Voor Werner:
Changes in Aspect
Elly van Gelderen
Munich, February 2016
Outline
Werner’s contributions on outer and inner aspect
have been foundational.
This paper builds on that by looking at:
a.
Some examples of changes in outer aspect,
b.
Changes in inner aspect/Aktionsart:
unaccusative and unergative
causative and transitive
copula, experiencer verbs
ditransitives
Werner on grammatical/outer aspect:
-1996. Introduction to Aspect and Aktionsart. Folia
Linguistica. 30.1/2, 1-3. W. Abraham & W. Klimonow (eds).
Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter.
-1997. The interdependence of case, aspect, and referentiality
in the history of German: the case of the genitive. In van
Kemenade & Vincent (eds.), Parameters of morphosyntactic
change, 29-61. Cambridge: CUP.
-1999. How descending is ascending German? On the deep
interrelations between tense, aspect, pronominality, and
ergativity.” In: Abraham & Kulikov (eds) Tense-aspect, transitivity, and causativity.Amsterdam : John Benjamins, 253-292.
-2004. The European demise of the simple past and the
emergence of the periphrastic perfect: Areal diffusion or
natural, autonomous evolution under parsing facilitation?“. In:
Abraham (ed.), Focus on Germanic typology, 241-272. Berlin:
Akademieverlag.
Werner on Aktionsart/inner aspect:
1986. Unaccusatives in German. Groninger Arbeiten zur
germanistischen Linguistik 28: 1-72.
1990. A note on the aspect-syntax interface.” In: J.
Mascaró en M. Nespor (red.), Grammar in Progress.
GLOW Essays for Henk van Riemsdijk, Dordrecht , 1990, 112.
1999. Introduction. Werner Abraham & Leonid Kulikov
(eds), Tense-aspect, transitivity, and
causativity. Amsterdam : John Benjamins, xi-xxxiii
2002. (At least) Two types of unaccusativity – or non at
all. In: A. Wedel & H.-J. Busch (eds) Verba et litterae:
explorations in Germanic languages and German
literature. Essays in honor of Albert L.
Lloyd. Newark , Delaware : Linguatext, 1-12.
Broader relevance
Argument structure forms the basis of our
propositions and, without it, there is no
meaning. It is likely that AS is part of our larger
cognitive system and not restricted to the
language faculty.
Bickerton (1990: 185) suggests that the
“universality of thematic structure suggests a
deep-rooted ancestry, perhaps one lying
outside language altogether.”
If argument/thematic structure predates the
emergence of language, an understanding of
causation, intentionality, volition - all relevant to
determining theta-structure - may be part of our
larger cognitive system and not restricted to the
language faculty.
It then fits that argument structure is relevant to
other parts of our cognitive make-up, e.g. the moral
grammar. Gray et al. (2007), for instance, argue that
moral judgment depends on mind perception,
ascribing agency and experience to other entities.
De Waal (e.g. 2006) has shown that chimps and
bonobos show empathy, planning, and attribute
minds to others.
outer vs inner
outer can change inner, e.g. perfective over
durative:
(1) I built the house
But not always, e.g. imperfective over state:
(2) *I am seeing the blue sky (for hours)
Terminative/biphasic vs monophasic
Abraham (1989; 1990) uses these terms to
distinguish two crucial classes, also known as
telic vs durative.
And prefixes (ein, zu) can add terminativity.
It is safe to say that most diachronic research
has been on outer aspect. I’ll mention a few and
then go on to inner aspect, showing how the
two are related through biphasic vs monophasic.
Sources of outer aspect
Imperfective < durative
Positional verbs, e.g. staan, liggen, and zitten `stand,
lay, and sit’:
(1) Tegen heug en meug ga je lopen fietsen.
Without pleasure
go you walk cycle
`Without pleasure you will be cycling.’
(2) Dan zit ie te zorgen dat ie een goede opvolger krijgt.
Then sits he to make sure ...
Prepositions > imperfective, e.g. on.
Perfective < telic P and V
The Chinese perfective marker derives from a verb
(liao meaning `to complete') and the Nupe
perfective á from a light verb (lá meaning `take’, see
Kandybowicz 2008).
Smyth (1920: 366):"[t]he addition of a preposition
... to a verbal form may mark the completion of the
action of the verbal idea (perfective action)".
(1) eis-elthen eis ton oikon
NT Greek
in-came
in
the house
`He entered the house.’ (Luke 1.40, Goetting 2007:
317)
Bulgarian
(2)
(3)
Ivan skoči prez ogradata
Ivan jumped over fence-the
`Ivan jumped over the fence.’
Ivan pres-koči ogradata
Ivan over-jumped fence.the
`Ivan jumped the fence.'
(Mariana Bahtchevanova p.c.)
Structural renewal
a.
ASPP
ASP
VP
(ge-) V
>
>
AP
up
c.
ASPP
ASP
VP
up V
b. ASPP
ASP
VP
up V
...
AP
up
Adding telic adverbs > ASP
evaporate out
dissipate away
spend down
receive in
copy out
present out
compact down
boost up
issue out
order up
offer up
distribute out
include in
calculate out
Sea Island Creole, spoken, and online:
(1) If I was somebody could turn up that hospital up, I’d do it.
`If I were somebody who could tear up that hospital, I’d do it.’
(Cunningham 1992: 95)
(2) To evaluate whether there is air mixed with water in the
radiator, turn on it on for a little while.
(http://www.wisegeek.com/what-is-radiator-bleeding.htm)
(3) Can we just point out something out very quickly.
(COCA, Sp Fox 5 2011)
(4) Makeup is used to cover up things up, right? (COCA, Sp CBS
2002)
(5) and help the congregation tear down it down.
(http://bayridgebrooklyn.blogspot.com/2008/02/rally-to-save-bayridge-methodist.html)
Adverb > affix
(1) You can’t open up it because it is glued on.
(Abe, 2.11.21, Kuczaj corpus)
(2) to pick up it (Abe 3.4.08, Kuczaj corpus)
There are 40 or more in the Spoken COCA, just
with up and it:
(2) somebodys going to go to that phone
and pick up it. (COCA, sp MSNBC 2005)
have loss and renewal
(1) We're assuming that the headache
would have not have gone away if you hadn't
taken the placebo. (COCA TalkNation 2010)
(2) This may have not have turned out the way
we wanted, but it was quite a ride (COCA
WashPost 2009)
(3) It turns out that there have not have been,
had not been nearly as much progress (COCA
MeetPress 2008)
with other adverbs:
(4) And we 've actually have gathered a lot of
evidence today (COCA Dateline 2002)
(5) We 've actually have had some surprises
(COCA NPR Science 1997)
(6) I 've never have seen the specifics of how
they want to do that (COCA ABC 2008)
(7) some television stations have power
generators and we 've never have lost ours
(COCA TalkNation 2007)
Have renewal
PerfP
Perf
have
u-asp
vP
v’
v
seen
i-pf
...
Many changes to the outer aspect:
basically renewal of eroding material
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
change
ge-/for- --> Ø
modal --> ASP
A/P --> ASP
have --> -a
and renewed
to/do/ing in ASP
I eat now --> -ing
century
C12-C14
C15
continual
C15
C14-C17
C19
Now onto inner aspect
Three types of inner aspect: durative, telic, and
stative.
Arguments depend on this: durative has agent;
telic has theme.
Change is slower; mostly keeps its inner aspect.
Changes
Unaccusative verbs > adding light verbs + labile
and unergatives > transitive + particle
Unaccusatives > copulas
Unaccusatives ̸> unergatives; Unergatives ̸>
unaccusatives
Psych-verbs: ObjExp > SuExp; but not the other way
round.
Ditransitives: little changes
Basic insight: biphasic and monophasic character
remains
From OE>ME: Loss of Intransitives
a) a complete loss of the verb, e.g. bifian `to
shake’,
b) the loss of prefixes and addition of resultative
particles, e.g. aberstan `burst out, escape’,
c) the replacement by light verbs and adjective
or noun, e.g. emtian `become empty’,
d) a change to labile verbs, e.g. dropian `drop’,
i.e. alternating between causative and
unaccusative, and
e) increase in (manner of) motion (Fanego 2012)
80 intransitives from Visser
aberstan `burst out, escape’
Th
ablican `shine’
Th
ablinan `cease, desist’
Th
æfnian `become evening’
0
æmtian/emtian `become empty’ Th
ærnan `run’
A
ætfellan `fall away’
Th
ætglidan `disappear, glide away’ Th
ætslidan `slip, slide’
Th
ætspringan `rush forth’
Th
aferscan `become fresh’,
Th
afulian `become fowl, rot’
Th
alatian `to grow sluggish’
Th
aleoran `to depart/flee’
Th
ascortian `become short/pass away’
aslapan `slumber, fall asleep’
Th
Th
particle verb
obsolete
obsolete
light v
light v (and labile)
labile (caus, unerg, unacc)
particle verb
particle verb
labile
obsolete
light v
light v
obsolete
obsolete
light v
obsolete
berstan `burst’
Th
bifian `tremble/shake’
A
blinnan `cease’
Th
brogdian, brogdettan `tremble’ A
bugan `bow down/bend’
Th
cidan `quarrel, complain’
A
cirman `cry (out)’
A
climban (upp) `climb’
A
cloccian `cluck, make noise’
A
clum(m)ian `mumble, mutter’ A
clymmian `climb’
A
cneatian `argue’
A
cneowian `kneel down’
A
cnitian `dispute’
A
creopan `crawl’
A
cuman `come, approach, arrive’ Th
burst labile (causative rare)
obsolete
obsolete
obsolete
obsolete
transitive
obsolete
(same and) transitive
transitive (archaic)
obsolete
(particle verb and) transitive
obsolete
obsolete
obsolete
same: creep
same: come (to)
Results
Obsolete
Unchanged
Light v
Particle
Labile
Transitive
Total
44
11
8
6
6
5
80
80 verbs in OE
The verbs that are replaced by light verbs are
deadjectival and denominal verbs, namely æfnian,
æmtian, aferscan, afulian, ascortian, dimmian,
fordragan, and gegyltan: all unaccusative verbs in Old
English but the new light verb determines whether it is
unaccusative or causative.
The change to labile verb affects ærnan, ætslidan,
berstan, droppian, droppetan, and growan. Apart from
ærnan, these are all unaccusative and end up with an
optional causative. The case of ærnan is complex; it is
an unergative in Old English but acquires causative and
unaccusative meanings.
The new particle verbs replace a prefix, as in
aberstan, ætfellan, ætglidan, forscrincan,
forþgangangan, and forþræsan. Like the
prefixes, the new particles indicate a path or
result and imply perfective aspect.
The five unergative verbs that become transitive
are cidan, climban, cloccian, clymmian, and
felan. Cloccian is archaic but the others acquire
a regular Theme.
Obsolete?
A possible pattern may be that many, among the
44 that become obsolete, are `uncontrolled
process’: bifian `tremble/shake’, brogdian,
brogdettan `tremble’, cirman `cry (out)’,
clum(m)ian `mumble, mutter’, flicorian `flutter’,
giccan `itch or hiccup’ , ginan/ginian `yawn,
gape, utter a sound’, giscian `sob’, glisian
`glitter’, and glit(e)nian `glitter, shine’. These
verbs are durative but non-agentive.
Acquisition
Bloom et al (1980) show that children are conscious of
aspectual verb classes very early on. Thus, –ed
morphemes go with non-durative events, -ing with
durative non-completive activities, and infinitives with
stative verbs. Various researchers agree on this, e.g.
Broman Olsen & Weinberg (1999) likewise show that a
telic verb correlates with the presence of –ed and that –
ing is frequent with dynamic and durative verbs.
The next slide lists all the adjectives and verbs for Eve at
the time of her first recording. All types of verbs are there
and a few of the activity verbs are marked with –ing
(swimming and writing) and a past is marked on an
unaccusative (broke).
Eve at 1;6
unaccusative
block broke
(Neil) sit
down, busy, gone
Mommy down, open
come down,
sit down, fall down
(finger) stuck
lie down stool
unergative
transitive
other
(fish are) swimming Eve pencil
that radio
wait, play, cook
I did it
look
Eve/you find it
Eve writing
see ya
stand dance
doll eat celery
Mommy step
read the puzzle
Mommy swing?
change her
man (no) taste it
get her/it
fix (it)/ Mommy fix
bring it
want Mommy letter
write a paper
man/papa have it
(you) find it
play (step)
Intransitives
Few mistakes in acquisition
Bickerton (1990: 185) suggests that the “universality of
thematic structure suggests a deep-rooted ancestry,
perhaps one lying outside language altogether.”
Diachronic instability in the morphological expression of
v/ASP but very predictable change:
unaccusative > causative
unergative > transitive
Aspect is stable
Next: copulas and psych-verbs
Change to copulas etc...
English: duration (remain and stay), change of
state (become and fall), and mood (seem and
appear).
Curme (1935: 66-8): 60 copulas in English; “no
other language shows such a vigorous growth of
copulas” (67). Visser (1963: 213-9) lists over a
100 for the various stages.
Unaccusative > copula
appear, become, fall, go, grow, turn, wane,
break, last, remain, rest, stay, continue
Copulas in Modern English
Sorace’s Hierarchy: Theme over Agent
Change of Location
Change of State
Continuation
come, fall, befall
appear, break, blush, become
remain, stay, persist, persevere,
loom, stand, lie, rest
Existence of State
seem
Uncontrolled process shine
Controlled motion
--Controlled non-motion
ObjExp
færan/fear
lician/like
loathe
marvel
relish
OE-1480
OE-1800
OE-1600
1380-1500
1567-1794
SuExp
1400-now
1200-now
1200-now
1380-now
1580-now
Loss of causative –i-: many Exp verbs are
causative and therefore reanalyzed
fǽran < *fæ̂rjan `frighten’
Other productive causatives:
a-hwænan `vex, afflict’, gremman `enrage’, abylgan `anger’, swencan `harrass’, a-þrytan
`weary’, wægan `vex’, and wyrdan `annoy’.
So, does the loss of the causative in ferian cause
reanalysis? Possibly with ferian but not with
marvel and relish.
Object Exp are unstable, e.g. please
`Last’ ObjExp with `fear’
(1)
(2)
Þe fend moveþ þes debletis to fere Cristene
[men] fro treuþe.
`The enemy moves these devils to frighten
Christian men from the truth.’
(MED, a1425 Wycl.Serm. Bod 788 2.328)
Thus he shal yow with his wordes fere.
`Thus, he’ll frighten you with his words.’
(MED, Chaucer TC 4.1483)
The addition of result/instrument in ObjExp
emphasizes Change of State in the later stages.
First SuExp with `fear’
(1)
Fele ferde for þe freke(z), lest felle hym þe
worre.
`Many feared for the man lest the worst
happened to him.’
(MED, c1390 Gawain Nero A.10 1588)
(2) I fere me þat I shuld stond in drede.
`I fear that I shall stand in dread.’
(MED, a1500 Play Sacr. Dub 652 218)
The ambiguity depends on whether the postverbal
pronoun is seen as a reflexive or not. Thus, it is not
clear whether (2) means `I frighten myself that ...’
or `I fear that ...’
Renewal of Object Experiencers
anger, scare
astonish
grieve
please
irritate
stun
worry
1200 Old Norse
1375 unclear
1330 French
1350 Anglo-Norman
1531 Latin
1700 internal change
1807 internal change
New ObjExp: new v-Cause
(1) Suche daunsis, whiche‥dyd with vnclene
motions or countinances irritate the myndes of the
dauncers to venereall lustes. (1531 Elyot Bk. named
Gouernouri. xix. sig. Kijv)
(2) Impiety‥doth embitter all the conveniencies
and comforts of life. (a1677 I. Barrow Serm. Several
Occasions 1678: 52)
(3) Which at first did frighten people more than anything. (1666 S. Pepys Diary 4 Sept VII 275)
Agent and Th > Th/Cause and Exp:
reintroduction of cause-v
(1) a. They kill it [a fish] by first stunning it with a
knock with a mallet. (OED 1662 J. Davies tr. A.
Olearius Voy & Trav. Ambassadors 165)
b. The ball, which had been nearly spent before
it struck him, had stunned instead of killing him.
(OED, 1837 Irving Capt. Bonneville I. 271)
(2) Why doe Witches and old women, fascinate and
bewitch children? (OED 1621 R. Burton Anat
Melancholy i. ii. iii. ii. 127)
Current changes: ExpSu>Agent?
(1) I am liking/loving/hating it.
E.g. in COCA:
(2) how I got guard duty and how I'm going to
be hating that and totally tired.
(3) and I am liking what I see in the classrooms
(4) lately we've been loving broccoli rabe, which
(5) And so everybody in town was knowing that
this was happening
(6) I've been fearing the answers.
Cyclical change in psych-verbs
ObjExp
stun
SuAg
fear `frighten’
SubExp
seeing/liking it
Acquisition
Eve (Brown 1973) has SuExp like, love, want but not
ObjExp anger, scare; her hurt is SuExp initially.
Eve love crayon (1;9), want mommy letter (1;6),
want watch (1;6), want mommy out (1;6), want
lunch, want down, want mommy read (1;6) ... but:
hurt xxx self (1;7), hurt knee (1;9), I hurt my finger
(1;11)
Sarah has early want (2;3), love (2;5), and hurt as
in: I hurt again (2;9.6). Her scare is late at 3;7:
to scare me on the dark (3;7.16)
Linguistic conclusions
Changes: Unaccusative > causative (labile and
light verbs)
Unergative > transitive
Unaccusative > copula
Increase in light verbs and particles
Increase in lability: 80 > 800
Psych-verb and copula: Theme is crucial and
stable
Conceptual Structure?
Aspectual +/-telic, +/- durative is pervasive
Verbs always have a Theme argument but they
don’t always have an Agent or Causer. The latter
are introduced by optional light verbs which
may be overt or not.
The vP shell is stable and may show the
conceptual structure with an emphasis on
aspect and theta-roles.
Non-Werner References
Allen, Cynthia. 1995. Case marking and reanalysis. OUP
Borer, Hagit 2005. In Name Only. OUP.
Brinton, Laurel. 1988. The Development of English Aspectual Systems.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Gelderen, Elly van 2011. Valency Changes. JHL 1.1: 106-143.
Gelderen, Elly van 2014. Changes in Psych-Verbs. CJL 13: 99-122.
Hale, Ken & Keyser, Samuel Jay. 2002. Prolegomenon to a Theory of
Argument Structure. MIT Press.
Jackendoff, Ray 1987. Consciousness and the Computational Mind. MIT Press.
Lavidas, Nikolaos 2013. Null and cognate objects and changes in
(in)transitivity: Evidence from the history of English. Acta Linguistica
Hungarica 60.1: 69-106.
Leiss, Elisabeth. 2000. Artikel und Aspekt. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
Levin, Beth & Malka Rappaport Hovav. 1995. Unaccusativity. MIT Press.
Lohndal, Terje 2014. Phrase structure and argument structure. OUP.
McMillion, Allan. 2006. Labile Verbs in English. Stockholm PhD.
Pinker, Steven 1989. Learnability and Cognition. MIT Press.
Ryan, John 2012. The Genesis of Argument Structure. Lambert AP.