Abstract
The aim of this piece of research is to ascertain the structural inequalities which have led to
the lack of representation for Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) groups in positions of power
within football as an institution. Further analysis will be paid to how the reproduction of
such values elicited within institutionally embedded networks has been reproduced within
networks of white fan support. These seem to have developed discriminatory categories
which harbour the alienation of BME groups and restrict participation in the field.
Theoretical elements from Critical Race Theory, Bourdieu and Actor-Network Theory were
compiled and infused to understand how this process of saturating racisms within multiple
tiers of influence occurred. Qualitative interviews were cross referenced with secondary
analysis to establish that socially constructed notions of cultural distinctiveness had
refrained BME groups from exercising mobility in various tiers of football as a network.
Therefore greater representation and cultural awareness, to avoid the continuous impact
and influence of white power networks on modern constructs of race, are suggested to
remedy such entrenched beliefs.
1
Contents
Introduction
3
Literature Review
7
Introduction
7
A review of racisms and their countenance in modern football
10
Utilising social theory to enable the understanding of the interactive
and occupying role of social networks, racism, power and mobility in
19
organisations
Methods
31
Introduction
31
Qualitative Research
32
Sampling
36
Participants
37
Findings
38
Discussion
41
Conclusion
44
Bibliography
47
Appendices
Appendix I
54
Appendix II
55
Appendix III
56
2
Introduction
Sport and football in particular has the ability to construct and reproduce social divisions,
whilst also manipulating prejudices and beliefs surrounding groups of ethnic minorities
(Burdsey, 2007). Accordingly football has become an increasingly prevalent area of focus
due to its widespread appeal generating a following from a variety of social groups through
domestic, continental and global competitions and leagues. Football as an institution not
only provides a source of identification and a sense of belonging through team support but
also individual role models, many of these from black and minority ethnic (BME) groups.
However, what has become increasingly more evident is the stark contrast between the
number of players from BME backgrounds, a quantity which can be regarded as
representative of general inclusion in modern society, and the numbers who make the
transition within the hierarchy of football, such as management, executive directors and
board representatives. For instance, figures have reported that a quarter of players within
all English football leagues are black (Kessel, 2010) yet there are currently only four black
managers and one black chief executive (Conn, 2009).This can be acknowledged as
structural inequalities which, as explained in Critical Race Theory (CRT), unless altered can
sustain the ‘status-quo’ of racial privileges in employment and subsequently marginalise
ethnic groups (Hunter and Swan, 2007).
It can be ascertained that a lack of role models, mentors and an under-representative board
within the governing Football Association, which has until recently been exclusively
3
comprised of middle aged white men, has diminished a cultural awareness that is vital to
encouraging participation and establishing cohesion which legislation such as the Race
Relations Amendment Act (RRAA) has sought to promote. Actor-Network Theory (ANT)
states that there are ‘obligatory points of passages’ in which actors within an institution
must envelop, such as the RRAA, in order to obtain and substantiate their identity and
commitment within that network (Hunter and Swan, 2007). It can therefore be argued that
unless the Football network is actively pursuing equality strategies actors may continue to
be oblivious to issues of institutionalised racism. Furthermore, given the rise of incidences
within the last few months, the high profile nature of the players and senior administrative
figures involved attracting increased media scrutiny, the actions of these role models can
inflict or reinforce negative stereotypes or actions if they are not properly reprimanded.
Gilroy argues that to truly understand the politics of race it is necessary to map the
“changing contours of racist ideologies” (1993: 20), the semantic field in which they operate
and the fractures and discontinuities. Therefore to fully comprehend racial interaction
within football it is important to consider the changes in racisms and how they function in
the different tiers of the institution, from governing bodies to fan support. The use of
racisms in a plural form is necessary due to the multiple discriminatory themes which are
applied to different racial constructs which elicit disparate experiences and restrictions
faced by a variety of social groups and therefore a single type of racism can not exist.
Subsequently, an evolving sphere of influence emerges as wider social relations and local
political ideologies must be considered to grasp the effect that ruptures in social solidarity
can have on relationships in football and vice versa.
4
Furthermore, it seems that it is necessary to examine how race relations within football are
often transmitted and decipher the influences on the decoding process by audiences, which
may fluctuate throughout various cultural settings. As football is generally seen as a working
class sport (Archer and Bouillon, 1982) it may be that attitudes deriving from these groups
influence fan culture. The social dispositions obtained and regulated through society, of
which racisms can be located within, can be understood through Bourdieu’s concepts of
‘habitus’, which is the accumulated ideals formed from past and present circumstances of
the individuals (Maton, 2008), and ‘field’, which can be understood as the multiple spheres
of influence that create and maintain rules of behaviour and attitudes surrounding a social
space such as football and the local cultures which influence it. Assessing the nature of a
dominant habitus in football will illuminate how BME groups can be alienated and dissuaded
from participation, leading to a reproduction of traditional white norms.
Therefore the theoretical groundings of CRT, which emphasises the importance of personal
experiences of marginalised groups (Hylton, 2009), allow for the interviews conducted with
BME individuals both within football and anti-racism campaigns to confront a notion of
‘race-neutrality’ to unearth their experiences, concerns and remedial suggestions. ActorNetwork Theory will allow for the consideration of football as a hierarchical institution,
which without reflection on enhancing equality and management opportunities for ethnic
groups through legislative action and cultural awareness, networks will continue to focus on
issues such as institutional racism as mere racialised body counts (Hunter and Swan, 2007). I
will attempt to explain how it is possible for the reproduction of dominant white groups
5
within football institutions to remain unequivocally unchallenged and subsequently propose
appropriate methods for change. Bourdieu’s notions of ‘field’ and ‘habitus’ will inform
enquires of the complex paradigms of social change and how within the fluid social arenas,
dominant forces could be reconstructed to renovate the established hierarchy of certain
groups in institutions, whilst also critically assessing the social and cultural factors that
originally act to enforce their positioning and therefore the different layers in which racism
is reproduced, from street level to employment discrimination. Methods used will therefore
be grounded in the basis of epistemology, where knowledge into the functioning aspects of
dominance and marginalisation of social actors and their personal experiences is mandatory
for greater understanding.
6
Literature Review
Introduction
The term ‘institutional racism’ was originally coined in the Macpherson Report, which
offered the following definition:The collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and
professional service to people because of their colour, culture, or ethnic origin. It
can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour which amount to
discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and
racist stereotyping which disadvantage minority ethnic people (The Stephen
Lawrence Inquiry: 6.34)
The Macpherson Report recognised an institutional propensity to ‘unwitting racism’ which
“can arise because of lack of understanding, ignorance or mistaken beliefs” (The Stephen
Lawrence Inquiry: 6.17) which can emerge through stereotyping and thrive in certain
communities. Following these definitions it would appear self-evident that pervasive and
intractable institutional racism is apparent within football administration, with only four
managers in all of the professional English football leagues from BME backgrounds there
would appear to be an overwhelming prima facie evidence of racial discrimination and bias.
The very limited number of BME managers is inconsistent with the legacy of black players in
7
English football, considering iconic figures such as Cyril Regis, John Barnes, Ian Wright and
the numbers of BME players within the modern multi-ethnic football and sport in general.
What is striking to consider how many BME players have made the transition into
management and administration in comparison to the proportion of those who are white.
Racism in football has typically been characterised as relating to fan hooliganism and terrace
chanting, which has been its most explicit form. For example, Back et al explain that to
simply study the ‘improvements’ in racism since the 1970s and 1980s is a failure to
acknowledge the uneven development of racism within football (1998b). Racism in football
during this period was overt and very public in its exposure and there is a clear contrast
between the pre-existing and existing states of race-relations within . However racisms can
be expressed in different ways, such as the previously stated concept of ‘unwitting racism’,
and therefore notions of discrimination can operate in structural bias and exclusion. The
Chair of the Metropolitan Black Police Association, Afred John, believes that the police
service has continued to be institutionally racist because of their inability to “recognise
discriminatory behaviour” (The Macpherson Report- 10 Years On: 6) and therefore it can be
assumed that ignorance of the mechanisms of racism can, in itself, contribute to its
sustainability.
8
Lloyd Samuels, who works for the organisation ‘Football Unites, Racism Divides’, provides an
example in an interview:
the coaches don’t get no cultural training of ‘do you understand that certain
things that you say or certain things that you imply could be deemed as the most
disgusting things to a young ethnic player?’. For instance, if you don’t
understand about what’s halal meat and what’s not halal meat then you’re
always going to have this concoctive view of what it really is and what purpose it
was for.
This highlights importance of even the more subtle aspects of cultural tradition and the
impact of this on possible experiences of inclusion and exclusion. It is this factor of cultural
awareness, or lack of it, which can therefore create a disparity between creating a sense of
belonging within an institution or generating alienation.
The review of relevant literature will be divided into two sections: those who have
documented through personal experience and observation how modern racisms are
constructed and reproduced, with particular focus to the changes in the expressions of
racisms in football. Social theory will then be introduced to enable the explanation of how
networks of ideas can be formed and cemented, which can compel Black and Minority
Ethnic (BME) groups to become marginalised through structural processes, yet altered
through inclusion, awareness and possible legislature.
9
A review of racisms and their countenance in modern football
Although there has generally been a lack of focus and assessment which directly concerns
the premise of institutionalised racism in football, there has been attention paid to the
reproduction of ‘whiteness’ which forms a governing structure and enforces the
reconstruction of racial boundaries and dichotomies. An element of which is an occurrence
of patent and manifest racism articulated through hooliganism has been of particular
interest. For instance, Back et al explain that hooliganism has tended to construct the
parameters of debate around football and become the embodiment of club culture in what
has been termed the ‘race-hooligan couplet’ and consequently “In the context of the politics
of racism, the ‘hooligan’ becomes the exemplary archetype of the racist” (1998b: 72).
Examples of categorical forms of racism have been documented by footballers like Paul
Canoville, who is the first black footballer to play for Chelsea. He has accounted various
instances where he was even subject to racist chanting by home fans, verbal abuse such as
“We don’t fucking want you” (2008: 142) and “fuck off back home” (2008: 142) which
reveals the levels of animosity aimed towards the emergence of black players even and the
complex nature of inclusion in football for BME groups. The deterioration , as implied by
results gathered in a survey conducted by Garland and Rowe, has been attributed to the
assistance of fan-based groups by raising awareness, such as Charlton Athletic’s ‘Red, White
and Black at the Valley’ (Garland and Rowe, 1996). Therefore, it can be established that such
displays of solidarity and the promoting of education to enlighten groups at community
level about the ramifications of racial abuse can succeed in diminishing racist elements.
10
Similarly it is considered that an insignificant history of Asian footballers in Scotland has
been posited in a degree of meagre acknowledgment. Dimeo and Finn argue that this
consisted of the failure to acknowledge and oppose the racial abuse aimed at Asian
footballers and a failure to appraise their services for national teams or fledging careers
which led to a further distancing from recognition and inclusion. This consequently
culminated in the failure to redefine what was believed to be a traditional national identity
due to race (Dimeo and Finn, 2001). Therefore it can be argued that racism can persist in
being manifest within some fan cultures if it remains unchallenged and cultural codes are
reproduced within a specific milieu. Furthermore, a propensity for footballing bodies to
underestimate the importance of demonstrating the achievements of BME representatives
leads to a lack of representation.
When questioned whether notoriously racist elements of fan support could influence the
structural preferences of a football club and those that govern it when considering the
ethnicity of potential players or managers, Lloyd Samuels of ‘Football Unites, Racism
Divides’ argued that
11
They [the fans] pay the bills. It’s a rock and a hard place for the clubs, they’re all
struggling to keep their stands full, you know, from the stands they get their
finances. If their stands are empty they lose a whole bag of money from
advertising and sponsorships and stuff like that. So they’re playing this balancing
game of keeping the die-hard fans but also trying to bring in new fans from
these new club communities
This insinuates the pressures of governing bodies in football to comply with a traditionally
embedded realm of whiteness and the image of fan culture which is in accompaniment. It
also highlights a complexity immersed in the reluctance to oppose the homogenous
whiteness affronted by groups of fan support which therefore becomes an element of the
edifice.
The importance of recognising the studies of hooliganism and a lack of representation can
therefore enlighten how forms of popular and local cultures are expressed and reproduced
if they are not challenged. It can also form a basis of understanding for the construction of
local ideologies to which football supporters adopt and can consequently sway the ideals of
governing bodies and executives who seemingly seek the support of a fan base, such as the
poor levels of acclaim Asian players have received in Scotland. Gilroy argues that much of
the racism which is concurrent in British society can be traced back to colonial discourses,
which attributed ethnic groups with particular traits that were deemed to be innate within
cultural settings and therefore adopted by all from those backgrounds. It is suggested that
12
because of intrinsic links between ethnicity and culture, England’s black settlers have been
assigned the same traits as their enslaved ancestors (Gilroy, 1993) and therefore a lack of
awareness and cultural understanding has led to prejudice and stereotypes becoming
unchallenged and reproduced. Correspondingly, Carrington argues that “notions of ‘race’
and ethnicity are conflated with national identity thereby working to exclude, by definition,
blacks from Britain” (1998: 103). Thus traditional national images seem to have been
maintained without reconstruction and therefore have sustained a predominant white
influence through the preserving of what is believed to be a singular British culture, which in
turn rejects the embracing of others. Nationalism is therefore central to racist ideologies
and discourses.
Such discrimination bound in nationalistic beliefs is also articulated by Burdsey in the form
of ‘Islamophobia’, which is argued to have become progressively evident since the increased
threat of terrorism from Islamic extremists (2007). This form of racism seems typical of what
can be seen as idealistic colonial nostalgia which intends to protect a nation from practices
which are deemed a cultural threat. The magnitude of such views is clear when considering
that sixty-nine per cent of Muslim respondents in a Premier League survey said that they
were either ‘more likely’ or ‘much more likely’ to attend a football match if attitudes were
more welcoming (Official Site of the Premier League: 19). Likewise, Horak and Marschik
explain the influence of rooted anti-Semitic post war hostility in Austria that continued to be
embedded in society. It is argued that a divide was enforced between those deemed as
foreigners and ‘native’ locals and progressively became exacerbated with levels of migration
(1996). The origins of racism can be determined as a desire to retain a national identity
13
which was considered to be challenged by the exposure to unwelcome racial and cultural
integration rather than the embracing and responsiveness to the benefits of multiculturalism. Concepts such as ‘Islamophobia’ and the specific context in which levels of
racism increased in Austria highlight the fluidity of the contours of modern racisms with
influence from populist nationalism, whilst also inferring the corresponding alienation of
cultural and ethnic groups and how this impacts on uncertainties of belonging, even in
public arenas such as football.
The more discrete levels of racist behaviour can be explained through Feagin and Vera’s
notion of ‘sincere fictions’ which depicts a visionary world in which people are oblivious to
forms of prejudice and stereotypes and therefore racisms become common practice
amongst some groups (Burdsey, 2007). For instance in response to racism aimed at John
Barnes’, treatment was adjudged to be “Good-natured banter” by Ray Clemence, “Not a
place for anyone with a faint heart or nervous disposition” by Jimmy Hill and denounced as
electric atmosphere by Trevor Booking (Hill, 1989 cited in Fleming and Tominson: 90). Naive
and unconscious stereotypes can therefore stem from a lack of cultural awareness which
may ultimately result in the failure to create a sense of community and belonging amongst
those from BME backgrounds within football, which can clearly stimulate levels of inclusion
as adjudged by levels of fan support from BME groups. This is exemplary in the dominant
levels of those from BME backgrounds who attend football matches, as recorded by fan
surveys conducted by the Premier League, which have found that 98.8% in 1997, 97.3% in
2001/02, 96% in 2005/06, 95% in 2006/07 and 94% in 2007/8 of fans were white (Football
Unites, Racism Divides, 2012).
14
Although, as explained by Fleming and Tomlinson, football stadiums have often “offered a
forum for the normalizing of otherwise untolerated behaviours” (1996: 88) and have
traditionally been arenas for extremist recruitment, as such were the aims of ‘Section 18’
(Fleming and Tomlinson, 1996), the progression and maintenance of racism in football can
be adjudged as not just the consequences of individual action but from the lack of
understanding or responsiveness within institutions to combat such conduct. Furthermore,
Collins recognises the importance of the public and fan base and concedes that teams with a
majority Caucasian following may be less inclined to hire coaches and managers from BME
backgrounds and suggests this may not change until representatives from minority groups
become the “face of the franchise” (2007: 883) which may succeed in exerting the
leadership of individuals that were previously disregarded. This demonstrates the ability of
such networks to empower or deconstruct notions of inclusion and belonging within a social
space and the importance of representation to empower concepts behind the capability of
BME individuals to fulfil roles which are normally filled by a revolving group of white
individuals.
This process of entrenching cultural differences can have negative consequences for those
who wish to participate in a social network which is subjugated by a perceived alternative
behavioural type. For instance, Burdsey argues that an outcome of the reigning white
working-class influence in football has created a network within which it is imperative to be
a ‘lad’ and has consequently become a dominant function within the realm of fan support
and amongst team mates. This holds a traditional context of ‘whiteness’ and masculinity
15
surrounding which is the indulgence of “football and promiscuous sexual intercourse”
(Burdsey, 2007: 66) that has generally been viewed as incompatible with notions of
‘Asianness’ in particular. In support of Burdsey’s claim, Carrington also argues that a ‘New
Lad’ phenomenon is essentially attempting to “redefine the limits of white English
masculinity” (1998: 106). This notion of whiteness can be explained as a reigning replication
of attitudes which impacts on the pressure to adhere to a dominant type for those who are
aligned within the network which “signals the production and reproduction of dominance
rather than subordination, normativity rather than marginality, and privilege rather than
disadvantage” (Frankenberg, 1993 cited in Burdsey, 2007: 73). It could subsequently be
suggested that due to the duplication of structurally imposed ideas and associations to a
cultural type, those from alternate backgrounds are limited to concurring to what is deemed
a cultural normality whilst those who, by way of familiarity to that behavioural type,
‘naturally’ reside within that field are unaware of the processes which are on-going and
therefore oblivious to bias. Furthermore, it can express the means by which BME cultures
are overlooked which leads to the discarding of a variety of cultural influences and the
creation of a homogenous type within football.
However, as previously noted by Back et al, to simply study the ‘improvements’ in the
decline of overt racism since the 1970s and 1980s is to not acknowledge the uneven
development of racism within football (1998b) as explicit forms may have decreased but
other forms which exert racism have emerged. For instance Sebb Blatter, President of FIFA,
has suggested that acts of racism could be resolved if football players were to “shake hands”
and denies any evidence of racism within modern football (Edwards, 2011). It could be
16
argued that this could be an appropriate method to promote harmony and a civil solution to
such acts which could be accidental in an emotionally charged arena typical of football.
Conversely, it may also be deemed that even the proposal of such a response to racism
trivialises the extreme nature of certain insults and discrimination for those on the receiving
end which illustrates that expressions of racism are still misunderstood and not addressed
correctly. Because of the failure to provide accountability for BME groups, a supportive and
reactionary stance against racism and a dominance of white governing bodies, there is a lack
of understanding and awareness to the exclusionary effects this can have on those affected
by racism due to, as explained by Frankenburg earlier, an ignorance and normativity that
exists within whiteness and the dominance it possesses.
Rattansi argues that within a post-modern frame, institutional racism is a discourse bound in
deportment and appearance which moves beyond biologically attributed racialised
stereotypes and are also influenced by gendered and class specific practices of
discrimination, such as bodily attributes, mundane aesthetics and character traits (2004).
Merkel adheres to this in claiming that race no holds any genetic validity but still functions
as an analytic concept (1996). It is argued that although generalised assumptions, such as
innate racial differences, may not be as widespread and patent, “the consistently
discriminatory outcomes of allocatory process may provide particular clue to the forms of
‘normalizing’ discrimination involved” (Rattansi, 2004: 62). Therefore methods of
normalising exclusion from certain roles have replaced homogenous judgements and beliefs
about particular races. This exemplary of how racisms have become moulded into modern
society and filtered through layers of social networks. Back et al explain that much of the
17
racism found in football stadiums is positioned within a specific context within a specific
milieu and “involve participation and proficiency in this highly class-coded and gendered
oral culture” (Back et al, 1998a: 9) which clearly articulates the individual nature of the
expression of a network of football fans which hold common ties in local political ideologies.
This also indicates the repercussions recognisable levels of racism can have on tarnishing
the stature and image of a football club.
In addition to the importance of local political cultures explained by Back et al,
Abercrombie’s cultural effects theory employs the process of cultural conditioning to
explain how an audience is active in its viewing and can either dismiss racial stereotyping or
collate in agreement (Gilroy, 1993). Therefore collated dispositions and prior beliefs are
active in processing images to ascertain their credibility which either culminates in
agreement or rejection with given positions and statements. This is significant in the
understanding of how particular groups are susceptible to dismissing the ability of BME
individuals for certain roles due to the power held in prejudicial discourses whilst also
demonstrating the propensity of those groups to enable racisms to be reinforced and
reproduced. Consequently, it can be determined that the foundation of prejudicing and
stereotyping revolves around a lack of understanding at a societal level. Consequently the
necessity of understanding the influence of modern racisms and how they function, as
argued by Garland and Rowe, is because football is deemed to represent a mirror to society
which reflects attitudes and processes within and therefore the social context in which it
emerges and develops must be highlighted (1996). The impact of homogenous white
attitudes and stereotypes has restricted the cultural representation of ethnic groups. This
18
has induced beliefs that conformity to an image and behavioural type is necessary to
become successfully accepted and create a sense of belonging. Whilst the influence of fan
support has been accounted for in great detail, what has not been noted is the reflexivity of
these influences within networks and football and how they become reproduced
throughout various tiers of society whilst also understanding the processes in which they
can be altered.
Utilising social theory to enable the understanding of the interactive and occupying role of
social networks, racism, power and mobility in organisations
Delgado expounds the separate sectors which have emerged through Critical Race Theory
(CRT) concerning the beliefs held about the constructs of racism. ‘Idealists’ deem that
“racism and discrimination are matters of thinking, mental categorization, attitude, and
discourse” (2001: 17) and therefore is a social construction and not biologically
deterministic, which has been previously asserted by Gilroy in assuming concepts behind
modern racism can be founded and adapted from colonial beliefs. ‘Realists’, whilst
acknowledging that beliefs and discourses are of importance, propose that racism is a
means by which society is structurally organised by allocating “privilege and status” (2001:
17). However considering the documented variety, inconsistency and multiplicity of racisms
this view may be too reductionist and society can be deemed more complex than
regimented hierarchical positions. ‘Materialists’ seeks to understand the development of
racism, which can document the uneven progress for ethnic groups to enable a
rationalisation of significant events. This can be understood through the rise of
19
‘Islamophobia’ given the increased threat of terrorism formerly explained by Burdsey.
Whilst it is important to acknowledge concepts such as status and privilege which revolve
around race, the method sought throughout this argument will look to how these notions
can arise from historical categorisation and the influence of societal changes. An infusion of
elements from idealist and materialist beliefs will therefore be adopted so as to apprehend
how racism can formed, understood and then diminished on all tiers to therefore constitute
a holistic approach.
Appiah argues that it is impossible to analyse racial difference from frameworks which base
racial constructs on biological difference which fail to recognise racial domination and
alternative cultural identities. However, Choong-Soon Lee contends that it is necessary to
acknowledge such concepts to understand the excluding of groups through dominant norms
and that to abandon “one set of definitions entirely may deprive us of useful tools in the
struggle against racism” (1995: 447). This is important as whilst racial science is commonly
discredited as a means to racisms and prejudices in supressing certain groups, as previously
explained, it is necessary to obtain a greater understanding to account for the topology of
race. Similarly Hylton argues that to lose sight of the efficacy of the multiple notions
surrounding race as a social category may consequent in ignoring the struggles arising from
such deterministic views on particular groups. Therefore epistemological flaws can bypass
the real consequences of racism and discrimination upon ethnic groups unless the focus is
directly upon personal practices and challenging the hegemony. This also elucidates the
necessity to explicate the origins and advances in the acts of racism by groups of football
fans and how this may have shaped the nature of the footballing industry.
20
CRT confronts ‘race-neutrality’ in policy and acknowledges the importance of elucidating the
personal experiences of ethnic minorities when accounting for racism and discrimination
(Hylton, 2009), which allows for an accountable consciousness for BME groups in the
representation of racisms and their compounding effects on society. As explained by Asch,
critical race theorists argue that racism is not aberrant yet entrenched into modern society
and therefore becomes natural order (2004), whilst Delgado argues it is necessary to
explicate the contours race, power and racism to determine the foundations of such order
(2001). Furthermore, it is acknowledged that “Racism has been ingrained through historical
consciousness and events, and that racist ideologies have directly shaped the law, racial
categories, and racial privilege” (Parker, 1998 cited in Hylton, 2009: 24). Consequently it can
be deemed that, due to the entrenching of certain ideological and discriminatory
viewpoints, the mobility of ethnic groups has become constricted and therefore abolishing
the influence of racisms can eradicate homogenous white tendencies and create a greater
awareness of ethnic groups. This in turn would promote equality in employment and
challenge the established social order.
Such challenges of social order have been voiced by Herman Ouseley, the chairman of ‘Kick
It Out’ which functions specifically in football in attempting to foster equality and eradicate
racism. He argues that it is imperative to obtain ethnic and cultural representation amongst
the elite boards such as the FA, in which the board members are almost exclusively middle
aged and white (Conn, 2009). This is not representative of modern football and the
established ruling elite are distanced from the experiences of recent generations of ethnic
21
groups and may not comprehend the struggles faced by them. A network of homogeneous
ideals within the governing elite, considering the similarities in background and wealth, will
negatively re-enforce both the aspirations and expectations of the mobility of individuals
from BME backgrounds to positions of power and influence. This is further distinguished in
what Singer describes as ‘power networks’ which are formed through the grounding of
white influence in institutions that subsequently create significant influences residing over
opinions, attitudes and ideals in the formation of chartered norms (Hylton, 2009). Such
networks are can be seen in ruling bodies such as the FA and FIFA, which lack accountability
from BME representatives. This lack of representation can consequently lead to white
influence becoming tacit and unchallenged which progressively alienates those peripheral to
the inclusive network.
The reproduction of power networks and the residing echelons of influences can be
understood to be preserved as “[W]hite elites will tolerate or encourage racial advances for
blacks only when they also promote self-interest” (Delgado, 1995 cited in Asch: 9). Whilst
such views can aid in deconstructing the hegemonic processes of white ruling groups, the
conscious dismissal of BME developments for the sustenance of authority may not account
for the complexity of ideas and the symbolic nature of power which influence networks. For
instance, Delgado explains that colour-blind conceptions of opposing racism are only able to
“remedy only the most blatant forms of discrimination” (2001: 7). Furthermore, Hylton
argues colour-blind policies are just another means of continuing dominant hegemonies
through ignorance to the imbalance in racial representation and argues that the
inconsistent levels of acceptance for different ethnic groups are exemplary of this (2009)
22
and therefore if racism exists in unconscious and structural forms it will only persist in the
continuation of subordination.
The fluidity of interacting networks, much like those explained by Singer, can be understood
in Bourdieu’s notion of ‘field’ which serves to enable understanding of events occurring in a
structured social space within which actors are located in varied positions of authority.
Bourdieu suggested that just like on the football field, positions in society are occupied by
social agents whose actions are also constricted by the boundaries positioned around them.
Consequently “There are thus limits to what can be done, and what can be done is also
shaped by the conditions of the field” (Thomson, 2008: 69). The power networks described
by Singer can therefore be understood as a specific field and the limits referred to by
Thomson can be viewed as the restrictions on social mobility in employment for ethnic
minority candidates due to the power networks at play, mobility is shaped by the condition
of the structural forces in football such as executives and board members, who are
overwhelmingly white. It can consequently be suggest that a process of racial accountability
within organisations is more complex which resides in a network of ideas which holds the
regulation of power rather than a conscious dismissal of ethnic groups.
The condition of a given field does not function independently as it is assimilated with the
habitus of the various actors. Habitus is the accumulated set of dispositions obtained by
social actors through past and present experiences and acts as “an operator of rationality,
but of a practical rationality immanent in a historical system of social relations and therefore
23
transcendent to the individual” (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992). The concept of habitus can
therefore be seen as interlinking with the foundations of idealist CRT thinkers in that it
explicates the origins of various beliefs between different social groups. Maton explains this
process of consuming and adopting norms and beliefs through experience as an
“internalized structure, the objective made subjective” (2008: 53). Therefore the habitus of
an individual will differ in accordance with factors such as social class, gender, ethnicity and
region yet these components will engender similar experiences for those connected (Maton,
2008), all of which are bound in different and connecting fields. It is therefore important to
acknowledge both field and habitus when assessing uneven participation in a specific
network, as fields are arenas in which the habitus of actors are formed and continually
shaped, whilst the agency and mutability of a field allows for structural changes enforced by
the influence of a dominant habitus. This elucidates the interconnectivity of field and
habitus, which can act to reinforce and reconfigure each other.
Thomson explains that a field operates “semi-autonomously” (2008: 70) in that it maintains
a set of social constructed set of beliefs which enforce rules of behaviour which vary to the
stature of social agent within that field, therefore certain groups can be marginalised due to
the authoritative influence of groups and individuals within a network. It is important to
acknowledge that through a dominant network of influence a common habitus formation is
imposed in an institution, which in turn structures the state of play in that field and is
therefore a process of monopolising homogenous social and cultural tendencies adopted by
those connected but is devoid of contribution from the habitus of a variety of socioeconomic and ethnic groups. Consequently considering English football is ruled by a history
24
of white middle-class individuals it can be argued that racism can be institutionalised
through means of ignorance to a variety of social practices and cultural awareness which
can be unaccounted for in what Singer previously explained to be the construction of
chartered norms in the form of opinions, attitudes and ideals which form the basis of that
field. Additionally, if the structures within fields are reinforced and maintained they can
develop as a sphere of inclusion and exclusion for certain groups.
It is explained that “Practices within a given situation are, Bourdieu argues, conditioned by
expectation of the outcome of a given course of action, which is in turn based, thanks to the
habitus, on experience of past outcomes” (Maton, 2008: 57). This is bound in the aspirations
and expectations of actors and therefore preconceptions and dispositions obtained in a
habitus may not be generally asserted as suitable for a particular field and consequently
some actors may feel incompatible and not attuned with particular settings which can
consequently deter individuals from certain paths. For example, if discrimination and bias
has existed in employment and a lack of managers from ethnic minorities in football is
evident, this may discourage the pursuit of a managerial vacancy for future potential
candidates from BME backgrounds. It is therefore possible, as Maton argues through
studying habitus and accounting for the experiences of marginalised actors (2008), to
ensure these processes are not rendered invisible and shape the way others view the social
world, which coincides with the primary focus of CRT framework in gaining insight to BME
consciousness.
25
Furthermore, embedded within fields of influence is Bourdieu’s notion of capital which
refers to a resource which is effective in enabling actors to secure profits which arise from a
specific area due to interest and participation (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992) and therefore
is the basis for the distribution and regulation of power. Burdsey argues that cultural capital
in football refers to “the degree to which individuals have absorbed to dominant culture of
professionall football and are thus able to achieve success in this environment” (2007: 69) as
those with the bulk of capital are able to dictate the maintenance and the levels of access to
that field. This can be seen to act in conjunction with what Maton has explained as the
importance of acquiring the cultural affinity with a field to contrive successful inclusion. It is
explained that habitus, field and capital “consist in expanding the sphere of interest while
reducing that of utility and consciousness” (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992: 25) and thus can
unconsciously limit the mobility of actors if they do not possess what is deemed the correct
attributes in the form of habitus that is historically accustomed to a field. Therefore it can be
supposed that to become effectively recognised as encompassed within the domains of
football, adopting the dispositions submerged within the habitus of that field is vital. Rather
than forcibly adjusting to such principles it may therefore be simpler for those who are
familiar with the residing standardised values and regulations than those who are not.
Hence, contact into a sphere of influence, like the difficulties faced by prospective managers
or executives from BME origins, may also be more difficult for those who can not identify
themselves within a certain field where cultural awareness is not embraced.
It is explained that when considering the organisation of institutions ANT analyses the
networks that “initiate and maintain the super ordination of individuals or groups over
26
others” (Grint, 1991 cited in Alcadipani and Hassard, 2010: 420). Interactions in the social
world are described as being mediated through objects and therefore various systems are
contributing to an outcome whilst operating in patterning the social world (Law, 1992).
Hunter and Swan explain how legislation such as the Race Relations Amendment Act (RRAA)
has allowed for enhanced diversity and equality within Actor-Network Theory through
focusing on the importance of ‘non-human objects’ as critical functions of everyday life in
modes of influence. The RRAA enshrined institutional racism as an entrenched decree whilst
also accentuating the importance of ‘public duty’, which led to the recognition that
educational institutions must publically display their support for the development of
equality and diversity. This further led to a proliferation of strategies and plans into the
eradication of racial divisions (2007). Doctrines such as this are important to acknowledge as
without recognition individuals from ethnic minorities can be marginalised by institutional
processes and therefore lack agency in a structured and static organisation. Law also
illuminates, much like Bourdieu’s notion of field, that structure is a site of struggle which
acts in generating and reproducing itself (1992). This is important to note as it contends that
actors still possess agency to influence the institutional assembly irrespective of historically
embedded forms of practice. Accordingly from an ANT perspective with regards to the
traditional whiteness in football which has dominated the hierarchical positions, the
dualistic influence of both human and material products such as the introduction of laws or
BME representatives can shape the nature of racisms in football.
An execution of distinctive anti-racism strategy can be found in the 1991 Football Offences
Act (FOA) which made racist chanting at grounds illegal (Garland and Rowe, 1996). This is
27
exemplary of how legislature such as this can be employed as influence as a non-human
actor to detract discriminatory elements. Furthermore the positive effects are evident in
statistics which show a gradual decrease in race related crimes committed at football
matches. In 2000-2001 82 people were arrested for racist chanting in England and Wales
(Football Unites, Racism Divides, 2012) whilst in 2010-2011 it has almost halved to 43
arrests (Statistics on Football-Related Arrests & Banning Orders, 2011). It is difficult to make
a distinction between whether this is due to the proliferation of anti-racism campaigns in
football or the FOA but ANT argues that these material components are active in changing
the nature of the network as a whole. Methods in contesting institutional racism in
American football were seen to take a substantially progressive step with the ‘Rooney Rule’
which mandates that every NFL team must interview at least one minority candidate for
every available managerial position (Collins, 2007). It is argued that ‘unconscious bias’ is the
primary factor for the small percentage of minority head coaches in the NFL (Collins, 2007),
which can be seen as the maintenance of implicit stereotypes that circulate within an
unaltered network of a dominant habitus that subjugates BME groups. Collins employed the
term ‘old boy’ networks to describe networking systems which are susceptible to the
reinforcing of traditional power structures by restricting the hiring of elite positions within a
specific network and therefore persistently reproduces a reliance on an exclusive minority
of those within a field which acts as a prerequisite (2007). The Rooney Rule therefore
operated as a non-human actor to directly address the issue concerning the disparity
between the levels of African-American coaches in comparison to the legacy of successful
players to change the structural consistencies which enforced the super ordination.
28
The term ‘translation’ is employed in ANT to explain transformation and correspondence
through human or material influence (Law, 1992; Hunter and Swan, 2007), such as an actor
adhering to the practicalities of an organisation whether that be the maintenance of
whiteness or a greater focus on equality and representation. As explained by Bourdieu, the
field and the residual habitus are reflexive and interconnecting and therefore can be likened
to translation. ANT theorists have argued that there are ‘obligatory points of passage’
through which all actors in an institution must pass through so as to obtain and articulate
their identity in an institution (Hunter and Swan, 2007). The influence of the RRAA is
seemingly pivotal in fields of equality practices in that actors must abide by sanctions
imposed to be fully immersed and interactive in an organisation. Whilst non-human actors,
such as policies and official reports, are argued to have the tendency to “sustain cultures of
performativity rather than cultures of action” (Hunter and Swan, 2007: 414) it is argued that
anti-racism organisations would be able to produce a network specifically based on interests
of equality and accountability which also adheres to the desire of institutions not be
deemed to have a discriminatory base. Through this process, as explained by Alcapandi and
Hassard, ANT allows for the acknowledgement of inclusion and exclusion of actors and
networks, which in turn also highlights social privileging (2010) whilst also highlighting the
importance of the dispositions of those within a network to influence the propensity to
dismiss or advocate organisational changes.
Institutional racism has been suggested to be interpreted in a more ‘narrow’ view in which
race equality is asserted through the use of racialised body counts which, even if deemed
acceptable, may leave organisational practices unchanged. This shows the multiplicity and
29
diversity of motives and causes of policy implementation. For example, equality could be
“invoked as a rationale for ‘good business’, as a way of improving creativity in organisations,
as a quantitative measure of representation” (Hunter and Swan, 2007: 403) which doesn’t
directly focus on improving opportunities for under-represented minority ethnic groups. It is
argued that translation is more effective if the anticipated responses to the translated
materials are positive (Law, 1992). For example, the RRAA may have reduced the number of
acts of racism within workplaces but has it is difficult to determine whether this has
reconstructed personal beliefs. With consideration to an organisation such as football, the
action taken against institutional racism should therefore be multi-faceted. Raising cultural
awareness and the effects of marginalising BME groups could subsequently be employed to
alleviate such tendencies to dismiss or oppose the sensitive nature of racism and thus
ensure translation is effective. The Rooney Rule provoked criticism for some who believed
that it had reverse effects by infringing the rights of Caucasian candidates (Collins, 2007).
This highlights the necessity to also consider the consequences of those who feel subjugated
which may cause anger revolt in despising BME groups becoming viewed as ‘privileged’ by
decree, which would only deepen racial divides. Consequently, to reinforce the previous
point, there may need to be a further process of education to alter the attitudes of
individuals, therefore shaping the habitus of those involved in football and subsequently the
field as a composite which branches from fans, players, managers and executives.
30
Methods
Introduction
Secondary analysis has been the basis for the understanding of racisms in football thus far.
Whilst it can be argued that secondary analysis poses difficulties, such as a lack of familiarity
with data and the absence of key variables, there is a multitude of advantages from the
opportunities of longitudinal scrutiny that is focal in historically assessing the contours of
racisms, the opportunity for cross-cultural analysis that has been reviewed, and finally that
new interpretations which can arise from reanalysis seen in the synthesis of theory which
has been accumulated (Bryman, 2008). Having also acknowledged the advantages of
grounding theory, which relies on separating data and theory to allow a theoretical path to
develop as a consequence, the absence of research directly focusing on institutional racism
in football meant that I was able to use ‘open-coding’ to obtain and categorise the pivotal
phenomena (Seale, 1999) and employ CRT, Bourdieu’s notion of field and habitus, and ANT
to cultivate the principles discussed. Furthermore, considering the interpretivist elements
that are necessary in researching the social construction of racisms and the power with
which they hold, I believed it to be essential to conduct a series of interviews. Interpretivist
accounts see the perceptions and understandings of people as a primary source (Mason,
2002) and understand that personal views of the world are generated through experience
(Shipman, 1997). Therefore I decided to interview individuals with experiences of racism in
football and those who were actively pursuing strategies to eradicate it.
31
Qualitative Research
The objective of qualitative research is to access insight into the social world (Stroh, 2000)
whilst recognising that social reality is a state of influence and reconstruction (Bryman,
2008). In comparison, quantitative methods often view the practice of individuals as an
objective reality and utilise theory to obtain facts and figures as a response to research
(Bryman, 2008). Consequently due to the configuring of quantitative methods such as
structured interviews and surveys, they are unable to account for individual circumstances
and therefore “lack the sensitivity to be able to explore difference, inconsistency and, often,
meaning and argument” (Stroh, 2000: 197). Therefore the beliefs that are obtained and the
constraints and privileges that can be enforced in social structures were deemed
unattainable in quantitative measures to the degree in which qualitative procedures would
install and deliver incisive and elaborative extracts. Instead, semi-structured interviewing
was preferred which enables the gathering of a range of data in order to acquire a greater
understanding of personal beliefs and experiences surrounding the specific phenomena of
racisms in football.
Semi-structured interviews, unlike the rigidness of the predetermined format in structured
interviewing, appear more conversational due to the reflexivity and ability to adapt to the
path of conversation enabling the interview to become more responsive and fluid (Jones,
1996; Bryman, 2008). This will also ease the sensitive nature of research topics such as
racisms and encourage participants to speak freely whilst taking interest in particular points.
32
Similarly, although other qualitative tactics such as focus groups are useful for stimulating a
range of ideas (Schutt, 2008), it was decided that because of the area of investigation it
would be more suitable for participants to express their opinions and experiences privately.
Whilst quantitative methods are structured to maximise reliability and validity, qualitative
approaches allow for the development of a variety of views and the exploration of personal
experiences in depth (Bryman, 2008) and aims to understand the interviewee’s
“background, attitudes, and actions” (Schutt, 2009: 340). Therefore questions embodied the
range of texts previously documented and further ideas in which they could be developed
through the beliefs of the participants. Whilst research which have accounted for the racist
elements amongst supporter groups (Back et al, 1998b) have opted for more direct
ethnographical methods in determining the behaviours of individuals in a social setting,
interviewing instead seeks to assess the belief systems which are the foundation of
behavioural traits. Such approaches can be seen in the research of Dimeo and Finn, Burdsey
and Hylton who seek to explicate the accounts from BME individuals that may otherwise
have been alienated.
An ‘interview guide’, which acts as a reminder for the relevant topics to be covered (Jones,
1996), was compiled as a list of unstructured questions that would be utilised in accordance
with the development of the interview (see appendix I). The relevant issues which are
connected to the topic were assessed before compiling the interview structure.
Furthermore, it is important to understand the significance of avoiding ‘closed ended
questions’ in interviews as they are limiting in terms of possible responses and therefore can
restrict development into further ideas and beliefs (Stroh, 2000). Instead ‘open ended
33
questions’ “require the interviewee to answer the question more extensively” (Stroh, 2000:
199) and help to determine their attitudes and opinions in depth. The impact of the
phrasing of each question was reviewed to avoid any being considered as leading questions,
which can encourage a particular response and therefore decrease validity (Burgess, 1991).
It was essential to maintain validity throughout as genuine replies were vital for the
understanding of different opinions rather than propositioning similar accounts.
Schutt explains the importance of gaining informed consent, in which participants must be
fully informed about the research and consent voluntarily prior to the research taking place
(2009). The aims of the research were subsequently stated so as not to deceive respondents
about the research topic (see appendix II). Furthermore, confidentiality was discussed
before every interview and explained that anonymity will be held under the Data Protection
Act unless it was agreed that their responses could be named. The protection of
participants, to avoid any ethical concerns, was important due to the sensitive nature of
some of the questions asked. The importance of briefing interviewees with the proposed
aims along with the conversational style with which the interviews were conducted
intended to ease participants into feeling comfortable with the questions set and allows
them to introduce beliefs at their discretion and pace. Additionally Burgess explains that
issues such as the ethnicity of the researcher and participants must be acknowledged as the
research intersects racisms and power constructs (1991). Whilst this may have deterred
participants from revealing their genuine feelings surrounding the discriminatory processes
imposed on BME groups, I feel the stance in which the research was conducted was clear
and questions were carefully presented to avoid uncomfortable responses.
34
The interviews were recorded, transcribed and then reviewed for similarities and disparities
throughout (see appendix III). As explained by Bryman, transcribing enables a thorough
examination of the conversation and documents all speech that may have been lost through
note taking (2008). Furthermore recording an interview allows researchers to be more
attentive to responses and follow the interview guide adequately (Jones, 1996). Transcripts
allow the re-evaluation of language used and ensure that nothing is lost or misheard. Jones
explains that the access to transcripts “creates a full and permanent record of the
respondent’s words for analysis and reanalysis as needed” (1996: 148). Because of the
detailed responses which arise from open ended questions, the accessibility of possessing
each word allowed for the evaluation of which extracts were relevant to the concepts and
topics proposed whilst also interconnecting the beliefs stimulated throughout each
interview and identifying the themes which emerge.
Sampling
Bourdieu suggested that in order to research a specific social space it would be useful to
analyse the field in relation to the field of power, such as the management of a football club
in relation to the football industry as a whole and the culture and tradition which embodies
it, acknowledge the structural relations and the points at which groups compete for specific
forms of authority, for example the relations between FA, FIFA, football clubs and the lack of
BME representation, whilst also assessing the habitus of social actors and the different
35
systems of dispositions which operate (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992). Whilst this has been
accounted for in secondary analysis, it seemed necessary to reinforce and contest these
philosophies by pervading the beliefs of those who have developed an understanding of
racisms in football through personal experience. Purposive sampling was adopted, which is
strategic in an attempt to correspond those interviewed with elements of the research to
maintain relevance (Bryman, 2008), as opposed to random sampling which would be
counter-productive in generating responses from those who may not be knowledgeable
enough to contribute and consequently maintaining validity. The participants all have
detailed and some first-hand knowledge of racisms in football and how they operate and
impact on society. This was essential in establishing the network of beliefs which charged
their opinions and their propositions for transformation. Furthermore, all interviewees were
of BME status and therefore directly understood the impositions of racisms and
discriminatory practices which were being discussed.
Participants
Paul Canoville
Paul was the first black player to play for Chelsea. He now acts as an ambassador for the
Kick It Out and Show Racism the Red Card campaigns in which he runs workshops to
educate children on his experiences.
36
Lloyd Samuels
Lloyd is a black project manager working for Football Unites, Racism Divides who focuses in
youth work and social inclusion.
Debon Bushiri
Debon is a black football development officer and first team coach within Football Unites,
Racism Divides.
Findings
Numerous themes were evident when reviewing the transcripts of each interviewee, which
were mostly centred on the absence of education through cultural awareness and
accountability. Within this body of consensus lies a multi-faceted sphere of elements which
are argued to contribute to the lack of accountability and cultural awareness. For instance,
when questioned whether the actions of a football club could influence the behaviour of fan
support and in turn community alliances, Lloyd Samuels argued that
Football is like a religion in this country. Actually, more people probably go to
football than go to church, so for me I think it has a very influential kind of
platform on how communities behave.
37
If the club were to support BME involvement and actively pursue representatives who could
enlighten the consequences of racisms and the detriment it has upon certain groups in
terms of inclusion, it could positively impact not just within football but within community
cohesion. Accordingly, Debon Bushiri importantly notes that “football is not only kicking it
about, it’s an educational tool”. This further reinforces the influence of football and how
within the elasticity of racial constructs it can be deployed as a vehicle to eliminate ethnic
discrimination and divisions which exist both within sports and in communities.
Contrastingly, Paul Canoville reflects on the failure of clubs to combat racism, particularly in
fan-bases, by stating
So here was a club [Chelsea] that had a fan base who were notorious National
Front…and it wasn’t based just at Chelsea, it was based at West Ham and it was
based at Millwall. It had a London base.
Furthermore, he explains that “I didn’t even realise until I saw it from my own fans and that
hit it hard…to know that these guys don’t want me because of my colour, on their team and
I didn’t know what I was going to do”. This highlights the importance of generating a level of
understanding in supporter groups who may be anticipated to commit racist attacks that are
prominent in a cultural sphere. Paul’s claim that he didn’t know what he was going to do
suggest that the racist attacks astonished him and to which he had no response. It is this
type of act which deters BME individuals from seeking a career in football and if clubs do not
adequately react then those victimised are isolated, which it is argued could also be
38
reflected at a societal level. Canoville explains that changes in attitudes immersed in a
football club can make a substantial impact on the sense of belonging, as he explains after
moving to Reading “it was like, my gosh! They’re accepting me for who I am”. This is
significant when considering that his notion of “who I am” did not seem suitable to the
culture at Chelsea.
A lack of exposure to the active processes which are being made to reconstruct the
footballing network is also of concern, as Lloyd Samuels explains
I’ve just heard today that there’s been three million pounds dug into bringing up
black managers and coaches from the PFA but how much media coverage has
that had? So I think there needs to be some positive kind of discrimination in
that field in the sense of confirming, like, I don’t think it’s something that we
understand within our communities that it’s available to us.
Without the platform for the exposure of such plans and reforms, the norm remains in
which the very limited number of BME individuals residing in the hierarchies of networks
continues to be unchallenged. For instance, Paul Canoville explains “I didn’t expect an ex
black player to be involved in the hierarchy of the PFA”. Without the achievements and
process of change progressively infiltrating the networks of those surrounding football,
positions such as this will persist in being unexpected.
39
Canoville analyses the effect of his own career for the successes of black footballers
It was about breaking that mould and I believe, well, I believe I did to be honest,
I mean many people have the opinion that ‘if it wasn’t for you, we wouldn’t be
like us, we wouldn’t have been given the chance’.
If similar instances can be applied to the prospective proliferation of BME managers and
executives then the importance of role models need to be accounted for.
However, in response to the consideration of a lack of role models being the main detriment
to representation, Debon Bushiri instead expects wider considerations and explains
no I don’t think it’s like that, it’s the whole cultural system which needs to be
looked at and I don’t know if they’re going to involve the politicians, involve the
FA but it needs to work at a street level. It needs to be at grass-root, it needs to
be there.
Therefore Bushiri places greater influence on the guidance of cultural learning and the
impact of street-level cohesion in eliminating ethnic factions. The necessity of involving the
FA and political action demonstrates the nature of complicity of the task, yet one which is
achievable through the means of football. It is a sentiment that Samuels and Canoville agree
with having both noticed the force of cultural awareness as a utility, as Canoville explains
“they go away with support about racism and disqualifying others on the colour of their skin
and they do take it in and I’ve seen it when I taught youngsters so it is a major factor right
now, it really is”.
40
Samuels explains that because of the lack of awareness possessed by those who occupy
positions in the FA that policy measures are inept without levels of accountability
you’re taking them out of their comfort zones and a lot of them don’t have to
mix with other cultures, you know, it’s not a case of ‘yeah my mate, this is my
mate’, they don’t communicate in them arenas so how can they then inform the
policies that we get to use on the grounds and enforce on racism and prejudice
Having been reinforced by all three interviewees, the necessity to install a means of cultural
understanding seems vital for an enhancement on the current state of equality in
employment. Furthermore, an improvement in the representation and accountability of
BME groups in football can also reconstruct cultural divides which seem to be the main
benefactor to racisms produced.
Discussion
The dominant themes of culture and the power that emerges from the interviews reinforces
the aims of this research. Through understanding how culture can be exercised to create
and reconstruct social barriers allows for the explicating of notions such as race, racisms,
belonging and identity. Referring back to Burdsey’s research and the dominance of white
working-class cultures and Bourdieu’s theory, a dominant habitus is apparent which
structurally shapes the field in which football resides. Without the modernisation of that
41
field through the influx of cultural awareness schemes and representation in the form of
individuals from BME backgrounds being positioned within the fabric of the network. This is
perfectly exemplified in how Paul Canoville explains his success as a footballer, regardless of
the boundaries of race, not only inspired others but increased the acceptance of black
footballers. This can therefore represent the non-human and human influence with which
ANT argues is mandatory in order to renovate the symbolic positioning of an organisation.
It is also important to conjure a reminder of the acknowledgement from Back et al of the
uneven development of racisms, as with the influence of culture in discriminatory practices
and the phenomena of ‘Islamophobia’ of which similar racisms can be introduced and
reproduced through the same processes. It could therefore be argued that through the
responses of those interviewed, those who are prone to abuse fostered by concepts of race
and culture can be educated to repress the effects of an ever increasing secular society
which is deranged by socially constructed racisms. Furthermore, those who are oblivious to
the discriminatory processes which occur in networks such as football can develop an
awareness of ways in which expectations embedded within society can lead to BME groups
becoming marginalised through a reproduced order. The transcripts also provided a key
insight into the replication of behavioural types in football governing bodies. As Lloyd
Samuels explained, the majority of the ruling elite are not acculturated to modern British
society and consequently are not attentive to the contours of racial discriminatory practices
because they have been assimilated to a single socio-economic group and networks
immersed in a dominant white habitus. Therefore, through CRT, the understanding of
42
power networks and the rejection of race-neutrality in policy, the results further highlight
how maintenance of order results in the further alienation of BME groups.
Whilst the responses from interviewees raised interesting connotations of the utility of
culture and the underlying element of power which is adjoined, there are certain flaws in
which the research could be improved. It is difficult to know the real struggles faced by BME
managers or coaches without a personal account of their experiences. Further interviews
with members of the PFA and FA could have been conducted to assess the structural
components of exclusion within the lack of presence for BME individuals in the hierarchical
positioning of those in the governing bodies and management. This would have also allowed
for the assessment of the effectiveness of current schemes which employed to detract
institutionally racist elements and the forms in which members of the ruling elite view levels
of inclusion and exclusion. The organisational basis of ANT would further allow the
examination of how the process of translation is conceived within the current framework of
the governing of football clubs and the ruling body given the insight into the multitude of
structure. Bourdieu’s concepts of field and habitus would then allow for the examination of
changes in attitudes and sets of dispositions, including the developments increased or
decreased levels of cohesion, in accordance with the previous and existing practices.
43
Conclusion
It can be ascertained that through the monopolising and entrenched habitus of the
dominant whiteness exerted through fan support and those positioned in the revolving
network of influence that forms the FA and executive directors, an exclusionary practice is
formed by which the recognition and representation of BME groups is dismissed. This may
be exercised in explicit forms, as seen with the accounts of racisms in fan hooliganism and
the failure to inefficaciously eradicate racial divisions and promote footballing arenas as
multi-cultural zones. However this dismissal may also exist in what was termed in the
Stephen Lawrence Enquiry as unwitting racism, and therefore racism may foster due to the
lack of awareness for the different social constraints faced by a variety of social groups.
Rather than an overt dismissal the latter may instead be referred to as ignorance, yet
considering the multi-ethnic and multi-cultural state of Britain and England in particular it
needs to be addressed in order to review the lack of mobility and choices within that field
and a lack of representation to account for their issues.
The utilising of CRT allowed the research to develop a holistic approach to the
understanding of racisms and their developments and fractures, with the acknowledgement
of racial discourse in colonial periods to the culturally constructed beliefs which have
emerged from issues such as migration to terrorist threats. Through appreciating the nature
in which racisms were mental categorisations that elicited notions of power and nationhood
I was able to apply these notions onto a context which has traditionally been a working-class
44
nationalist arena. The notion of power networks was employed to explain the way in which
dominant white groups have institutionally overlooked the advances of BME groups through
the desire to retain their power in a revolving sphere of influence. This consequently
allocates privilege and status that restricts the embracing of multiple identities but rather
sustained a type which is deemed to be inconsistent with those of BME individuals.
Bourdieu’s theoretical framework produced an understanding of how these ideals were
filtered through connecting networks and consequently led to levels of exclusion of a
grassroots level. Through the influential working-class type associated with football and fan
following, a dominant white habitus, labelled as ‘lad’ by Carrington and Burdsey, was
considered to be disconnected from the lifestyles of BME groups, particularly Asians. This
presented further alienation at grass-root level and is clear in the domineering statistics of
the quantity of white fan-bases amongst football clubs which almost eclipses that of BME
groups. Such levels of support were argued to reinforce the nature of the field through the
importance of capital and the desire to secure profit through the most successful medium
and therefore, as established in the extract from Lloyd Daniels, the burden is on the clubs to
adhere to their dominant white fan-base.
ANT suggests that through the processes of cultural awareness, education and the
introduction of role models, suggested in the interviews a process of translation will, if
positively received, begin to alter the structures in the football industry which denote
traditional behavioural types and stimulate wider participation. However, I would suggest
45
that more immediate measures would need to be set if the awareness of racism as a socially
constructed misdemeanour is to be understood. Within any other occupational practice acts
of racism are deemed as gross misconduct and often an immediate dismissal. Football does
not need to be the anomaly. It is issues such as the inconsistencies of the ability of
footballing institutions to correctly deal with racisms in a standardised method which
dissuades some from participation.
In further reference to the extract from the interview with Debon Bushiri, football can be
ascertained to be an educational tool, whether with assessing the power which lies in
cultural aspects or the effects of institutionalised discriminatory beliefs. Football is a vehicle
for which issues such as racisms and race can be assessed and discussed through procedures
such as teamwork, identity and belonging. Whilst much of the previous research recognises
the power with which it holds to develop and compound racisms, I believe that with greater
focus on cultural networks and through encouraging awareness football can also be the
medium to which racisms in power networks can be altered and reconstructed.
46
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Appendix I













What influenced your decision to pursue coaching?
Would you consider there to be different social restrictions upon individuals from ethnic
minorities to seek a career in football?
Would you consider there to be different concerns in seeking a position of a playing career
and through coaching or management?
What are your views on the lack of managers from ethnic minorities?
What do you consider to be the required traits of a successful manager? Why do you think
that there are currently only two black managers in the football league? Race/power
complex?
How much influence do you see the structure of football and images that are processed
through this as being accountable for modern British society?
Would you suggest that racial slurring witnessed during football is consistent with those in
modern society?
Is there a sense of those involved in football considering themselves protected if they were
to racially abuse?
Do you believe in a leniency or vulnerability to racist views which differs from club to club?
What would you suggest suitable punishment for such an offence would be?
Have you witnessed a change in racisms over different time periods and cultural settings?
Would you consider a lack of cultural awareness to be a main benefactor of racial
incitement? Educational tools would help?
Do you consider a lack of mentors or role models to discourage those from ethnic minorities
to become involved in certain sectors of football?
Players:





Have you encountered racism whilst playing football?
Have you ever encountered racism within the structures of any previous/present clubs? i.e
coaches, managers or colleagues
What do you consider to be the required traits of a successful manager? Why do you think
that there are currently only two black managers in the football league?
Would you consider your career in football hindered by your race?
Do you consider there to be any successful race within football, whether it be playing,
coaching or management? Alternatively do you see
54
Appendix II
Dear Football Unites, Racism Divides,
My name is Harry Lauchlan, an undergraduate in Social Policy and
Sociology at the University of Leeds. I am researching racism within
football to understand the effects on modern players and clubs.
I am writing to you with the understanding that you may be able to
facilitate contact with any member or associate of your organisation
who would be able to partake in an informal interview about football
and racism. I would like to acknowledge the experiences and
achievements of players and coaches from ethnic minorities.
Paul Canoville has agreed to participate in the research; I contacted
Paul based on the difficulties he experienced on becoming Chelsea's
first black player, and his previous affiliation with Kick It Out.
There are potential benefits for Football Unites, Racism Divides,
should the organisation be willing to participate in the research. I
can compile a short report for you, which would cover a history of
racism and football and some of the findings from the research. This
could act as an educational tool for campaign members and followers,
both internal to your organisation and for the website.
Thank you for your time, I look forward to hearing from you.
Yours sincerely,
Harry Lauchlan
University of Leeds
55
Appendix III
H: Would you consider there to be different social restrictions for individuals from ethnic minorities
that look to seek a career in football?
L: I think there’s a few. Starting from the understanding of a career in sport is not seen as, um, you
know, brilliant or achievable kind of goal perhaps. If you look at the press that football or sports get
in general, it’s all doom and gloom so if you’re not in the know about sports or whatever from a
family point of view you see it as a high pressured kind of very fraught environment, you don’t win
you get sacked, you know, you think of it from a migrants point of view they’re always looking for
stability when it comes to the money and then the value of it, so getting into football and what we
find being in these communities, including myself, it’s hard getting up on a Sunday morning in winter
supporting your kid through Sunday football, um, you know being the kind of soccer dad that’s
carting the kids around from all over Yorkshire to play football matches you know, and also the
affinity that you have with other parents on the touchline is not there, you know you’ve got workingclass British kind of communities so when you look at it from that point of view from the touchline it
can be seen as a very British thing, so if you’re not adaptable then you won’t feel welcome on the
touchline
H: Do you think that’s reinforced within various tiers of football as well?
L: Yeah, very much so. We worked in a few levels within our organisation and what we’re finding is
that some of the problems, some of the panic kids have is a. their parent’s understanding of football
and where football can take that young person because, you know, being in their communities some
of them have worked out the worst case scenario and they just can’t be bothered. So that puts them
in a very secure place of, ok if I look at the risks for, like, injuries or that kind of stuff, the percentage
of black players that are getting through etcetera, etcetera. Looking at that versus sending my kids
to plumbing, I’ll actually invest in three or four thousand pounds into the kid’s young career versus
using that money to get them into university you know, you’ve got to balance it up with our parents
too they looking at the long term
H: So is it a case of success rates versus issues of social inclusion?
L: Yeah. And also when you’re getting into the academies half of these kids haven’t had or haven’t
been in environments like this, so an old white coach being very blunt, precise, you know trying to
get the best out of everybody, there’s a communication problem sometimes where if a kid’s been
treated badly by another institute and then gets into this institute and he’s getting treated even
56
worse than some of the other institutes have treated him before, of course they’re going to start
rebelling, you know what I mean, and in a way that’s normal in sports in a sense of the kids need to
be competitive but there’s a time and a place and they don’t get none of that kind of training, um,
I’ve had to deal with them issues and the coaches don’t get no cultural training of ‘do you
understand that certain things that you say or certain things that you imply could be deemed as the
most disgusting things to a young ethnic player?’. For instance, if you don’t understand about what’s
halal meat and what’s not halal meat then you’re always going to have this concoctive view of what
it really is and what purpose it was for. I don’t think they actually realise that in a hot country pork is
probably one of the most poisonous pieces of meat that you can get if you haven’t got any
refrigeration so you can understand why it got outlawed in the first place if it was killing the
population because it was classed as an unclean meat. But, in an environment here where we eat
pork, you know, freely then the understanding of pork is that there is an affinity, you know, a
warmth to it
H: So it can be a general ignorance to cultural aspects?
L: It’s understanding that there needs to be a place now where players that come in from ethnic
minorities that don’t eat pork, it’s not just the Muslims, have got the security that they’re catered
for. So the canteen can make a big difference where there was a halal version, they don’t have to go
all out but it’s about considering the difficulties
H: How minor details can make inclusion feel more solidified?
L: Yeah
H: Would you consider there to be different concerns for people from ethnic minorities seeking a
playing career in football and comparing that to coaching or management?
L: I think it’s easier to come from a player to coaching or management position rather than going
straight into coaching or management, purely because you’re a name
H: If you’re taking on a level of kids from ethnic minorities who aren’t successful in their playing
career, do you think there are wider considerations for them to be likely to dismiss the idea of
coaching or management?
57
L: Well if you look at it from a realistic point of view, how many clubs have got black managers, you
know. City have got a black manager and you see some coaches in the coaching staff, you see some
black coaches and stuff like that, but a. they’re not highlighted and b. they’re not seen as principle
people in their department from a media perspective, they’re always in the shadow of a manager or
whatever and then, you know, I’ve just heard today that there’s been three million pounds dug into
bringing up black managers and coaches from the PFA but how much media coverage has that had?
So I think there needs to be some positive kind of discrimination in that field in the sense of
confirming, like, I don’t think it’s something that we understand within our communities that it’s
available to us. If you look at football, football is a religion and at the moment there’s a condoned
racism within that religion so why would you as a BME (Black and minority ethnic status) put
yourself into the middle of all of that quite willingly when you know that the same talents you can
take to another industry and get up there but be respected just for your hard work and not just
because you’re a black person. I think that’s another part of the problem is that sometimes you feel
like you’re getting used as the token rapper sort of sense that we’re doing the right thing, you know,
it might look good on the outside but when it comes down to the real working or how you’re
managing your post and whatever it might not be as easy
H: So would you say there needs to be a case of normality instead of directing on the limited amount
of black managers, there needs to be a defocus?
L: It’s about an even playing field. I’ve obtained from my personality and from my personal view; I
don’t want to be put in a position just because I’m black. I want to be put in a position because I’m
the best person for the job and for me that would motivate me to do a better job and prove my
point
H: So would you consider an equivalent of the Rooney Rule to be implemented here to improve such
a situation? Or falsely enforcing positions for ethnic minority candidates?
L: I think you’d only find out the results through how many black people would actually get a job,
you know what I mean, if it was just there as a law and we was going from club to club applying and
not getting anywhere then you would say no it’s just there as another one of them policies. For
instance, people like me would probably get ‘oh, can you come to this interview?’. I’ve been in that
position before where you’ve kind of just gone to kind of tick the BME box. I think the BME box
doesn’t do any benefit, you know, as a BME I’m getting sick of ticking that box and I don’t feel there
is any benefit of having it on there from the point of view of colour
H: Do you think there is an influences from local political ideologies on footballing institutions and
vice versus with regards to race relations?
58
L: It’s one of the most influential mediums we’ve got at the moment. Football is like a religion in this
country. Actually, more people probably go to football than go to church, so for me I think it has a
very influential kind of platform on how communities behave, um, if you look at the Liverpool
situation it tarnished the club, you know, the club I felt was doing the right thing by its player but in
the whole way it was done it didn’t feel like the racial harmony aspect of it was accounted for. So,
for instance, if Suarez was saying what he was saying, and was saying ‘look from my culture I don’t
understand this point of view’ the easiest thing for me to do would be give him some cultural
education, you know, that hasn’t been said, that hasn’t been implied, um, not just Suarez but a
whole bunch of international players that come over here and they’re totally green to the cultures
over here because I feel that this is one of the most, kind of, multicultural, racially harmonised
countries in the world. When it comes to the way that we view racism, you know, you go to places
like Italy it’s totally polarised and Spain is as well, I’ve been racially abused in both countries by old
people, you know, old people just coming up to you and saying their peace, you know, and you kind
of go ‘wow I haven’t experienced this in twenty years’. So for me, I do think we have a leading edge
when it comes to tolerance but that’s on a ground level, that’s in a community level it’s not in an
institutionalised level. So for instance, for police officers still not to get cultural training because
that’s dealing with entirely different cultures each working week, you know what I mean. Not giving
them that education you’re disabling them from doing their job properly.
H: Do you think that fan culture and the local cultures surrounding the clubs have an impact on the
running of a club?
L: Yeah, very much so. It’s also the tolerance of the club, of those people. If you’ve got a stand full of
racist chanting and hooligans, what can you do about it?
H: So would you argue there is sometimes a need to please the fan cultures?
L: They pay the bills. It’s a rock and a hard place for the clubs, they’re all struggling to keep their
stands full, you know, from the stands they get their finances. If their stands are empty, they lose a
whole bag of money from advertising and sponsorships and stuff like that. So they’re playing this
balancing game of keeping the die-hard fans but also trying to bring in new fans from these new club
communities and all the rest of it as well as pleasing the new international kind of fan culture. So it’s
not an easy game for an institute that didn’t have to think about these things for the first, kind of,
eighty years of their existence, you know, it’s like all of a sudden you put in all these middle class
aging men in a tradition where they have to think out of the box
H: Are you referring to the FA board?
59
L: Yeah, the FA, the management, the board of directors, you know you’re taking them out of their
comfort zones and a lot of them don’t have to mix with other cultures, you know, it’s not a case of
‘yeah my mate, this is my mate’, they don’t communicate in them arenas so how can they then
inform the policies that we get to use on the grounds and enforce on racism and prejudice
H: Would that also influence who they employ and who they have to represent them?
L: Well, if you look at the football pitch it’s probably one of the most genuine places in Britain
because if you’re good, you’re good, and if you’re not you’re sold, you know what I mean. It’s a
simple situation yet I’ve used a form for any position, so I’d say it’s one of the most genuine
environments that we’ve got. But, within that there is a lot more spin offs that they can do, which I
don’t think working in football they understand fully the powers that they have and I think in some
ways it’s down to the manager at the club I think, at the moment we’ve (Sheffield United) got a
really good manager who is community minded so his push is ‘I want more community stuff’.
Managers beforehand might not have had that focus and they could have been going in different
directions, they might’ve wanted their players to focus on different things, you know, so it’s down to
the managers. That’s personality to tell you the truth.
H: Could you assess that racial slurring in football is consistent with experiences in modern society?
Is there a deindividualisation process?
L: You can say a lot more in the football stadium than you can say on the street. A lot more people
will admit to being racially harmonised on the street than in a stadium and when you get ten
thousand people that are like-minded then there’s a tribe of you that are on the same page, you
know, so you don’t feel out of sorts
H: Is it just crowd mentality that influences the people?
L: Yeah
H: What would you suggest if anything could solve that problem?
60
L: I would penalise individuals in the stands but make a show out of it. Create a fear factor for a
minute but also introduce some workshops, some cultural exchanges. Um, I think I have a main push
to young people because it’s hard to turn a, kind of, age old bigot to change their ways but it’s easier
to educate a young person that is still forming their mentality, you know, kind of thinking different
about situations
H: So it’s just a process of socialisation?
L: Well we do a thing in Kicks where we work from the north to the south of the city and, um, some
of these kids in some of these communities have never played with a black player, it’s not something
that, they don’t have any black players etcetera, etcetera and there perception of them is what they
see on the news and what they hear from their friends. So if their friends have had negative
experiences for whatever reason, then that transfers
H: Similar for those kids who haven’t necessarily experienced social cohesion with different ethnic
groups do you think incidences such as recent racism claims diminishes cohesion at street levels as
well?
L: Yeah it does. Yeah it does, because I was an individual taking his own view on the Suarez situation,
you know. For the club as an organisation and an institute to back him it’s made them look bad, they
should’ve said ‘look, we’ll wait for the FA to turn up with they’re going to say. We feel that it’s not
offended from a club point of view but that was his person view on the pitch but that’s not what
we’re taking’. For me, Liverpool’s fan base is not a totally British Caucasian fan-base. You know,
they’re representing a whole lot of others. Half of my mates are Liverpool or Manchester United
fans, you know what I mean, it’s like one of the two. Liverpool have had a long relationship with the
black community from, you know, Kenny Dalglish’s days so for me you look at John Barnes; John
Barnes changed the way that club looked. So, for them to step their oar in, wrong time, wrong place,
wrong comments
H: Is there a sense of those involved in football considering themselves protected if they commit
racial abuse?
L: Yeah. I think they’re protected in a whole range of areas. You can’t have these footballers running
around, kind of, in these high class pubs with, you know, girls and all the rest of it earning massive
amounts of money and not taking on board their role-model ship, you know. Whether they like it or
not they’re put in a position of responsibility and that responsibility doesn’t just exist on the pitch, it
expresses in the community. So I think the first thing we, as the public, see is they’re getting paid
61
one hundred and thirty thousand pounds a week at top flight and a lot of us won’t see that in five to
ten years, so within that there is a responsibility to the community that we perceive that we’re
paying their bills, you know, it’s not a case of Sky’s paying their bills or whatever we perceive that
we’re paying their bills and they’re getting a ridiculous amount of money. If my son’s got their
images on my wall, I’m expecting them to behave and give my son proper guidance of, you know,
this is how you do it, this is how you behave professionally
L: Can that be pinned down to cultural awareness?
H: Yeah and I think they need to keep their private business private and, you know, behave
themselves accordingly
H: So what would you deem a suitable punishment?
L: Match bans. Hit them where it hurts, you know, get the clubs involved. If you suspend players the
clubs will take more responsibility and making sure that they behave
H: These sort of issues in any other profession would be classed as gross misconduct and result in an
immediate dismissal, is this something that should be implemented?
L: Yeah, I’d go there. It’s just a case of these are valuable assets that you see few and far between so
hence they get dealt with in a different way, you know, if footballers were worth fifteen grand a
week they’d probably see a totally different culture but a suspended player is still going to cost you,
say, half the wages so it’s an expensive resource even if they’re not playing on the pitch, so I think
that all factors it.
H: Have you noticed any change in racisms?
L: I was born in Birmingham in ’74, so I’ve kind of experienced the golden era of Britain in this kind of
space where there was points in my life where I was getting legged down the road by skinheads and
stuff like that and beaten by racists and NF and that, areas where I’ve lived bordered onto racist
areas etcetera, etcetera. I’ve seen the gradual change in attitudes, not just from the British
community but from BME communities because with other racism we had our guard up, we had our
opinions and we had our own prejudices and racist views as well as of the British community. That’s
62
what is changing massively, you know, in my family alone there was one point where we don’t mix
with white people and now they marry into our family, you know, and it’s accepted and a big deal.
So for me there has been a massive change, you know, culturally
H: What do you think influenced that change?
L: Tolerance, cohesion, an understanding of each other. My family have never been a racist family,
I’d say that there was prejudice out of their experiences but through them I’ve kind of learnt a lot
from the cagey, kind of, protective attitudes to ‘oh it’s getting better’, you know what I mean,
‘you’re allowed to bring them type of people here because it’s not going to impact on us in the
family’. The reality of racism, say, how old am I, twenty years ago I would have mates that would
kind of dress like me in a tracksuit or whatever and they’d be getting called ‘nigger lover’ and all that
kind of stuff. I think street culture has done a massive favour because all the kids want to be cool
and they’ve combined coolness it’s not just saying it’s a black thing now, you know, everybody can
get on board. So for me I think the young generation are making more moves than the older
generation ever would, you know, and you can definitely feel the difference
63