1
Pilgrimage and Towns in Medieval Christianity
Jaehyun Kim
Korea Institute for Advanced Theological Studies
I. Introduction: Medieval Christianity and Pilgrimage
II. Christian Pilgrimage and Towns
a) Towns on the Way to Pilgrimage
b) Holy Turning Point: Compostela
c) Pilgrim and Development of Towns
d) Towns and the Encounter of Pilgrims: From Solidarity to Understanding
III. Conclusion
I.
Introduction: Medieval Christianity and Pilgrimage
Various social-cultural factors were crucial in the formation and development
of medieval towns. As we see in Trier, Roman architecture and roads were
important for establishing towns far before Christianity provided a culturalreligious framework. Feudal systems and commercial and trade development,
both on regional and international levels, played a major role in flourishing
medieval culture. In addition to these factors, there is no arguing that medieval
Christianity greatly contributed to the formation of medieval towns.
Cathedral organizations, monasteries, and pilgrimage were decisive to the life
and culture of medieval people. Christian villages and towns were formed
alongside old pagan villages. However, new towns like Cluny and Bezlay were
made through the burgeoning monastery and as a result of pilgrimage.
Monasteries, religiously secluded communities, paradoxically became politicalcultural centers. Christian theology, especially scholasticism in the thirteenth
century, rapidly increased primarily in towns and cities.
Christian pilgrimage was important for medieval towns and cultures.
‘Pilgrimage’ means visiting religious places where certain meaningful and
important events happened, to entreat supernatural help and also keep religious
responsibilities. Even before the birth of Christianity, a number of places
emerged as major pilgrim centers like Jerusalem for Judaism and Mecca and
Media for Islam.1 Major places primarily related to Jesus, such as the places of
1
Simon Coleman & John Elsner, Pilgrimage: Past and Present in the World Religions
2
his birth, death, passion, and ascension, made Jerusalem a well-known
international pilgrim center. The life of Jesus, a model for ensuing martyrs and
saints, transformed a normal place, Jerusalem, into sacred space.
From its very early stages, Christianity began to develop pilgrimage. Horrible
persecution by the Roman Empire against Christians and the Christian diaspora
sometimes made it difficult for Christians to access Jerusalem. The unshakable
status of Jerusalem as an international pilgrim center, however, continued for a
long time. Hieronymus’s letter to Paula and Marcella indicates that not a few
women traveled from Rome to Jerusalem in a very early stage of Christianity.2
Christian pilgrimage developed not only within orthodox Christian circles but
also in various Christian sects including the Donatists in Northern Africa. What
is important is that pilgrimage was growing along with the towns.3
It was, however, during medieval Christianity that pilgrimage spread all over
Europe. Pilgrimage places in the early medieval period were categorized into
three levels: international, national, and regional. For instance, Jerusalem where
Jesus lived and died, and Rome where Peter and Paul gloriously ended their
lives, became international pilgrim centers. Towns like Paris, Fulda, and
Einsiedeln became famous national pilgrim centers. And numerous regional
pilgrim centers inspired the faith and imagination of medieval Christians.
Byzantine Christianity dwindled as Islam expanded beginning in the seventh
century. Major Christian areas shifted from the Mediterranean to northern
Europe and also medieval Christians began to have a different understanding as
to the places for pilgrimage. With the change of politico-religious terrain, the
role of Jerusalem and Constantinople were diminished. Instead of traditional
pilgrim centers, people sought alternative and safe passages to pilgrimage.
Consequently, the importance of Rome as an international pilgrimage location
gradually increased.
P. Geary discusses many interesting topics on early medieval pilgrimage with
a specific emphasis on “holy theft”(furta sacra). 4 As the importance of holy
relics increased, cathedrals and monasteries developed.
Many people
struggled to initiate Christian ideology in politics and religious arenas and
pilgrim culture became much more popular. Medieval pilgrimage was oftentimes
deeply related to religious hegemony and authority. As Peter Brown pointed out,
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995).
2 J.N.D. Kelly, Jerome: His life, Writings, and Controversies (New York: Harper & Row, c1975),
91-103.
3 Especially, Peter Walker, “Pilgrimage in the Early Church,” Craig Bartholomew & Fred Hughes
eds. Explorations in a Christian Theology of Pilgrimage (Aldershot, Hants, England;
Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2004), 73-91.
4 Patrick Geary, Furta Sacra: Thefts of Relics in the Central Middle Ages (Princeton, N.J.:
Princeton University Press, c1978).
3
‘the dead saint’ remained still powerful among medieval Christians.5 Medieval
pilgrimage helped to shape Christian liturgy and town culture based upon such
traditions.6
Pilgrim culture was developed further in Carolingian Christianity, especially
in the time of Charlemagne the Great. As we see in the fourth Lateran council
in 1215, pilgrimage was clothed in theological hermeneutics such as the means
of the punishment of sin and grace of God. The pilgrims also provided useful
labors by carrying stones and wood for their own repentance.
In the high middle ages, northern Europe became the center for medieval
pilgrimage. Rome still remained an international pilgrim center. Islamic threat,
however, forced medieval Christians to find alternative but safe pilgrim centers,
to replace Jerusalem and Constantinople. Pilgrims from France and northern
European countries sought other pilgrim centers so that they could avoid the
cold and dangerous route through the Alps. For this reason, Compostela, “Field
of Stars,” emerged as a new international pilgrim center. The fact that diverse
new national pilgrim centers arose during this period shows the rapid
development of pilgrim culture. Trier, Köln, and Mainz Germany, Einsiedeln,
Switzerland, and Walshingham, England, attracted not only national but also
international travelers. The power of pilgrimage, a living icon for medieval
Christians, was a stronger force than that of intellectuals and theologians. The
power of pilgrimage, which ‘the dead’ moves ‘the living,’ continued to the end of
Middle Ages. The critique of Luther and Calvin against ‘immoral and
unreasonable pilgrimage’ paradoxically witnesses to the dominant power of
pilgrimage. 7 Even though medieval Christianity eventually dwindled as time
went on, the popularity of pilgrimage still ran through the Reformation period.
Medieval pilgrimage was deeply related to the development of medieval
towns. Some good examples of this are St. Mark’s Cathedral in Venice and St.
Denis’s Cathedral in Paris. They show how martyrdom, pilgrimage, and the
development and expansion of towns are closely interrelated. Increasing
numbers of pilgrims resulted in the expansion of pilgrim centers, and along with
them, medieval towns drenched in Christian culture could develop gradually but
widely.
James Howard-Johnston & Paul Antony Hayward eds., The Cult of Saints in late Antiquity
and the Middle Ages: Essays on the Contribution of Peter Brown (Oxford; New York: Oxford
University Press, 1999).
6 Dee Dyas, “Medieval patterns of Pilgrimage: a Mirror for Today?,” Explorations in a Christian
Theology of Pilgrimage, 92-109.
7 Graham Tomlin, “Protestants and Pilgrimage,” Explorations in a Christian theology of
pilgrimage, 110-125.
5
4
Medieval pilgrimage was related with the development process rather than
with the origination and formation of towns. Shaped out of traditional villages
and towns in the beginning, many towns depended on holy relics rather than the
pilgrims. Translation. and acquisition of the relics provided a religious authority
and justification for a new cathedral and monastery. Saints did not move, but
the pilgrims who sought saints moved and stimulated the development of towns.
People gathered, markets formed, information was shared, and religious
symbols and social developments intermingled.
While discussing the journey to Compostela, one of three major pilgrimages, I
would like to pursue the relationship between pilgrim culture and the
development of the town, and try to add a certain Christian interpretation to it.
II. Christian Pilgrimage and Towns
II-a) Towns on the Way to Pilgrimage
With the emergence of Charlemagne and Carolingian Christianity, France
became the major center of medieval Christianity. Tension and competition
between France and Italy did not simply result in the Avignon Captivity (13141362). Confronting an Islamic expansion and confusion and instability after
Reconquista, France eventually expanded her power toward Italy over the Alps
and toward the area of northern Spain. The attraction of two international
pilgrimages -Jerusalem and Rome- especially Rome, nevertheless, was not
radically reduced. In this situation, however, Santiago de Compostela, “Field of
Stars” in north-western Spain came to the front as a pilgrimage destination.
The passage to Compostela originally began from four major places within
France: Paris, Bezlay, Le Puy, and Arles, and also ran throughout most of the
French territory.
Compostela had many merits. It was much closer to travel to from French
territory but could provide foreign experiences for the pilgrims. Many people
well understood the reputation of the Spain Crusade and were familiar with
literature like The Song of Roland. The Compostela cathedral itself and Cluny,
the most powerful international network at that time, were other contributors to
the flourishing of pilgrimage.
Liber Sancti Jacobi Book V, which contained useful information for the
pilgrims to Compostela, provided various indexes of holy relics and saints
5
scattered around the Europe on the way to Compostela.8 This document shows
that people from as far away as Scandinavia and England also visited
Compostela. The enthusiasm of European Christians for traveling toward
Compostela did not cool down for a long time. Even though St. Denis was a
legendary holy place in northern France where many royal families stayed, for
many reasons, people continuously sought the journey to Compostela.
Even though Compostela was the final destination, however, it is important to
know that there were numerous “towns on the way” which were required to
support the pilgrims’ travel. For the commoners who had difficulty traveling,
national or regional pilgrim centers would have also been attractive. Many
pilgrim centers and towns emerged quite naturally along the way to Compostela
as resting and eating locations for pilgrims and their animals.
Bezlay, one of four major staring points to Compostela, is a good example of
this. Bezlay is loca sancta where the holy relic of the body of Mary Magdalene
is enshrined on the hill. Mary broke the perfume jar and poured it over the head
of Jesus at the house of Lazarus. After the ascension of Jesus, Mary Magdalene
traveled with Maximinus, another disciple of Jesus, to Marseilles, and after that
died at Aix. Later on, Badilon, a monk, moved her body to Bezlay. The fact that
Bezlay looks like a ship ready to take a voyage to the west, seen from the east,
was enough to inspire the people to leave for Compostela. Bezlay was under
the great influence of Cluny who had authority over “the Milky Way”in northern
Spain. Bezlay was also the place where Bernard of Clairvaux preached to
support and to encourage the second crusade. In spite of its small size, Bezlay
had a huge impact on neighboring areas because of its many pilgrims.
Four pilgrim routes that originated in France were united in Puente la Reina,
in north-eastern Spain. Three routes from Paris, Bezlay, and Le Puy, were
united in St. Jean-Pied-de-Port. These three ‘holy routes,’ and the fourth, a
route from Arles, were brought together in Puente La Reina, in Spain. Although
Puente was smaller in size than Pamplona, it became more famous because
pilgrims from four different routes met together at this town. As it developed
rapidly due to pilgrimage, the wife of Shancho III, king of Navarre, helped to
build the Queen’s Bridge in the eleventh century. DO WE KNOW HER NAME?
She wanted to protect the pilgrims by building the bridge, and to secure the
stability and development of the towns.
The Milky Way was the route from Puente to Compostela approximately 800
William Melczer, The Pilgrim’s Guide to Santiago de Compostela (New York : Italica Press,
1993), 84-133.
8
6
kilometers along country roads and through numerous towns Although the
pilgrims shared the simple fact that they were “on the way,” however, it was
evident that they had many differences in their goals of pilgrimage, language,
personal background and social status.
A record tells us that many commercial buildings filled the main streets of
Puente.9 In addition, we can see the diversity in races, language, and even in
the structures of towns. For example, the towns surrounded by walls had a
large Franco area in the late eleventh century, and also there was a small
quarter for Jews. The people usually spoke Navarran, a Spanish dialect, but
they used various languages including French, Hebrew, and Basque. There
were even two and three-story buildings in towns which flourished. In 1142,
the templar knights began to have authority over Puente and they and many
other religious institutions began to run hospices to provide free beds for the
pilgrims. To guide the pilgrims in late evening, they rang a bell forty times from
around nine to ten o’clock. Interestingly, we know that there were many thieves,
and Jacques de Troya was executed in 1350.
II-b) Holy Turning Point: Compostela
Compostela began to function as a major pilgrim center in the ninth century
and reached its peak in the twelfth century when about a half million pilgrims
visited each year. Located far away from ferocious Islamic power, Compostela
provided a safe international pilgrim destination for northern Europeans.
Compostela was a turning point for lengthy pilgrimage, and also showed the
peak of the pilgrim culture. The process and a series of rituals that the pilgrims
used to keep when they entered the city and cathedral provide a good case
study of medieval pilgrim culture. 10 We have more documents and materials
from Compostela than any other place in Spain. The relationship between
pilgrimage and the development of towns, the main argument in this paper, is
well uncovered on the way from Puente to Compostela. The lengthy route of
this pilgrim journey was able to unite northern Spain in economic and religious
aspects, and also contributed to development of numerous towns.11
The process by which Compostela emerged as an international pilgrim center
from the ninth to the twelfth centuries portrays symbolically the relationship
between the towns and holy relics, interaction of religious factors and political
David M. Gitlitz & Linda Kay Davidson, The Pilgrimage Road to Santiago: the Complete
Cultural Handbook (New York: St. Martin’s Griffin, 2000), 82.
10 Mary Lee Nolan, Christian Pilgrimage in Modern Western Europe (Chapel Hill: University
of North Carolina Press, c1989).
11 Victor Witter Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture: Anthropological
Perspectives (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), 172-202.
9
7
circumstances, and correspondence between legends related to martyrs and
formation of the texts. The importance of Compostela came from the fact that
the relic of St. James was enshrined here. The fact that James was one of the
core disciples of Jesus (along with Peter, Andrew and John), and the rumor that
the most complete holy relics of James remained there, made Compostela the
most charming pilgrim town for medieval Christians.
James, the son of Zebedee, preached the gospel after the passion of Jesus,
and it was believed that he was persecuted by Herod in 44 AD. As is seen in
Passio Jacobi (Passio Jacobi in the fifth century, or Dei verbum patris Ore
proditum), the story of the life of James –even though it was not always clearcame to the stage in conjunction with the Spanish mission. From a fairly early
period on, it was believed that the relics of James were venerated in
Compostela. But it was only in the ninth century when people discovered the
tomb of James that they made him the patron saint of Compostela. Bishop
Theodemir of Iria Flavia discovered the tomb of James in a miraculous way by
the guide of Campus Stellae.12 Being discovered when the Reconquista had just
begun, the tomb of James became the religious and spiritual landmark for this
area. When Diego Gelmirez (1073-1078) was promoted to arch-bishop and
initiated the construction of cathedral (completed in 1211), Compostela became
a more stable and famous pilgrim center.13 It also consolidated its international
reputation with strong support from Cluny, one of the most powerful Christian
institutes.
The most valuable document in understanding the development and
interaction between pilgrimage and towns is Liber Sancti Jacobi. Among the five
sections of this book, the fifth part contains the most useful information for the
pilgrims.14 Of course, “The Pilgrim’s Guide,” the fifth part of this book, is not a
detailed
guidebook,
but
provides
overall
information
for
the
pilgrims.
Nevertheless, this book is valuable in three aspects. First, it contains concrete
information as follows: general routes, motives, geographic information,
possible dangers on the way, and the needs of everyday life like money
exchange. Second, it describes major facilities in towns such as hospitals and
clinics, hospices and lodges, monasteries and other useful facilities. Those
12 “The
Origin of the Cult of St. James of Compostela,” Jan van Herwaarden, Between Saint
James and Erasmus (Brill, 2003), 311-354.
13 Edwin Mullins, The Pilgrimage to Santiago (New York: Interlink Books, 2001), 206-213.
14 Debra A. Birch, “Welfare Provisions for Pilgrims in Rome,” Pilgrimage to Rome in the Middle
Ages, 183-16). “The Integrity of the Text of the Liber Sancti Jacobi in the Codex Calixtinus,”
355-375.
*website sources:www.humnet.ucla.edu/iagohome, www.humnet.ucla.edu/roncpoem.
8
factors were crucial not only for personal use but also for the development of
towns. Third, it also portrays gestures and actions expected from the pilgrims
when they arrived at Compostela. Compostela symbolized the completion of the
pilgrimage but was also the half -way turning point for the pilgrims.
Even though it was small in size compared to many European towns,
Compostela grew at a great speed primarily because of its reputation as an
international pilgrim center. “The Pilgrim’s Guide” says that Compostela had 7
gates and 10 churches within the town boundary. The French-style Basilica of
St. James was ostentatious and majestic to charm the eyes and minds of
pilgrims who came from far away. Window glasses and many sculptures on the
upper part of the main gates drew strong feelings of piety and faith for many
people. The quality of water from the Basilica was far different from the
polluted and contagious water on the way. Water within Basilica was “sweet,
nourishing, healthy, clear, excellent, warm in winter and fresh in summer”.15 It
was not only a place for spiritual consolation. Markets were in the front yard of
Basilica. They sold sea shells, and mended sandals, pouches, and belts. People
also purchased medications and medicinal herbs there. At other street markets
within a short distance, people could meet many merchants who dealt with
money exchange, lodging, etc.16
Compostela did not simply attract pilgrims from every corner of Europe. As C.
Rudolph mentioned, the pilgrimage to Compostela was instrumental “in the
reintegration of Christian Spain into the European community, the development
of international trade, the internationalization of monumental architecture and
sculpture, and the re-conquest of Moorish Spain.”17 Many towns on the way to
Compostela and the holy turning point in Compostela were central for “spiritual
pilgrims.”
Compostela was developed with the help of many other towns on the way.
For example, St. Leonard on the way to Compostela was one of the busiest
towns, but it was almost unknown and much less crowded before the eleventh
century. Based upon a document written in 1121, Jonathan Sumption wrote that
no one thought that that town was more crowded than any other Spanish
town. 18 These towns could not have been so developed before Compostela
emerged as a well-known international pilgrimage.
Pilgrim’s Guide, 122.
Pilgrim’s Guide, 122-123.
17 Conrad Rudolph, Pilgrimage to the End of the World: the Road to Santiago de Compostela
(Spain, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 4.
18 Jonathan Sumption, Pilgrimage: An Image of Mediaeval Religion (London: Faber & Faber,
1975), 163.
15
16
9
II-c). Pilgrimage and Development of Towns
The primary meaning of ‘pilgrims’ is ‘people on the way.’ Pilgrimage
emphasized mobility and dynamics rather than stability and inclination to settle
down which holy relics tend to have. What attracted people to pilgrimage and
made the people move continuously, however, were saints, cathedrals, and
necessary facilities like lodges and charitable institutes. Likewise, pilgrim
culture and towns were inseparably related each other. Dian Webb shows that
pilgrimage is closely related to politics, economics, and culture in general. 19
The journey from Bezlay to Compostela was carried out via many towns. Iter
Jacobi divided a lengthy journey from Pamplona to Compostela into 13 days
mostly following major towns. A few issues below will illuminate the
relationship between pilgrimage and these towns.
Saints (Translatio, reliqua)
The acquisition of the relics of saints was the primary motive for pilgrimage
and the foundation of city development. Holy relics, once enshrined, did not
“travel” (move), but the pilgrims continuously moved.20 This was the principle
for regional and international relics. Holy relics had a huge impact on the
establishment and dramatic development of medieval towns. The more they
acquired famous relics, the more they attracted the pilgrims, and consequently
this reflected the influence of the towns and their financial power. They could
expand markets by acquiring the relics and exhibiting them (ostensiones)
especially on feast days. The reputation of Bezlay, never falling behind
compared to Fontenay, the most conspicuous monastery at that time, came from
the fact that Bezlay had the holy relics of Mary Magdalene. We can find a
similar example in the history of St. Mark in Venice. The translatio itself of holy
relics had absolute authority and power over the towns. The ritual of translatio
drew many pilgrims and quite naturally formed a large market. Köln was
significantly developed when they acquired the relics of Three Magi in 1164.
When the relics of Three Magi came to Köln, a major departure center for
Compostela, the emperor Otto IV donated a large sum of gold and treasure to
that city. Lords and bishops preferred to have meetings at the places where the
relics were enshrined. Political and religious authorities used this chance to
enhance financial profit and political stance.
“The Pilgrim’s Guide” mentions in detail major cathedrals from St. Triompius
19
20
Diana Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage (New York: Palgrave, 2002), esp. pp.114-115.
J. Sumption, Pilgrimage, 40.
10
to St. James on the way to Compostela.21 About 45% of the Book V contains the
story of holy relics, saints, and pilgrimages, which in turn shows the importance
of the saints and relics. In this process, the authenticity of holy relics was
crucial in recruiting the pilgrims and developing the towns. When the
authenticity of Bezlay’s relics was threatened later on, the number of pilgrims
drastically declined, and consequently food trade and other commercial
circumstances suffered. The Pilgrims to this town, the original place for the
second crusade, radically decreased due to the wars and taxes.22
Miracles, Religious Symbols and Phenomena
The place where holy relics were enshrined flourished with many miracle
stories, healings, and other mysterious events. The religious authority of holy
relics was in proportion to the frequency and density of miracles. Miracles also
played a medical function. Religious phenomena and symbols including miracles
helped the pilgrims decide the route and period of their stay. Religious vision
and imagination strengthened the religious function of the towns where the
relics of the saints and religious traditions were kept. Various stories of saints
in ‘The Pilgrim’s Guide’ added to the travelers’ religious imaginations and
symbols, and they served to draw more pilgrims. Miracle stories at
Walshingham made that place an internationally-known pilgrim destination.
Lavamentula (a symbolic ritual to clean the secret part of each pilgrim) was a
very important religious symbol when they came to the cathedral of Compostela.
Managing Cathedrals and Financial Expansion
As there were numerous cathedrals in medieval towns from Paris to Rome,
there was a cathedral in each pilgrim center as well. Monastery chapels
scattered around Europe played a similar role to cathedrals. Cathedrals
improved the spirituality of believers and pilgrims, and were also foundational
for the development of the towns. Gothic cathedrals and monasteries in the
twelfth century received donations not only from the rich upper class but also
from day laborers. Cluny, the most powerful sponsor for the Compostela
pilgrimage, emphasized liturgy and supplication. The long list for prayer was
primarily related to offerings and donations of the pilgrims Pilgrims labored as
a means of penance and grace, which was another stepping stone for the
economic development of cathedrals and monasteries.
Cathedrals had other economic means by which to enhance their economic
21
22
Pilgrim’s Guide, 96-118
J. Sumption, Pilgrimage, 45-46.
11
development. As I mentioned above, pilgrim towns made a lot of economic
profit when there was translation of relics or a jubilee year when all sin was
annulled publicly. In spite of the general assumption that holy relics did not
travel, it appeared holy relics were a tool for economic profit. As Birch
asserted, ‘relic pilgrimage’ which was carried out by the pilgrims brought the
people a huge economic profit.23 Not a few pilgrims sold relics clothed with
vision and imagination they designed. The pilgrims sold not only public
souvenirs but also souvenirs they stole. The churches prohibited this secular
business, but they did not hate the economic profit it brought to the church and
towns.
The cathedral of Compostela (The Capilla Mayor), the most conspicuous
Romanesque building in the twelfth century, shows this relationship between
holy relics and economic advantage. The cathedral kindly explained the fact
that the pilgrims to the Basilica of St. James could send a certain cloth based
upon individual faith and finance. The fact that this book contains detail about
the size and length of the altar cloth for decoration tells that many people used
to donate valuable things. It must have been of great help to cathedral finance.
Medieval cathedrals had significant power over neighboring lands and forests,
and they also made a lot of profit out of special permission to trade and tax the
goods.
However, cathedrals did not simply make economic profit for their own
advantage. The Compostela cathedral used the offering from Palm Sunday to
Easter Sunday for the pilgrims at Compostela. A tenth of all offering at the altar
of St. James was used for the hospice. Free lodging was given to the pilgrims at
the altar of St. James out of this offering, and extra care was given to the weak,
and also special help was provided for the lepers to walk up to the altar on
Sunday. 24 The Cathedral at Romacador suffered a huge loss because of the
great drought in 1181.25 It is certain that offerings and donations of the pilgrims
contributed to the development of the towns.
Length of Journey
People visiting regional pilgrimage sites did not have much need to prepare.
When an international pilgrimage like Compostela was their final destination,
however, there would be many preparations including finding information about
the length of travel, lodging, food, clothing, etc. Some people even wrote a will
Debra A. Birch, Pilgrimage to Rome in the Middle Ages: Continuity and Change
(Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK; Rochester, NY: Boydell Press, 1998), 183-16.
24 Pilgrim’s Guide, 131-132.
25 J. Sumption, Pilgrimage, 235.
23
12
in case they could not return to their homeland.
What were the lengths of travel in Northern Spain? ‘The Pilgrim Guide”
estimated 3 days from Somport to Puente, and 13 days from Cisa Pass to
Compostela (375 km in a straight line). But it was almost impossible to travel
from Pamplona to Burgos within 2 days, which was 106 miles in a straight line.
Although there was a shorter way to travel in a day, this book also provided
other routes that the pilgrims could travel by horse.
Distances and times suggested in the Guide were calculated simply based
upon traveling by walking. However, it was not an easy job to travel 800 km in
16 days, 50 km on average walking every day. It seems unnatural for the
pilgrims to walk 50 km everyday only after staying one day even when that sort
of international journey could be only once in their lives. In this context, I think
the Guide only estimated distance and time for approximate traveling.
Norbert Ohlers provides another calculation for traveling.26 He estimated that
a walker would travel 15-25 km a day, or for any traveler on a horse to travel
20-30 km a day. A recent travel Guide, after calculating 25 km (5-8 hours
depending upon the travelers) suggests 33 days from Navarra to Compostela.27
Even this calculation came from assumption that each pilgrim traveled following
a plain route. But we should remember that Ohler’s calculation might be
misleading when considering unexpected hazards and dangers, and the time for
traveling might be doubled or tripled in the Middle Ages. Because of numerous
pilgrim centers and ‘spectacles’ on the way, it would take several weeks to
several months.
People did not only choose the land route for internationally well-known
pilgrimage. Just like Venice where many ships embarked to Jerusalem, a port
was a big help for the pilgrims. Some people from Scandinavia, England, and
Scotland used a sea route to national and international pilgrim centers.28 It is
also important to know that there was another pilgrim route following the beach
in northern Spain, which ran parallel to the inland route. Although there was
some disadvantage in traveling by ships in not visiting any other pilgrim centers,
it could be much cheaper and faster than land routes. Of course, the towns at
the departure and destination of pilgrimages benefited.
Lodging
Lodging was the most important necessity for the pilgrims. The pilgrims
Nobert Ohler, The Medieval Traveller (Trans. By Caroline Hiller, The Boydell Press: UK,
1989), 97-101.
27 John Brierley, A Pilgrim’s Guide to the Camino de Santiago (Findhorn Press Ltd. 2006).
28 Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 118.
26
13
needed lodges to avoid the wind, get medical care, and get religious
rehabilitation. There were three different facilities for the travelers. First, there
were monastery facilities following the Benedictine rule. The monastery, the
house of God and holy place, ran hospices and provided a simple but necessary
rest and a peaceful atmosphere.
Second, there were charitable hospices run by specific institutes, churches,
knights, and village communities. Tents were furnished with a bundle of straw
for a bed. But most could not provide enough food except the rich cathedrals.
At the most well-equipped hospice, the pilgrims could get eggs, cheese, bread,
and a little marinated meat. The pilgrims were satisfied to warm up their bodies
and escape the cold. They could mend their clothing and sandals. ‘The Pilgrim’s
Guide’ gives a compliment to the hospice at Santa Christina, on the way to
Northern Spain.
God has, in a most particular fashion, instituted in this world three columns
greatly necessary for the support of his poor, that is to say, the hospice of
Jerusalem, the hospice of Mount-Joux, and the hospice of Santa Cristina on the
Somport Pass.29
This hospice had beds and food for travelers, clinics, shelters for the animals,
and some space for money exchange. The Guide calls this hospice a ‘holy
place.’ Here the hospice helped pilgrims recover, consoled the patients, and
buried the dead. Santa Christina showed well how pilgrimage and the towns on
the way were deeply related. For example, when the monks at Saint Christina
moved to Jaca in 1569, the function of various facilities including charitable
hospices was far reduced. Consequently, the overall function of the town
ground to a halt.
Third, there were inns, the most common lodging. On the way to Rome in the
fourteenth century, for example, there was an inn every two or three miles.
Although these lodging facilities were for economic profit, owners of the inns
would take care of the week and feeble, protected the pilgrims, and helped with
their basic needs. Owners of the inns pursued economic profit, but theoretically
at least, they would treat all the pilgrims as miles Christianus. All of these
hospices and lodges were connected with the economic development of the
towns.
Trading and Circulating in Market: Holy Utensils, Souvenirs, Information
29
Pilgrim’s Guide, 87.
14
Saints and religion were the primary motivators for pilgrimage. When it came
to an international pilgrimage, however, a religious vision was not simply
enough. From finding a room for overnight to securing a boat to cross a river,
oftentimes at the risk of their own lives, it was not easy for the pilgrims. The
contentious and puzzling encounter between religious ideals and the realities of
life could be felt not only ‘on the way’ but also at each ‘town’ the pilgrims
passed through. During the stay of the pilgrims in the towns, the market was
very important. Markets were the places for money exchange, purchasing
souvenirs, and acquiring and circulating information and news. The churches
and monasteries were frequently involved in licensing, taxation, real estate, and
also the markets. This meant that pilgrimage and the market were developed
side by side.
Unlike the ‘sacred atmosphere’ inside cathedrals and chapels, liveliness and
confusion described the markets. Arculf, who traveled to Jerusalem, found
Jerusalem filled with a bunch of pilgrims and wrote that “there was by custom a
great buying and selling in the City, and crowds of people, camels, horses, and
donkeys, with the result that the streets of the bazaar were in a terrible
state.”30 This sort of confusion was common in the towns where the pilgrims
gathered. Cathedrals were usually located at the center of the towns, and there
was a large market in front of the cathedrals. In this sense, the major place for
pilgrimage and the market were closely related in terms of geographical and
functional aspects. As we can see in Bernard Angers, Conque, in the eleventh
century, the saint feasts of the church were also related with the market. In a
feast day when the church proclaimed indulgence, the entire town became a
marketplace. The towns formed a market to provide the necessary facilities for
the pilgrims, and the market was important factor for the stability and economic
development of the town itself. Money exchange, purchasing any item for
worship and offering, trading souvenirs including badges and hats, contributed
greatly to the economic development of the markets. Markets were a common
link between ‘sacred’ and ‘profane’ worlds.
In the markets, the pilgrims purchased daily necessities, holy utensils
and instruments, and souvenirs. On the way to Jerusalem, Rome, and
Compostela, the pilgrims tried to purchase anything that contained a sort of ‘the
sacred’ from a part of holy relics of the saints, holy water and oils, and even
dust and soils. These items were not simply bought as a sort of ‘hobby’, but
they seemed to have a kind of magical charm. The pilgrims preferred to have a
E. Moore, The Ancient Churches of Old Jerusalem: the Evidence of the Pilgrims (London,
Constable, 1961), p.20.
30
15
little water jar which could contain water or oil. The commoners preferred
cheap and fragile utensils, paper, and badges to any luxurious items. This
preference was commonly found both on regional and international levels.
The trading and circulation of rather cheap but fragile souvenirs showed a
certain relationship between pilgrimage and towns. Churches and secular
authorities were involved in manufacturing and trading the silver badge and
shell badge. But it was handicraftsman that actually made those items. As
Webb’s
analysis
on
Rocamador
shows,
a
certain
conflict
between
handicraftsman and the Dominican monks was brought out regarding the right
of manufacturing and trading.31 Even merchants stole the items secretly without
permission and sold them again for profit. Sometimes the economy of a certain
town depended on this illegal trade. Trading of particular sea-shells and badges
was popular in Compostela. In early times, the pilgrims collected sea-shells on
the beach by themselves. In 1120, however, sea-shell trade began on a
commercial level. We know that after 1200 not a little financial profit came out
of the licensing of various souvenirs. A bishop in Rugo, a neighboring town of
Compostela, sold such souvenirs without any formal permission of the
Compostela cathedral. They got a substantial economic profit out of trading.32
In the market, stories were often traded for profit. A ‘professional pilgrim’
appeared to visit the pilgrim centers repeatedly to make money. They
sometimes spread a story or rumor they had collected on the way, and also
amplified the story for the common pilgrims. Sometimes, they repeated the
story again and again in public places to have the purse of fellow pilgrims
opened.33
Even though ‘The Pilgrim’s Guide’ provided useful information for pilgrimage,
as Webb argued, it was not easy to acquire and circulate overall information on
pilgrimage. When it came to an international pilgrimage, it was far more difficult
to get any relevant information on route, direction, and lodging. For this reason,
as the Guide indicated, people from the same towns or areas or guilds traveled
together.
It is interesting to see that the concrete need of the pilgrims was deeply
involved with the economic development of the merchants. Merchants were
under the same rules and regulations as the pilgrims from the church and
secular authorities, because the merchants traveled peacefully without any
military arms. Such merchants had much information on boats, ships, horses,
Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 35.
J. Sumption, Pilgrimage, 248; Cynthia Haen, “Loca sancta souvenirs: Sealing the Pilgrim’s
Experience,” Robert Ousterhoust, The Blessing of Pilgrimage (1990), 85-93.
33 Howard Loxton, Pilgrimage to Canterbury (Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1978), p. 96.
31
32
16
hospices, and inns. For this reason, the information merchants collected meant
‘money,’
34
and circulating and trading information and knowledge meant
economic activity for profit. As we see in the merchant of Conques in the
eleventh century, some people took a more active response, from an economic
perspective, to the endless pilgrims. Several guilds accompanied the pilgrims
together, or sponsored certain expenditures of the pilgrims, and even some
guilds changed the name of their towns following prominent pilgrim centers.35
Some people who belong to the ship guild made a ship model out of metals and
silver, and they sold them to the pilgrims. Likewise, we can see a number of
cases that revealed mutual development and inter-dependence between towns
and pilgrimage.
Pilgrim, Towns, Economy, Relationship with International Religious Institutes
As Teofilo F. Ruiz pointed out, many people left their homes to pursue an
economic profit along the pilgrimage route. Development and growth of
Logrono, a major town to Compostela, provided a model for many towns that
depended upon pilgrims. Unlike the towns in rich coast of northern Spain,
Logrono, secluded and heavily dependent of the pilgrims, primarily produced
and traded wines. A neighboring town, Burgos, was less depended on the
number of pilgrims. After 1250, the wine trade of Logrono was strongly
challenged by neighboring villages and the towns in southern France. As the
number of the pilgrims decreased in the later medieval ages, the town of
Logrono was drastically weakened. 36 Logrono was in a difficult situation by
competing with Aragon, Navarre, and Castilla. In addition, some towns
forcefully changed the pilgrim route to satisfy their own economic profit. In
1168, Ferdinand II, Castile, blocked a traditional pilgrim passage and opened a
new way to attract more pilgrims to Leon where his precedent Ferdinand I was
enshrined. It shows how important pilgrimage was to a town’s economy,
regardless of its size.
After Charlemagne’s war of expansion in northern Spain, the friendly
relationship between Spain and France continued in Compostela and Cluny. In
fact, ‘The Pilgrim’s Guide’ itself reflected the influence of Cluny. The friendly
relationship was strengthened by Alfonso VI (1065-1109), a monk of Cluny who
became the bishop of Compostela in 1094. Cluny began to have the most
powerful political and religious authority after the tenth century. The religious
Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 108.
Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 109.
36 Teofilo F. Ruiz, „Merchants, Trade, and Agriculture,” in Crisis and Continuity, Land and
Town in Late Medieval Castile (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, c1994). pp.220223.
34
35
17
and symbolic power of Cluny was a good partnership for Spain when the people
wanted a religious cause and justification for pilgrimage. In this context, Sancho
III (Navarre) donated substantial money to Cluny for nine years. Cluny
supported towns and pilgrim centers on the way to Compostela.
Further development in areas of arts, culture, and architecture in the towns
of southern France and northern Spain was possible because of this mutual
support. In the cathedrals of Leon and San Isidore, we see how the
development of towns and ideals of pilgrims converged. Leon cathedral, the
second reconstruction done in 1084, had already run hospices for the ill and the
poor. The third reconstruction was done in grand Romanesque style, and it
showed its political and religious status. Reconstruction into Gothic style after
Rheims cathedral in 1205 was possible because of its tie with politico-religious
leaders including the pope and major religious institutes. It also uncovered how
cathedral leaders recruited artisans and pilgrims to complete the construction.
Basilique Ste-Madeleine in Bezlay, one of the most outstanding examples of
Romanesque architecture, was successful because of the economic support of
Cluny.
The journey of pilgrimage to Compostela in French territory was influenced
by the seasons. Spring and fall were good for traveling. On the way to
Compostela, they could have a chance to look at various types of architecture,
sculptures, pictures and paintings, and metal arts, and could be inspired by
music and poetry.
In the case of international pilgrimage, people made a group out of various
guilds for traveling. Group traveling was useful to avoid any possible dangers
they could face on the way. The Guide criticized tax collectors and ferry
boatmen for their ferocity and immoral acts. The law allowed profit-driven
merchants to pay the fee to pass the national or regional boundaries. But illegal
tax collectors exploited the pilgrims by taking passage-tax with cash,
oftentimes double or triple than habitually required. The Guide claimed that
ferry boatmen could collect the fee from the rich traveler or horses, but not
from the poor pilgrims. In fact, however, they loaded as many as people as
possible, and once the boat turned over, they sought out the pockets of the
dead to exploit them of their money.37
II-d)
Encounter
between
Towns
and
Pilgrims:
From
Solidarity
to
Understanding
The relationship between towns and pilgrimage was deeper than superficially
37
Pilgrim’s Guide, 91-93.
18
observed. Based upon material and social grounds, the pilgrims developed the
concept of solidarity and communication. The pilgrims gathering around the
village and towns built up mutual solidarity .
In addition to the permanent residents in towns, there were temporary
pilgrims who stayed only for a short period of time. In Bezlay, many people
stayed for a long time until they had gathered enough people for long-distance
traveling or until they could celebrate a certain feast together. It was same in
Puente la Reina which was the first major spot in the Milky Way to Compostela.
In major or important towns, people waited long to find fellow travelers and
companions, like a ship that waited for enough material for her voyage.
‘On the way,’ there were many ‘little saints’ who charmed the pilgrims.
Sometimes, regional pilgrim centers were competing with international pilgrim
centers. Viabranca del Bierso grew after people agreed to claims that once the
pilgrims properly performed pilgrims’ rituals there, they could get religious
compensation even if they did not go on to Compostela. Once they agreed to
this proposal, they did not need to go to Compostela, and consequently they
could save money and time.
What is important here is that solidarity grew up among the town inhabitants
and the pilgrims to the towns. What Turner labels as not ‘uniformity’ but ‘unity
in diversity’ was deep seated among the pilgrims and strangers.38 In a feudal
society and country towns where encounters and meetings were rare, there
was not much solidarity among the ‘strangers.’ In a large village or town, even
though they seemed heterodoxy as seen from the outside, the pilgrims came
together under the same umbrella of Christianity and pilgrimage. The term
landsmannschaft for the German pilgrims originated from the group concept of
the pilgrims.
In addition to this religious-social solidarity, many people used pilgrimage as
a process of repentance and reward. People in towns began to form official
standards and unification of the religious norms and rules. In this sense, we can
say that the development of pilgrimage happened side by side with the
development of liturgy and the norms of the churches. Many pilgrims from
different origins and backgrounds spread a certain standardized guideline
beyond geographic boundaries which finally produced solidarity. This also
caused the people to change their understanding of pilgrimage. In this context,
Dee Dys stresses that the concept of pilgrimage changed from mobility (place-
38
Victor Witter Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture, 190-192.
19
focused) to interior pilgrimage (inward-status focused).39
The formation of mutual solidarity brought out the issues of mobilitas and
stabilitas. Pilgrims were primarily developed ‘on the way’ (peregrinatio) out of
‘stability.’ The stability also produced dynamics and change in each town. Each
town on the way was not simply ‘inn’ for lodging and food. Bezlay and
Compostela were not simply departure or holy turning points. When looking at
the lives of the pilgrims in the towns, the concepts of mobility and stability are
easily recognized. In towns, we can find prejudice, conflict, and compromise.
Just like the pilgrims had different intentions, the people within the towns were
fairly different. In the towns, the pilgrims experience the full range of prejudice
and difference. 40 When ‘standard Christianity’ was not rooted in Europe yet,
mutual understanding of the pilgrims was filled with prejudice and mistrust.
There were cultural and religious differences. As we see in Bezlay, the
problems of acquiring lodging and daily necessities evolved into class struggles.
The circumstances of the royal family were quite different from that of the
commoners. As we know from The Cloud of Unknowing, certain conflict and
critique continued to the end of the medieval period.
In towns, there was a certain common indicator that could overcome all the
differences. For example, holy relics of the saints harmonized and modulated all
the difference in language and culture. The pilgrimage originally begun with a
religious motif went far beyond the division and conflict between sacred and
profane, (individual) body and society, subject and object, even male and
female.41 With the help of saints, different pilgrims could experience ‘positive
contagion’ and ‘homogeneity’ among themselves. It was in town, in the public
sphere that this contagion worked. We can see another good example in the
Mendicants of the thirteenth century. Mobility and inter-penetration of pilgrim
culture contributed to make a common denominator for northern Europe.
IV. Conclusion: Pilgrims in Towns, Development of Towns in Pilgrimage
There have been many previous works that attempted to find religious
meanings and interpretations of pilgrimage. The study of pilgrimage itself would
be a fascinating topic. However we do not have enough previous study on the
“Medieval Patterns of Pilgrimage,” Exploration in a Christian Theology of Pilgrimage, 92101.
40 J. Eade, “Christian Ideology and the Image of a Holy Land,” Contesting the Sacred: the
Anthropology of Pilgrimage (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000), 98-121.
41 S. Morrison, Women Pilgrims in Late Medieval England: Private Piety as Public
Performance (London; New York: Routledge, 2000), 4.
39
20
relationship between towns and pilgrimage. It is not easy to make any statistic
theory about this relationship. I hope this paper provided a little stepping stone
for further study. As religion exists in the world, pilgrimage will continue. It is
just as Chaucer wrote a long time ago:
When April with its fragrant showers
the drought of March has pierces to the root…
When the West Wind with his sweet breath
has breathed life into the new shoots
in every wood and field…
And small birds make melody…
Then people long to go on pilgrimage…
(…)
At night there came into that hostelry
Full nine and twenty in a company
Of carious sorts of people, fallen by chance
Into fellowship and pilgrims were they all.42
References
Birch, Debra A. Pilgrimage to Rome in the Middle Ages: Continuity and
Change (Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK; Rochester, NY: Boydell Press, 1998)
Brierley, John. A Pilgrim’s Guide to the Camino de Santiago (Findhorn Press
Ltd. 2006).
Coleman, Simon & John Elsner. Pilgrimage: Past and Present in the World
Religions (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995).
Dyas, Dee. “Medieval patterns of Pilgrimage: a Mirror for Today?” In
Explorations in a Christian Theology of Pilgrimage (Aldershot, Hants, England;
Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2004), 92-109.
Eade, J. “Christian Ideology and the Image of a Holy Land.” In Contesting the
Sacred: the Anthropology of Pilgrimage (Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
2000), 98-121.
Geary, Patrick. Furta Sacra: Thefts of Relics in the Central Middle Ages
(Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, c1978).
Gitlitz, David M. & Linda Kay Davidson, The Pilgrimage Road to Santiago: the
42
Chaucer, General Prologue to the Canterbury Tales, 1394.
21
Complete Cultural Handbook (New York: St. Martin’s Griffin, 2000).
Graham Tomlin, “Protestants and Pilgrimage.” In Explorations in a Christian
Theology of Pilgrimage, 110-125.
Haen, Cynthia. “Loca sancta souvenirs: Sealing the Pilgrim’s Experience.” in
Robert Ousterhoust, The Blessing of Pilgrimage (University if Illinois Press:
Chicago, 1990), 85-93.
Herwaarden, Jan van. Between Saint James and Erasmus (Brill, 2003).
Howard-Johnston, James & Paul Antony Hayward eds. The Cult of Saints in
late Antiquity and the Middle Ages: Essays on the Contribution of Peter Brown
(Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).
Kelly, J.N.D. Jerome: His life, Writings, and Controversies (New York: Harper
& Row, c1975).
Loxton, Howard. Pilgrimage to Canterbury (Newton Abbot: David and Charles,
1978).
Melczer, William. The Pilgrim’s Guide to Santiago de Compostela (New York :
Italica Press, 1993).
Moore, E. The Ancient Churches of Old Jerusalem: the Evidence of the
Pilgrims (London, Constable, 1961).
Morrison, S. Women Pilgrims in Late Medieval England: Private Piety as
Public Performance (London; New York: Routledge, 2000).
Mullins, Edwin. The Pilgrimage to Santiago (New York: Interlink Books, 2001).
Nolan, Mary Lee. Christian Pilgrimage in Modern Western Europe (Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, c1989.)
Ohler, Nobert. The Medieval Traveller (Trans. By Caroline Hiller, The
Boydell Press: UK, 1989), 97-101
Rudolp, Conrad. Pilgrimage to the End of the World: the Road to Santiago de
Compostela (Spain, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 4.
Ruiz, Teofilo F. “Merchants, Trade, and Agriculture,” in Crisis and Continuity,
Land and Town in Late Medieval Castile
(Philadelphia: University
of
Pennsylvania Press, c1994). pp.220-223.
Sumption, Jonathan. Pilgrimage: An Image of Mediaeval Religion (London:
Faber & Faber, 1975), 163.
Turner,
Victor
Witter.
Image
and
Pilgrimage
in
Christian
Culture:
Anthropological Perspectives (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978).
Walker, Peter. “Pilgrimage in the Early Church.” In Craig Bartholomew &
Fred Hughes eds. Explorations in a Christian Theology of Pilgrimage (Aldershot,
Hants, England; Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2004),
Webb, Diana. Medieval European Pilgrimage (New York: Palgrave, 2002).
22