Changing Argument Structure in
the History of English:
Filling up the vP
Elly van Gelderen
ICHL 22, 31 July 2015
Naples
Outline
Relevance of Argument structure beyond UG
Verb-classes in OE and their loss(es).
Unaccusative verbs > light verbs + labile
and unergatives > transitive + particle verbs
Unaccusatives > copulas
Unaccusatives ̸> unergatives
Unergatives ̸> unaccusatives
Morphological changes
Psych-verbs: ObjExp > SuExp; but not the other way round.
Broader relevance
Argument structure forms the basis of our
propositions and, without it, there is no meaning. It is
likely that AS is part of our larger cognitive system and
not restricted to the language faculty.
For instance, it could play into, for instance, our moral
grammar where agents are assigned more
responsibility than causers.
If AS is outside the linguistic system, humans without
language could have had it and so can other species.
Since argument structure is often seen as the least
variable part of language, it makes sense to see if this
holds in language change and what we can learn from
change.
Bickerton (1990: 67) puts it, “[a]rgument structure
... is universal.” All languages have verbs for eating
and drinking and those verbs would have an Agent
and a Theme connected with them. Arguments are
also represented in the syntax in predictable ways.
An Agent will be higher in the hierarchical structure
than a Theme, unless they are clearly marked as not
following the Thematic Hierarchy.
Bickerton (1990: 185) suggests that the
“universality of thematic structure suggests a deeprooted ancestry, perhaps one lying outside
language altogether.”
If argument/thematic structure predates the emergence
of language, an understanding of causation,
intentionality, volition - all relevant to determining thetastructure - may be part of our larger cognitive system and
not restricted to the language faculty.
It then fits that argument structure is relevant to other
parts of our cognitive make-up, e.g. the moral grammar.
Gray et al. (2007), for instance, argue that moral
judgment depends on mind perception, ascribing agency
and experience to other entities.
De Waal (e.g. 2006) has shown that chimps and bonobos
show empathy, planning, and attribute minds to others.
Pre-linguistic children also know causality.
Hauser et al (2007) have shown that moral judgments are
not the same as justifications and that the former are
likely part of a moral grammar.
Arguments Structure in Old English
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
& hit rine & sniwe & styrme ute.
and it rain and snow and storm out
`and it rains, snows, and storms outside.’
(OED, Bede ii. x. 134)
Ða geseah he swymman scealfran on flode.
Then saw he swim (diver) birds in the flow (of water)
‘Then he saw birds swim in the water.’
(OED, Ælfric Homilies II. 516)
Se hæfð ece lif þe ytt min flæsc.
he has eternal life that eats my flesh
(OED, West Saxon Gospels, John, Corpus Cambr. vi. 54)
Him scippend gaf wuldorlicne wlite.
him lord gave wonderful appearance
`The lord gave him a wonderful appearance.’
(OED, Solomon & Saturn 56)
Unergative and unaccusative in OE
(1)
Heo on wrace syððan seomodon swearte siðe,
ne þorfton hlude hlihhan
They in exile since continued black occasion,
not needed loudly laugh
`From then on, those spirits dwelt in exile; they had no
need to laugh loudly.’ (Genesis 71)
(2) Næfre on ore læg widcuþes wig,
ðonne walu feollon.
never on front lay.down famous fight,
then slaughtered.ones fell.
`He was always in front when others fell around him.’
(Beowulf 1041-2)
(3)
Unaccusative has passive participle
Fyr, forst, hægel and gefeallen snaw, is and yste,
fire, frost, and fallen snow, ice and storm
(Paris Psalter 148.8)
and be/have is sometimes telling:
(4)
Þa hie ða hæfdon feorðan dæl þære ea geswummen,
then they then had fourth part that river swum
`When they had swum a quarter of that river, ...’.
(Alexander's Letter to Aristotle: Orchard, 1995 224-52, 15.12)
(5)
Ða ic ða gemunde hu sio lar Lædengeðiodes ær ðissum
Then I then remembered how that knowledge of.Latin before
this
afeallen wæs giond Angelcynn, ...
fallen was throughout England
`When I remembered how the knowledge of Latin had
decayed throughout England.’ (Alfred, Pastoral Care, 7.15-6).
From OE: Loss of Intransitives
a) a complete loss of the verb, e.g. bifian `to
shake’,
b) the loss of prefixes and addition of resultative
particles, e.g. aberstan `burst out, escape’,
c) the replacement by light verbs and adjective
or noun, e.g. emtian `become empty’, and
d) a change to labile verbs, e.g. dropian `drop’,
i.e. alternating between causative and
unaccusative
e) increase in (manner of) motion (Fanego 2012)
I looked at 81 intransitives from Visser
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aberstan `burst out, escape’
Th
particle verb
ablican `shine’
Th
obsolete
ablinan `cease, desist’
Th
obsolete
æfnian `become evening’
0
light v
æmtian/emtian `become empty’
Th
light v
ærnan `run’
A
labile (caus, unerg, unacc)
ætfellan `fall away’
Th
particle verb
ætglidan `disappear, glide away’
Th
particle verb
ætslidan `slip, slide’
Th
labile
ætspringan `rush forth’
Th
obsolete
aferscan `become fresh’,
Th
light v
afulian `become fowl, rot’
Th
light v
alatian `to grow sluggish’
Th
obsolete
aleoran `to depart/flee’ (only in glosses in DOE)
obsolete
ascortian `become short/pass away’
Th
light v
aslapan `slumber, fall asleep’
Th
obsolete
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berstan `burst’
Th
burst labile (causative rare)
bifian `tremble/shake’
Th
obsolete
blinnan `cease’
Th
obsolete
brogdian, brogdettan `tremble’ Th
obsolete
bugan `bow down/bend’
Th
obsolete
cidan `quarrel, chide’ (was transitive)
cirman `cry (out)’
Th
obsolete
climban (upp) `climb’
A
(same and) transitive
cloccian `cluck, make noise’
A
transitive (archaic)
clum(m)ian `mumble, mutter’ A
obsolete
clymmian `climb’
A
(particle verb and) transitive
cneatian `argue’
A
obsolete
cneowian `kneel down’
A
obsolete
cnitian `dispute’
A
obsolete
creopan `crawl’
A
same: creep
cuman `come, approach, arrive’ Th
same: come (to)
Results
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Obsolete
42
Unchanged 10 (2 unerg, 8 unacc)
Light v
8
Particle
6
Labile
6
Transitive
3
Total
75
(6 of the 81 were not intransitive)
Conclusions from the 75 verbs
The verbs that are replaced by light verbs are
deadjectival and denominal verbs, namely æfnian,
æmtian, aferscan, afulian, ascortian, dimmian,
fordragan, and gegyltan: all unaccusative verbs in Old
English but the new light verb determines whether it is
unaccusative or causative.
The change to labile verb affects ærnan, ætslidan,
berstan, droppian, droppetan, and growan. Apart from
ærnan, these are all unaccusative and end up with an
optional causative. The case of ærnan is complex; it is
an unergative in Old English but acquires causative and
unaccusative meanings.
ctd
The three unergative verbs that become transitive are
climban, cloccian, and clymmian. One of these is archaic
and two involve the same Modern English verb climb.
So: increase in light verbs, labile, and transitive verbs
21/75 are motion verbs: aberstan, ærnan, ætfellan,
ætglidan, ætslidan, ætspringan, aleoran, clymmian,
cneowian, creopan `crawl’, dufan ‘to dive’, dwelsian,
dwolian, fleotan, fordwinan, forþfaran, forþgangan,
forþræsan, forþweaxan, and glidan; cuman is unspecified.
Many are manner of motion; 10/21 are particle verbs
because the particle provides the path (cf Fanego 2012).
Of these 21, 7 become obsolete so, compared to all
intransitives, these are relatively resilient.
Morphological changes
loss of affixes
-i causative
ge-participle
prefixes (path/result)
development of articles
and loss of object Case
increase in particles
increase in light verbs
Causative still productive in OE?
drēopan 'drop'
drīepan 'moisten',
belgan 'be/become angry‚
ābielgan 'irritate',
hweorfan 'turn/go/die‚
hwierfan 'turn/destroy ',
meltan 'melt, burn up, be digested‘ mieltan 'melt/purge',
sincan 'sink’
sencan 'sink,
submerge/drown',
springan 'jump/burst forth/spread' sprengan 'scatter/burst',
nesan 'escape from/be saved‚
nerian 'save/protect',
sīgan 'sink/fall/move'
sægan 'cause to
sink/fell/destroy',
scrincan 'shrink/wither‚
screncan 'cause to shrink',
feallan 'fall/flow/die‚
fiellan 'fell/defeat/destroy'
ME causatives: make, -en and zero
blacken, brighten, broaden, cheapen, coarsen,
dampen, darken, deafen, deepen, fasten, fatten,
flatten, freshen, frighten, gladden, harden,
hasten, hearten, heighten, lengthen, lessen,
lighten, loosen, madden, moisten, neaten,
quicken, quieten, redden, ripen, roughen,
sadden, sharpen, shorten, sicken, slacken,
smarten, soften, stiffen, straighten, strengthen,
sweeten, tauten, tighten, toughen, waken,
weaken, whiten, widen, worsen
brown, clean, clear, cool, crisp, dim, dirty, dry,
dull, empty, even, firm, level, loose, mellow,
muddy, narrow, open, pale, quiet, round, shut,
slack, slim, slow, smooth, sober, sour, steady,
tame, tan, tense, thin, warm, yellow
and –ate, -ify, -ize, etc...
Labile, 55 acc. to Visser
abrecan ‘break’, abreoðan ‘unsettle/ruin’, acirran ‘turn’, acumen
‘come’, acweccan ‘shake’, acwician ‘quicken/revive’, ætiewan ‘show’,
ætstandan ‘stand/remain’, aslacian ‘become/make slack’, baðian
‘bathe’, blawan ‘blow’, blissian ‘be glad/make glad’, brecan ‘break’,
bregdan ‘move quickly/shake’, buan ‘live’, byrnan ‘burn’, cierran ‘turn’,
clipian ‘speak, cry out’, cwanian ‘lament/mourn’, dragan ‘drag’,
dwelian ‘go/lead astray’, dwellan ‘wander/lead astray’, eardian
‘live/inhabit’, fleon ‘fly/flee’, fon ‘take’, geotan ‘pour’, gladian ‘be
glad/rejoice’, healdan ‘hold/procede’, hefigan ‘become/make heavy’,
hildan ‘lean/hold’, hlænan ‘lean/cause to lean’, hweorfan/hwierfan
‘turn/change’, lacan ‘jump/play’, læstan ‘follow/endure’, langian ‘long
for/lengthen’, mieran ‘scatter/disturb’, miswendan ‘err/abuse’, ofergan
‘traverse’, oferfaran ‘traverse’, openian ‘open’, plegan ‘move’, sadian
‘weary’, samnian ‘assemble/meet’, sargian ‘suffer/cause pain’, sarian
‘become painful/feel sorry for’, scotian ‘move rapidly’, spyrian
‘go/pursue’, tolicgan ‘lie/separate’, tostregdan ‘scatter’, tostencan
‘scatter’, tydran ‘produce’, þeostrian ‘darken’, þringan ‘press (on)’,
wanian ‘diminish’, wlitigian ‘become/make beautiful’
And few (27) more > Mod E 800
āðīestrian 'darken', ahnescian 'become soft/make soft',
brædan 'broaden/grow', dælan ‘divide’, gedieglan ‘hide’,
drygan 'become dry/dry', hlīewan 'become warm/warm',
stillan 'be still/quiet', ābiterian 'become bitter/make
bitter', cwician 'come to life/enliven', gōdian 'be
better/make better', heardian 'harden/make hard',
hefegian 'become heavy/make heavy', hlænian 'become
lean/make lean', hluttrian 'become clean/clean', lytlian
'lessen/decrease', gemetgian 'moderate
oneself/moderate', micelian 'become great/increase',
minsian 'diminish', nearwian 'become smaller/make
smaller', openian 'open', swīðian 'become
strong/strengthen', swutulian/sweotolian 'become
manifest/make clear', ðiccian 'thicken', ðynnian 'become
thin/make thin', yfelian 'become bad/make bad', wendan
‘change’.
Around 1200: a reanalysis
(1) & gaddresst swa þe clene corn
`and so you gather the clear wheat.’ (Ormulum 14845, Holt edition)
(2) 3ho wass … Elysabæþ 3ehatenn
`She was called Elisabeth.’ (Ormulum 115)
(3) & swa þe33 leddenn heore lif Till þatt te33 wærenn
alde
`and so they led their lives until they were old.’
(Ormulum 125-6)
(4) þin forrme win iss swiþe god, þin lattre win iss
bettre.
`Your earlier wine is very good, your later wine is
better.’ (Ormulum 15409)
ASP > D
Loss of object Case (Allen 1995)
(1)
þe cyng …. gyrnde heora fultumes
the king … desired their support-GEN
‘The king wanted some of their support.’
(Peterborough Chronicle 1087.37-39)
Loss of transitivizing prefixes
(2)
ærnan ‘to run’
>
feran ‘to go’
>
gan ‘to go'
>
hyran ‘to hear’
>
restan ‘to rest'
>
winnan ‘to labor, toil'>
wadan ‘to go’
>
geærnan ‘to reach’
geferan ‘to reach’
gegan ‘to overrun, subdue'
gehyran ‘to learn about’
gerestan ‘to give rest'
gewinnan ‘to gain, conquer'
gewadan ‘to traverse’
Loss of ge-:The Peterborough Chronicle divided in 10
equal parts with numbers of ge-
and aspectual prefix loss (Brinton 1988)
adruwian ‘dry up’
aswapan
‘sweep off, clean’
bedrincan ‘absorb’
belucan
‘enclose’
forswelgan ‘swallow up’ formeltan ‘melt away’
forðbringan ‘produce’ forðsiþian ‘go forth, die’
fulfremman ‘fulfill’
fullbetan
‘satisfy’
oflætan
‘give up’
oftredan
‘tread down’
oferhelian ‘conceal’
ofergan
‘overrun’
tobeatan
‘beat apart’ tosyndrian ‘separate’
þurhtrymman ‘corroborate’ þurhdreogan ‘carry through’
ymbhringan ‘surround’ ymbhycgan ‘consider’
Perfective and object affectedness:
v and D take over from ASP
vP
>
vP
v’
v
cause
-i
v’
ASPP
DP
GEN
v
[i-asp]V
ASP’
ASP
ge[i-pf]
VP
DP
D
NP
[u-asp]
V’
V
VP
DP
Change to copulas etc...
Curme (1935: 66-8): 60 copulas in English; “no
other language shows such a vigorous growth of
copulas” (67). Visser (1963: 213-9) lists over a
100 for the various stages.
Unaccusative > copula
appear, become, fall, go, grow, turn, wane,
break, last, remain, rest, stay, continue
Interim conclusion
Unaccusative > labile
Unaccusative > copula
Theme is stable
Old > Modern English: a reanalysis of the aspect
features. Although the basic syntactic tree
remains the same, there are minor changes in
the v and ASP and which lexical elements
occupy them.
Now: instability of Theme
ObjExp
færan/fear
lician/like
loathe
marvel
relish
OE-1480
OE-1800
OE-1600
1380-1500
1567-1794
SuExp
1400-now
1200-now
1200-now
1380-now
1580-now
Loss of causative –i-: many Exp verbs are
causative and therefore reanalyzed
fǽran < *fæ̂rjan `frighten’
`Last’ ObjExp
(1)
(2)
Þe fend moveþ þes debletis to fere Cristene
[men] fro treuþe.
`The enemy moves these devils to frighten
Christian men from the truth.’
(MED, a1425 Wycl.Serm. Bod 788 2.328)
Thus he shal yow with his wordes fere.
`Thus, he’ll frighten you with his words.’
(MED, Chaucer TC 4.1483)
The addition of result/instrument in ObjExp
emphasizes Change of State in the later stages.
First SuExp
(1)
Fele ferde for þe freke(z), lest felle hym þe
worre.
`Many feared for the man lest the worst
happened to him.’
(MED, c1390 Gawain Nero A.10 1588)
(2) I fere me þat I shuld stond in drede.
`I fear that I shall stand in dread.’
(MED, a1500 Play Sacr. Dub 652 218)
The ambiguity depends on whether the postverbal
pronoun is seen as a reflexive or not. Thus, it is not
clear whether (2) means `I frighten myself that ...’
or `I fear that ...’
Changes
Many of the OE ObjExp are productive
causatives:
a-hwænan `vex, afflict’, gremman `enrage’, abylgan `anger’, swencan `harrass’, a-þrytan
`weary’, wægan `vex’, and wyrdan `annoy’.
So, loss of causative in ferian causes reanalysis.
Many reflexives with SuExp!
(1)
Hwæs ondrætst ðu ðe?
Of.what fear you REFL
`What do you fear?’ (Hom II 342, 28)
(2) Forþan gif þu þe ofsceamian wilt þines
gedwolan (Boethius 6.16)
Visser calls verbs with genitive objects
intransitive and glosses this `as to what, do
you fear’
Delight: reflexive and oblique object
(1) Eue‥sech hine feier & feng to deliten hire
iþe bi haldunge. `started to rejoice in’ (c1225
Ancrene Riwle Cleo. C.vi 43)
(2) Ȝyf þou delyte þe oftyn stoundes, Yn
horsys, haukys, or yn houndes. 1303 R.
Mannyng Handlyng Synne 3086
(3) So hy ben delited in that art That wery ne
ben hy neuere cert. c1300 K. Alis. 5802
To Full Object SuExp:
(4) But for I‥was so besy you to delyte.
c1374 Chaucer Anelida & Arcite 266
(5) Braue-minded Mars‥Delighting nought but
Battailes, blood, and murder.
(1605 J. Sylvester tr. G. de S. Du Bartas Deuine
Weekes & Wks.i. iv. 128)
Reanalysis
Renewal of Object Experiencers
anger, scare
astonish
grieve
please
irritate
stun
worry
1200 Old Norse
1375 unclear
1330 French
1350 Anglo-Norman
1531 Latin
1700 internal change
1807 internal change
New ObjExp: new v-Cause
(1) Suche daunsis, whiche‥dyd with vnclene
motions or countinances irritate the myndes of the
dauncers to venereall lustes. (1531 Elyot Bk. named
Gouernouri. xix. sig. Kijv)
(2) Impiety‥doth embitter all the conveniencies
and comforts of life. (a1677 I. Barrow Serm. Several
Occasions 1678: 52)
(3) Which at first did frighten people more than anything. (1666 S. Pepys Diary 4 Sept VII 275)
Agent and Th > Th/Cause and Exp:
reintroduction of cause-v
(1) a.
They kill it [a fish] by first stunning it with a
knock with a mallet. (OED 1662 J. Davies tr. A.
Olearius Voy & Trav. Ambassadors 165)
b. The ball, which had been nearly spent before it
struck him, had stunned instead of killing him. (OED,
1837 Irving Capt. Bonneville I. 271)
(2) Why doe Witches and old women, fascinate and
bewitch children? (OED 1621 R. Burton Anat
Melancholy i. ii. iii. ii. 127)
Current changes: ExpSu>Agent?
(1) I am liking/loving/hating it.
E.g. in COCA:
(2) how I got guard duty and how I'm going to
be hating that and totally tired.
(3) and I am liking what I see in the classrooms
(4) lately we've been loving broccoli rabe, which
(5) And so everybody in town was knowing that
this was happening
(6) I've been fearing the answers.
Another v-change:
Acquisition
Eve (Brown 1973) has SuExp like, love, want but not
ObjExp anger, scare; her hurt is SuExp initially.
Eve love crayon (1;9), want mommy letter (1;6),
want watch (1;6), want mommy out (1;6), want
lunch, want down, want mommy read (1;6) ... but:
hurt xxx self (1;7), hurt knee (1;9), I hurt my finger
(1;11)
Sarah has early want (2;3), love (2;5), and hurt as
in: I hurt again (2;9.6). Her scare is late at 3;7:
to scare me on the dark (3;7.16)
So is cause-v late? Probably not:
Weezer break my mirror (Tomasello 1992: 337,
T. 1;8.19)
How come you had a little trouble going it?
(Bowerman 1974, C. 3:5)
Ryan (2008; 2012) shows how the Theme
emerges first, e.g. drop, fall, up etc. are the
first predicates.
That may be why the ObjExp is reanalyzed as
SuExp.
Cyclical change in psych-verbs
ObjExp
stun
SuAg
fear `frighten’
SubExp
seeing/liking it
Conclusions
Loss of causative –i-, genitive Case, and
perfective/transitivizing ge-.
Increase in light verbs and particles
Increase in lability: 80 > 800
Intransitive > transitive: 223 > 30 in Visser but
much more complex (see Fanego 2012)
Changes in the light v inventory
Psych-verb changes: Theme is crucial for one
(Some) References
Allen, Cynthia. 1995. Case marking and reanalysis. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Brinton, Laurel. 1988. The Development of English Aspectual Systems.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Gelderen, Elly van 2011. Valency Changes. JHL 1.1: 106-143.
Gelderen, Elly van 2014. Changes in Psych-Verbs. CJL 13: 99-122.
Hale, Ken & Keyser, Samuel Jay. 2002. Prolegomenon to a Theory of
Argument Structure. MIT Press.
Lavidas, Nikolaos 2013. Null and cognate objects and changes in
(in)transitivity: Evidence from the history of English. Acta Linguistica
Hungarica 60.1: 69-106.
Leiss, Elisabeth. 2000. Artikel und Aspekt. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
Levin, Beth & Malka Rappaport Hovav. 1995. Unaccusativity. Cambridge: MIT
Press.
McMillion, Allan. 2006. Labile Verbs in English. Stockholm PhD.
Ryan, John 2012. The Genesis of Argument Structure. Lambert AP.