key role in the
adaptive capacity of indigenous peoples to climate change impacts. For the Pidlisan tribe,
securing food for the communities and the systematic control and management of critical water
resource is attained through the lampisa system.
Nowadays, people in most places face a fundamental problem of inadequate water supply due to
depleting water sources, and inequity in water access because of preferential treatment granted to
business establishments and industries. This situation should be seriously reconsidered because
water should be treated as a people’s resource allocated mainly for their basic needs, livelihood
and survival.
The ancestral domains of indigenous communities and national minorities must be given
precedence in the conservation and development of water resources and provision of water
services. They are the stewards of the remaining watersheds and forests, and thus entitled to
benefit from the fruits of this crucial role.
References:
Jenks, A. (1905). The Bontoc Igorot. Department of the Interior, Ethnological Surveys. Vol. 1.
Manila.
Scott, William Henry. (1963). Sagada Rice Growing. Philippine Economic Journal, Vol. 2 No.
1.
Voss, Joachim Heinrich. (1983). Capitalist Penetration and Local Resistance, Continuity and
Transformation in the Social Relations of Production of the Sagada Igorots of Northern
Luzon. University of Toronto.
Padilla, H. and R. Pangod. 1999. Study on Rice Production in the Central Cordillera.
_______________.1970. Rice Production Manual. Los Baños: University of the Philippines.
_______________. 2001. Ancestral Domain Sustainable Development Plan of Sagada, Mountain
Province.
_______________. 2008. Cordillera Environmental Situation. Center for Development Programs
in the Cordillera. Baguio City.